THE GENERAL HISTORY of the Turks, from The first beginning of that Nation to the rising of the Ottoman Family: with all the notable expeditions of the Christian Princes against them. Together with THE LIVES AND Conquest's of the OTTOMAN Kings and Emperors Faithfully collected out of the-best Histories, both ancient and modern, and digested into one continuat History until this present Year 1603: BY RICHARD KNOLLES LONDON: Printed by Adam 〈◊〉. TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE JAMES, BY THE GRACE OF GOD KING OF ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, FRANCE, AND IRELAND, defender of the faith, etc. IT may of some, and not without just cause (most gracious and dread Sovereign) be imputed unto me for no small presumption, to present unto your royal Majesty (a prince of so great learning and judgement) these homely fruits of mine endeavours and pains taken in the General History of the Turks, and strange success of their great and mighty Ottoman Empire. Whereunto for all that I was the rather induced, not only by the rare and wonderful clemency joined unto many other the great and most resplendent virtues of your heroical mind; the least whereof, is sufficient to have cheered up my weak and feeble spirits; but also by the encouragement of the right Worshipful my most especial friend Sir Peter Manwood knight, the first mover of me to take this great Work in hand, and my continual and only comfort and helper therein. Which to do, I was also the more desirous, seeing divers little volumes and small parts of the History presented unto the greatest Princes: as the little Treatise of Pau. iovius, de Rebus Turcicis, dedicated unto the great and mighty Emperor Charles the fifth: and the small History of Coelius Secundus, de Bello Melitensi, unto her late sacred Majesty, of most happy and blessed memory, the rare Phoenix of her sex, who now resteth in glory: with divers others of like sort, by the learned authors thereof still commended some to one great prince of their times, some to others: all filling me with good hope, that this whole and continuat History of that Northern and warlike Nation (which in short time by God his appointment hath brought such fatal mutations upon a great part of the world as former times have seldom or never seen) drawn even from the first beginning thereof, and continued unto this present year (not together to my knowledge by any one before written) should with your most noble Majesty find no less grace and favour, than hath almost every part thereof with other the aforesaid and such like most mighty and famous Princes: and the rather, for that your Majesty hath not disdained in your Lepanto, or Heroical Song, with your learned Muse to adorn and set forth the greatest and most glorious victory that ever was by any the Christian confederate princes obtained against these the Ottoman Kings or Emperors. Besides that, the matter and argument of this History and such like (so much concerning the state and good of the Christian commonweal in general, never by any so much impugned or endangered, as by these the natural & capital enemies thereof) of right unto none so properly belongeth, as unto your most excellent Majesty, with the rest of the Christian princes, sitting at the helm of your Estates; who only by your united forces (the barbarous enemies greatest terror) are able to give remedy thereunto: in the chiefest rank of whom, your sacred Majesty for glory, honour, strength and power (God long preserve the same) is now second unto none. Thus persuaded and encouraged, I in all humble and dutiful manner do present unto your Majesty these my weak endeavours: which how unworthy soever they be of so great and princely a favour, as well for the meanness of me the Author, as for the plainness of the style; yet if for the worthiness of the matter, or of your own great and infinite clemency you vouchsafe them your majesties favourable regard, they shall no doubt live no less fortunate than if they had been more happily borne and brought to light: serving (if to no other use) yet as fair warnings unto such great ones as God hath here upon earth exalted above the rest unto the highest degrees of power and of state, for the good government and defence of his church and people. Accept them I beseech you most mighty Monarch into your gracious protection, so shall I (if God spare life) be comforted & encouraged under so mighty a favour to proceed to amend what shall be found amiss, and add what future times and better help shall descry and minister unto me for the perfection of this History: and according to my bounden duty incessantly in all humility pray unto the great God of all might and power (by whom all kings and princes reign) to his glory long to preserve your most royal Majesty in blessed health and peace to rule and reign over us and these your great kingdoms, so happily by you united: and so likewise (his will so being) your most noble posterity after you even to the world's end. Your majesties most humble and obedient subject, Richard Knolles. THE authors INDVCTIon to the Christian Reader unto the History of the Turks following. THE long and still declining state of the Christian commonweal, with the utter ruin and subversion of the Empire of the East, and many other most glorious kingdoms and provinces of the Christians, never to be sufficiently lamented, might with the due consideration thereof worthily move even a right stony heart to ruth: but therewith also to call to remembrance the dishonour done unto the blessed name of our Saviour Christ jesus, the desolation of his Church here militant upon earth, the dreadful danger daily threatened unto the poor remainder thereof, the millions of souls cast headlong into eternal destruction, the infinite numbers of woeful Christians (whose grievous groanings under the heavy yoke of infidelity, no tongue is able to express) with the carelessness of the great for the redress thereof, might give just cause unto any good Christian to sit down, and with the heavy Prophet to say as he did of Jerusalem: O how hath the Lord darkened the daughter of Zion in his wrath? and cast down from heaven unto the earth the beauty of Israel, Lament. Hieremiaes, cap. secundo. and remembered not his footstool in the day of his wrath? All which miseries (with many others so great, as greater there can none be) the prince of darkness and author of all mischief hath by the persecuting princes of all ages, and ancient heretics, his ministers, laboured from time to time to bring upon the Church of God, to the obscuring of his blessed name, and utter subversion of his most sacred word; but yet by none, no not by them all together so much prevailed, as by the false Prophet Mahomet, borne in an unhappy hour, to the great destruction of mankind: whose most gross and blasphemous doctrine first phantasied by himself in Arabia, and so by him obtruded unto the world; and afterwards by the Saracen Caliphes' (his seduced successors) with greater forces maintained, was by them together with their Empire dispersed over a great part of the face of the earth, to the unspeakable ruin and destruction of the Christian Religion and State: especially in Asia and Africa, with some good part of Europe also. But the unity of this great Mahometan Monarchy being once dissolved, and it divided into many kingdoms, and so after the manner of worldly things drawing unto the fatal period of itself, in process of time became of far less force than before, and so less dreadful unto the Christian princes of the West, by whom these Saracens were again expulsed out of all the parts of Europe, excepting one corner of Spain, Granado in Spain was recovered from the Saracens by king Ferdinand in the year 1491 which they yet held within the remembrance of our fathers, until that by their victorious forces they were thence at length happily removed also, after that they had possessed the same about the space of seven hundred years. In this declination of the Saracens (the first champions of the Mahometan superstition, who though they had lost much, yet held many great kingdoms both in Asia and Africa, taken for the most part from the Christians) arise the Turks, an obscure and base people, before scarce known unto the world, yet fierce and courageous, who by their valour first aspired unto the kingdom of Persia, with divers other large provinces: from whence they were about an hundred threescore and ten years after again expulsed by the Tartars, and enforced to retire themselves into the lesser Asia: where taking the benefit of the discord of the Christian princes of the East, and the carelessness of the Christians in general, they in some good measure repaired their former losses again, and maintained the state of a kingdom at Iconium in Cilicia (now of them called Caramania) holding in their subjection the greater part of that fruitful country, still seeking to gain from the Christians what they had before lost unto the Tartars. But this kingdom of the Turks declining also, by the dismembering of the same, there slept up among the Turks in Bythinia one Osman or Ottoman, of the Og●zian tribe or family, a man of great spirit and valour, who by little and little growing up amongst the rest of his countrymen, and other the effeminate Christians on that side of Asia, at last like another Romulus took upon him the name of a Sultan or King, and is right worthily accounted the first founder of the mighty Empire of the Turks: which continued by many descents directly in the line of himself, even unto Mahomet the third of that name, who now reigneth, is from a small beginning become the greatest terror of the world, and holding in subjection many great and mighty kingdoms in Asia, Europe, and Africa, is grown to that height of pride, as that it threateneth destruction unto the rest of the kingdoms of the earth; labouring with nothing more than with the weight of itself. In the greatness whereof is swallowed up both the name and Empire of the Saracens, the glorious Empire of the greeks, the renowned kingdoms of Macedonia, Peloponesus, Epirus, Bulgaria, Servia, Bosna, Armenia, Cyprus, Syria, Egypt, judea, Tunes, Algiers, Media, Mesopotamia, with a great part of Hungary, as also of the Persian kingdom, and all those churches and places so much spoken of in holy Scripture (the Romans only excepted;) and in brief, so much of Christendom as far exceedeth that which is thereof at this day left. So that at this present if you consider the beginning, progress, and perpetual felicity of this the Ottoman Empire, there is in this world nothing more admirable or strange; if the greatness and lustre thereof, nothing more magnificent or glorious; if the power and strength thereof, nothing more dreadful or dangerous: which wondering at nothing but at the beauty of itself, and drunk with the pleasant wine of perpetual felicity, holdeth all the rest of the world in scorn, thundering out nothing but still blood and war, with a full persuasion in time to rule over all, prefining unto itself no other limits than the uttermost bounds of the earth, from the rising of the Sun unto the going down of the same. . The causes whereof are many and right lamentable, but for the most part so shut up in the counsels of the Great, as that for me to seek after them, were great folly: yet amongst the rest, some others there be, so pregnant and manifest, as that the blind world taketh thereof as it were a general knowledge, and may therefore without offence of the wiser sort (as I hope) even in these our nice days be lightly touched. Whereof the first and greatest, is the just and secret judgement of the Almighty, who in justice delivereth into the hands of these merciless miscreants, nation after nation, and kingdom upon kingdom, as unto the most terrible executioners of his dreadful wrath, to be punished for their sins: others in the mean while, no less sinful than they, in his mercy enjoying the benefit of a longer time, calling them unto repentance. Then, the uncertainty of worldly things, which subject to perpetual change cannot long stay in one state, but as the sea is with the wind, so are they in like sort tossed up and down with the continual surges and waves of alteration and change; so that being once grown to their height, they there stay not long, but fall again as fast as ever they rise, and so in time come to nothing: As we see the greatest Monarchies that ever yet were upon earth have done, their course being run; over whom, Time now triumpheth, as no doubt at length it shall over this so great a Monarchy also, when it shall but then live by fame, as the others now do. Next to these causes from above (without offence be it said) is the small care the Christian princes, especially those that dwelled further off, have had of the common state of the Christian Commonweal: whereof even the very greatest are to account themselves but as the principal members of one and the same body, and have or aught to have as sharp a feeling one of another's harms, as hath the head of the wrongs done unto the feet, or rather as if it were done unto themselves: in stead of which Christian compassion and unity, they have ever and even yet at this time are so divided among themselves with endless quarrels, partly for questions of religion (never by the sword to be determined,) partly for matters touching their own proper state and sovereignty, and that with such distrust and implacable hatred, that they never could as yet (although it have been long wished) join their common forces against the common enemy: but turning their weapons one upon another (the more to be lamented) have from time to time weakened themselves, and opened a way for him to devour them one after another: Whereas with their combined forces (the greedy enemies greatest terror) they might long since not only have repressed his fur●e, and abated his pride, but with small danger and much glory (God favouring their so honourable attempts) have again recovered from him most of those famous Christian kingdoms, which he by force against all right holdeth at this day in most miserable subjection and thraldom; many millions of the poor oppressed Christians in the mean time out of the furnace of tribulation in the anguish of their souls crying in vain unto their Christian brethren for relief. By civil discord the noble country of Graecia perished, when as the father rising against the son, and the son against the father, and brother against brother, they to the mutual destruction of themselves called in the Turk, who like a greedy lion lurking in his den, lay in wait for them all. So perished the kingdoms of Bulgaria, Servia, Bosna, and Epirus, with the famous islands of the Rhodes and Cyprus, betrayed as it were by the Christian princes their neighbours, by whom they might have easily been relieved. So the most flourishing and strong kingdom of Hungary (in the relics whereof, the fortune of the Turkish Empire hath longer stuck than in the conquest of any other kingdom, by it attempted, whatsoever) divided in itself by the ambition of princes and civil discord, the weaker still calling unto his aid the mighty power of the Turk, is long since for the most part become unto him a prey, the poor remainders thereof being at this day hardly defended by the forces of the Christian Emperor and of the princes his confederates, seldom times meeting together with such cheerfulness or expedition, as the necessity of so great a matter requireth. Unto which so great a cause of the common decay, may be added the evil choice of our soldiers employed in those wars, who taken up hand over head out of the promiscuous vulgar people, are for most part untrained men, serving rather for show and the filling up of number, than for use, and in no respect to be compared with the Turks janissaries and other his most expert soldiers, continually even from their youth exercised in feats of arms. Not to speak in the mean time of the want of the ancient martial discipline, the wholesome preservative of most puissant armies, which breedeth in the proud enemy a contempt of the Christian forces, with a full persuasion of himself, that he is not by such disordered and weak means to be withstood. But to come nearer unto the causes of the Turks greatness, and more proper unto themselves, as not depending of the improvident carelessness, weakness, discord, or imperfections of others: first in them is to be noted an ardent and infinite desire of sovereignty, wherewith they have long since promised unto themselves the monarchy of the whole world, a quick motive unto their so haughty designs: Then, such a rare unity and agreement amongst them, as well in the manner of their religion (if it be so to be called) as in matters concerning their state (especially in all their enterprises to be taken in hand for the augmenting of their Empire) as that thereof they call themselves Islami, that is to say, men of one mind, or at peace among themselves; so as it is not to be marveled, if thereby they grow strong themselves, and dreadful to others: join unto this their courage, conceived by the wonderful success of their perpetual fortune, their notable vigilancy in taking the advantage of every occasion for the enlarging of their Monarchy, their frugality and temperateness in their diet and other manner of living, their strait observing of their ancient military discipline, their cheerful and almost incredible obedience unto their princes and Sultan's; such, as in that point no nation in the world was to be worthily compared unto them: all great causes why their Empire hath so mightily increased and so long continued. Whereunto may be added the two strongest sinews of every well governed commonweal, Reward propounded to the good, and Punishment threatened unto the offendor; where the prize is for virtue and valour set up, and the way laid open for every common person, be he never so meanly borne, to aspire unto the greatest honours and preferments both of the Court a●d of the field, yea even unto the nearest affinity of the great Sultan himself, if his valour or other worth shall so deserve: when as on the contrary part the disloyal or cowardly is to expect from the same sovereign power nothing but disgrace, death, and torture. And yet these great ones not contented by such commendable and lawful means still to extend or establish their far spreading Empire, if that point once come in question, they stick not in their devilish policy to break and infringe the laws both of Nations and Nature. Their leagues grounded upon the law of Nations, be they with never so strong capitulations concluded, or solemnity of oath confirmed, have with them no longer force than standeth with their own profit, serving indeed but as snares to entangle other princes in, until they have singled out him whom they purpose to devour; the rest fast bound still looking on as if their own turn should never come, yet with no more assurance of their safety by their leagues than had the other whom they see perish before their faces. As for the kind law of nature, what can be thereunto more contrary, than for the father most unnaturally to imbrue his hands in the blood of his own children? and the brother to become the bloody executioner of his own brethren? a common matter among the Ottoman Emperors. All which most execrable and inhuman murders they cover with the pretended safety of their state, as thereby freed from the fear of all aspiring competitors (the greatest torment of the mighty) and by the preservation of the integrity of their Empire, which they thereby keep whole and entire unto themselves, and so deliver it as it were by hand from one to another, in no part dismembered or impaired. By these and such like means is this barbarous Empire (of almost nothing) grown to that height of majesty and power, as that it hath in contempt all the rest, being itself not inferior in greatness and strength unto the greatest monarchies that ever yet were upon the face of the earth, the Roman Empire only excepted. Which how far it shall yet farther spread, none knoweth, but he that holdeth in his hand all the kingdoms of the earth, and with his word boundeth in the raging of the sea, so that it cannot further pass. Moved with the greatness and glory of this so mighty and dreadful an Empire, grown for the most part out of the ruin of the Christian commonweal, with the utter subversion of many great and flourishing kingdoms, and woeful fall of many more right puissant and mighty princes, not without grief to be remembered: I long since (as many others have) entered into the heavy consideration thereof, purposing so to have contented myself with a light view of that which might well be for ever of all good Christians lamented, but hardly or never remedied; until that afterwards led with a more earnest desire to know the strange and fatal mutations, by this barbarous nation in former time brought upon a great part of the world, as also so much as I might to see so great a terror of the present time, and in what terms it standeth with the rest, I had with long search and much labour, mixed with some pleasure and mine own reasonable contentment, passed through the whole melancholy course of their tragical History: yet without purpose ever to have commended the same or any part thereof unto the remembrance of posterity, as deeming it an argument of too high a reach, and fitter for some more happy wit, better furnished with such helps both of nature and art, as are of necessity requisite for the undertaking of so great a charge, than was myself, of many thousands the meanest. Not unmindful also of that which the Poet (keeping decorum) saith in like case, though far less matter, of himself: Cum canerem reges & praelia, Cynthius aurem V●●g. 〈◊〉 sexia. Vellit, & admonuit: Pastorem Tittere pingues Pascere oportet oves, deductum ducere carmen. When I did sing of mighty kings, or else of bloody war, Apollo plucked me by the ear, and said I went too far: Beseems a shepherd Titterus his fatlings for to feed, And for to fit his rural song unto his slender reed. Besides that, so many difficulties even at the first presented themselves unto my view, as that to overcome the same, if I should take the labour in hand, seemed to me almost impossible: for beside the sea and world of matter I was to pass through (requiring both great labour and time) full of the most rare example ●oth of the letter and worse fortune in men of all sort and condition, yielding more pleasure unto the reader than facility to the writer, I saw not any (among so many as had taken this argument in hand) whom I might as a sure guide or lodestar long follow in the course of this so great an History: many right worthy and learned men (whose memory my soul honoureth) contenting themselves to have with their learned pens enroled in the records of never-dying fame, some, one great expedition or action, some another, as in their times they ●ell out; yea the Turkish Histories and Chronicles themselves (from whom the greatest light for the continuation of the History was in reason to have been expected) being in the declaration of their own affairs (according to their barbarous manner) so sparing and short, as that they may of right be accounted rather short rude notes than just Histories, rather pointing things out, than declaring the same; and that with such obscurity, by changing the ancient and usual names as well of whole kingdoms, countries, and provinces, as of cities, towns, rivers, mountains, and other places, yea, and oftentimes of men themselves, into other strange and barbarous names of their own devising, in such sort, as might well stay an intentive reader, and deprive him of the pleasure together with the profit he might otherwise expect by the reading thereof; whereunto to give order, perspicuity, and light, would require no small travel and pain. Not to speak in the mean time of the diversity of the reports in the course of the whole History, such as is oftentimes most hard, if not altogether impossible to reconcile. Notwithstanding all which difficulties, with many others more proper unto myself, having with long labour and diligent search passed through the course of the whole History, and so in some reasonable sort satisfied myself therein, I thought it not amiss, as well for the worthiness of the matter, as for the zeal I bear unto the Christian commonweal, and for the satisfying also of some others my good friends, much desirous of the same, to make proof if out of the dispersed works of many right worthy men, I could set down one orderly and continuat History of this so mighty an Empire, with the great and fatal mutation or rather subversion of many right strong and flourishing kingdoms and states (the proper work of all mighty rising Empires, still increasing by the fall of others) wherewith this proud monarchy hath already daunted a great part of the world, being so many and so strange, as that more or more wonderful were not ever to be seen in any of the greatest monarchies of ancient time or memory, and so together, and as it were under one view and at one show, to lay open unto the Christian Reader, what I was glad to seek for out of the defused labours of many: a work so long and laborious as might well have deterred a right resolute and constant mind from the undertaking thereof, being as yet to my knowledge not undergone or performed by any: wherein among such variety, or more truly to say, contrariety of writers, I contented not myself, as a blind man led by his guide happily of no better sight than himself, to tread the steps of this or that one man, going for a while before me, and by and by leaving me again stumbling in the dark: but out of the learned and faithful works of many, according to my simple judgement to make choice of that was most probable, still supplying with the perfections of the better, what I found wanting or defective in the weaker, propounding unto myself no other mark to aim at than the very truth of the History; as that which is itself of power to give life unto the dead letter, The order of the Authors proceeding in the writing of this History. and to cover the faults escaped in the homely penning or compiling thereof. Which the better to perform, I collected so much of the History as possibly I could, out of the writings of such as were themselves present and as it were eye-witnesses of the greatest part of that they writ, and so as of all others best able, most like also to have left unto us the very truth. Such is the greatest part of so much of the History of the Greek Empire, as I have (for the better understanding of the rising of the Turks) in this History set down, gathered out of the doings of Nicetas Choniates, Nicephorus Gregoras, and Laonicus Chalcocondiles, all writing such things as they themselves saw, or were for most part in their time, and near unto them done. Such are the wonderful and almost incredible wars betwixt old Amurath the second, and his foster child, the fortunate prince of Epirus, of the Turks commanly called Scanderbag, and by that wayward tyrant at his death together with his kingdom delivered as it were by inheritance unto his son, the great and cruel Sultan Mahomet; all written by Marinus Ba●letius, himself an Epirot, and in all those troublesome times then living in Scodra, a city of the Venetians joining upon Epirus. Such is the woeful captivity of the imperial city of Constantinople, with the miserable death of the Greek Emperor Constantinus Palaeologus, and the fatal ruin of the Greek Empire, written by Leonardus Chiensis, Archbishop of Mitylene, being himself then present, and there taken prisoner. Such is the lamentable History of the Rhodes, taken for most part out of ja. Fontanus his three books de Bello Rhodio, a learned man, then present and in great credit with Villerius the Great Master, at such time as that famous island, after it had by him and the other worthy knights of the Order been most wonderfully of long defended, was to the great ruth of Christendom taken by the great Sultan Solyman. Such is the most tragical History of Bajazet, Solyman his youngest son, collected out of the notable Epistles of Augerius Busbequius Legationis Turcicae, he himself then lying ambassador for the Emperor Ferdinand at Constantinople, and present in Soliman's camp at such time as he himself in person went over with his army into Asia, to countenance his eldest son Selimus, who succeeded him in his Empire against his valiant younger brother Bajazet: and beside, well acquainted with the great Bassanes Achmet, Rustan, Haly, and others, oftentimes mentioned in the History following. Such is also the History of the taking of the ancient city of Tripoli in Barbary from the knights of Malta by Sinan the proud Bassa, written by Nicholas Nicholay lord of Arfevile, present at the same time with the lord of Aramont, than ambassador for the French king unto Solyman. So might I say also of the miserable spoil of the fruitful and pleasant islands of the Mediterranean, made by Lutzis Bassa, Solyman his brother in law and great Admiral, with the submitting of the island of Naxos to the Turks obe●sance, written by john Crispe, at that time duke of the same island. And so likewise of divers other parts of the History, too long to rehearse. But for as much as every great and famous action had not the fortune to have in it a Caesar, such as both could and would commend unto posterity by writing that whereof they might truly say, They were themselves a great part; many right excellent Generals contenting themselves with the honour of the field, and their glory there won, leaving the honourable fame thereof to be by others reported. For lack of such most certain authors, or rather (as I before said) eye-witnesses, I gathered so much as I could of that remained, out of the works of such, as being themselves men of great place, and well acquainted with the great and worthy personages of their time, might from their mouths as from certain Oracles report the undoubted truth of many most famous exploits done both by themselves and others: as might Pau. iovius from the mouth of Muleasses king of Tunes, from Vastius the great General, from Auria the prince of Melphis, Charles the Emperor his Admiral, and such others: or else out of the writings of such as were themselves great travelers into the Turks dominions, and withal diligent observers of their affairs and state, as were the physicians Pantaleon, Minadoie, and Leunclavius (of all others a most curious searcher of their antiquities and Histories) unto which great Clerks and some others of that learned profession, we may worthily attribute the greatest light and certainty of that is reported of a great part of the Turkish affairs. But these in the course of so long an History failing also (as by conferring that which is hereafter written, together with their Histories, is easily to be perceived) to perfect that I had taken in hand, I took my refuge unto the writings of such other learned and credible authors, as of whose integrity and faithfulness the world hath not to my knowledge at any time yet doubted: yea for these few late years I was glad out of the German and Italian writers in their own language to borrow the knowledge of these late affairs as not yet written in Latin, wherein if the reader find not himself so fully satisfied as he could desire, I would be glad by him to be better informed, as being no less desirous of others to learn the truth of that I know not, than willing to impart unto others that little which I know. Thus much I thought good to set down, to persuade the Christian Reader of the truth of the History following, wherein he shall find matter enough to wonder at, and no less strange than that whatsoever it is that is written of the greatest monarchies of ancient time, unto whom for power and majesty it yieldeth little: But so much the more worthy our consideration than they, for that their periods already run, and so their fury overpast, this in our time so flourisheth, and at this present so mightily swelleth, as if it would overflow all, were it not by the mercy of God first, and then by the forces of some few of the Christian princes nearest unto so great a danger with their great charge to their immortal glory and benefit of the Christian commonweal mightily checked and kept within some bounds and compass. This History for the most part thus as is aforesaid passed through, and brought to some good perfection, was yet by me again laid aside, and like enough even as an abortive fruit to have perished in the birth before it was grown to perfection, had I not many times fainting in the long and painful travel therewith, by my especial good friend Sir Peter Manwood of S. Stephens in the county of Kent knight of the honourable order of the Bath, a lover and great favourer of learning (in whose keeping it so for the most part many years in safety rested) been still comforted and as it were again revived, and now finally encouraged to take it in hand, and so at length as I might to perfect it: unto whom (being the only furtherer, stay, and help of these my labours) thou art for such pleasure as thou findest therein (if it be any) in courtesy beholden. Now what I for my part have in this my long travel performed, I leave it to thy good discretion to consider, contenting myself in so great a matter to have been willing to have done something; wishing no longer to live, than in some measure to be profitable to the Christian commonweal, which long since in my nursing mother house Lincoln College in Oxford, where I was sometime Fellow, I did purpose to persorme, as it should please God in time to give me means and occasion: in which mind I hope by the goodness & mercy of Christ so long as I live to continue. Only this favour (to conclude with) I request of thee That if in this so long and perplexed an History (by piecemeal of so many diversly handled) written by me in a world of troubles and cares, in a place that afforded no means or comfort to proceed in so great a work, thou chance to light upon some things otherwise reported than thou hast elsewhere read them (as I doubt not but thou mayest) not therefore forthwith to condemn what thou here findest, being happily taken from a more certain reporter than was that whereunto thou givest more credit; or at leastwise not written by me, as meaning in any thing to prejudice thy better judgement, but to leave it to thy good choice in such diversity of reports to follow that which may seem unto thee most true. By which courtesy thou mayest hereafter encourage me to perform some other work to thy no less contentment. So wishing thee all happiness, I bid thee farewell. From Sandwich the last of September. 1603. Thine in all dutiful kindness, R. KNOLLES. The names of the Authors whom we especially used in the collecting and writing of the History of the Turks following. ABrahamus Ortelius. Achilles Traducci. Aeneas Silvius Pont. Alcoranum Turcicum. Antonius Sabellicus. Antonius Bonfinius. Antonius Pigafetta. Antonius Guarnerius. Augerius Busbequius. Bernard de Girard. Blondus Foroliviensis. Caelius Secundus Curio. David Chytreus. Franciscus Sansovinus. Henricus Pantaleon. jacobus Fontanus. joannes Leunclavius. Laonicus Chalcocondilas. Lazarus Soranzi. Leonardus Chiensis. Leonardus Goretius. Marinus Barletius. Martinus Chromerus. Nicephorus Gregoras. Nicetas Choniates. Nicholaus Honigerus. Nicholaus Reusnerus. Paulus iovius. Philippus Lonicerus. Petrus Bizara. Sebastianus Monsterus. Thomas Minadoi. Theodorus Spanduginus. Germanicae Continuationes Relationum Historicarum. Andreae Strigelij. Theodori Meureri. jacobi Franci. THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE TURKS, BEFORE THE RISING OF THE OTTOMAN FAMILY, WITH ALL THE NOTABLE EXPEDITIONS OF THE CHRISTIAN PRINCES AGAINST THEM. THE glorious Empire of the Turks, the present terror of the world, hath amongst other things nothing in it more wonderful or strange, than the poor beginning of itself; so small and obscure, as that it is not well known unto themselves, or agreed upon even among the best writers of their histories, from whence this barbarous nation that now so triumpheth over the best part of the world, divers opinions concerning the beginning of the Turk●. first crept out or took their beginning. Some (after the manner of most nations) derive them from the Trojans, led thereunto by the affinity of the words Turci & Teucri; supposing (but with what probability I know not) the word Turci or Turks, to have been made of the corruption of the word Teucri, the common name of the Trojans: as also for that the Turks have of long most inhabited the lesser ASIA, wherein the ancient and most famous city of TROY sometime stood. No great reason in my deeming: yet give the authors thereof leave therewith to please themselves, as well as some others, which dwelling much farther off, borrow, or rather force their beginning from thence, without any probability at all; and that with such earnestness, as if they could not elsewhere have found▪ any so honourable ancestors. Othersome report them to have first come out of PERSIA, and of I wot not what city there, to have taken their name: neither want there some which affirm them to have taken their beginning out of ARABIA, yea and some out of SYRIA, with many other far fet devices concerning the beginning and name of this people: all serving to no better purpose, than to show the uncertainty thereof. Amongst others, Philip of MORNAY, the noble and learned Frenchman in his worthy work concerning the trueness of the Christian religion, seemeth (and that not without good reason) to derive the Turks together with the Tartars, from the jews, namely, from the ten Tribes, which were by Salmanazar king of ASIRIA, in the time of Oseas king of ISRAEL, carried away into captivity, 2. King. cap. 17. 4. Esdr. cap. 13. and by him confined into MEDIA, and the other unpeopled countries of the North, whose going thither is not unaptly described by Esdras, where among the great Hordes of the Tartars in the farthest part of the world Northward, even at this day are found some, that still retain the names of Dan, Zabulon, and Nepthaly, a certain argument of their descent; whereunto also the word Tartar or Tatar, signifying in the Syrian tongue remnants or leavings; and the word Turk, a word of disgrace, signifying in Hebrew, banished men; seemeth right well to agree. Besides that, in the Northern countries of RUSSIA, SARMATIA, and LYTHVANIA, are found greater store of the jewish nation than elsewhere, and so nearer unto the Tartarians still the more: Io. Leunclavius Pandect. cap. 22. whereunto Io. Leunclavius the most curious searcher out of the Turks antiquities and monuments, addeth as a farther conjecture of the descent of those barbarous northern people from the jews, That in his travel through LIVONIA into LYTHVANIA, in the country near unto the metropolitical city of RI●A, he found there the barbarous people of the Lettoes, quite differing in language from the other country people of the Curons and Estons, no less barbarous than themselves; who had always in their mouths as a perpetual lamentation, which they with doleful moans daily repeated abroad in the fields, jeru, jeru, Masco, Lon: whereby they were thought to lament over JERUSALEM and DAMASCUS, as forgetful of all other things in their ancient country, after so many worlds of years, and in a desolate place so far distant thence. Sebast. Munsterus universalis Cosmographiae lib. 3. And Munster in his description of LIVONIA repeating the like words, reporteth, That this rude people being demanded what they meant by these words so often and so lamentably by them without cause uttered: answered, That they knew no more than that they had been so of long taught by their ancestors. But to leave these opinions concerning their beginning, so divers and uncertain, and to follow greater probabilities as concerning the place from whence they came: it is upon better ground thought by divers others, and those of the best historiographers, That this barbarous nation which hath of late brought such fatal mutations upon so great a part, not of Christendom only, but even of the whole world, took their first beginning out of the cold and bare country of SCYTHIA: Scythia the native country of the Turks. Pompon. Mela. lib. 1. cap. ult. induced thereunto, both by the authority of the greatest Cosmographers, as by most apparent reasons. Pomponius Mela, the describer of the world, reckoning up the people near unto the great river TANAIS (the bounder of EUROPE from ASIA Eastward) amongst others maketh express mention of the Turks, in these words: Geloni urbem ligneam habitant. juxta Thyrsagete Turceque vastas syluas occupant alunturque venando. Tum continuis rupibus late aspera & deserta regio ad Arympheos usque permittitur. The Geloni inhabit a city of wood. And fast by, the Thyrsagets and Turks possess the vast forests, and live by hunting. Then, a rough and desert country with continual rocks, Plinius Secundus lib. 6. cap 7. is spaciously extended even as far as unto the Arympheians. Pliny also in like manner reckoning up the nations about the fens of MaeOTIS, agreeing with that Mela reporteth, saith: Deinde Euazae, Cottae, Cicimeni, Messeniani, Costobocci, Choatrae, Zigae, Dandari, Thussagetae, Turcae, usque ad solitudines saltuosis, convallibus asperas ultra quos Arymphet qui ad Riphaeos' pertinent montes. Next unto them, are the Euazae, Cottae, Cicimeni, Messeniani, Costobocci, Choatrae, Zigae, Dandari, the Thussagets and Turks unto the deserts rough with woody valleys: beyond whom are the Arympheians, which border unto the Riphean mountains. And Ptolemy in the description of SARMATIA ASIATICA maketh mention of the Tusci, whom many learned men suppose to have been the same nation with the Turks. Unto which ancient testimonies of reverend antiquity, The 〈◊〉 agreement betwixt the Turks and Scythians. add the manners and conditions of the Turks, their ancient attire, their gesture, their gate, their weapons, and manner of riding, and fight, their language and dialect, so well agreeing with the Scythians: and a man shall find matter enough sufficient to persuade him in reason, that the Turks have undoubtedly taken their beginning from the Scytheses; whom they in so many things resemble, and with whom of all other nations they best agree. When and for what causes the Turks left their ancient and natural seats in Scythia, to seek others in the countries more Southerly. Now it hath been no less doubted also among the writers of the Turks histories; at what time, and for what causes the Turks (to the trouble of the world) left their natural seats in the cold country of SCYTHIA, to seek themselves others in more pleasant and temperate countries more Southerly, than it hath been of their original beginning. Blondus and Platina, report them, enforced with a general want, to have forsaken their native country and followed their better fortune, in the year of our Lord 755: with whom also Segonius agreeth in the cause of their departure, but not in the time or place when or whereby they departed. For they (as he saith) issued out of their dwelling places in the year of grace 844, 755 by the straits of the mountain CAUCASUS: whereas the other with greater probability suppose them to have come forth by the Caspian straits: 844 which the Turks also (as saith Sabellicus) affirm of themselves, their ancestors (as they say) being by their neighbours driven out of the Caspian mountains. Sabellicus Ennead. 9 lib. 2. Some others there be that report them to have forsaken their native country, neither enforced thereunto by necessity, or the power of others; but for their valour sent for by the Sultan of PERSIA to aid him in his wars: unadvisedly supposing that to have been the cause of their first coming out, which in deed happened long time after, as in the process of this history shall appear. But whatsoever the aforesaid causes of want, or of the enemy's power, might enforce them unto, a greater power no doubt it was that stirred them up, even the hand of the Almighty, who being the author of all kingdoms upon earth, as well those which he hath appointed as scourges wherewith to punish the world, as others more blessed; will have his work and purpose full of divine majesty, to appear in the stirring of them up from right small beginnings, in the increasing & establishing of their greatness and power, to the astonishment of the world; and in the ruin and destruction of them again, the course of their appointed time once run. As for the difference of the time of their coming forth, before remembered; it may reasonably be referred unto the divers emotions of that people, who being not under the command of any one, but of their divers governors, as the manner of that people was, are not to be thought to have come forth all at once, either for one cause; but at divers times, some sooner, some later, and that for divers causes. This people thus stirred up, and by the Caspian ports passing thorough the Georgian country, Armenia (now called Turcomania) the first 〈◊〉 of the Turks after their first coming out of Scythia. then called IBERIA, near unto the Caspian sea: first ceased upon a part of the greater ARMENIA, and that with so strong hand, that it is by their posterity yet holden at this day, and of them called TURCOMANIA; of all other, the most true progeny of the ancient Turks. In which great country, they of long, under their divers leaders, in the manner of their living most resembling their ancestors, roamed up and down with their families and herds of cattle, after the manner of the Scythian Nomades, their country men, without any certain places of abode; yet at great unity among themselves, as not having much to lose or wherefore to strive. The first kingdom of the Turks erected in Persia by Tangrolipix, Chieftain of the Selzuccian family: with the success thereof. THis wandering and unregarded people, but now the terror of the world, thus first seated in ARMENIA: long time there lived in that wide country, after their rude and wonted manner (from which the Turcoman nation their posterity in that place, even at this day as we said much differeth not) and not only notably defended the country thus by them at the first possessed, but still encroaching farther and farther, and gaining by other men's harms, became at length dreadful unto their neighbours, and of some fame also farther off: whereunto the effeminate cowardice of those delicate people of ASIA, with whom they had to do gave no less furtherance, than their own valour; being nevertheless an hardy rough people, though not much skilful or trained up in the feats of war. The fame of these Turks together with their fortune, thus daily increasing, and the mighty Empire of the Saracens as fast declining: which under their Chaliphes' the successors of the false prophet Mahomet, having in less than the space of two hundred years, overspread not only the greatest part of ASIA and AFRICA, even unto GADES and the pillars of Hercules: but also passing over that straight, had overwhelmed almost all SPAIN, and not there staying, but passing the Pyrenei had pierced even into the heart of FRANCE, and divers other parts of Christendom▪ as namely, ITALY, SICILY, the famous Island of the RHODES, with many others of the MEDITERRANEAN: now divided in itself, and rend into many kingdoms, turned their victorious arms from the Christians upon one another, to the mutual destruction of themselves & their empire. Amongst other the Saracen Sultan's which forgetting their obedience unto their great Chaliph, took upon them the sovereignty of government (which admitteth no partner) was one Mahomet, Sultan of PERSIA, a right great prince, who hardly beset on the one side with the Indians, and on the other with the Chaliph of BABYLON his mortal enemy, prayed aid of the Turks his neighbours, who were now come even to the side of ARAXIS, the bounds, of his empire: Unto which his request the Turks easily granted, in hope thereby to find a way for them afterwards to enter into PERSIA, and so sent him three thousand hardy men, under the leading of one Togra Mucalet, the son of Mikeil, a valiant captain and chief of the Selzuccian tribe or family; Togra, otherwise called Tangrolipix sent to aid the Persian Sultan. whom the Greeks commonly call Tangrolipix, and some others Selduck or Sadock, names (as I suppose) corrupted of the great family whereof he was descended. By the aid of this Tangrolipix (for now we will so call him, as by the name most used) Mahomet the Persian Sultan, overcame Pisasiris the Chaliph of BABYLON, his Arabians being not able to endure the force of the Turkish archers. This war thus happily ended, the Turks desiring to return home, requested of the Sultan leave to depart, and with a safe convoy to be conducted unto the river ARAXIS, and there to have the passage of that swift river opened unto them, which was by the Persians strongly kept by two castles built upon each end of the bridge whereby the river was to be passed: But Mahomet loath to forego such necessary men, by whom he had obtained so great a victory, and purposing to employ them further in his service against the Indians, would by no means hearken unto their request; but seeming therewith to be discontented, commanded them to speak no more thereof, threatening them violence, if they should more presume to talk of their departure. The Turks therefore doubtful of their estate, and fearing further danger, secretly withdrew themselves into the desert of CARAVONITIS, and for that they were in number but few, and not able to come into the open field against so many millions of the Saracens, lived as they might by continual excursions and roads which they made out of the desert forest into the country's adjoining: wherewith Mahomet greatly incensed, sent out an army of twenty thousand men, under the conduct of ten of his best captains against them: who for want of water and other necessaries, doubting to enter the desert, encamped themselves in the side of the forest, there to consult what course to take. But Tangrolipix who with his Turks lay a great way off in the covert of the woods and mountains, understanding of the coming of his enemies, and of the manner of their lying; thought it best upon the sudden by night to set upon the Saracens and Persians, if so happily he might overthrow them by policy, whom he was not able to encounter in plain battle. Upon which resolution, having traveled two days long march in the desert, the third day at night he suddenly set upon his enemies, lying negligently in their trenches, and by his unexpected coming, brought such a fear upon them, that they without longer stay betook themselves to flight, every man shifting for himself without regard of others. This victory so happily gained, and Tangrolipix now (beyond his hope) thoroughly furnished, with armour, horses, and abundance of all things needful for the wars, kept the woods and forests no longer as a thief or outlaw, but showed himself in the open field, where daily repaired unto him numbers of rogues and vagabonds, seeking after spoil; with many other desperate villains, who for fear of punishment were glad of such a refuge: So that in a short space his army was grown to be fifty thousand strong, and so much the stronger, for that they had nothing to trust unto, more than the valour of themselves. Whilst Tangrolipix thus increaseth, Mahomet enraged with the overthrow of his army, in his fury caused all those ten captains that had the leading thereof, to have their eyes plucked out, threatening also to attire all the soldiers that fled out of the battle in women's apparel, and so disgraced, to carry them about as cowards: and withal raised a great army for the suppressing of the Turks. All things being now in readiness, he set forward▪ when by the way the soldiers whom he had before so threatened to disgrace, suddenly fled to the enemy: with whose coming, Mahomet the Persian Sultan goeth himself with an army against Tangroli●ix. Tangrolipix greatly encouraged and strengthened, resolved to give the Sultan battle. And so boldly coming on, met with him at ISPAHAN, a city of PERSIA, where was fought betwixt them a most terrible battle, with wonderful slaughter on both sides. In the heat of which battle, Mahomet unadvisedly riding too and fro to encourage his soldiers, falling with his horse, broke his neck: upon which mischance both the armies coming to agreement, by common consent proclaimed Tangrolipix Sultan in his stead, Tangrolipix by consent of the souldier●, m●le Sultan of Persia. and so made him king of PERSIA and of all the other large dominions unto that kingdom belonging. This was the first kingdom of the Turks, begun by the good fortune of Tangrolipix, about 214 years after their coming out of SCYTHIA, in the year also of our Lord 1030; Constantinus Monomachus then reigning, Tangrolipix first Sultan of the Turks. or a little before (according to the Turks account) in the reign of Romanus Argirus, Constantine his predecessor. Tangrolipix by rare fortune, thus of a mean captain become king of PERSIA, forthwith commanded the garrison that kept the bridge over the river ARAXIS, to be removed, and so free passage to be given unto the Turks his countrymen, at their pleasure to come over: who in great multitudes repaired into PERSIA, where they were by the new Sultan well provided for, and by little and little promoted unto the greatest dignities of that kingdom; the Persians and Saracens the ancient inhabitants thereof, being by these new come guests now kept under, When the Turks first received the Mahometan superstition. and as it were trodden under fo●t. Together with this kingdom, the Turks received the Mahometan superstition, from which they before not much abhorred, as men using circumcision: So that hard it is to say, whether nation lo●t more; the Persians and Saracens, by the loss of so great a kingdom, or the Turks by embracing so great a vanity. Tangrolipix with his Turks thus possessed of the kingdom of PERSIA, held not himself therewith long content, but made war upon his neighbour princes, especially against Pisasir●s the Chaliph of BABYLON, whom he in divers battles overthrew; and having 〈◊〉 length slain him, joined his kingdom unto his own. After that he sent Cutlu-Muses his cozen, with an a●mie against the Arabians, Cutlu Muses sent by Tangrolipix against the Arabians. by whom he was overthrown and put to flight. But returning by MEDIA he requested of Stephan the Greek emperors lieutenant leave to pass with his army by the confines of his country: which his request, Stephan not only rejected, but also by strong hand sought to stop his passage; but joining battle with him, was by the Turks easily overthrown and himself taken. So Cutlu-Muses returning to Tangrolipix, and recounting unto him the success of his wars, persuaded him to turn his forces into MEDIA, as a most fruitful country, and easy to be subdued. But he highly offended with the overhrow given by the Arabians, would not hearken unto him, but raising a new army in hope of better fortune, went against the Arabians in person himself. Cutlu Muses rebelleth against Tangrolipix. Cutlu-Muses in the mean time fearing the Sultan's displeasure, fled with his followers and favourits: and taking for his refuge PASAR a strong city of the Chorasmians, revolted from him; which the Sultan seeming not to regard, held on his intended journey against the Arabians, by whom he was also put to the worst, and enforced with dishonour to return. After that, he with part of his army besieged Cutlu-Muses, who by the strength of the place and valour of his people, for a great while notably defended himself. In the mean time Tangrolipix not unmindful what Cutlu-Muses had before said unto him, concerning the easiness of the conquest of MEDIA (a country (as heersaid) defended but by women) sent Asan his brother's son, surnamed the Deaf, with a convenient army to invade the same: who entering into the frontiers of that province, was there by the emperors lieutenant overthrown, and himself with the greatest part of his army slain: with which loss the Sultan rather enraged than discouraged, sent Habramie Alim his brother, again with an army of an hundred thousand fight men; with which so great a power the emperor's lieutenant thought it not good to encounter, until he had procured farther aid from the emperor, especially out of IBERIA, and therefore kept himself with such power as he had within his strong and fenced places: which Alim perceiving, and out of hope to draw him unto battle, roaming up and down the country, at last besieged ARZEN an open town, but full of rich merchants, by whom it was contrary to his expectation, notably defended for the space of six days; until that at length the Turks seeing no other way to win it, set fire upon it in divers places: by force whereof the inhabitants were enforced for safeguard of their lives to fly, and to leave the town with an infinite wealth to the spoil of the enemy. By this time was Liparites governor of IBERIA come with a great power to the aid of the emperor's lieutenant in MEDIA: whereof Alim having intelligence, without delay hasted with his army towards his enemies: and meeting with them a little before night, had with them a cruel fight, wherein the victory fell unto the Christians, who had the Turks in chase a great part of the night. Nevertheless Liparites valiantly fight in another wing of the battle, was there taken and so carried away prisoner: For whose ransom the emperor sent a great sum of money, with certain presents to the Sultan; all which he sent back again, and frankly set Liparites at liberty, wishing him never to bear arms more against the Turks. And with him sent the Seriph, a man of great place among the mahometans, his ambassador unto the emperor: The Turks ambassador contemned of the emperor. who coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, amongst other things proudly demanded of the emperor to become tributary unto the Sultan, and so to be at peace with him for ever. Which his unreasonable demand, was by the emperor with no less disdain scornfully rejected, and the Seriph so dismissed: which contempt of his ambassador the Sultan taking in evil part, as also not a little moved with the death of his nephew and loss of his army, Tangrolipix invadeth the emperors' dominions. with all his power invaded the Roman provinces. But being come as far as COIME without any notable harm doing, for that the country people hearing before of his coming, had in time conveyed themselves with their substance into their strong holds, whereof there was great store in those countries; and hearing also that the Greek emperor was raising a great power to come against him at CAESAREA; not daring to proceed any further, leaving so many enemies behind him, he fretting in himself returned into MEDIA, where finding the people all fled into their strong towns, he laid siege unto MANTZICHIERT, a city standing in a plain champion country, but strongly fortified with a triple wall and deep ditches: This city he furiously assaulted by the space of thirty days without intermission, but all in vain, the same being still notably defended by Basilius governor thereof, and the other Christians therein. The Sultan weary of this siege, and about to have risen, was by Alcan one of his great captains, persuaded yet to stay one day, for him to make proof in, what he were able to do for the gaining thereof: whereunto the Sultan yielding, committed the whole charge of the assault unto him. Alcan the next day dividing the army into two parts, and placing the one part upon the higher ground, of purpose, with the multitude of their shot to have overwhelmed the defendants; with the other part of the army, furnished with all things needful for the assault, approached the walls: the Sultan in the mean time with certain of the chief Turks, from an high place beholding all that was done. But this so forward a captain in the midst of his endeavour lost himself, being slain with a great number of his followers in approaching the wall. His dead body known by the beauty of his armour, was by two valiant young men that sallied out of the gate, drawn by the hair of his head into the city; and his head being forthwith cut off, was cast over the wall among the Turks: wherewith the Sultan discouraged, and out of hope of gaining the city, rose with his army, pretending himself with other his urgent affairs to be called home, and threatening withal, the next spring to return with greater power, and to do great matters. Dissension betwixt Tangrolipix, and his brother Habramie A●●m. But not long after, great discord arose betwixt the Sultan and his brother Habramie Alim, in so much that the Sultan sought by divers means to have taken him out of the way: which Habramie perceiving, fled to his nephew Cutlu Muses, and joining his forces with his, denounced war unto the Sultan his brother; who meeting with them not far from PASAR, overcame them in plain battle, wherein Habramie was taken, and presently by the commandment of his brother put to death. But Cutlu Muses with his cousin Melech, & six thousand Turks fled into ARMENIA; and by messengers sent of purpose, requested of the emperor Constantinus Monomachus to be received into his protection. Cutlu Muses flie●● into Arabia. But the Sultan with his army following them at the heels, they for their more safety were glad to fly into ARABIA. The Sultan afterwards turning into IBERIA did there great harm, spoiling the country before him: against whom the emperor sent Michael Acoluthus, a valiant captain; of whose approach the Sultan hearing, and that he would undoubtedly ere long give him battle (deeming it no great honour unto him to overcome the emperors servant, but an eternal dishonour to be of him overthrown) retired with his army back again to TAURIS, leaving behind him one Samuch with three thousand Turks to infest the frontiers of the emperor's territories; which both he and other the Turks captains afterward more easily did, for that Monomachus the emperor having prodigally spent the treasures of the empire, Covetousness and lack of Reward the deca● of the Constantinopolitan empire. to increase his revenue, had imposed a tribute upon the frontier countries of his empire, wont before to be free from all exactions: in am whereof, they were bound to defend the passages from all incursions of the enemies; but now pressed with new impositions, had dissolved their wonted garrisons, and left an easy entrance for the barbarous enemies into the provinces confining upon them: Besides that the emperors immediately following, and especially Constantinus Ducas, abhorring from wars, and given altogether to the hoarding up of treasure, gave little countenance and less maintenance unto men of service, which in short time turned unto the great weakening, and in fine to the utter ruin of the Constantinopolitan empire. At the same time also the government of the Constantinopolitan empire by the death of Constantinus Ducas the late emperor, came to his wife Eudocia with her three sons, Michael, Andronicus, and Constantinus, all very young; whose sex and tender years the barbarous nations having in contempt, at their pleasure grievously spoiled the provinces of the empire, namely, MESOPOTAMIA, CILICIA, CAPADOCIA, yea and sometime as far as CoeLESIRIA. The report whereof much troubled the empress, & gave occasion for many that loved her not, to say, That so troubled an estate required the government of some worthy man. Ludocia the empress contrary to her oath desirous to ●●●rie. Wherefore she fearing lest that the Senate, making choice of some other, she and her children should be removed from the government, thought it best for the preservation of her state and her children's, to make choice of some notable & valiant man for her husband, that for her and hers should take upon him the managing of so weighty affairs. But to check this her purpose (the only remedy of her troubled thoughts) she had at the death of the late emperor Constantine her husband, at such time as the sovereignty was by the Senate confirmed unto her and her sons, solemnly sworn never more to marry; which her oath was for the more assurance conceived into writing, and so delivered unto the Patriarch to keep. This troubled her more than to find out the man whom she could think worthy of herself, with so great honour. She held then in prison one Diogenes Romanus, a man of great renown & honourably descended; whose father having married the niece of the emperor Romanus Argirus, and aspiring to the empire, being convicted thereof, slew himself for fear to be enforced by torments to bewray his confederates. This Diogenes was by the late emperor Constantine, for his good service against the Scytheses (who then much troubled the empire) highly promoted, with most honourable testimony in the charters of his promotions, That such honours were bestowed upon him, not of the emperors mere bounty, but as the due rewards of his worthy deserts. Notwithstanding after the death of the emperor, he sick of his father's disease, and swelling with the pride of ambition, sought by secret means to have aspired unto the empire: Whereof the empress having intelligence, caused him to be apprehended and brought in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE, where being found guilty of the foul treason, and so committed to safe keeping, was shortly after brought forth to the judgement seat again, to receive the heavy sentence of death. In which woeful plight, standing as a man out of hope and now utterly forlorn, he moved all the beholders with a sorrowful compassion: For beside that he was a man of exceeding strength, so was he of incomparable feature and beauty, adorned with many other rare qualities and virtues answerable thereunto: wherewith the empress moved with the rest, or pierced with a secret good liking, is hard to say, revoked the sentence of condemnation ready to have been pronounced upon him, Diogenes Roma●nus of a prisone●● by the empress made general● of her army. and gave him pardon. And shortly after having set him at liberty, sent for him as he was going into CAPADOCIA his native country, and made him general of all her forces, with a full resolution in herself to marry him, and to make him emperor, if she might by any means get the writing out of the patriarchs hand, wherein her oath for never marrying again, was comprised. For the compass whereof, she entered into a deep device full of feminine policy with one of her eunuchs, whom she purposed to use as her pander for the circumventing of the Patriarch. This crafty Eunuch instructed by his mistress, coming to the Patriarch joannes Xiliphilinus, a man both for his place and integrity of life much honoured, told him in great secret, That the empress had so far set her good liking upon a young gentleman, a nephew of his called Barda (than a gallant of the court) as that she could be content to take him to her husband and to make him emperor, if she might by his holiness be persuaded, that she might with safe conscience do it, and by him be discharged of the rash oath she had unadvisedly taken, never to marry again, whereof he had the keeping. The Patriarch, otherwise a contemner of worldly honours, yet moved with so great a preferment of his nephew, promised the Eunuch to do therein whatsoever the empress had desired, which he accordingly performed. And so sending for the Senators one by one, in whose good liking the matter chiefly rested: he with much gravity propounded unto them the dangerous estate of the common weal, with the troubles daily increasing, and the continual fear of foreign enemies, not to be repressed by the weak hand of a woman, or the authority of young children, but requiring (as he said) the valiant courage of some worthy man. After that, he began to find great fault with the rash oath which the empress had taken a little before the death of her husband, never to marry; and utterly condemning the same, as contrary to the word of God, and unjustly exacted of her, rather to satisfy the jealous humour of the emperor her late husband, than for any good of the commonweal: he in fine persuaded them, that the unlawful oath might be revoked, and the empress set at liberty at her pleasure, by their good liking to make choice of such a man for her husband, as might better undertake so weighty affairs of the empire, more fit for a man, than for so tender a lady and three young children. The greater part of the Senate thus persuaded by the Patriarch, and the rest with gifts and promises overcome by the empress; the Patriarch delivered unto her the writing she so much desired, & discharged her of her oath: Eudocia marrieth Diogenes Romanus and proclaimeth him emperor. whereupon she forthwith calling unto her certain of her secret friends, married Diogenes, whom she caused to be proclaimed emperor. Now thought Eudocia, after the manner of women, to have had her husband (whom she even from the bottom of despair had exalted unto the highest type of honour) in all things loyal and pliant: whereunto he for a while at the first forced himself, but afterwards (being a man of a proud nature, and haughty spirit) became weary of such observance, and began by little and little to take every day more and more upon him. And for that the imperial provinces in the East, were in some part lost, and the rest in no small danger, he aswell for the redress thereof, as for his own honour, and to show himself an emperor indeed, and not the servant of the empress, left the court and passed over into ASIA, although it were with a small army and evil appointed: for why, it was no easy matter for him to furnish out the army with all things necessary, which by the sloth and sparing of the late emperors, had to the great danger and dishonour of the empire, been utterly neglected. Nevertheless the Turkish Sultan, who at the same time with a great power invaded the provinces of the empire, hearing of his coming, and that he was a man of great valour, and doubting what power he might bring with him, retired himself; and dividing his army, sent the one part thereof into the South part of ASIA, The provinces of the empire spoiled by the Turks. and the other into the North, which spoilt all the country before them as they went, and suddenly surprising the city of NEOCESARIA, sacked it, and so laded with the spoil thereof departed. But the emperor understanding thereof, and not a little grieved therewith, drawing out certain bands and companies of the best and most readiest soldiers in his army, and with them coasting the country to get betwixt the Turks and home, used therein such expedition, that he was upon them before they were aware, and so suddenly charging them, The Turks discomfited by Diogenes the emperor. brought such a fear upon them, that they betook themselves to their heels, leaving behind them for haste, their baggage and carriages, with all the prisoners and booty they had before taken at NEOCESARIA, and in their late expedition: yet was there no great number of them slain, for that the Christians forewearied with long travel, were not able far to follow the chase. From thence taking his way into SYRIA, he sent part of his army to MELITENA, and carried himself from ALEPPO, a great booty both of men and cattle. At which time also the city of HIERAPOLIS was yielded unto him, where he shortly after built a strong castle. But whilst he there stayed, news was brought unto him that the other part of his army which he had sent away, was overthrown by the Turks, for the relief of whom, he rose with all haste and marched towards them: but being in number far inferior unto his enemies, he was by them as he lay encamped, enclosed round in such sort, as that it was thought almost impossible for him to have escaped. At which time also the governor of ALEPPO, traitorously revolted from him, and joined his forces with the enemy, making now no other reckoning, but assuredly to have taken him. But whiles the Turks thus dream of nothing but of most glorious victory, and were in mind dividing the spoil; the emperor without so much as the sounding of a trumpet, suddenly issuing out of his trenches, when they least thought he durst so have done, and resolutely charging them home, put them to flight, & had of them had a notable victory, had he thoroughly prosecuted the same. After that, having taken divers towns he came to ALEXANDRIA in CILICIA, and there all about in the country billeted his army, because of the approach of winter, and so returned himself to CONSTANTINOPLE. The next spring the Turks, according to their usual manner invading the frontiers of the empire, did much harm about NEOCESARIA: whereof the emperor advertised, went thither with is army, and quickly repressing their fury, took his journey to the river EUPHRATES, where leaving part of his army with Philaretus for the keeping of those frontiers, he himself retired Northward into CAPADOCIA. But after his departure, the Turks setting upon Philaretus, put him to flight with his garrisons: and taking the spoil of the frontiers entered into CAPADOCIA, wasting all as they went: and afterwards turning into CILICIA, sacked ICONIUM a rich and populus city, Whereof the emperor understanding, at SEBASTIA, made towards them: but hearing by the way that they had ransacked the city, and were for fear of his coming already retired, he sent Chatagurio governor of ANTIOCH, with part of his army to MOPSIPHESTIA to stop the Turks of their passage. But they in the plains of THARSUS were before distressed by the Armenians, and stripped of all their rich prey: and hearing farther of the approach of the emperors power, fled by night, and so escaped: which the emperor understanding, and having now well quieted those provinces, and the year far spent, returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE. But after his departure, the Turks again invading the frontier provinces, he sent Manuel Comnenus, a valiant young man, general against them; who so prevailed, that the emperor envying at his honour, took from him a great part of his army, and sent him with a small power into into SYRIA. But as he was upon his way, he was by the Turks entrapped near unto SEBASTIA, and there taken, most part of his army being at the same time overthrown and slain; with which loss, the emperor troubled, made great preparation to go himself in person against his enemies; who encouraged with the former victory, ceased not to infest his territories. In the mean time, by great fortune came Manuel Comnenus home, together with the Turk that took him; who being fallen into the displeasure of the Sultan, fled unto the emperor with his prisoner, of whom he was honourably entertained. All things now in a readiness for so great an expedition as the emperor had in person purposed, Diogenes' 〈◊〉 with a great army against the Turks. he set forward▪ and after long travel having passed CAESAREA, he encamped at a place-called CRYAPEGA; where for severe execution done upon certain mutinous soldiers, one of the legions of his army rose in mutiny against him: whom for all that he quickly pacified with the terror of the rest of his army, which he threatened to turn upon them if they proceeded to forget their duty▪ After that, removing to THEODOSOPOLIS, he divided his army, and sent Ruselius' one of his best captains, with one part thereof against Chliat, and another part he sent to besiege MANTZICIERTS, retaining with himself the rest, being of no great strength. The Turks in MANTZICIERTS finding themselves not able long to hold out, fell to composition, and yielded the city. But shortly after, the soldiers left there in garrison for the keeping thereof, going out to seek for forage, were by the Turks suddenly oppressed: which the emperor understanding, sent thither one Nicephorus Bryennius, with certain companies to relieve the city; who encountering with the Turks, and finding himself too weak, sent unto the emperor for aid: who not knowing the strength of the enemies, blamed him of cowardice, yet sent unto him Nicephorus Basilacius with part of his army; who joining his forces with Bryennius, and giving the Turks battle, put them to flight. But following too fast upon them unto their trenches, and Bryennius making no great haste after, he had his horse slain under him, and so on foot heavily laded with armour, and not able to shift for himself, was there taken and brought to the Sultan: who honourably entreated him, and oftentimes questioning with him concerning the emperor, and showing him his own power, examined him also of the emperors. Tangrolipix was now dead, Axan the Sultan sendeth ambassadors unto Diogenes for peace. and the Sultan now in field against the emperor, was Axan his son, a man of great wisdom and discretion: who considering the doubtful event of battle, sent ambassadors unto the emperor to entreat with him of peace. But he (persuaded by some of his captains, that this motion made by the Sultan for peace, proceeded but of a mere fear and distrust he had in his own power, or else to gain time until some greater strength came) had small regard of the ambassadors or their message, but proudly willed them to tell their master, That if he were desirous of peace, he should get him farther off, and leave the place wherein he lay encamped, for him to lodge in. And so without other answer commanded them away. Now had the emperor (as is before said) sent away part of his army by Ruselius against Chliat, whom he now sent for in haste again: but he hearing of the approach of the Sultan, by the persuasion of Tarchomates, one of his captains, was retired for his more safety back into the Roman frontiers, leaving the emperor destitute of his help. At which time also, a company of the Scythians which served in the emperors camp, revolted unto the Turks; not without some suspicion, that the rest of their fellows which remained, would ere long do the like. Nevertheless the emperor presuming of such strength as he had, or carried headlong with his own fortune, resolved to give the Turks battle, and therefore putting his men in order, set upon them. Who somewhat troubled with the emperors so sudden a resolution, as being yet in some hope of peace: yet having put themselves in order of battle, received the enemy's charge; still giving a little ground, as men not greatly desirous either to fight or to fly. This fight continuing long, and the day now declining, the emperor doubting least the Sultan should send part of his army to assault his camp (from which he was now drawn somewhat far, and had left the same but weakly manned) caused a retreat to be sounded, and so began orderly to retire himself with them that were about him: which others a far off in the battle beholding, and supposing him to have fled, began themselves to fly a main. Of which so shameful flight and sudden fear Andronicus (the son of john Ducas, john Ducas a notable Traitor, cause of the flight of the emperors army. the late emperor Constantine his brother, and by him created Caesar, who with his sons secretly envied at the honour of Diogenes) was the cause. For he commanding a great part of the army, gave it first out unto such as were about him, that the emperor fled: and to increase the fear, turning his horse about, fled towards the camp as fast as he could: after whom all the rest most disorderly followed: which the emperor beholding, and therewith not a little troubled, made a stand, labouring in vain to have stayed the rest. For now the Turks encouraged with the sudden flight of the Christians, began hardly to pursue them, as men already overthrown by the hand of God: whom for all that, the emperor with such as yet stood with him, Diogenes the emperor taken by the Turks. for a space notably resisted. But being forsaken by the greater part of his army, and oppressed with the multitude of his enemies, being wounded himself, and his horse slain under him, he was there taken all imbrued with his own blood, and the blood of his enemies, of whom he had wounded and slain many. The Sultan advertised of his taking, at the first believed it not, supposing it rather to have been some other great man: until that he was both by them whom he had but a little before sent ambassador unto him, and by Basilacius one of his captains then prisoner with him, assured that it was undoubtedly he, which Basilacius brought before him to see if he knew him, fell down prostrate at his feet, as before his dread lord and sovereign. The emperor brought before the Sultan, and humbling himself in such sort as best beseemed his heavy fortune, the Sultan presently took him up and thus cheerfully spoke unto him: Grieve not noble emperor (said he) at thy mishap, for such is the chance of war, overwhelming sometimes one, and sometimes another: neither fear thou any harm, for I will use thee not as my prisoner, but as an emperor. Which he accordingly did, presently appointing him a princely pavilion, with all things answerable to his estate, setting him oftentimes at his own board, and for his sake enlarging such prisoners as he required. And after he had thus for certain days honourably used him, and discoursed with him of many things, he concluded a perpetual peace with him, upon promise of a marriage to be made betwixt their children, and so with a safe convoy sent him away with greater honour than was at an enemy's hand to have been expected. The emperor in Turkish attire, which the Sultan had bestowed upon him, coming to THEODOSOPOLIS, there stayed for the curing of his wounds, & afterwards accompanied with the Sultan's ambassadors, set forward toward CONSTANTINOPLE. But all was now there changed: for upon the report of his captivity, john the Caesar, with Psellus one of the chief Senators, and others of the same faction, which always envied at the honour of Diogenes, presently took the imperial government from Eudocia the empress, Eudocia the empress deposed by the traitor john Duca●▪ Psellu●▪ and others. and thrusting her into a monastery which she had built near unto PROPONTIS, set up Michael Ducas her eldest son, emperor, in steed of Diogenes: whose simplicity, Caesar his uncle, abusing with the rest, did now what they list. And hearing that Diogenes was now contrary to their expectation, set at liberlie by the Sultan, and coming towards the imperial city, sent out letters every way in the new emperors name, unto all the governors of the provinces whereby he was to pass, not to receive him as emperor, or to do him any honour: which Diogenes understanding, stayed at the castle of DOCIA, whether some of his friends with such power as they were able to make, resorted unto him. Against whom, Caesar with the contrary faction first sent his son Constantine, and after that Andronicus his eldest son, both Diogenes his mortal enemies, with a great army: by whom Diogenes with his friends and followers, Diogenes the emperor taken prisoner by Andronicus. were overthrown and discomfited. Diogenes himself flying to the city of ADANA, was there hardly besieged by Andronicus, and in the end glad to yield himself, upon condition, that he should resign the empire, and so for ever after to lead a private life. For whose safety, certain of the chief of the clergy sent of purpose from Michael the emperor, gave their faith. So Diogenes all attired in black, yielded himself to Andronicus: by whom he was brought to COTAI, than the metropolitical city of PHRIGIA, there to expect what further order should be taken for him from the court: during which time, he fell sick, being as many supposed secretly poisoned. But whilst he there lay languishing, an heavier doom came from the young emperor, That he should have his eyes put out: which was forthwith in most cruel manner done; the clergy men that had before for his safety gauged their faith, The miserable death of Diogenes the emperor. crying out in vain against so horrible a cruelty. Thus deprived of his sight, he was conveyed into the island of PROTA, where his eyes for lack of looking to, putrefying, and worms breeding in them, with such an odious smell as that no man could abide to come nigh him, he in short time after died, when he had reigned three years, eight months. All which misery was thought to have happened unto him through the malice of Caesar, without the knowledge of the young emperor his nephew. Axan the Sultan seeketh to revenge the death of Diogenes. Axan hearing of the miserable end of the late emperor Diogenes, was therewith much grieved, and the more, for that the league which he had to his good content so lately made with him, was thereby come to nought: wherefore in revenge thereof, he with great power invaded the imperial provinces; not for spoil and booty only, as in former time, but now to conquer and to hold the same. Against whom Michael the emperor sent Isaac Comnenus his lieutenant, with a great army: who meeting with the Turks, and joining battle, was by them overthrown with all his army, and taken prisoner: and glad afterwards for a great sum of money to redeem himself. After which overthrow, the emperor sent his uncle Caesar with an other army against them, who was by Ruselius, that had before revolted from the emperor, overthrown at the river SANGARIUS, and taken prisoner: whom he for all that, shortly after set at liberty again, and joining with him against the Turks, were both together by them discomfited and taken prisoners, but afterwards redeemed; Caesar by the emperor, and Ruselius by his wife. This Ruselius was a notable traitor, who joining with the Turks did what he list in the provinces of the empire in the lesser ASIA: for the repressing of whom, the emperor sent Alexius Comnenus, a young man, but very politic and courageous; who secretly practising with the Turks that were great with Ruselius, had him at last by them for a sum of money betrayed into his power: who forthwith sent him to CONSTANTINOPLE to the emperor, by whom he was imprisoned, but afterward set at liberty and employed against Bryennius and his brother, than up in rebellion against the emperor. But to come nearer unto the Turkish affairs. Cutlu-Muses with his sons and kinsmen take up arms against Axan the Sultan. Cutlu-Muses who with his cousin Melech and others were for fear of Tangrolipix their cousin fled into ARABIA, as is before declared, now in the beginning of the reign of Axan, returned: and as the envious competitors of his kingdom, having raised a great power of their friends and partakers, were now ready to have tried the matter with him by plain battle. Against whom also the Sultan on the other side had brought into the field his whole forces, and was now ready likewise to have encountered them near unto the city of ERES. But whilst the Turks thus divided, stood ready to destroy themselves, the Caliph of BABYLON (from whom though the Turks had taken all temporal sovereignty, yet in matters of religion still held him in great reverence and esteem, as their chief bishop, and the successor of their great prophet) considering that nothing could be more dangerous unto his sect and religion than that civil dissension, the late confusion and utter ruin of the Saracen empire, and authority of the Caliphs'; and fearing the like effect in these new saracenes, now the chief stay of the Mahometan superstition: setting aside all his pontifical formality, whereby he was bound not to go out of his own house, came with all speed, even as the armies were now ready to join battle, and thrusting himself into the midst betwixt them; what with the reverence of his person, what with his effectual persuasion, wrought so much and prevailed so far with both parties, that they were content to lay down their weapons, and to stand to his order and judgement: A most hurtful order for the Christian common weal. which was, That Axan the Sultan should still enjoy his kingdom and territories, whole and entire unto himself as he did: and that Cutlu-Muses and his sons, aided by him, and so invading the provinces of the Constantinopolitan empire, should thereof subdue so much as they could unto themselves, and to be thereof accounted the only lords and governors. Which order as it was unto the Turks, and for the maintenance of the Mahometan superstition, very wholesome & commodious; so was it unto the Christian common weal and religion most dangerous and hurtful, as in process of time by proof it appeared. For by this mean, in short time after, Cutlu-Muses with his cousin and sons subdued all MEDIA with a great part of ARMENIA, CAPADOCIA, PONTUS, and BYTHINIA, and so a great part of the lesser ASIA. By the aid of this Cutlu-Muses & the favour of the soldiers, Nicephorus Botoniates aspiring unto the empire of CONSTANTINOPLE, displaced his master the emperor, Michael Ducas, after he had reigned six years and six months, and in the habit of a monk thrust him into an abbey: which usurper by the just judgement of God, was at length required even with the same measure▪ and in like manner served by Alexius Comnenus; who thrusting him out, succeeded himself in the empire. Much it was that this Cutlu-Muses with his sons and kinsmen did for the enlarging of the Turkish empire, The ground of the error of divers writers about the successors of Tangrollpix, otherwise of them called Sadoch. by the help of the great Persian Sultan: whose forces, together with their own, in divers countries conducted by these worthy leaders his nigh kinsmen, and doing great matters, gave occasion for themselves to be accounted Sultan's, though in deed they were none, neither their names such as are by some ancient writers and some others of later time also reported; but unto the Turks themselves, by those names, either for Sultan's, unknown. Out of these great commanders, all borne of the Selzuccian family, hath Aithonus, and others following his report, derived their Dogrissa, Aspasalemus, Meleclas, and Belchiaroc, whom they suppose to have orderly succeeded Zadoc, otherwise called Tangrolipix, in the Turkish empire, and to have done great matters: whereas both by the report of the Turks themselves, and the relation the Greeks, it appeareth plainly, Axan (more truly called Ax-Han, that is to say, the White king) to have been the son of Tangrolipix, and to have succeeded him in the empire: and that by him the emperor Diogenes was taken, and not by Aspasalemus as they vainly imagine. As for Aspasalemus, whom the Turks by that name know not either any thing of his doings, it seemeth to have been a name corrupted of Aspam Sallarius, the brother of Tangrolipix and Habrami, and not his sons son as they would have it. In like manner Meleclas also seemeth to have been forged of Melech the son of Habrami, Tangrolipix his brother, and not of Aspasalemus, as some without any good ground report. Whom they finding to have been all great men in the Selzuccian family, with some others also, have both corrupted their names, and given unto them an imaginary sovereignty and succession in the Turks first empire, such as beside that the Turks themselves acknowledge not, is easily to be refelled out of the histories of the Greeks, who had with them still much to do. Wherefore leaving these supposed princes of the Turks, with their imaginary succession, and doings, unto the authors thereof, following more certainties, to return again unto the course of our history. Axan the Sultan at the same time that he had by the mediation of the Chaliph (or not long after) fallen to agreement with his cousin Cutlu-Muses: to increase the honour of his nation and the bounds of his empire, gave unto Ducat and Melech, two of his nigh kinsmen, the government of DAMASCUS and ALEPPO, with that part of SYRIA which joineth unto them, of purpose that way to encroach upon the Egyptian Chaliph, who then had under his jurisdiction all as far as LAODICEA in SYRIA; yet not with so large privileges as had Cutlu-Muses, unto whom and his posterity he had yielded the absolute honour of a Sultan or king, over such countries and provinces as they should win from the Christians: but unto these others his kinsmen, he gave the government of the aforesaid cities of DAMASCUS and ALEPPO in the frontiers of his dominion in SYRIA, conditionally that they should still remain his vassals, and hold of him as of their sovereign, whatsoever they had: who nevertheless in short time mightily prevailed upon the Egyptian, still increasing the Turkish territory with the loss of the Saracens, whose name together with their empire, was now by the Turks almost quite driven out of ASIA. But these proud branches of the Turkish empire, thus overspreading the lesser ASIA, with the greatest part of SYRIA, were in short time after by the mercy of God, and the valour of the most Christian and religious princes of the West, cut shorter, and brought again into some better order. The full discourse whereof, worthy eternal memory, by others enrolled in the ancient records of fame, I purpose not at large to follow, but in brief to touch, for the orderly continuation of the present history, hasting to the doings of this victorious nation of later times, wherein we are to make a longer stay, as more pertinent unto the dangerous estate of the present time. Peter a French herm●t goeth on pilgrimage to jerusalem. It fortuned that whilst Cutlu-Muses and his sons, supported by the Sultan Axan their kinsman, thus mightily prevailed against the Christians in the lesser ASIA on the one side, and Melich with his cousin against the Egyptian Caliph in SYRIA on the other: that one Peter a French Eremite moved with a devout zeal, according to the manner of that time, went to visit the sepulchre of our Saviour, with the other holy places at JERUSALEM: who coming into SYRIA, then for the most part possessed by the Turks and Saracens, diligently noted by the way as he traveled, the manners and fashions of these barbarous nations, their government, their cities, their power and strength; but above all, the grievous miseries of the poor oppressed Christians, that there lived in most miserable thraldom amongst them, without hope of release: all which, he in the habit of a poor pilgrim, at liberty safely viewed, in the midst of these miscreants, being withal a little low hard favoured fellow, and therefore in show more to be contemned than feared. The description of Peter the Heremit. Yet under such simple & homely feature, lay unregarded a most subtle sharp and piercing wit, fraught with discretion and sound judgement, still applying to some good use what he had in his long and painful travel most curiously observed. He coming to JERUSALEM, and performing his devotions there, saw the grievous misery of the poor devout Christians, so great and heavy, as that greater or more intolerable could none be: wherewith not a little grieved, he entered into a deep discourse thereof with Simon the Patriarch and Abbot of the monastery of the Christians (there before built by certain devout Italian merchants) and with the master o●●he Hospitalars, by whom he was fully informed thereof, as of whatsoever else he required. After much grave conference, it was at length agreed upon amongst them, That the Patriarch and the Grand-master, should in their own, and the names of the other oppressed Christians, write their letters unto the Pope and the other Christian princes, concerning their miseries; and to crave their aid for the recovery of those holy places out of the hands of those cruel infidels: of which letters, the devout hermit promised himself to be the trusty carrier, and of their petitions the most careful solicitor. Whereupon the Patriarch and Grand-master in the name of the poor oppressed Christians, wrote their letters unto this effect. We the citizens of the Holy city, The letters of Simon Patriarch of jerusalem, and of the Grand-master of the Hospitaler● unto the Pope and other Christian princes, in the behalf of the oppressed Christians in jerusalem. and countrymen of Christ jesus, daily suffer those things which Christ our king suffered but once; in the last days of his mortality. We are daily buffeted, scourged, and pierced: every day some of us are brained, beheaded, or crucified. We would fly from city to city unto the remotest parts of the earth, and remove out of the middle of that land, where Christ our Saviour wrought our redemption, to lead a poor exiled and vagrant life; were it not impiety to leave the land (sacred with the birth, doctrine, death, resurrection, and ascension of our Saviour) without inhabitants and priests: and that there should first lack such as would endure death and martyrdom, than such as would inflict the same: and that there should not be which would willingly die for Christ, as in battle, so long as there were any that would fight against them. These things truly we most miserably suffer: yet was there a time when as our ancestors feared no such thing, either to themselves or their posterity. And now perhaps the Christian kingdoms of the West, live likewise without the least suspicion of fear: but let them be moved by our example and testimony. The strength of the Turks is daily increased, & ours diminished: The continual gaining of new kingdoms giveth them courage: They have already devoured the whole world, in hope. The forces of the Turks are fiercer and stronger than the forces of the Saracens, their policies deeper, their attempts more desperate, their endeavours greater, and their success fortunater. Yet have the Saracens attempted both ROME'S; Rome, and Constantinople, which was also called Nova Roma, or new Rome. they have besieged CONSTANTINOPLE, and have wasted not only the Sea coasts of ITALY, but even the heart of the land also. Then why should the kingdoms of the West presume themselves to stand in safety and out of all peril, when as the chief fortresses of the world have been so endangered? What may the rest of Christendom promise unto itself, seeing that JERUSALEM (the seat and spectacle of the Christian religion) hath been besieged, taken, sacked, razed, and triumphed upon? Seeing that of the Christian profession, remain but the poor and weak relics, in comparison of the ancient whole entire body? This land, which is daily be sprinkled with our blood, yea the blood itself crieth out for revenge. And we your most humble suppliants, prostrate at your feet, call upon the help, aid, mercy, faith, and religion, of you most blessed Father, of the kings, princes and potentates; Christians not in name and profession only, but in heart, soul and spirit. Before the tempest thunder, before the lightning fall upon you, avert from you and your children the storm hanging over your heads: defend us your poor suppliants: deliver your religion from most wicked and accursed slavery. You shall in so doing, deserve immortal fame, and God shall requite your so great valour in this world with terrestrial kingdoms, and in the world to come with eternal bliss, whose sacred inheritance you shall have defended from the rage of hell. With these letters, and plenty of other secret instructions▪ the devout hermit returning into ITALY, and coming to ROME, delivered his letters unto Vrban the second of that name, than Pope, with a full discourse of the miseries of the Christians under the Turkish thraldom, which he had seen at JERUSALEM, and other places as he traveled; requesting his holy care for the redress thereof: with whom he so prevailed, that shortly after, he calling a Council at CLAREMONT in FRANCE, among other things, propounded the misery of the poor oppressed Christians at JERUSALEM, The Council at Claremont in France. as an especial matter to be considered of. And having caused the aforesaid letters, directed unto him and the other Christian princes, to be openly read in the Counsel, whereunto three hundred and ten bishops were then out of divers parts of Christendom assembled, with the ambassadors of all countries, much moved the whole assembly to compassion: at which time also the hermit, whose flowing eloquence fully countervailed what wanted in his feature, standing up in the midst of the Counsel, delivered his message in the name of the afflicted Christians, with their heavy groanings and tears: which as they could not be in letters expressed, so were they not hardly by the religious hermit (as by him who having but lately seen, both the misery of the men, and desolation of the places, and at the heart touched with the grief thereof) so lively represented, as that it moved the whole assembly with the like sympathy of heaviness and grief. Which the Pope perceiving, took thereupon occasion to enter into a large discourse concerning that matter, with many effectual reasons persuading the fathers and princes there present, of the necessity of so religious a war to be taken in hand, for the deliverance of their oppressed brethren out of the thraldom of the infidels; and now as well with their present decree, as afterwards at their return home into their countries, by all means to further the same. Which notable persuasion, with the heavy complaint of the hermit, and the equity of the cause, so much moved the whole counsel and the rest there present, that they all as men inspired with one spirit, declared their consent by their often crying out, An expedition agreed upon by the Cou●sell, ●or the release of the Christians oppressed in the H●ly land. Deus vult, Deus vult, God willeth it, God willeth it: which words so then uttered by way of applause, was in the great and most sacred expedition following, much used of the devout Christians, as the fortunate signal of their cheerful forwardness, even in their most dangerous enterprises. Strange it were to tell, and hardly to be believed (but that the ancient histories bear witness of the like) how far in one days space the report of this religious decreed war, was by flying fame dispersed. The Counsel dissolved, and the reverend fathers returning every man home into his own country; it pleased God by their effectual persuasions so to work with the rest of the Christian princes, and people in general, that in all countries and provinces in Christendom, were shortly to be seen men of all sorts in great number, with red crosses on their breasts (the cognisance of that sacred expedition) ready of themselves to spend both life and goods for the defence of the Christian religion, and recovery of the Holy land. The number of whom is of divers diversly reported, but of most supposed to have been three hundred thousand fight men: The 〈◊〉 commander's of t●e christians in 〈…〉 to the Holy l●●d. of whom the chief commanders were Godfrey Duke of LORRAINE, with his two brethren Eustace and Baldwin, all of the honourable house of BUILLON; Hugh surnamed the Great, brother to Philip then the French king; Raymond and Robert, earls of FLANDERS; Robert duke of NORMANDY, William the conquerors son; Stephan de Valois earl of CHARTIERS; Ademar bishop of PODIE, the Pope's legate; and Peter the hermit, not to be numbered amongst the least, as chief author of this most famous expedition: unto whom many other honourable princes joined themselves as partakers of their travels, though not with like charge. The first that set forward in this expedition, was one Gualther Sensavier, a noble gentleman, with a great band of men: not long after whom, followed Peter the hermit, with forty thousand more: who both, traveling thorough GERMANY, HUNGARY, and BULGARIA, were glad oftentimes, especially in the further part of HUNGARY and BULGARIA to open themselves a way with the sword; and so with much labour, and no less loss, came at length to CONSTANTINOPLE: where they were not greatly welcome unto the emperor Alexius Comnenus, who guilty unto himself of the unlawful means whereby he had extorted the empire from Nicephorus his predecessor, had that expedition of the Christians into the East, in distrust, as purposed against himself: until that fully resolved to the contrary, by the hermit and others; and that a far greater power was coming after, for the invasion of the Turks and recovery of the Holy land, he was content to relieve them now weary of their long travel: & afterward to make room for them that were to come, shipped them over the straight of BOSPHORUS into ASIA; who marching forward into BITHINYA, encamped their army in the country not far from the city of NICE. In the mean time Godfrey with his brethren, and divers other princes that had joined themselves unto him, with the Germans and Loranois, and the greatest part of the army, followed the same way that the hermit had taken before him. At which time also Hugh the French kings brother, with the Legate, the two Roberts, (the one duke of NORMANDY, and the other earl of FLANDERS) and the rest of the French commanders, passing over the mountains into ITALY, came to ROME, with a wonderful great army: where taking their leave of the Pope, because they would be less troublesome unto the cities and countries whereby they were to pass, they divided their great army into three parts; whereof the one part went to BRUNDISIUM, and the other to BARY, and the third to HYDRUNTUM, unto whom also Bohemund, one of the great princes of APULIA, joined himself with twelve thousand good soldiers that followed him. From these three ports the Christian army departing, and crossing the ADRIATIC, arrived in safety at DIRRACHIUM, and nigh thereabout, Godfrey duke of Buillion an● the other Christian princes meet together at Constantinople. upon the coast of DALMATIA: from whence they traveled by land thorough MACEDONIA to CONSTANTINOPLE, where they met with the duke Godfrey, and the rest of the army: whom also at the first, Alexius the emperor is reported to have but coldly entertained, as jealous of his own state; until that better persuaded of their designments and good meaning towards him, confirmed by many rich presents sent unto him from these strange princes, he joined with them in league: wherein it was agreed, That the emperor during the time of this expedition, should furnish them with new supplies of men, armour, victuals, and whatsoever else they should want: in regard whereof, the princes on the other side▪ promised to restore again unto the empire, what provinces, countries, or cities they should happily gain out of the hands of the Turks and Saracens, the city of JERUSALEM only excepted: which agreement was afterward on the suspicious emperors part, but slenderly performed. Nevertheless this league so made, he granted them passage, and so transported them over the straight into ASIA; only Bohemund, for an old grudge betwixt the emperor Alexius and his father, would not come to CONSTANTINOPLE, but marching with his army thorough the upper MISIA and THRACIA, came sooner than any man had thought unto the straight of HELLESPONTUS, and so passed. Now had Gualther, and the hermit Peter, with their army, lain two months in the country about NICE, expecting the coming of the rest of the Christian princes: for why, they thought it not good, before their coming, to attempt any thing against the enemy, whom they knew to lie not far off very strong. But the common soldiers, weary of so long lying, and nought doing, and pinched with some wants; and withal disliking of Gualther their chief commander, and the hermit Peter, of whose integrity and holiness they had a greater opinion than of his prowess and direction; rise up in mutiny, and displacing Gualther, made choice of one Raymund, a valiant german captain, for their general: by whose conduct they took EXOROUM, a town of purpose forsaken of the Turks. For they long before understanding what a tempest of war was growing upon them out of EUROPE, sought by all means to cut off these that were already come over, as the forerunners of a greater army following, and therefore had left them this town, as a bait to train them out of their trenches. And after that the Christians were thus possessed of the town, having laid certain strong ambushes, they drove out certain herds of cattle the more to allure them: all which, certain companies of the Christians brought in, without any loss, the Turks still winking thereat. With which booty the Christians encouraged, went out (three thousand of them) to take in a tittle town not far off, who were by the Turks cut off and slain every mother's son, as they were about to have divided the spoil which overthrow reported into the town, discouraged even the chief commanders of the army, so that they resolved no more to try the fortune of the field, before the coming of the●● friends. Nevertheless the common soldiers, condemning them of cowardice, chose them a new general, one Godfrey Burell, whom they now requested not, but enforced to go out to revenge the death of their fellows: which their rashness not long after turned to their own destruction. For ten thousand of them going out of EXORGUM, to forage the country, were by the Turks entrapped, and almost all slain, except some few which by speedy flight escaped. The Turks prosecuting their victory, laid hard siege to them in the town also, until they had partly with famine▪ and partly with the sword consumed the most part of them. The hermit with the poor remainder of his army took his refuge to CINITE, a town not far off, before abandoned by the Turks; where with much ado he defended himself, until the coming of duke Godfrey, and the rest of the princes. Cutlu-Muses the Turk was now dead, having left unto his son Sultan Solyman many large countries & provinces, altogether gained from the Christians in ASIA, whom he held in great subjection & thraldom. This warlike prince having discomfited, and almost brought to nought the hermits forces, was no less careful for the withstanding of the great army following: which now being come into BYTHINIA, & lying before NICOMEDIA, removing thence laid siege to the city of NICE, Nice besieged by the Christian●. called in ancient time ANTIGONIA of Antigonus, the son of Philip that built it, and afterwards NICAEA, of Nicaea the wife of king Lysimachus. In this city dwelled many devout Greeks, Christians; but in such thraldom unto the Turks, as that they could not do any thing for the delivery of themselves. This siege endured longer than the Christian princes had at the first supposed: who although they to the uttermost of their power, forced the city on three sides, yet was it still notably defended; new supplies still coming from the Turks by the lake of ASCANIUS joining upon the other side of the city. But after that the Christians possessed of the lake, began on that side also to lay hardly unto the city, the Turks discouraged, and seeing themselves beset round with their enemies, yielded up the city the fifth of july, 1097 in the year 1097, after it had been fifty days besieged. But whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege, the Turks assailed that quarter of the camp where the Legate lay; by whom they were notably repulsed, and with great loss enforced to retire unto the mountains. In this city amongst the rest of the Turks, was taken Soliman's wife, with two of her children, whom the princes sent prisoners to CONSTANTINOPLE. This city so won, was according to the agreement before made, restored unto Alexius the emperor, whose fleet had in that siege done good service, by taking the lake from the Turks. The city of NICE thus won, the Christian princes removing thence with their army; and marching thorough the country, came the fourth day after unto a river which watered many rich pastures: where, as they were about to have encamped for the commodiousness of the place▪ and refreshing of the army, suddenly news was brought into the quarter where Bohemund lay, now busy in casting up his trenches, That the Turks with a great army were ready even at hand to charge him. For Solyman having raised a great power of his own, and aided by the Sultan of PERSIA his kinsman, was now come with an army of threescore thousand strong, to give the Christians battle: A cruel battle ●ought betwixt the Turks and the Christians. of whose approach Bohemund advertised, left the fortifying of his trenches, and putting his soldiers in array, set forward to meet him, sending word to the rest of the princes that lay a far off, to be ready as occasion should require, to relieve him. These two armies conducted by their most resolute chieftains, meeting together, joined a most fierce and terrible battle, where in a short space the Turks lay slain upon heaps, in such sort that they served the Christians in steed of bulwarks. But whilst Bohemund thus prevaileth in the battle, certain of the Turks horsemen wheeling about, broke into Bohemunds' camp; (not as then altogether fortified, & but slenderly manned) where among the women, & other weak persons there left, they raised a great tumult & outcry, to the great appauling of them that were fight in the battle: which Bohemund perceiving, withdrew himself with certain companies unto the camp, from whence he with great slaughter repulsed the enemy. But returning again into the battle, he found there a great alteration: for his soldiers whom before he had left, as it were in possession of a most glorious victory, were now so hardly laid unto by the Turks, as that they were ready to have turned their backs and fled. Nevertheless by his coming in, the battle was notably restored, and again made doubtful: when the enemy perceiving how much the assaulting of the camp had troubled the Christians in battle, sent out certain troops of horsemen again to assault the same: and had not failed undoubtedly to have taken it, being as aforesaid not yet fortified, had not Hugh the French kings brother come in good time to the rescue: who coming in with thirty thousand horsemen, after he had relieved the camp, entering directly into the battle, was notably encountered by a squadron of fresh soldiers of the Turks, by them of purpose reserved for such event. There began a battle more terrible than the first, with most doubtful victory. But at the length, the Turks weary of the long and cruel fight, and seeing most of their fellows slain, began by little and little to give ground, and so retired into the mountains, which were not far off. In this battle which continued a great part of the day, were slain of the Turks forty thousand, and of the Christians about two thousand. The next morning Bohemund with the French kings brother, came again into the field, in such order, as if they should presently have given or received battle: where after they had stayed a great while, and saw no enemy to appear, they fell to the honest burial of their dead: which were easily known from the Turks, by the red crosses upon their garments, the cognisance of their sacred warfare. Solyman flying with the remainder of his army, notably dissembled his loss, giving it out that he had got the victory: Solyman slieth. yet by the way as he went, he burned up the country villages, and destroyed or carried away whatsoever else he thought might stand the Christians in any steed, if they should further follow after him, leaving nothing for them but the bare ground. After this victory, Bohemund and the Christian princes, without resistance marching through the hot and dry countries of the lesser ASIA, Antioch in Pis●lia taken by the Christians. came to ANTIOCHIA, a city of PISIDIA, which they took with small labour: & so marching unto ICONIUM the principal city of CILICIA, near unto the mountain TAURUS, were there also of the citizens courteously received, where they stayed certain days for the refreshing of the army. From thence they set forward toward HERACLEA, Heraclea yielded. where a great power of the Turks were reported to be assembled. But they together with the garrison soldiers upon the approach of the victorious army of the Christians forsook the city and fled. The citizens being christian's (as they were yet generally in all the provinces of the lesser ASIA, but in great subjection to the Turks) and now rid of their cruel masters the Turkish garrisons; came forth, and meeting the princes, gladly yielded themselves with their city unto them, as unto their deliverers. Here the Christian princes fully instructed of the great fear and desperation of the Turks, who now in no place durst abide their coming; for the more speedy taking in of those countries but lately oppressed by the Turks, divided their army into two parts, leaving the one part thereof with Baldwin and Tancred in CILICIA, for the full subduing thereof (who in short time took the cities of TARSUS, EDISSA, and MANUSSA, with all the rest of the country, the Turks not daring any where to abide their coming:) the other part of the army in the mean time entering into the lesser ARMENIA, took the same from the Turks, which the princes gave to one Palmurus an Armenian, who had in that expedition done them great service. From thence they took their way into CAPADOCIA, which they also subdued, driving out the Turks in every place, and took the cities of CAESAREA and SOCOR; where they stayed a few days for the refreshing of the army: with like success they passed through the rest of the provinces of the lesser ASIA, of late possessed by the Turks, still chase them out before them, and setting at liberty the poor oppressed Christians of those countries. Whereof Solyman (craving aid of Axan the Persian Sultan his cousin) grievously complained by his letters to him directed in this sort. Sultan Solyman his letters unto the Persian Sultan Axan. The famous city of NICE, with the country of ROMANIA, which we by your aid and power have gotten from the kingdom of the Greeks, and of your bounty possessed: the Christians of the kingdom of FRANCE have again taken from us. Thus was the late erected kingdom of the Turks in the lesser ASIA, by these valiant Christian champions again brought low, and they glad to retire themselves farther off into the mountains and more Eastern countries, until this heat was overpast; and that they, taking the benefit of the troubled state of the Greek empire (afterwards rend in sunder by ambition and civil discord, the ruin of the greatest monarchies) recovered not only their former state, but became also dreadful unto the Greek emperors themselves: upon whom they daily gained in one corner or other, still maintaining the honour of their estate, until the rising of the Ottoman family, as in the process of this history shall God willing be declared. These victorious princes then, The Christians bind themselves by oath, never to return until they had won the Holy city. and to the world's end famous, not contented to their immortal praise, to have thus driven the Turks out of the lesser ASIA, and recovered so many countries; bound themselves, as well the princes as the common soldiers, by solemn oath; never to return again into their country's, until they had accomplished that sacred war, with the conquest of the Holy city. So mounting together the high mountain TAURUS, and descending thence as into another world, they came to the city MARESIA, which they took without resistance, the Turks there in garrison, being by night before for fear fled: where the Christians for the refreshing of themselves, certain days stayed. In the mean time Robert earl of FLANDERS with a thousand men at arms, was sent out to give summons unto a city called ARTASIA, about fifteen miles distant from ANTIOCH: when as the citizens beholding the ensigns of the Christians, suddenly took up arms against the Turks there in garrison; which had of long holden them in subjection, and prevailing upon them, slew them every mother's son: whose heads they presented unto the earl, and received him into their city. The Turks to revenge the death of their friends, and to recover again the city before the coming of the rest of the army, sent out about ten thousand men out of ANTIOCH; for thither was assembled a great power of them to have hindered the farther proceedings of the Christians: and being come near to ARIASIA, they sent before certain straggling companies, of purpose to draw the new come Christians out of the city, lying in the mean time in ambush with the rest, of purpose to entrap them. With these straggling companies, the Flemings sallying out lustily, encountered, & easily put them to flight; the Turks in deed flying of purpose to bring them within the danger of the other, lying in Ambush. After whom the Flemings eagerly following, were before they were aware enclosed round with their enemies, and there had undoubtedly perished, had not the citizens being Christians, presently sallied out, and right worthily relieved them. Shortly after the Christian princes marching forward with their army, were encountered by the Turk at the river ORONTES, who had there thought to have stayed their farther passage: with whom Robert duke of NORMANDY, who had the leading of the vanguard, had a hard conflict, until that the Turks discouraged with the sight of the army still coming on, forsook the bridge, and betook themselves to flight. So the Christians passing the river, came and encamped with their army before the famous city of ANTIOCH the one and twentieth day of October, Antioch in Syria besieged by the Christians. in the year 1097: the governor whereof under the Persian Sultan, was one Cassianus (of some also honoured with the name of a king) who at the coming of the Christians, had with him in the city seven thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand foot of the Turks, with great store of victuals, and all manner of other provisions necessary for the defence thereof. This city called in ancient time EPIDAPHANE, The description of the famous city of Antioch. or EPIPHANE, and of the Hebrews, REBLATHA, sometime the seat of the Sirian kings, and afterwards the Metropolitical city of SYRIA, having under it an hundred and fifty bishops (famous for many things, and amongst others, for that it was the seat of the blessed Apostle Saint Peter, and first place whereas the professors of the Christian religion took the name of Christians) is situate upon the river ORONTES, about twelve miles from the sea, and was then strongly fortified both by nature and art, being compassed about with a double wall; the uttermost whereof was of hard stone, and the other of brick, with 460 towers in the same, and an impregnable castle at the East end thereof, whereunto was joining a deep lake, coming out of the great river which watered the South side of the city. Round about this strong city (one of the most assured refuges of the Turks) although it were in circuit great, lay the Christian princes encamped, except on that side which being defended with the high broken mountains, is not there to be besieged. Upon whom the Turks out of the city, duing the time of the siege, made many a fierce & desperate sally, being still by the Christian's most valiantly repulsed: especially at the bridge which the Christians had made of boats for their more commodious passage too and fro over the river. In this sort was the siege continued, until the beginning of February, with many a bloody skirmish. At which time such abundance of rain sell, as that hardly could a man find any place to lie dry in: and the scarcity of victual grew so great in the camp, that many (horrible it is to say) to assuage their hunger, were glad to eat the dead bodies of their late slain enemies. In these extremities, many died of hunger and cold; yea their horses also perished for want of meat, so that in the whole camp were scarcely left two thousand horses fit for service, the rest being either all dead, or brought so low, as that they were altogether unserviceable. These miseries daily increasing divers men of great account whom no terror of the enemy could have dismayed, began secretly to withdraw themselves out of the camp, with purpose to have stolen home; among whom were Peter the heremit, author of this war, and Tancred the nephew of Bohemund, who taken by the way, and brought back with the rest as fugitives, were sharply reproved by Hugh the French kings brother, as cowards, and traitors to their brethren and fellow soldiers, and so enforced to take a new oath for their fidelity and perseverance. Bohemund in the mean time going to ARETHUSA, a town not far off, by good fortune cut off a great part of the Turks there in garrison: who after their usual manner sallying out to have cut off the forages of the Christians, were now themselves caught tardy: whereby the country for a time was more open for the distressed Christian soldiers to seek abroad for relief. But this liberty so lately gained, lasted not long, when news was brought unto the camp, That the Turks in great number out of the provinces about ALEPPO and DAMASCUS, were coming to the relief of their besieged friends in ANTIOCH. Nevertheless the Christians trusting unto their own strength, & the strength of the place wherein they were encamped, lay still, and at their coming so encountered them that they slew 2000 of them, and put the rest to flight: In which conflict the Christians got great store of provision & victuals, which the Turks had thought to have put into the city. The heads of the slain Turks the Christians set upon stakes before the city, to the more terror of the defendants. This overthrow of the Turks, wherein Cassianus had lost his eldest son, with others of his best captains, so daunted the besieged, that they requested a truce for a time of the Christian princes: which granted, they of the city came oftentimes into the camp, and they of the camp likewise into the city: Cassianus still expecting relief from the Persian Sultan. Whilst the Christian princes were thus busy in ASIA, the Venetians with a great fleet of two hundred galleys scouring the seas, under the conduct of Henry Contarenus the bishop, and of Vitalis the duke's son, meeting with the galleys of Pisa at the RHODES, and falling out with them, had with them a great fight, wherein the Venetians having the upper hand, took eighteen of their galleys, and in them five thousand soldiers: whom they seeing to be marked with the red cross, the cognisance of the sacred war, they presently set at liberty together with the galleys, detaining only thirty of the better sort as hostages. After that, the Venetians sailing into JONIA, took the city of SMYRNA, and spoiled all along the costs of LYCIA, PAMPHILIA, and CILICIA, before for fear abandoned by the Turks. The truce before taken between the Turks and the Christians at the siege of ANTIOCH, being in short time after broken by the death of one Vollo a French man, slain by the Turks: the war was again begun, and the city more hardly laid unto than before. At which time the governor who in the time of this long siege, which had now continued nine months, had lost most part of his best soldiers, was glad for the defence of so great a city to use the service of divers Christians, Antioch betrayed unto the Christians. then dwelling in the city. Amongst whom was one Pyrrhus, a citizen of great reputation, unto whom he had committed the guarding of a tower, called the two Sisters, but afterward saint George's tower. This Pyrrhus had secret intelligence with Bohemund prince of TARENTUM, with whom he agreed to give him there entrance into the city, upon condition, That he should of the other Christian princes procure the government of the city unto himself; and that he, with the rest of the Christian citizens in the city might be at his hands well used: Which thing being easily obtained, and all things agreed upon, Bohemund with his soldiers were by night by Pyrrhus let into the city, who made way for the rest of the army to enter. The city thus taken, many of the Turks fled into the castle, the rest were put unto the sword, man, woman, and child; and amongst them also many of the Christians, the furious soldiers taking of them no knowledge. Great wealth was there found, but small store of victuals. Casstanus the late governor flying out of the city to save himself, Cassianus governor of Antioch in flying slain. in wandering through the mountains, fell into the hands of the Christian Armenians, who lately thrust out of JERUSALEM were fled thither for refuge, by whom he was there slain. In the city were slain about ten thousand persons. Thus was the famous city of ANTIOCH, which the Turks had long before by famine taken from the Christians, again recovered the third day of june, in the year of our Lord God 1098. The poor oppressed Christians in JERUSALEM hearing of this so notable a victory, 1098 gave secret thanks unto God therefore, and began to lift up their heads in hope that their delivery was now at hand. Of this victory, the princes of the army by speedy messengers and letters certified their friends in all countries, so that in short time the fame thereof had filled a great part of the world. Amongst others, Bohemund prince of TARENTUM, unto whom the city was delivered, sent the joyful news thereof unto Roger his brother prince of APULIA: whose letters, as the most certain witnesses of the history before reported, I thought it not amiss here to set down. I suppose you to have understood by the letters of your son Tancred, both of the great fear of some of us, The letters of Bohemund prince of Tarentum, to his brother Roger prince of Apuli●, concerning the winning of Antioch. and the battles which we have of late with our great glory fought. But concerning the truce, and the proceeding of the whole action, I had rather you should be certified by my letters, than the letters of others. King Cassianus had required a time of truce: during which, our soldiers had free recourse into the city without danger, until that by the death of Vollo a Frenchman, slain by the enemy, the truce was broken. But whilst it yet seemed an hard matter to win the city, one Pyr●hus a citizen of ANTIOCH, of great authority and much devoted unto me, had conference with me concerning the yielding up of the city; yet upon condition, That the government thereof should be committed to me, in whom he had reposed an especial trust. I conferred of the whole matter with the princes and great commanders of the army, and easily obtained that the government of the city was by their general consent allotted unto me. So our army entering by a gate opened by Pyrrhus, took the city. Within a few days after, the town ARETUM was by us assaulted, but not without some loss and danger to our person, by reason of a wound I there received: I assure you much of the valour of your son Tancred, of whom I and the whole army make such account and reckoning, as is to be made of a most valiant and resolute general. Farewell from ANTIOCH. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of ANTIOCH, Corbanas (the Persian Sultan his lieutenant) with a great army besieged EDESSA, Edessa in vain besieged by the Turk●. with purpose after the taking thereof, to have relieved the city of ANTIOCH. But this city being notably defended by Baldwin left there of purpose with a strong garrison for the defence thereof; the Turk fearing in the mean time to loose ANTIOCH, the safest refuge of the Turks in all those parts, rise with his army and set forward against the Christians: where by the way it was his fortune to meet with Sansadolus, Cassianus his son, but lately fled from ANTIOCH, by whom he understood of the loss of the city, and by what means the same was most like to be again recovered: upon which hope, Corbanas with his mighty army kept on his way, with a full resolution to set all upon the fortune of a battle. Whose coming much troubled the Christians; for that although they were possessed of the city, yet was the castle still holden by the Turks. Nevertheless leaving the earl of THOLOUS in the city with a competent power for the keeping in of them in the castle, they took the field with the whole strength of the army, and so in order of battle expected the coming of their enemies: who courageously coming on as men before resolved to fight, joined with them a most terrible and bloody battle. Neither were they in the city in the mean time idle; for that the Turks in the castle having received in unto them certain supplies from Corbanas, Corbanas the Sultan lieutenant, with a great army cometh to recover again the city of Antioch. sallied out upon them that were left for the safeguard of the city, and had with them a cruel conflict. Thus both within the city and without was to be seen a most dreadful fight of resolute men, with great slaughter on both sides: yet after long fight and much effusion of blood, the fortune of the Christian's prevailing, the Turks began to give ground, and afterwards betook themselves to plain flight, whom the Christians hardly pursuing, made of them a wonderful slaughter. In this battle were slain of the Turks above an hundred thousand, and of the Christians about four thousand two hundred. There was also taken a great prey: for besides horses and other beasts for burden, were taken also five thousand camels with their lading. The next day, being the 28 of june, the castle was by the Turks (now despairing of relief) yielded up unto the Christians. ANTIOCH thus taken, Hugh the French kings brother, surnamed the Great, was sent from the rest of the princes to CONSTANTINOPLE, to have delivered the city unto Alexius the emperor, according to the agreement before made. But he, guilty in conscience of his own foul dealing with them, unto whom he had sent no relief at all during the long and hard siege of ANTIOCH; neither performed any thing of that he had further promised, and therefore knowing himself hated of them; had in distrust so great an offer of the princes, so evil deserved, and therefore refused to accept thereof. Bohemund chosen prince of Antioch. The plague in the Christian army. Whereupon Bohemund by the general consent of the whole army was chosen prince, or (as some call him) king of ANTIOCH. After this long siege and want of victuals, ensued a great plague in the army of the Christians, the Autumn following, whereof it is reported fifty thousand men to have died, and amongst them many of great account. But the mortality ceasing, the Christians, in November following, by force took RUGIA, and ALBARIA, two cities, about two days journey from ANTIOCH: Discord arising upon emulation betwixt Bohemund and Raimund. where dissension arising betwixt Bohemund & Raimond, who of all others only envied at his preferment unto the principality of ANTIOCH: Bohemund for the common causes sake, gave way unto his adversary, & retired with his soldiers back again to ANTIOCH; after whom followed the duke Godfrey, and the earl of FLANDERS with their regiments. The rest of the princes wintered some at RUGIA, some at ALBARIA, from whence Raimund made sundry light expeditions further into the enemy's country: But the spring approaching, the Christian princes with all their power took the field again. Bohemund with them that remained with him, departing from ANTIOCH, besieged TORTOSA. Raimund in the mean time with the rest, besieging the city of TRIPOLI: who become much more insolent than before, by reason of some fortunate roads he had made upon the enemies the last winter, ceased not still to malign Bohemund and his proceedings: matter enough to have divided the whole power of the Christians, & to have turned their weapons upon themselves: which Bohemund well considering, rise with his army; and because he would not with his presence trouble the proceeding of the religious war, retired himself to ANTIOCH. After whose departure, Godfrey and the earl of FLANDERS, took GABELLA, a city about twelve miles from LAODICIA, and from thence returned again to the siege of TORTOSA, whether Raimund came also with his army, having before driven the governor of TRIPOLI to such composition as pleased himself, and to furnish him with such things as he wanted. Thus was TORTOSA hardly on three sides besieged by the Christians, but so notably defended by the Turks, that after three months hard siege the Christians were glad to depart thence: and marching alongst the sea side, spoiled the country about SIDON. But forasmuch as that city was not easily to be won, they left it, & encamped before PTOLEMAIS, which they also passed by: the governor thereof sending them out victuals, with such other things as they wanted; and upon summons given, promising to yield the city after they had once won the city of JERUSALEM. From thence they came to CESARIA in PALESTINE, where they solemnly kept the feast of Whitsuntide, and so to RAMA, which they found for fear forsaken of the Infidels. Marching from RAMA, and drawing near to JERUSALEM, they in the vanguard of the army, upon the first descrying of the Holy city, gave for joy divers great shouts and outcries, The exceeding joy of the Christians upon the first descrying of the Holy city. which with the like applause of the whole army was so doubled and redoubled, as if therewith they would have rend the very mountains and pierced the highest heavens. There might a man have seen the devout passions of these most worthy and zealous Christians, uttered in right divers manners: Some, with their eyes and hands cast up towards heaven, called aloud upon the name and help of Christ jesus; some, prostrate upon their faces, kissed the ground, as that whereon the Redeemer of the world sometime walked; others, joyfully saluted those holy places which they had heard so much of, and then first beheld: In brief, every man in some sort expressed the joy he had conceived of the sight of the Holy city, as the end of their long travel. This most ancient and famous city, so much renowned in holy writ, is situate in an hilly country; not watered with any river or fresh springs, as other famous cities for most part be; neither yet was it well seated for wood, or pasture ground: But what wanted in these, and such other benefits of nature, was by the extraordinary blessings of the most highest, so supplied, as that the jews there dwelling, so long as they kept the ordinances of the Lord, were of all other people in the world justly accounted the most happy and fortunate. Yet in those so blessed times, was this city for the sin of the people oftentimes delivered into the enemy's hand, and the glory thereof defaced: as well appeareth by the whole course of the history of holy Scripture, as also by the ancient and approved histories as well of the jews themselves, as others. Nevertheless, it still rise again (though not in like glory as before in the time of king David, Solomon, jerusalem re-edified by the great emperor Aelius Adrianus. and the other next succeeding kings) and so was still repeopled by the jews, until that at last according to the foretelling of our Saviour Christ, it was with a great and of all others most lamentable destruction, utterly razed and destroyed by the Romans, under the leading of Vespasian the emperor, and his noble son Titus, forty years after our Saviour his precious death and passion. Since which time, it was never until this day again repaired, or yet well inhabited, by the jews; but lying buried in the ruins of itself, all the reign of Domitian, Nerua, and Trajan, until the time of the great emperor Aelius Adrianus, it was again by him re-edified about the year 136, and after the name of him called AELIA; who together with the name changed also in some part the ancient situation of the city. For whereas before it was seated upon the steep rising of an hill, A brief discourse of the state & fortune of the Holy city of jerusalem, from the destruction thereof, under Vespatianus the emperor and Titus his son, until it was now again recovered out of the hands of the Infidels by Godfrey of Buillion and the other Christian princes of the West. in such sort that towards the East and the South it overlooked the whole ground, having only the temple and the castle called ANTONIA, in the highest part of the city: Adrian translated the whole city unto the very top of the hill, so that the place where our blessed Saviour suffered his most bitter passion, with the sepulchre wherein he was also laid, and from whence he in glory rise again, before without the city, were then enclosed within the walls thereof, as they are at this day to be seen. Yet for all that the emperor being dead, in process of time this new built city recovered again the ancient name of JERUSALEM▪ whereby it hath ever since, and is at this day yet known. This city so re-edified, the emperor first gave unto the jews, whom he afterwards again thrust out for their rebellion, and gave it to the Christians to inhabit: over whom, one Mark, first bishop of the Gentiles there, had the charge: But forasmuch as the Roman emperors were at that time altogether idolaters and persecutors of the poor Christians, the church also at JERUSALEM, with others endured sundry and many grievous persecutions, under the emperors Antoninus, Commodus, Severus▪ Maximinus, Valerianus, Aurelianus, Dioclesianus, and Maxentius, until that at length Constantine the Great converted unto the faith of Christ, about the year of Grace 320, suppressing the Pagan idolatry, gave general peace unto the afflicted church: whereby the Christian church at JERUSALEM, for the space of three hundred years after, happily flourished under the Greek emperors, until the time of the emperor Phocas; who having most cruelly slain the good emperor Maurice with his children, and so possessed himself of the empire, gave occasion thereby unto Chosroe the Persian king, in revenge of the death of Maurice his father in law; with all his power to invade SYRIA: who as a tempest bearing down all before him, took also by force the city of JERUSALEM, having that year, which was about the year six hundred and ten, slain almost an hundred thousand christians. But Phocas the usurper being by them of his guard most cruelly slain, and Heraclius succeeding in his steed, Chosroe was by him again driven out of SYRIA, and the Holy city again recovered, about the year 624. In these great wars against the Persians, Heraclius had used the help of the Arabians, called Scenite, a warlike people of ARABIA DESERTA, altogether given to the spoil: who, the wars now ended, expecting to have received their pay, were contrary to their expectation, and without all reason rejected by them that should have paid them, with very foul and contumelious words; as, that there was not money enough to pay the Christian soldiers of the Latins and the Greeks, much less those vile dogs (whom they so called, for that they had but a little before received the damnable doctrine of the false prophet Mahomet, the great seducer of the world, who even in that time flourished.) Upon which discontentment they at their return revolted from the empire, and joined themselves unto their great prophet, and so afterwards unto the Caliphs' his successors, extending his doctrine, together with his sovereignty to the uttermost of their power: and that with so good success, that in short time they had overrun all EGYPT, SYRIA, the land of promise, and taken the Holy city. With these (the disciples of Mahomet and his successors, the Saracens, for so now they would be called) the Greek emperors ensuing, had for certain years divers conflicts, with divers fortune, for the possession of SYRIA. But at length wearied out, & by them overcome, they left the aforesaid countries wholly unto their devotion. Hereby it came to pass, that the Saracens for the space of 370 years following held those countries, with many others, in great subjection, oppressing still the poor Christians in JERUSALEM with most grievous tributes and exactions: unto whom they yet left a third part of the city for them to dwell in, with the temple of the Sepulchre of our Saviour, and mount ZION; not for any devotion, either unto them, or those places, but for that it yielded them a great profit by the recourse of devout Christians traveling thither: reserving in the mean time unto themselves, the other two parts of the city, with the temple of Solomon, before re-edified by the Christians. Now whilst the Saracens thus triumph it in the East, and not in the East only, but over a great part of the West also, contenting themselves with such tributes as they had imposed upon the subdued nations and countries: up start the Turks, a vagrant, fierce, and cruel people; who first breaking into ASIA (as is before declared) and by rare fortune aspiring unto the kingdom of PERSIA, subdued the countries of MESOPOTAMIA, SYRIA, with the greatest part of the lesser ASIA, and JUDEA, together with the Holy city: who both there and in all other places held the poor oppressed Christians in such subjection and thraldom, as that the former government of the Saracens seemed in comparison of this to have been but light and easy. Neither was there any end or release of these so great miseries to have been expected, had not God in mercy by the weak means of a poor heremit, stirred up these most worthy princes of the West to take up arms in their defence, who having with their victorious armies recovered the lesser ASIA, with a great part of SYRIA, were now come unto this Holy city. jerusalem besieged by the Christians. The governor of JERUSALEM understanding by his espials, of the proceedings of the Christians, had before their approach, got into the city a very strong garrison of right valiant soldiers, with good store of all things necessary for the holding out of a long siege. The Christians with their army approaching the city, encamped before it on the North; for that towards the East and the South, it was not well to be besieged, by reason of the broken rocks and mountains. Next unto the city lay Godfrey the duke, with the Germans and Loranois: near unto him lay the earl of FLANDERS, and Robert the Norman: before the West gate lay Tancred, and the earl of THOLOUS: Bohemund and Baldwin were both absent, the one at ANTIOCH, the other at EDESSA. The Christians thus strongly encamped, the fifth day after gave unto the city a fierce assault, with such cheerfulness, as that it was verily supposed, it might have been even then won, had they been sufficiently furnished with scaling ladders: for want whereof, they were glad to give over the assault and retire. But within a few days after, having supplied that defect, and provided all things necessary, they came on again afresh, and with all their power gave unto the city a most terrible assault, wherein was on both sides seen great valour, policy, & cunning, with much slaughter, until that at length the Christians weary of the long fight, and in that hot country, and most fervent time of the year fainting for lack of water, were glad again to forsake the assault, and to retire into their trenches: only the well of Siloe yielded them water, and that not sufficient for the whole camp; the rest of the wells which were but few, being before by the enemy either filled up or else poisoned. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of JERUSALEM, The Genowa●e● come to the siege. a fleet of the Genoese arrived at JOPPA; at which time also a great fleet of the Egyptian Sultan's lay at ASCALON, to have brought relief to the besieged Turks in JERUSALEM: whereof the Genoese understanding, and knowing themselves too weak to encounter them at sea, took all such things out of their ships as they thought good, and so sinking them, marched by land unto the camp. There was amongst these Genoese divers engineers, men (after the manner of that time) cunning in making of all manner of engines fit for the besieging of cities: by whose device, a great moving tower was framed of timber and thick planks, covered over with raw hides, to save the same from fire: out of which the Christians might in safety greatly annoy the defendants. This tower being by night brought close unto the wall, served the Christians in steed of a most sure fortress in the assault the next day: where whilst they strive with like valour and doubtful victory on both sides, from morning until midday, by chance the wind favouring the Christians, carried the flame of the fire into the face of the Turks, wherewith they had thought to have burnt the tower; with such violence, that the Christians taking the benefit thereof, and holpen by the tower, gained the top of the wall: which was first footed by the duke Godfrey, and his brother Eustace, with their followers, and the ensigns of the duke there first set up, to the great encouraging of the Christians; who now pressing in on every side, like a violent river that had broken over the banks, bore down all before them. All were slain that came to hand, men, women, and children, without respect of age, sex, or condition: the slaughter was great, and the sight lamentable, all the streets were filled with blood, and the bodies of the dead, death triumphing in every place. Yet in this confusion, A most cruel and bloody sight betwixt the Christians and the Turks, even in the Temple of jerusalem. a wonderful number of the better sort of the Turks, retiring unto Salomon's temple there to do their last devoir, made there a great and terrible fight, armed with despair to endure any thing; and the victorious Christians no less disdaining, after the winning of the city, to find there so great resistance. In this desperate conflict, fought with wonderful obstinacy of mind, many fell on both sides: but the Christians came on so fiercely, with desire of blood, that breaking into the temple, the foremost of them were by the press of them that followed after, violently thrust upon the weapons of their enemies, and so miserably slain. Neither did the Turks thus oppressed, give it over, but as men resolved to die, desperately fought it out with invincible courage, not at the gates of the temple only, but even in the midst thereof also, where was to be seen great heaps, both of the victors and the vanquished, slain indifferently together. All the pavement of the temple swum with blood, in such sort, that a man could not set his foot, but either upon some dead man, or over the shoes in blood. Yet for all that, the obstinate enemy still held the vaults and top of the temple, when as the darkness of the night came so fast on, that the Christians were glad to make an end of the slaughter, and to sound a retreat. The next day (for that proclamation was made, for mercy to be showed unto all such as should lay down their weapons) the Turks that yet held the upper part of the temple, came down & yielded themselves. Thus was the famous city of JERUSALEM with great bloodshed, but far greater honour, 1099 recovered by these worthy Christians, in the year 1099, after it had been in the hands of the infidels above four hundred years. The next day after, having buried the dead and cleansed the city, they gave thanks to God with public prayers, and great rejoicing. The poor Christians before oppressed, now overcome with unexpected joy, welcomed their victorious brethren with great joy and praise; and the soldiers embracing one another, sparing to speak of themselves, freely commended each others valour. Eight days after, the princes of the army meeting together, began to consult about the choice of their king: amongst whom was no such difference, as might well show which was to be preferred before the others. And although every one of them for prowess and desert, seemed worthy of so great an honour; yet by the general consent of all, it was given to Robert duke of NORMANDY: who about the same time hearing of the death of the Conqueror his father, and more in love with his father's new gotten kingdom in ENGLAND, in hope thereof, refused the kingdom of JERUSALEM, then offered unto him: which at his return he found possessed by William Rufus his younger brother, and so in hope of a better refusing the worse, upon the matter lost both. Godfrey duke of Buillon by the general consent of the Christian army chosen first king of jerusalem. After whose departure, Godfrey of BVILLON duke of LORRAINE (whose ensign was first displayed upon the walls) was by the general consent both of the princes and the army, saluted king. He was a great soldier, and endued with many heroical virtues, brought up in the court of the emperor Henry the fourth, and by him much employed. At the time of his inauguration, he refused to be crowned with a crown of gold saying, That it became not a Christian man, there to were a crown of gold, where Christ the son of God had for the salvation of mankind, sometime worn a crown of thorn. Of the greatest part of these proceedings of the Christians, from the time of their departure from ANTIOCH until the winning of the Holy city, Godfrey by letters briefly certified Bohemund, as followeth. Godfrey of Buillon to Bohemund king of Antioch, greeting. After long travel, having first taken certain towns, we came to JERUSALEM: which city is environed with high hills, without rivers or fountains, excepting only that of Solomans, and that a very little one. In it are many cisterns, wherein water is kept, both in the city and the country thereabout. On the East are the Arabians, the Moabits, and Ammonits: on the South, the Idumeans, Egyptians, and Philistians: Westward alongst the sea coast lie the cities of PTOLEMAIS, TIRUS, and TRIPOLI: and Northward, TIBERIAS, CAESAREA, PHILIPPIS, with the country DECAPOLIS and DAMASCUS. In the assault of the city, I first gained that part of the wall that fell to my lot to assail, and commanded Baldwin to enter the city: who having slain certain companies of the enemies, broke open one of the gates for the Christians to enter. Raymond had the city of David, with much rich spoil, yielded unto him. But when we came unto the temple of Solomon, there we had a great conflict, with so great slaughter of the enemy, that our men stood in blood above the ankles: the night approaching, we could not take the upper part of the temple, which the next day was yielded, the Turks pitifully crying out for mercy: and so the city of JERUSALEM was by us taken, the fifteenth of july, in the year of our redemption 1099, 39 days after the beginning of the siege, 409 years after it fell into the hands of the Saracens in the time of Heraclius the emperor. Besides this, the princes with one consent saluted me (against my will) king of JERUSALEM: who although I fear to take upon me so great a kingdom; yet I will do my devoir, that they shall easily know me for a Christian king, and well deserving of the universal Faith. But love you me as you do. And so farewell from JERUSALEM. Whilst these things were in doing at JERUSALEM, such a multitude of the Turks, and Saracens their confederates (now in their common calamity all as one) were assembled at ASCALON (a city about five and twenty miles from JERUSALEM) to revenge the injuries they had before received, as had not before met together in all the time of this sacred war. Against whom, Godfrey (the late duke, and now king) assembled the whole forces of the Christians in those countries, and leaving a strong garrison in the new won city, set forward: and meeting with them, joined a most dreadful and cruel battle, wherein (as most report) were slain of the Infidels an hundred thousand men, An hundred thousand Turks and Saracens slain. and the rest put to flight. The spoil there taken, far exceeded all that the Christians had before taken in this long expedition. Godfrey after so great a victory, returning to JERUSALEM, gave unto God most humble thanks. The rest of the princes returned either to their charge, as did Bohemund to ANTIOCH, Baldwin to EDESSA, Tancred into GALLILEY, whereof he was created prince: or else having now performed the uttermost of their vows, returned with honour into their own countries. This was of all others the most honourable expedition that ever the Christians took in hand against the Infidels, and with the greatest resolution performed, for the most part, by such voluntary men, as moved with a devout zeal, to their immortal praise, spared neither life nor living in defence of the Christian faith and religion; Godfrey of Buillon first Christian king of jerusalem, dieth of t●e pl●g●●. all men worthy eternal fame and memory. Not long after ensued a great pestilence (the ready attendant of long war and want) whereof infinite numbers of people died, and among the rest Godfrey, the first Christian king of JERUSALEM, never to be sufficiently commended: who with the general lamentation of all good Christians, was honourably buried in the church of the sepulchre of our Saviour on the mount CALVERIE, where our Saviour suffered his passion: in which the Christian kings succeeding him, were also afterwards buried. He departed this life the eighteenth of july, 1100 in the year of our Lord 1100, when he had yet scarce reigned a full year. Whose tomb is yet at this day there to be seen with an honourable inscrption thereupon. After the death of Godfrey, Baldwin count●● of Edessa, and brother to Godfrey second king of jerusalem. the Christians made choice of Baldwin his brother, county of EDESSA; who leaving his former government to Baldwin surnamed Burgensis, his near kinsman, came to JERUSALEM honourably accompanied, and was there by the Patriarch on Christmas day with all solemnity crowned king, in the year 1101. He aided by the Venetians and Genoese at sea, 1101 and by Bohemund king of ANTIOCH by land, took from the Infidels the city of CAESAREA STRATONIS, standing upon the sea side; and overthrew certain companies of the Egyptian Sultan's at RAMA. But understanding that the Christian princes of the West were coming to his aid with a new power; he glad thereof, went to meet them, and safely conducted them to JERUSALEM alongst the sea coast, by the cities of BERYTUS, SIDON, TIRE, and PTOLEMAIS, all yet holden by the enemies. At which time the Turks at ASCALON having received great aid from the Arabians and Egyptians, invaded the country about RAMA: where betwixt them and the Christians was fought a most cruel battle, wherein the Christians received a most notable overthrow; many of their great commanders being there slain, and among the rest Stephen earl of CHARTERS (but lately returned home from the former expedition, and now come back again) and Stephen earl of BURGUNDY and THOLOUS: yea the king himself hardly escaped the enemy's hands, and after many dangers came at length to JOPPA after it had been constantly before reported him to have been in that battle also slain. Who having there in haste repaired his army, came again speedily upon his enemies, fearing as then nothing less; and overthrew them with such a slaughter, as that they had small cause to rejoice of the former victory. Neither were the rest of the Christian princes in the other parts of SYRIA and PALESTINE, in the mean time idle, but sought by all means to enlarge their territories. Tancred prince of GALLILIE, having raised a great power, took APAMEA, the Metropolitical city of CoeLESYRIA, and after much toil won also the city of LAODICEA. Baldwin also governor of EDESSA besieging the city of CARRAS, had brought the besieged Turks to such extremity, that they were about to have yielded the city: when suddenly he was set upon by a great army of the Turks sent from the Persian Sultan, for the relief of the besieged; and being there overthrown, was himself there taken, with Benedict the bishop, and one joscelin his kinsman: who after five years captivity, found means with the Turk that had taken them, to redeem themselves, to the great offence of the Persian Sultan, & of the Sultan Solyman. King Baldwin after the late victory, lived for a season at some good rest in JERUSALEM, unmolested by his enemies: but knowing his greatest safety among such warlike people, to consist in arms, he upon the sudden raised the whole strength of his kingdom, and laid siege to PTOLOMAIS, otherwise called ACON, a city of PHoeNICIA standing upon the rivage of the sea; where he found such resistance, that he was glad to raise his siege and depart, having done nothing more than spoilt the pleasant places without the city. King Baldwin mortally wounded. By the way in his return back again, it fortuned him to meet with certain companies of the enemy's adventurers, by whom he was in a skirmish mortally wounded, although he died not thereof in long time after: for albeit that the wound was by his surgeons healed up, yet was the grief thereof so great, that at length it brought him to his end. Ptolomais won by king Baldwin. Yet he notwithstanding the former repulse, the next year, encouraged by the coming of the Genua fleet, laid hard siege again to PTOLOMAIS both by sea and land, which after twenty days siege was by composition yielded unto him. Shortly after, the governor of ALEPPO with certain others of the Turks great captains in those quarters, having joined their forces together and so invaded the country about ANTIOCH, were by Tancred (whom Bohemund at his departure into ITALY, had left governor of that city) notably encountered and put to flight. At which time also the Caliph of EGYPT sending great forces both by sea and land against the king of JERUSALEM, was in both places discomfited, at land by the Christians, and at sea by tempest. Bohemund in the mean time, with a great army of voluntary men, and others (wherein he is reported to have had five thousand horse, and forty thousand foot) returning towards the Holy land, in revenge of many injuries done by Alexius the emperor, unto the soldiers of this sacred war, contrary to his faith and promise to them before given: by the way landed his men in EPIRUS, and grievously spoiled the country about DIRRACHIUM, part of the emperors dominion. Neither made he an end of spoiling, until he had enforced the emperor for redress of so great harms, to make peace with him; and again by solemn oath to promise all security and kindness, unto all such Christian soldiers as should have occasion to travel too or fro through his countries, during the time of this religious war. After which agreement he put to sea again, and so returned for JERUSALEM. But whilst he stayed at ANTIOCH, he shortly after there died in the year 1108, Bohemund dieth at Antioch. leaving the principality thereof unto his young son Bohemund, a child under the tuition of his nephew Tancred. Yet were the cities of BERYTUS, SIDON, and TYRE, alongst the sea coast, in the enemy's possession: for the gaining whereof, Baldwin the king raised a great army, and so came and laid siege to BERYTUS, which after many sharp assaults he at length won, the three and twentieth day of April in the year 1111, 1111 and put to sword most part of them that he found therein. The same year also he, assisted by a fleet sent unto him out of NORWAY, besieged the city of SIDON: which the citizens seeing themselves now beset both by sea and land, Sidon won. at length yielded unto him by composition, the nineteenth day of December. After which victory he dismissed the fleet, and returned himself in triumph to JERUSALEM. Now of all the famous cities alongst the sea coast of PHoeNICIA and PALESTINE, from LAODICEA to ASCALON, was only the city of tire that remained in the hands of the enemies: which city Baldwin also hardly besieged; nevertheless, it was so well defended by the Turks, that after he had all in vain lain before it by the space of four months, he was glad to rise with his army and depart. It fortuned, that within two years after, the Turks with a mighty army sent from the Persian Sultan, invaded the country of CoeLESYRIA, where spoiling all before them as they went, they came and encamped upon the sea coast near unto TYBERIAS. Against whom Baldwin gathered the whole strength of his kingdom, with whom also Tancred (who now reigned in ANTIOCH, the young Bohemund being dead) with the county of TRIPOLI, and the rest of the Christian princes, joined their forces: who altogether marching forward, came and encamped, not far from the enemy, being in number far more than they. Mendus general of the Turks army (for so I find him called) understanding of their approach, sent out certain companies of his men to skirmish with them: against whom the Christians also sent out others; who encountering them, easily put them to flight, being before commanded so to do, of purpose to draw the Christians into the danger of a greater strength, lying in ambush to entrap them: which according to the Turks desire fell out. For the Christians fiercely pursuing the flying enemy, fell into the ambush, and so before they were well aware, were beset on every side with their enemies: unto the rescue of whom, other companies of the Christians coming in, and others likewise from the Turks, both the great armies were at length drawn into the field, where betwixt them was joined a most fierce and terrible battle, with great slaughter on both sides. But at length the multitude of the Turks prevailing, the Christians were put to the worse, and so glad to fly: after whom the fierce enemy hardly followed, not without great slaughter. In which flight the king himself hardly escaped, with Arnolphus the Patriarch. Whilst Baldwin was thus busied abroad, the Turks & Saracens from ASCALON, came & besieged JERUSALEM, being then but weakly manned: but hearing of the kings coming, & that the army of the Christians daily increased with new supplies out of the West by sea, they retired home again, having burnt certain storehouses full of corn, and spoiled such things as was subject to their fury. Long it were to recount all the hard conflicts and combats this king had with the Saracens and Turks, which for brevity I pass over, contented to have briefly touched the greatest. In the last year of his reign, having for certain years before lived in some reasonable peace, he made an expedition into EGYPT, where he with much difficulty won PHARAMIA, a strong city upon the sea coast, which he joined unto his own kingdom. After that he went to the mouth of the river NILUS, and with great admiration, learned the nature of that strange river. And having therein taken abundance of fish, returned into the city, and there with the same feasted himself with his friends. But after dinner he began to feel the grief of his old wound; and growing thereof sicker and sicker, returned with his army toward JERUSALEM, where by the way near unto a city called LARIS, he died (to the great grief of all the Christians) in the year 1118. 1118 His dead body being brought back unto JERUSALEM, was there royally buried, near unto his brother Godfrey, after he had reigned eighteen years: whose sepulchre is yet there also to be seen, fast by the sepulchre of his brother. The late king thus dead and buried, Baldwin Br●gensis chosen king of jerusalem. the Christians with one consent made choice of his cousin Baldwin surnamed Brugensis, governor of EDESSA: who by the name of Baldwin the second, was the second of April in the year 1118, solemnly crowned king of JERUSALEM. He was of stature tall and well proportioned, 1118 of countenance comely and gracious, having his hair thin and yellow, his beard mingled with some grey hairs hanging down to his breast, his colour fresh and lively for one of his years. He was a man of great courage, and therefore no less redoubted of his enemies than beloved of his subjects, who had in him reposed great hope both for the defence and enlarging of that new gained kingdom. Against him the same Summer the Caliph of EGYPT, aided by the king of DAMASCUS and the Turks, in revenge of the loss he had in the expedition the year before received, raised a great power to invade him both by sea and land. Against whom Baldwin also opposed himself with his whole strength, and so came and encamped within the sight of his enemies. In which sort, when both armies had lain the one facing the other by the space of three months, they both rise: the Christians fearing the multitude of the Turks, and the Turks the valour of the Christians, and so retired without any notably thing doing. This year died Alexius the Greek emperor, who even from the beginning of this sacred war, secretly repined at the good success of the Christians in SYRIA, although his empire were thereby greatly enlarged: after whom succeeded Calo joannes his son, who all the time of his reign right worthily defended his territories in the lesser ASIA against the invasion of the Turks. Not long after, Gazi one of the greatest princes of the Turks in the lesser ASIA, with the king of DAMASCUS, and Debeis king of ARABIA, joining their forces together, with a great army invading the country about ANTIOCH, came and encamped not far from ALEPPO: against whom Roger prince of ANTIOCH, not expecting the coming of Baldwin and the other Christian princes his confederates, but presuming of his own strength, went forth with greater courage than discretion, whereunto his success was answerable: for encountering with them at too much odds, he was by them in a great battle overthrown, wherein he himself was slain with most part of his army. Of which so great a slaughter, the place wherein this battle was fought, was afterward called, The field of Blood. But whilst the Turks after so great a victory, carelessly and at pleasure roam up and down the country, Baldwin setting upon them, overthrew them with a great slaughter, and so put them to flight. After this victory gained by the Christians the fourteenth of August, 1120 in the year 1120, king Baldwin in great triumph entered into ANTIOCH, and so joined that principality unto his own kingdom. The year following, the Turks with another army, invaded the same country again: for repressing of whom, whilst Baldwin with the other Christian princes were making their preparations, it fortuned that Gazi their great commander suddenly died of an Apoplexy; upon whose death they retired without further harm doing. 1122 Nevertheless the next Spring, the king of DAMASCUS aided by the Arabians, entered again with a great power into the country about ANTIOCH, and there did some harm: for the Antiochians now destitute of their own prince, and Baldwin (who had taken upon him their protection) being far off, and otherwise busied at JERUSALEM, were much more subject unto the inroads of their enemies (still at hand) than before when they had a prince of their own still present amongst them. But Baldwin advertised thereof, was making towards them with a puissant army, sooner than they had thought it could have been possible. Of whose approach the Turks understanding, retired again out of the country: after whom, the king thinking it not good to make further pursuit, turned a little out of the way, and took by force GARAZE, one of the strongest castles of the kings of DAMASCUS, built but the year before; which because it was not without great charge and danger to be holden, he razed down to the ground. Baldwin notwithstanding that he had many times thus honourably repulsed his enemies, wisely considering how he was on the one side beset with the Turks, and on the other side with the Saracens (which yet reigned in EGYPT, the kingdom of JERUSALEM lying as it were in the mouth of them both) thought it good betime to pray aid of the Christian princes of EUROPE, and to that purpose had sent divers his ambassadors unto divers of them, but especially unto the Venetians; whom of all others he thought fittest at his need to yield him relief by sea. It fortuned in the mean time, that Balac the Persian Sultan with a great army of the Turks, invaded the country about ANTIOCH, whereof Baldwin understanding (although he certainly knew he should ere long receive aid from the other Christian princes his friends, but especially from the Venetians, & might therefore with great reason have protracted the war until their coming, yet being therewith much moved, or else his destiny so requiring) raised such forces as he had of his own, and without longer staying for his friends, with greater courage than good speed, set forward: and so joining battle with the enemy, was therein overthrown, with the greatest part of his army, and himself taken prisoner in the fight, with certain other of his best commanders; who altogether were carried away captives unto CARRAS. I●ppa besieged b● the Saracens. Upon the report of this overthrow, and taking of the king, the Caliph of EGYPT on the other side took occasion with all his power to invade the kingdom of JERUSALEM; and having in himself purposed the utter ruin thereof, beside the great army which he sent thither by land, which lay encamped not far from ASCALON, he put to sea an huge fleet also, of seven hundred sail, for the distressing of the sea towns, which he well knew were not otherwise to be won. This fleet of the Saracen kings (for EGYPT with the kingdoms of TUNES and MOROCCO were yet in possession of the Saracens) arriving at JOPPA, there put a shore their land forces, and hardly besieged the town both by sea and land. But whilst they thus lay in great hope to have won the town, Dominicus Michael, duke of VENICE, stirred up by Calixtus then bishop of ROME, was come to CYPRUS with a fleet of two hundred sail, for the relief of the Christians in SYRIA, and the Holy land: And hearing of the distress of JOPPA, nothing dismayed with the number of the enemy's fleet, hasted thither, and came so suddenly upon them, that he had (as some report) overthrown them, before they could put themselves in order, or be in readiness to fight: or as some others say, after a great and doubtful fight, having sunk or taken a great number of them, and put the rest to flight, he obtained of them a most glorious victoritie. With like good fortune also, were the Saracens overthrown in a notable battle at land, near unto ASCALON, by the lord Eustace, unto whom the defence of the kingdom was committed after the taking of the king, who not long after so great a victory died. JOPPA relieved (as is aforesaid) the duke of VENICE traveled by land to JERUSALEN, where he was honourably received by Guarimund the Patriarch, and the confederation before made betwixt king Baldwin & the Venetians, upon the same conditions solemnly again renewed. The Saracens thus notably discomfited both by sea and land, and the Christians thereby not a little encouraged, T●re besieged by the Christians. and joining their forces together with the Venetians, came and the first of March laid siege unto the ancient and strong city of tire: which they having beset both by sea and land, gave thereunto many a sharp assault: which the Turks as men fight for their lives, and wives, right valiantly repulsed. In which sort the siege was continued longer than the Christians had at the first thought should have needed: yet at length, after four months' siege, the Turks sore weakened with often assaults, and hardly pinched with want of food, all their store being spent, yielded the city by composition. Thus was the city of tire (the most famous port of PHoeNICIA) yielded unto the Christians the nine and twentieth of june, in the year 1124. 1124 The third part of this city was given unto the Venetians, according to the composition made betwixt them and the kings of JERUSALEM, That of all such cities as were by their help won from the Infidels in SYRIA, they should have a third part, with one street, and free traffic in all the rest of the cities of the kingdom of JERUSALEM. Shortly after was king Baldwin set at liberty for the ransom of an hundred thousand ducats, after he had been eighteen months prisoner among the Turks. The duke of VENICE having now spent almost three years in this sacred expedition, & well confirmed the state of the Christians in SYRIA, returning home, by the way took the islands of CHIOS, RHODUS, SAMOS, MITYLEN, and ANDRUS, with the city of MODON in PELOPONESUS; all, places belonging unto the greeks empire. Which he did in revenge of the injuries done by the emperor, in the time of his absence, who envying at the success of the Christians in SYRIA, as had his father Alexius before him, had in the absence of the duke, infested the territories of the Venetians, for the which he was now justly requited with the loss of a good part of his own. Baldwin also not unmindful of the injuries unto him before done by the Turks, in requital thereof, invaded the country about DAMASCUS, and there in three notable battles overthrew the king, and spoiled the country: wherein he took so great a prey, that therewith he redeemed his daughter, whom he had at the time of his deliverance left in hostage with the Turks for the payment of his ransom. He also overthrew the Saracens at ASCALON▪ who aided by the Caliph of EGYPT, had sundry times invaded the country about JERUSALEM. And so having well repressed his enemies, for a space lived in peace. Not long after, Damascus in vai●e besieged by the Christians. Hugh Paganus first master of the Templars, (an order of knights first begun in the reign of this Baldwin) before sent to crave aid of the Christian princes of the West, against the Turks and Saracens, returned with a great number of zealous Christians, ready to lay down their lives for defence of the Christian faith and religion: with whom Baldwin and the other Christian princes of SYRIA joining their forces, set forward and besieged DAMASCUS, the regal seat of the Turks in those quarters. But such was the strength of this city, with the valour of the defendants, and contagiousness of the air, that the Christians (the heavens as it were then fight against them) were glad to raise their siege in vain begun, and so to retire. Whilst things thus passed in SYRIA, Fulke county of TURIN, MAIN, and ANIOV, a man almost of threescore years, having as he thought best disposed of his things at home, had for devotion sake taken upon him an expedition into the Holy land. In the time of which his preparations, ambassadors came unto him from king Baldwin, offering him in marriage Melisenda (or as some call her Margaret) his eldest daughter, with the succession into the kingdom of JERUSALEM in dowry, if he should survive the king; and in the mean time to content himself with the cities of tire and PTOLEMAIS: of which offer he accepted, and so held on his journey before intended. The death of Baldwin the second, the third king of jerusalem. It fortuned about three years after, that the king fell dangerously sick, and feeling his death drawing on, having laid aside all regal dignity, caused himself to be removed out of his own palace, into the Patriarches house, which was nearer unto the temple of the Sepulchre: and there calling unto him Fulke the county, his son in law, with his daughter, and his son Baldwin, then but two years old, in the presence of the Patriarch, and divers other princes & great commanders, commended unto them the government and defence of the kingdom, appointing Fulke to succeed him. And taking unto himself the habit and profession of a monk, if he should have longer lived, presently after gave up the ghost the two and twentieth day of August, in the year 1131; 1131 whereof he reigned with much trouble thirteen years, and was solemnly buried in the temple upon mount CALVARIE, with the other two kings Godfrey and Baldwin, his predecessors. The king's funeral ended, the princes of the kingdom with one accord made choice of Fulke the old county, earl of ANIOV, for their king: who the sixteenth day of September, was with all solemnity by William the Patriarch crowned in JERUSALEM. This man in the beginning of his reign, besides his troubles abroad, was also vexed with domestical and intestine discord: Pontius county of TRIPOLI, seeking by force of arms to have rend the dukedom of ANTIOCH from the kingdom: and Hugh county of JOPPA, for fear of due punishment for his treason, joining himself with the Saracens of ASCALON, and so with them infesting the territories of JERUSALEM, to the great hurt of the Christian state, and advantage of the infidels. Which troublesome broils were yet afterwards by the king, partly by force, partly by the mediation of the Patriarch & other princes (who seeing the danger like thereof to ensue, had enterposed themselves) well again appeased. Vengeance yet nevertheless still following both the aforesaid traitors: Pontius being shortly after slain by the Turks, and Hugh dying in exile. Besides these domestical troubles, the Turks also invaded the country abou● ANTIOCH, where they were by the sudden coming of the king overthrown, with the loss of their tents, and exceeding great riches. And that nothing might be wanting unto the disquieting of the state of that new erected kingdom, not long after, john the Constantinopolitan emperor (together with the empire, inheritor also of his father's malice, against the proceeding of the Christians in SYRIA) with a puissant army passing through the lesser ASIA, and by the way taking by force TARSUS the metropolitical city of CILICIA, with the whole province thereunto belonging, came and besieged ANTIOCH; which Fulke but a little before had together with Constance, the daughter and heir of the late duke of ANTIOCH, given in marriage to Raymund county of POITV, for that purpose sent for out of FRANCE. But in this so dangerous a state of that Christian kingdom, the other zealous Christian princes interposed themselves as mediators betwixt the emperor (pretending the same to belong unto his empire) and Raymund that was in possession thereof. And in fine brought it to this end, That Raymund for the present submitting himself unto the emperor, should from thenceforth hold his dukedom of him as of his lord and sovereign: upon which agreement the emperor returned unto TARSUS, where he wintered, and so afterwards unto CONSTANTINOPLE. Much about the same time, Saguin one of the Turks great princes, invading the country about TRIPOLI, besieged the castle of MONTE-FERRAND: unto the relief whereof, Fulke coming with his army, was by the Turks overthrown; and for the safeguard of his life, glad to take the refuge of the castle, the county himself being in that battle taken prisoner. After which victory, the Turks laid harder siege unto the castle than before: the besieged in the mean time being no less pinched within with famine, than pressed without by the enemy. In this the kings hard distress, the other princes having raised the whole power of the kingdom, were coming to his relief: whereof the Turk understanding, offered of himself to give them all leave freely to depart, and to set the county at liberty, so that they would deliver unto him the castle: of which his offer they gladly accepting, yielded up the strong hold, and so departed. The king by the way meeting with the army, thanked his friends for their forwardness, and so returned to JERUSALEM. Ca●o joannes 〈◊〉 Greek empe●●u● seeks 〈…〉. About four years after, john the Constantinopolitan emperor, with a great army came again into SYRIA, with purpose to have united the famous city of ANTIOCH unto his empire, and so to have made a way into the kingdom of JERUSALEM, whereafter he had now a good while longed. But coming thither, in hope to have found the Cilicians and Syrians ready to have received him, he was deceived of his expectation, being shut out by the Latins, and not suffered to enter, but upon his oath, and that with some few of his followers; and so after due reverence done unto him, quietly to depart without any stir or innovation in the city. In revenge of which disgrace, at his departure he gave the suburbs of the city as a prey unto his greedy soldiers; pretending the same to be done for want of victuals: who made havoc of whatsoever came to hand, not sparing the very fruit trees, but cutting them down to dress their meat withal. Having thus under colour of necessity, revenged the disgrace received, he returned into CILICIA, and there wintered: where one day for his disport, hunting of the wild boar; and having wounded him with his boar spear, the wild beast therewith enraged, and with all his force bearing forward upon the weapon, forced the emperors hand backward upon the point of a poisoned arrow, that was hanging in a quiver at his back, and so was therewith lightly wounded. Nevertheless, as light as the wound was, such was the strength of the poison, that the grief thereof still increasing, and his hand and arm more and more swelling, there was no remedy to be found, T●e death of 〈…〉 the Greek emperor. but that his arm must be cut off; which desperate and uncertain cure he abhorring, and in the extremity of his pain oftentimes pleasantly saying, That the Greek empire was not to be governed with one hand: overcome with the strength of the poison died. In whose place succeeded his youngest son Emanuel, Alexius and Andronicus his two elder sons being both dead at his setting forth unto this so unhappy an expedition. The miserab●● 〈…〉 of jerusalem. It fortuned about this time also, the kingdom of JERUSALEM being now at peace, that Fulke the king with the queen his wife, lying at the city of PTOLEMAIS in the time of Autumn, it pleased the queen for her disport, to walk out of the city, unto certain pleasant fountains thereby in the country; for whose company the king would needs go also, with certain of his courtiers, where by the way it chanced that certain boys running along the field, put up an hare that was sitting in a furrow: after which, all the courtiers on horseback galloped a main, with notable outcry and hallowing. Amongst the rest, the king to be partaker of the sport, forcing his horse to the uttermost of his power, in the midst of his course fell, together with his horse foundering under him, and in falling, chanced to fall with his head under the horse: with whose weight, and the hardness of his saddle, he was so crushed, that the brains came out both at his nose and ears. In this pitiful case being taken up for dead, and with great heaviness carried back; he yet breathing, lay speechless three days, and so died the thirteenth of November, in the year of Grace 1142. His dead body afterwards brought to JERUSALEM, was there with great magnificence, and the general lamentation of all his subjects, buried with the other kings his predecessors. Now had the late king left behind him two sons, Baldwyn about the age of thirteen years, and Almerike about the age of seven. Baldwin the third of that name, fifth king of jerusalem. Of the elder of these two, the Christian princes made choice, who by the name of Baldwyn the third, was together with Melesinda his mother, partner with him in the kingdom, upon Christenmas day with great solemnity crowned king of JERUSALEM, in the year 1142. 1142 About which time Sanguine the Turk, taking hold of the discord betwixt Raymund prince of ANTIOCH, and joscelin county of EDESSA, came and with a great power besieged EDESSA, the county being at the same time absent: And did so much, that at length he took the city by undermining of it, where the bloody Turk exercised all manner of cruelty upon the poor Christians in the city. By the loss of this famous city, so large a territory fell again into the hands of the Turks, as that three archbishoprics were thereby drawn from the church of ANTIOCH. The Turk encouraged with this victory, straightways after besieged COLOGENBAR, another strong town of the Christians: where one night drinking liberally with his friends, he was by one of them in his drunkenness stabbed, and so slain, and the siege raised. In whose stead Noradin his son succeeded. Baldwyn, in the first year of his reign, recovered from the Turks the castle of SOBAL, a strong hold beyond JORDAN, which he notably fortified, for the defence of that side of his kingdom against the incursions of the Turks. But the next year undertaking an expedition against the king of DAMASCUS, he was by Noradin the Turk, the king's son in law, so hardly beset in his return, as that it was accounted a thing miraculous, how he with his army escaped his hands. The report of the loss of EDESSA with the miseries there endured by the Christians, being bruited through all parts of Christendom, greatly moved the Christian princes of the West. Whom Eugenius the third, than bishop of Rome, ceased not both by himself and by his Legates to stir up to take that sacred war in hand. And therein wrought so effectually, that almost in every province of Christendom preparation was made for the relief of the distressed Christians in SYRIA. Conrade third emperor of Germany taketh upon him an expedition into the Holy land. Of all others, Conrade the third than emperor of GERMANY was most forward, who aided by the German princes and others, with an incredible number of voluntary men out of all parts of Christendom, had raised a most puissant army, and therewith set forward on this sacred expedition. Of this his devout purpose he had before certified Emanuel the Greek emperor, through whose countries he was to pass, craving that he might by his good favour so do, and for his money to be relieved with victuals, and other such things as he should have need of for himself or his people; promising in most quiet and peaceable manner to pass, without any harm doing unto his territories or subjects. All which the Greek emperor, commending his zeal, seemed in most large terms willingly to condescend unto. Nevertheless he inwardly repined thereat, wishing indeed no better success unto the Christians in this so honourable an expedition, than did the infidels themselves, as by the sequel of his doings well appeared. For Conrade with his populous army, indeed a terror unto the greeks, entering into the frontiers of the Constantinopolitan empire, found all things in show friendly (for why Emanuel had before given out straight command, that good store of victuals and all other necessaries should be ready at all places to be sold as the army was to pass:) but they were not far come into the country, but that in the tail of the army still followed certain strong companies of the Greeks, to keep the soldiers from straggling from their ensigns, roaming about in the country, now and then cutting them short, as they took them at advantage. And still the further that they traveled, the more it was to be seen in the countenances of the discontented greeks, how unwelcome guests they were. Yet still on they went through the countries of their dissembling friends, little differing from open enemies, until they came to PHILIPPOPOLIS: in departing from whence, such contention rise between them that were in the rearward of the army, and the greeks that followed them, that it was like to have come to plain battle, had not those broils, by the discretion of some of the wiser sort, been in good time appeased. So marching on they came to ADRIANOPLE, & in a few days after to the plain called CHEROBACHIS, through which the river MELAS hath his course; which in Summer being almost dry, in Winter or any other great downfall of water, right suddenly overfloweth his banks, and so drowneth the whole country, that then it seemeth no more a river, but a sea; and swelling with the wind, is not to be passed over, but by great boats: This river then suddenly rising by night, by reason of the great rain that then fell, in such abundance, as if the floodgates of heaven had been opened, so overflowed the place wherein the army lay encamped upon the side thereof, that with the violence of the water were carried away not only many weapons, saddles, garments, & such other the soldiers necessaries; but even the horses and mules, with their burdens, yea and great numbers of armed men themselves also, a most miserable and lamentable thing to behold. Many valiant men there fell without fight, and died no man killing them: to be tall, helped not; neither did valour stand them in any stead, they perished like hay, and were carried away like chaafe, with such outcries and lamentation, that they which saw it, verily said, That the wrath of God was broke into the camp: such a sudden inundation had overwhelmed all, that happy was he could make shift for himself, without regarding one another. This misfortune sore troubled the emperor with his whole army. Nevertheless, the water being again fallen, and all put in so good order, as in such a confusion was possible, he marched on unto the imperial city: which the suspicious and malicious Greek, had before notably fortified and so strongly manned with armed men glistering upon the walls, in such sort as if it should have presently been assaulted. Conrade the emperor not suffered to enter into Constantinople. Conrade approaching the city, was not suffered to enter, but persuaded by the Greek emperor forthwith to transport his army over the straight, with promise to supply his wants with whatsoever he should require. Which was done with such haste, as if nothing had been farther to have been regarded, but only to have them shipped over: in which service the greeks spared no labour, or kind of vessel, that might serve to transport them. The Greek emperor in the mean time, by men secretly appointed for that purpose, keeping account of the number that passed, until that they wearied with the multitude, ceased farther to number them. But when they were once shipped over, than began the covert malice of the Greek emperor forthwith to appear. For besides that they trusting unto his promises, had brought little or no provisions over with them, the country people by his appointment brought nothing unto them to sell, as before: and they of the towns and cities shut their gates against them as they marched, not affording them any thing, but at an extreme rate, for which they would first receive their money by ropes cast down from the walls, and then deliver them what they pleased therefore, yea and oftentimes nought at all. Amongst many other vile practices, not beseeming Christians, the mischievous greeks, to poison the soldiers, mingled lime with the meal which they sold unto the army, whereof many of the hungry soldiers greedily feeding, died. Whether the Greek emperor were privy thereunto, or no, is not certainly known; but certain it is, that he caused counterfeit money to be coined, of purpose to deceive them: and in brief, that there was no kind of mischief to be practised against them, which either he himself devised not, or ●et not others to devise; to the intent that their posterity, terrified by this so unfortunate an expedition, might for ever be afraid to take the like in hand again. And that nothing might be wanting that malice could devise, he had secret intelligence with the Turks themselves, concerning the strength of the army, plotting unto them the means how the same might best be defeated: whereby it came to pass, that some part thereof was by Pamplano, a captain of the Turks, overthrown near BATHIS, The Turk with 〈…〉. and many slain. But attempting to have done the like unto that part of the army that marched through PHRIGIA, they were themselves overtaken in their own devise, and overthrown, with a great slaughter. After which, the Turks in great number, to stay the Christians further passage, kept the river of MoeANDER, encamping upon the farther bank of that winding river, with a most huge army. There these worthy Christians right well declared, that it was but their patience, that the Grecian legions that had before so long followed them, with their countries and cities they had passed by, were not unto them become a prey. For the emperor coming unto the river side, where was neither bridge nor boat to pass over, and finding the great army of the Turks on the other side, ready to give him battle if he should adventure the river, with their archers standing upon the very bank side: he retired a little out of the danger of the shot, and there encamping, commanded his soldiers to refresh themselves and their horses that night, and to be ready against the next morning to join battle with their enemies they were so far come to seek for. Little rest served him that night, early in the morning before day he arose, and arming himself, put his whole army in order of battle: as did also the enemy on the other side of the river, with their battalions orderly placed, and their archers upon the bank side, ready to give the first charge upon the Christians, if they should adventure to come over. Both armies thus standing in readiness the one in sight of the other, and nothing but the winding river betwixt them, the emperor before resolved to fight, with cheerful countenance and speech encouraged his men as followeth: That this expedition was of us taken in hand, for Christ his sake, and for the glory of God, and not of man, A notable speech of Conrade the emperor to encourage his soldiers to adventure the river Meander. you know right well fellow soldiers. For, for this cause having contemned a pleasant life at home, voluntarily separated from our nearest and dearest friends, we endure miseries in foreign countries; we are exposed unto dangers; we pine with hunger; we quake with cold; we languish with heat; we have the earth our bed, the heaven our covering: and although we be noble, famous, renowned, rich, ruling over many nations; yet wear we always our gorgets as necessary bonds, and are with them and our armour loaded, as was the greatest servant of Christ, Peter, surcharged with two chains, and kept with four quaternions of soldiers. But these Barbarians (divided from us by this river) to be the enemies of the cross of Christ, whom we of long have desired to encounter withal, in whose blood (as David saith) we have vowed to wash ourselves: Who is there that knoweth not, except he be altogether blockish, and will not with open eyes see, nor open ears hear? If we wish to ascend strait way into heaven, (for neither is God unjust, that he knoweth not the cause of this our journey, or will not in recompense give unto us the immortal fields, and shady dwellings of Paradise, which having forsaken our own dwellings, have chose rather for his sake to die than to live) if we call to remembrance what things these men of uncircumcised hearts do commit against our friends and countrymen, if we remember what grievous tortures they inflict upon them, or if we be any thing touched with the compassion of their innocent blood, unworthily spilled; stand now courageously, and fight valiantly, and let not any fear or terror daunt us. Let these Barbarians know, that by how much Christ our master and instructor doth excel their false prophet and seducer, author of their vain impiety; so much are we superiors unto them in all things. Seeing therefore we are an holy camp, and an army gathered by the power of God, let us not cowardly lose ourselves, or fear for Christ his sake honourably to adventure our lives. For if Christ died for us, how much more right is it that we for him should die also? unto this so honourable an expedition, let us also give an honourable end: let us fight in Christ's name, with a most assured hope of an easy victory. For none of them (I trust) shall be able to abide our force, but shall all give way, even to our first charge. But if we shall die (which God forbid) there shall be an honourable place of our burial, wheresoever we shall for Christ fall. Let the Persian archer for Christ his sake, strike me, I will die in an assured hope; and with that arrow, as with a chariot, I will come unto that rest, which shall be to me dearer than if I should with a base ordinary kind of death in my sins end my days in my bed. Now at length let us take revenge of them, with whose impure feet our kinsmen and Christian brethren trodden down, are gone into that common sanctuary, in which Christ our Saviour, equal and associate to his father, is become a companion of the dead. We are those mighty men, we all have drawn our swords, which stand about the lively and divine sepulchre, as about Solomon's bed. Wherefore we that be free borne, let us take out of the way these Agarens, the children of the bondwoman; and let us remove them as stones of offence out of the way of Christ: whom I know not why, the Grecians feed up as greedy wolves to their own destruction, and with shame fat them with their blood; when as with courageous minds and thoughts beseeming wise men, they ought so to have been driven from their provinces and cities, as ravening wild beasts from their flocks. Now for as much as this river, as it seemeth, is not, but by some adventure to be passed over, I myself will show you the way, and be the first that shall take it. Let us, serred together, forcibly break into the river, and we shall well enough ride through it. I know that the water beaten back by our force, will be at a stand, and break the course, returning as it were backward. By not unlike means the Israelits in ancient time on foot passed over JORDAN, the course of the river being stayed. This attempt shall be spoken of in all posterity, it shall by no tract of time be worn out or forgotten, but still remain in fresh remembrance, to the great dishonour of the Turks, whose dead bodies overthrown at this river, shall lie like a mountain, and be seen as a Trophy of our victory, unto the world's end, and our immortal praise and glory. Having thus said, and the signal of battle given, every man having before by devout prayer commended himself unto almighty God: he was the first that put spurs to his horse, and took the river; after whom followed the rest, so close and so forcibly, with such a terrible outcry, that the course of the water, being by the force of their horses stayed, and as it were beaten back towards the fountain, the whole army passed over with less trouble than was feared. And then charging the Turks, The Turks overthrown by the Christians with a wonderful slaughter. already discouraged to have seen them so desperately, and contrary to their expectation, to have passed the river; after some small resistance put them to flight, wherein such infinite numbers of them fell, the Christians like fierce lions pursuing the chase, that all the valleys ran with blood, and the fields were covered with the bodies of the dead. Many of the Italians were wounded with the Turks arrows, and but few or none slain. But what a multitude of the enemies there fell, the sundry and huge heaps of bones, to be compared unto great hills, did long time after well declare; whereat every man that traveled that way did worthily wonder, as did I myself (saith Nicetas Choniates) in reporting this history. Nicetas Choniates Annali primo rerum à Manuele Comoeno Imperatore gestar. fol. 139. Iconium in vain besieged by the Christian● Not much unlike that, is reported of the Cimbers, slain by Marius in such number, that of their bones the country people about MARSEILLES where the field was fought, long time after made walls for the defence of their vineyards. After this so great a victory, the Christians without resistance came to ICONIUM, the chief seat of the Turkish kings in the lesser ASIA, which they hardly besieged. Nevertheless, such was the strength of the city, being strongly fortified both by nature and art, together with the valour of the defendants; that lying there long, they little prevailed, pressed in the mean time with greater extremities and wants in the camp, than were the besieged in the city: whereupon ensued such a mortality, people daily without number dying in the army, that the emperor was glad to raise his siege and to return into his country. The chief cause as well of this so great a mortality, as of the overthrow of so notable an action, most men ascribe unto the malice of the Greeks; who not without the privity of their emperor (as it was commonly bruited) mingled lime with the meal which they brought to sell into the army, whereof the hungry soldiers desirously feeding, were therewith poisoned, and so miserably died. Of the certain time of this journey of the emperors into ASIA, authors agree not; howbeit most refer it unto the year 1146. 1146 This expedition, though not so fortunate as was at the first well hoped of, yet profited the Christian common weal in this, That the Turks therewith thoroughly busied, and doubtful of the event thereof, Baldwin in the mean time fortified GAZA (sometimes a famous city of the Philistines, but as then ruinous) which served as a most sure bulwark for the defence of that part of his kingdom toward EGYPT; and also for the distressing of ASCALON, the only refuge of the Egyptians, then left in that country: which strong city standing upon the sea side, he with all the power of his kingdom afterward besieged both by sea and land; unto the relief whereof, the Caliph of EGYPT, after it had been five months by the Christians besieged, sent a strong fleet of threescore and ten galleys. At which time also on the other side Noradin the Turk, who had now got into his hand all the kingdom of DAMASCUS, to withdraw the Christians from the siege of ASCALON, besieged PANEADA, from whence he was by the valour of the citizens repulsed, as was also the Caliphs' fleet at sea, and the siege at ASCALON continued. Where at length the Christians after long battery had made a breach in the wall, but giving thereunto an assault, they were with great loss of their men repulsed, and the breach again by the enemy repaired; who to the greater despite of the Christians, hanged over the walls in roaps the dead bodies of their slain: with which spectacle, the chief commanders of the army were so moved, that they with all their power returned again to the assault, with a full resolution to gauge thereon their whole forces: which they so courageously performed, that the besieged discouraged with the great slaughter of their men, and now with true valour overcome, craved parley; and so covenanting that they might with their lives in safety depart, agreed to yield up the city, which they accordingly performed. The spoil of the city was given to the soldiers, and the government thereof unto Almericke, the king's brother, earl of JOPPA. By this victory, great security was gained unto that side of the kingdom, the enemy having now no place left in those parts whereon to set his foot. The honourable expedition of Lewis the French king, by the malice of the Greeks, and 〈◊〉 of other Christian princes of Syria frustrated and brought to nought. About the same time also (or as some write even at the same time together with the emperor) Lewis the French king, the eight of that name, took upon him the like expedition for the relief of the Christians in the Holy land: who setting forward with all the chivalry of FRANCE, and accompanied with divers other great princes, with a right puissant army came to CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was by Emanuel the emperor honourably received, with all the outward shows of feigned courtesy that could be devised. But having passed the straight and landed in ASIA, he found nothing answerable to that the dissembling Greek had before most largely promised. And to distress him the more, was by false guides before corrupted by the emperor, conducted through the most desolate and barren countries, where by the way a wonderful number of his soldiers perished of hunger and thirst: many of them also being cut off in the straight and difficult passages, or as they strayed from the army by the Greeks themselves, appointed by the malicious emperor for that purpose. Yet after many dangers passed, and his army sore wasted, Damascus in vain besieged by Lewis the French king. he came at length into SYRIA, and laid siege unto DAMASCUS, the royal seat of Noradin the Turkish king; which he so notably impugned that the defendants were almost out of hope to be able for any long time to hold him out. Neither had it otherwise happened, had not envy the inseparable attendant of all honourable actions, frustrated so great an hope: for the besieged Turks being brought to great extremity, and now even at the point to have yielded the city, certain of the Christian princes of that country; understanding that the king had promised the government of that so famous a city unto Philip earl of FLANDERS, if it should be won; and secretly grudging to have a stranger preferred before themselves; corrupted also (as some say) with the Turks gold, fraudulently persuaded the king to remove from that part of the city where he lay and might in fine have taken the same, unto another far stronger: where, after he had lain a great while, striving with no small extremities, he was enforced for want of victuals, to raise his siege and to depart. And so without any thing done worth the remembrance, returned again into FRANCE, detesting the very name of Emanuel the Greek emperor; by whose sinister dealing, so notable an expedition was brought to be of none effect, to the great discouraging of all other Christian princes for taking the like again in hand. 1147 Now had the state of the Christians in SYRIA for certain years after the aforesaid expeditions, rested in good peace: when Noradin the Turk (moved with some injuries done by the Christians unto the Turks and Arabians, who by the leave of king Baldwin dwelled in the forest of LYBANUS) came and straightly besieged PANEADE, Paneade taken and sacked by the Turks. a city of the Christians there by: upon whom the Christians in the city, now brought unto great extremity, made a most desperate sally, and had with the Turks a sharp and cruel fight: but oppressed with the multitude & enforced to retire, they were so hardly pursued, that the Turks together with them entered the city, and put to sword all that came in their way. Nevertheless, the greater part of the citizens (by good fortune) had in good time before retired themselves into the castle, which was of great strength, and there stood upon their guard. Of whose distress, with the taking of the city, Baldwin hearing, raised a great army, & so set forward to relieve them. But Noradin hearing of his coming, & doubtful of his own strength, after he had taken the spoil of what he could, set fire on the citi● & so departed. The citizens thus delivered, Paneade again repaired by the Christians. repaired again the walls of the city, the king's power still defending them. Noradin with his power all the while lying close in the woods not far off, still awaiting the offer of some good opportunity to take the Christians at advantage, which shortly after fell out according to his own desire: For the king doubting no such matter, but supposing him to have been quite gone, having at his return sent away all his footmen, followed after himself accompanied only with his horsemen, and they also not very strong: but as he was passing the river JORDAN, he was suddenly set upon by Noradin and the Turks, and after a sharp conflict overthrown. The king himself with some few hardly escaped to SAPHET, a town thereby; most part of his nobility being there either slain or taken prisoners: amongst the rest, Bertrand of BLANQVEFORT, master of the Templars, with divers others of great name fell at that time into the enemy's hands, and so were carried away prisoners. After this victory, Noradin strengthened with new supplies from DAMASCUS, came again and besieged PANEADE, in good hope that the citizens discouraged with so great an overthrow of the king, and out of hope to be by him relieved, would now either yield the city, or else not be able long to hold it out. But the king contrary to his expectation, had in shorter time than was thought possible, raised a great power; and aided by the prince of ANTIOCH and the county of TRIPOLI was marching to the relief of his city: of whose approach Noradin understanding, although he had made divers breaches in the walls, & brought the citizens almost unto utter despair, rise with his army and departed. And so Baldwin having now twice relieved the besieged city, returned also to JERUSALEM. Many an hard conflict with the Turks had this young king afterwards, during the fortunate time of his reign: wherein that troublesome kingdom happily flourished amidst the miscreants, all which to recount, were long and tedious. Yet among other things, it is worth the remembrance, how that Noradin the Turk, than king of DAMASCUS, besieging SUETA, a castle belonging to the kingdom of JERUSALEM, was in a set battle by Baldwin overthrown and put to flight, with the loss of the greatest part of his army. King Baldwin had before married Emanuel the Greek emperors niece: and now the same emperor by Guido Stephanus, and Trisillus his ambassadors, requested to have given him again in marriage one of the kings nigh kinswomen. Unto whom the king after mature deliberation had concerning that matter, offered him Matilde, an honourable lady, the sister of the county of TRIPOLI; whom the emperor refused: and afterward by the consent of the king, made choice of Mary the daughter of Raymund prince of ANTIOCH lately dead. Which the county of TRIPOLI taking in evil part, in revenge thereof, by certain men of war whom he put to sea, grievously infested the frontiers of the emperors dominions. Now during the time that the marriage was in solemnising, the king made his abode at ANTIOCH, at which time he fortified the castle of PONTISFER upon the river ORONTES, against the incursions of the enemies. But lying there, he according to his wont manner, to prevent sickness, upon the approach of Winter took physic of Baraca jew, the county of TRIPOLI his physician. After the taking whereof, he fell presently into the bloody flix, and afterward into a consumption: whereby it was verily supposed, that he was poisoned by the jew, and the rather, for that some little part of the same medicine that was left, being given to a dog, he thereof in short time died. The king thus languishing in pain, to change the air, removed first to TRIPOLI, & afterward to BERYTUS, where he departed this troublesome life, to live with his Saviour Christ in bliss for ever. His dead body was afterward with the general mourning of his subjects conveyed to JERUSALEM, and there solemnly interred by the body of his father. He departed the 13 of February in the year of grace 1163 when he had reigned 21 years. The death of king Bald●in lamented by his ●●●mies. He was a man so gracious, that not only his friends, but even the infidels themselves (as it is reported) lamented his death. Insomuch that Noradin king of DAMASCUS, his ancient enemy, being incited by some of his captains to invade his kingdom at such time as his funerals were in solemnising, refused so to do, answering, 1163 That compassion and regard was to be had of the just sorrow of the Christians his subjects; for that they had lost such a king, as the like was hardly again to be found in the world. But leaving the kingdom of JERUSALEM, with the greater part of SYRIA, thus victoriously gained from the infidels: let us for the orderly continuation of our history, again return to see th● proceedings of the Turks at the same time in the lesser ASIA also: wherein they yet held the state of a kingdom, though not so great as before the coming of the princes of the West into those countries. After the death of Sultan Solyman (with whom duke Godfrey and the other Christian princes had much to do as they passed into SYRIA) as is aforesaid, one Muhamet succeeded him: betwixt whom and Masut, Sultan of ICONIUM, great discord arise, Discord amongst the T●●k● in the lesser ●sia. which at length broke out into open war, to the farther weakening of that late shaken kingdom. For the maintenance of which quarrel, as profitable for his state, john Comnenus the Greek emperor, gave aid to Masut against his enemy Muhamet. Nevertheless in short time the two infidels (professing both one superstition) became friends, and joining their forces, overthrew the emperor with his whole army, as he lay at the siege of ICONIUM, at which time he himself with much ado escaped by flight. Masut afterwards having got into his hands the whole kingdom of the Turks, Mas●t the Sultan divideth his kingdom amongst 〈◊〉 three s●nnes. at the time of his death divided the same amongst his three sons: Unto Clizasthlan his eldest son he gave ICONIUM his chief city, with the towns and provinces subject thereunto: Unto jagupasan his other son (or rather as some will have it, his son in law) he allotted AMASIA and ANCYRA, with the fruitful country of CAPPADOCIA and the places adjoining: But unto Dadune his other son (or son in law) he gave the great cities of CESARIA and SEBASTIA, with the large countries thereabouts, all sometime part of the Greek empire, but then the portions of the Turks. Long it was not after this division of the kingdom, but that these brethren after the manner of ambitious men, forgetful of the bonds both of love and nature, fell at discord among themselves; the Sultan seeking the destruction of jagupasan, and he likewise of him, and that not by secret means, but even by open force of arms▪ Emanuel the Greek emperor in the mean time wishing the destruction of them both, heartily rejoicing thereat, and by his ambassadors secretly animating the one against the other, yet in open show more favouring the part of jagupasan than of the Sultan, by whose aid he obtained against him many a notable and bloody victory: insomuch, that the Sultan weary of the quarrel, was glad not only by his ambassadors to seek the emperors savour, but even in person himself to go and meet him, as he came with his army out of SYRIA, and so to accompany him unto CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was together with the emperor most honourably received, with all the signs of joy and triumph that could possibly be devised. The emperor no less rejoicing to be sued unto by so great a prince, than did the Sultan at his so honourable entertainment. Among other quaint devices of many, Another foolish Icarus. for the solemnising of so great a triumph, there was an active Turk, who had openly given it out, that against an appointed time he would from the top of an high tower in the tiltyard, Nicetas Choniates re●um ab imperat. Manuele Comnen● gestar. lib. 3. fol. 143. fly by the space of a furlong. The report whereof had filled the city with a wonderful expectation of so strange a novelty. The time prefixed being come, and the people without number assembled; the Turk according to his promise, upon the top of the high tower showed himself, girt in a long and large white garment, gathered into many plights and foldings, made of purpose for the gathering of the wind: wherewith the foolish man had vainly persuaded himself to have hovered in the air, as do birds upon their wings, or to have guided himself as are ships with their sails. Standing thus hovering a great while, as ready to take his flight; the beholders still laughing, and crying out, Fly Turk, fly, how long shall we expect thy flight? The emperor in the mean time dissuading him from so desperate an attempt: and the Sultan betwixt fear and hope hanging in doubtful suspense what might happen to his countryman. The Turk, after he had a great while hovered with his arms abroad (the better to have gathered the wind, as birds do with their wings) and long deluded the expectation of the beholders: at length finding the wind fit, as he thought for his purpose, committed himself with his vain hope unto the air: But in steed of mounting aloft, this foolish Icarus came tumbling down headlong with such violence, that he broke his neck, his arms and legs, with almost all the bones of his body. This foolish flight of the Turk gave such occasion of sport and laughter unto the vulgar people, always ready to scoff and jest at such ridiculous matters, that the Turks attending upon the Sultan, could not walk in the streets underided; the artificers in their shops shaking their arms with their tools in their hands, as did the Turk, and still crying out Fly Turk, fly: whereof the emperor hearing, although he could not choose but thereat smile himself, as not ignorant of the scoffs and taunts of the vulgar people; yet in favour of the Sultan, who was not a little grieved therewith, he commanded such their insolency to be restrained. The solemnity of the triumph overpassed (which by an ominous earthquake at the same time happening, was somewhat obscured) the emperor to show his wealth, and to gratify the Sultan, gave unto him many rich and royal presents, with such a mass of treasure, as that he much wondered thereat. In requital whereof, and in token of his thankfulness, he again honoured the emperor with the name of his Father, and terming himself by the name of his Son, promised to restore unto him the city of SEBASTIA, with the territory thereunto belonging, than part of Dadune his inheritance. Nevertheless, all this was nothing else but mere dissimulation, as afterward by proof appeared. For returning home, he thrust Dadune indeed out of SEBASTIA, which he spoilt with the country thereabout; but forgetful of his promise, kept it wholly to himself: and by force took also from him the city of CESARIA, with the country of AMASIA, by him before but lately possessed. In like manner, he bent his forces also upon I●gupasan his other brother, who in the very preparation of those wars died: by whose untimely death the city of ANCYRA, with all his dominions in CAPADOCIA, fell into the Sultan's hands. Who now possessed of all his father's kingdom, and swelling with pride, forgetting all former courtesies, invaded the emperors territories, and took from him the city of LAODICEA in PHRIGIA, where he did great harm; as also in the country thereabouts, killing the people as he went, or else carrying them away with him captives. For the repressing of which outrages, the emperor with a strong army passed over into ASIA, and there in the frontiers of his territories fortified DORILEUM against the incursious of the Turks. In performing whereof, he to the example and stirring up of others, carried the first basked of stones himself upon his shoulders; and used such farther diligence, that in short time the city was compassed about with strong walls, and deep ditches, maugre the Turks, who ceased not with continual alarms and skirmishes to have hindered the work. With like care and for like purpose he also fortified SVELEUM, another strong hold: and leaving in either place a strong garrison, returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE. Nevertheless the Turks ceased not with continual inroads to do what harms they might upon the frontiers of the empire, though not altogether with so good success as before, being many times cut off by the garrisons of the late fortified towns: Unkindness betwixt the emperor and the Sultan. which grievances still increasing, caused the emperor to expostulate with the Sultan, as with an unthankful man, and forgetful of so great kindness before done unto him, as the establishment of him in his kingdom came unto: who with no less vehemency upbraided him again with unconstancy and breach of promise, as well for fortifying the aforesaid places contrary to the league betwixt them, as for that having promised much more, he had thereof performed nothing. Thus unkindness daily growing upon every trifle, as it commonly falleth out among men of great spirit, and jealous of their own honours: it was daily expected when the matter should fall out into open & bloody war; both of them being men of great valour, and apt to revenge the least injury to them offered. Yet was it the Sultan's manner warily to manage his wars by his politic and expert captains: whereas the emperor being of an hotter nature, and courageous above measure, commonly in all his great expeditions adventured his own person, without respect what danger might thereof ensue unto himself or his state. Long it was not but that the emperor fully resolved to be revenged of so many wrongs done unto him and his subjects by the Turks, raised the whole power of his empire both in EUROPE and ASIA, in such sort as if he had therewith purposed, not only to have razed to the ground ICONIUM, the regal seat of the Turkish Sultan, but even utterly to have destroyed the whole nation of the Turks. Thus with a most puissant and populous army, well appointed of all things necessary, he passed over into ASIA, and so in good order marching through PHRYGIA, LAODICEA, CHONAS (called in ancient time PASSAS) S. ARCHANGEL, LAMPIS, CaeraeNAS (where the head of the great and famous river MaeANDER riseth, whereinto the river MARSYAS falleth) and from thence to CHONIA, he with evil luck, and worse speed, passed by MYRIOCEPHALON, an old ruinous castle, ominous by the name thereof, as by the event in short time after it proved. And albeit that he marched very circumspectly, still entrenching his army in every place where he lodged; yet could he make but small speed, by reason of the multitude of his carriages, and of the base people that attended the same. The Turks in the mean while oftentimes showing themselves in troops, and in places of advantage, skirmishing sometime with one part of the army and sometime with another, but never daring to adventure the fortune of a just battle: yet by such means were the victuallers of the army oftentimes cut off, and the passages for the emperor made very dangerous. And the more to distress the Christians in their long travel, they found the country before them of purpose destroyed by the Turks, and the water in many places poisoned, whereof the Christians unadvisedly drinking, fell into many grievous diseases, especially the flux, and thereof died in great number. The Sultan in the mean time, although he had in readiness a right puissant army of his own, & had procured great and from the Persian Sultan his kinsman and chief supporter: yet fearing the doubtful event of war, and loath to adventure his whole estate upon the fortune of a battle, sought by his ambassadors (sent for that purpose) to grow to some peace with the emperor, and that upon such honourable conditions, as by the wiser sort were thought not to be at any hand refused: which large offers, the Sultan as desirous of peace, made unto him not once, but again and again; which the emperor nevertheless (reposing great confidence in his own power, and pricked forward by the gallants of the court, better acquainted with the brave triumphs of peace than the hard wars of the Turks) proudly rejected; and so dismissing the ambassadors, scornfully willed them to tell their master, That he would give him answer unto his requests under the walls of ICONIUM. Which caused the Sultan, now out of all hope of any reconciliation to be made betwixt the emperor and him, with all his power to take the straits of ZIBRICA, whereby the army of the Christians, departing from MYRIOCEPHALON must of necessity pass. The entrance into these straits was by a long valley, on either side enclosed with high mountains, which toward the North rising and falling according as the hills gave leave, opened into divers large valleys, which by little and little growing again straighter and straighter, with high and craggy rocks hanging over on either side, and almost touching one another, gave unto the painful traveller a most hard and difficult passage. . Into this so dangerous a valley, the emperor not fearing the enemy's force, desperately entered with his army, having neither provided for the cleared of the passages, or safety of his carriages▪ in no other order than as if he had marched through the plain and champain country, although it were before told him (that which he shortly after, but too late, saw) that the enemy had strongly possessed both the straits and the mountains, to hinder his farther passage. The vauward of his army was conducted by john and Andronicus, the sons of Angelus Constantine, accompanied with Macroducas Constantine and Lapardas' Andronicus: In the right wing was Baldwin, the emperors brother in law; and in the left Maurozomes Theodorus: After them followed the drudges and scullions, with an infinite number of carters and other base people, attending upon the carriages, with the baggage of the whole army: Next unto these came the emperor with the main battle, consisting for the most part of right valiant and worthy soldiers: The rearward was shut up by Andronicus Contostephanus, with a number of most resolute men. They were not far entered into these straits, but that the Turks from the mountains and broken cliffs, showed themselves on every side, delivering their deadly shot from the upper ground upon the Christians below, as thick as hail. Nevertheless the sons of Angelus with Macroducas and Lapardus, and the vanguard, casting themselves into a three square battle in form of a wedge, with their targuets in manner of a penthouse cast close together over their heads, and their archers on every side lustily bestowing their shot amongst the thickest of their enemies, by plain force drive them out of the straits they had before possessed, and caused them to retire farther off into the mountains; and so having made themselves way, with little or no loss passed those dangerous straits: until that at length having recovered the top of an hill, very commodious for their purpose, as the case stood, they there stayed, and presently encamped themselves. And happily, with like good fortune might the rest of the army have passed also, had they in like order, and with like courage, presently followed after. But failing so to do, and troubled with the multitude of their carriages, which could not possibly make any way through those straight and rough passages (but troubled themselves one another, as also the whole army) they were from the upper ground miserably overwhelmed with the multitude of the Turkish archers, whose arrows fell as thick upon them from the mountains, as if it had been a perpetual tempest or shower of hail, to the great disordering & dismaying of the whole army: which the Turks quickly perceiving, and therewith encouraged, in great numbers came down from the mountains where they had before hovered over the heads of the Christians, and forcibly entering the plain ground, and coming to handy blows, first overthrew the right wing; where Baldwin himself seeking to restore his disordered companies, and to stay the fury of the enemy, (now raging in the blood of the Christians) with a troop of valiant horsemen breaking into the thickest of them, Baldwin slain●▪ as became a worthy captain, was there compassed in with the multitude of his enemies, and slain, together with all his followers, and the greatest part of the whole wing by him commanded. With this victory the Turks were so encouraged, that coming down with all their power, they stopped all the ways whereby the Christians were to pass, who as men couped up in those dangerous straits, were not able either to defend themselves, or to help one another: but enclosed as dear in a toil, and one troubling another, were the cause both of the destruction of themselves and others. For by reason of the straightness of the place, neither could they that were before, retire, either they that were behind in the rearward, come forward to relieve the one the other, as need required: the carriages also, which were many, and in the middle of the army, The misery of the Christians by the Turks enclosed in the straits. serving them to no other purpose than to the hurt of themselves. There were the beasts that served for burden, together with the soldiers, overwhelmed with the Turks shot, the valleys lay full of dead bodies, the rivers ran mingled with the blood of men and beasts, in such terrible manner, as is not by pen to be expressed. For the Christians not able either to go forward, or retire, were there in those straits slain like sheep: if any courage or spark of valour were by any showed against the enemy, fight at so great advantage, it was but lost, serving to little or no purpose. And to increase these miseries, the Turks in scorn showed upon the point of a lance the head of Andronicus Bataza, the emperors nephew, who coming with an army out of PAPHLAGONIA, and HERACLEA PONTICA, against the Turks of AMASIA, was now by the way by them overthrown and slain. The report whereof, confirmed by the sight of his head, The emperor in great perplexity. and the consideration of the desperate danger wherein the whole army presently stood, so troubled the emperor that he was at his wit's end: and with dry tears (if it may be so said) dissembling his inward grief, as one out of comfort, stood doubtful which way to turn himself. For the Turks having suffered the vanguard to pass, with all their power charged the emperors main battle, as his chief strength, nothing doubting, but that having once overthrown it, they should easily and at pleasure overthrow the rest. Oftentimes had the emperor attempted to have driven the enemy out of those straits, and so to have opened a way for his army to have passed, but all in vain, the power of the Turks still increasing, and they at great advantage notably maintaining the passages before by them taken. Nevertheless, seeing no less danger in staying still, The desperate resolution of the emperor. than in going forward, he with a few of his best soldiers, armed with despair, and resolved to die (unto which kind of men nothing is terrible) set forward directly upon his enemies, willing the rest with like resolution every man to make for himself the best shift he could. And so with many wounds and sturdy blows both given & received, he by plain force and might of hand broke through the thickest of his enemies, and so escaped out of those straits, as out of a trap. But yet not without many wounds received in his person, and himself so wearied as that he was not able to lift up his helmet, being beaten close to his head, and in his target were found sticking thirty of the Turks arrows or thereabouts, the manifest tokens of his danger. The other legions seeking to follow the emperor (for other way they had none) were on every side hardly assailed by the Turks, and infinite numbers of them slain; beside many others that perished in those straits, overborne and trodden to death by their own fellows. Yea such as had the fortune to escape out of one of these perilous straits, were forthwith slain in the next: for this so dangerous a passage through the mountains, was divided (as is aforesaid) into seven valleys, which giving fair and broad entrances, the farther a man w●nt, grew still straighter and straighter, all which straits the Turks had before strongly possessed. At which time also, the more to increase the terror of the day, the light sand raised with the feet of the men and horses, was with the violence of a most tempestuous wind which then blew, carried so forcibly and thick, that both the armies grappling together, as if it had been in the darkness of the night, killed whomsoever they met withal, without respect of friend or foe, by which error many were even of their own friends slain. In every place lay great heaps of the Turks slain together with the Christians, and with them great numbers of horses and other beasts for carriage, so that those valleys where this bloody conflict was, seemed to be nothing else but a large burying place of the Turk●s and Christians with their horses: But the greater number was of the Christians that perished, and they not altogether of the common sort, but even of the bravest captains, A mo●● miserable spectacle. and the emperors nearest kinsmen. The violence of the wind ceasing and the day cleared up, there was of all others to be seen (a most woeful spectacle) men yet alive, some wounded, some whole, covered some to the middle, some to the neck, with dead carcases, in such sort, as that they were not able with any struggling to get out: who with their hands cast up towards heaven, with ruthful voices cried out for help to such as passed by; but all in vain, for every man possessed with the common fear, and by their danger measuring their own, passed by them without compassion, as more careful of their own safety, leaving them yet living as men to be numbered among the dead. The emperor in danger to have been tak●n▪ notably defendeth himself. The emperor himself, as a man almost now spent, being got out of the danger, stood a while to breath himself under the shadow of a wild pear tree, without any page or man to attend him; whom a poor common soldier espying, and moved with compassion, came unto him, and offering him the best service he could, helped him up with his helmet, and buckled up his armour, which before hung dangling here and there about him: when in the mean while a Turk coming in upon him, had taken his horse by the bridle, in hope to have led him away prisoner: whom for all that, the emperor as weary as he was, with the truncheon of his broken lance which he had yet in his hand, struck down to the ground, and so 〈◊〉 himself of him. Presently after came also another sort of the straggling Turks, ready also to ●aue ceized upon him and to have taken him prisoner, of whom he slew one with the aforesaid horseman's staff, and with his sword struck off the head of another of them, and so kept them off until that by the coming in of ten of his own soldiers he was relieved. Departing thence with purpose to have joined himself unto the legions that were gone before in the vauward, he had not gone far but that he was much troubled by other Turks that he met, and the heaps of the dead bodies that lay in his way: yet at last, having with much labour and more danger passed those straits, and a river running thereby, being glad in many places to ride over the dead bodies of his own people, and some other of his own soldiers now resorting unto him; he there saw john Catacuzene, a noble and right valiant gentleman that had married his niece, fight alone against a great number of the Turks, to be compassed in and slain; whom he was no way able to relieve. Which Turks also seeing him pass by, followed after him as after a most rich prey, in hope to have either presently taken or slain him: whom nevertheless he (encouraging the small company he had about him) notably repulsed; and so sometime marching forward, and again as occasion required, making a stand, came at length long looked for but most welcome, unto the legions that were gone before, not so sorry for their own hard estate, as careful of his danger. But before he could come to those his legions, he ready to faint for thirst, commanded water to be brought him out of the river that ran fast by; which after he had tasted, and by the unpleasant taste thereof, perceived the same to be infected, he fetting a deep sigh, said, O how unfortunately have I tasted Christian blood: whereunto an audacious and malapert soldier there present, and more bitter than the cruel time itself, The malapert speech of an insolent soldier to the emperor. replied; Emperor, thou didst not now, thou didst not now, I say, first, but long since, and oftentimes, drink the blood of the Christians, even until thou wast drunk again, at such time as thou didst with most grievous exactions vex and devour thy poor subjects. The great patience of the emperor▪ Which reproachful speech the emperor put up in silence, making as if he had not heard it. With like patience he also forbore the same railing companion, at such time as he seeing his treasures hardly beset and in danger to be taken by the Turks, to animate his soldiers, willed them to do what they could to rescue the same, and to take it for their labour. This treasure (said this impudent fellow) should before have been given unto thy soldiers, rather than now when as it cannot be recovered but with great danger and bloodshed: and therefore, if thou be a man of valour, as thou wouldst be accounted, and as the present case requireth, valiantly charge the Turks (now ready to carry it away) thyself, and so recover thine evil gotten goods. Whereunto the emperor answered no more but, Good words soldier, and so put it up, as did David the railings of Shimei. Shortly after the coming of the emperor unto these legions of his vanguard (the only remainder of his army that was left whole and unbroken) came also Andronicus Contostephanus, who had the leading of the rearward, with divers others of great place, who had by good fortune escaped the fury of the Turks. The miseries of that day (not well to be expressed) being ended by the coming on of the night, the Christians sat in the camp oppressed with a general heaviness, leaning their heads upon their elbows, and considering the present danger wherein they were, scarcely accounted themselves among the living: the Turks in the mean time to increase their fear, all the night running about the camp, & crying aloud unto such of their countrymen in the camp, as had abjured their religion, or for other respects had taken part with the imperials, that they should that night get them out of the camp, whereas otherwise if they stayed unto the morning they should be all but lost men. In this so great an extremity the emperor not knowing what to do, The ●earfull resolution of the emperor. call together his chief commanders, declared unto them the desperate danger they were in, together with his resolution: which was, secretly himself to fly, and to leave the rest, every man to make what shift he could for himself. Which his base determination, so foul as fouler could not be, they all wondering at, as proceeding from a distraughted mind: and by chance overheard by one of the common soldiers, that stood without the tent, the same soldier fetching a deep sigh, in detestation thereof, cried out with a loud voice, A sharp reprehension of a common soldior unto the emperor. What means the emperor: and so turning himself unto him, said: Art not thou he that hast thrust us into this desolate and straight way, and cast us headlong into destruction? and hast as it were in a mortar enclosed us in these rocks and mountains, ready as it were to overwhelm us. What had we to do with this vail of mourning, and mouth of hell? Wherefore came we into these mischievous and rough straits? What can we particularly complain of the Barbarians, which in these inextricable windings and straits have thus entangled and beset us? Was it not thou that brought'st us hither? And wilt thou now as sheep appointed to the slaughter, thyself betray us? With which so sharp a reprehension the emperor thoroughly pierced, changed his former determination for flight, resolving now to stand by it, whatsoever happened. But what should he now do beset with his enemies, still ready to devour him? help he saw none, either in himself or to be expected from others; nought remained but death and despair. In this extremity, all man's help now failing, it pleased the most mighty (which chastiseth and healeth again, which striketh and yet giveth life, and suffereth not the staff of the sinners always to rage into the portion of the just) with merciful eye to look down upon these distressed men, and with an unwonted kind of clemency to touch the Sultan's heart, in such sort, as that he which but the other day stood in dread of the emperor, and now having him as it were in his power, was overcome with his misery: or as in times past he by Husai overthrew the counsel of Achitophel, and changed the mind of Absalon to follow such advise as should bring him to destruction: so then also he turned the mind of the Turkish Sultan, that (persuaded by certain of the chief men about him, who in time of peace had used to receive great gifts and presents from the emperor) he of his own accord by his ambassadors offered peace unto the emperor, before that he in so great distress sued unto him for any; & that upon the selfsame conditions they had made their leagues before. The Turks in the mean time ignorant of the Sultan's resolution, early in the morning were ready to assault the emperors camp, in hope at once to have overthrown his whole power; and with a barbarous outcry still riding about it, came so nigh, that with their arrows they slew divers of the Christians within their own trenches: Against whom the emperor sent out john the son of Constantinus Angelus, and after him Macroducas Constantinus, but to little or no purpose. In the mean time came one Gabras, a man of the greatest reputation among the Turks, ambassador from the Sultan, by whose commandment the Turks ceased farther to assault the camp. This Gabras coming unto the emperor, and after the manner of the Barbarians, honouring him with reverence done even down to the ground: First presented him with a goodly horse, whose furniture was all of silver, as if it had beech for triumph, and a fair two edged sword. Afterwards falling into a large discourse concerning a peace to be made, and with many kind words, as with an enchantment, appeasing the emperors heaviness conceived of his late loss; he among other pleasant conceits then uttered, seeing the emperor in a rich robe of yellow over his armour, told him, That that colour was not fit for war, as ominous and portending evil luck: whereat the emperor a little smiling, gave it him with the fortune thereof: and receiving the horse and sword sent him from the Sultan, signed the peace. Amongst other conditions of the peace (which the dangerousness of the time suffered not the emperor curiously to examine; one was, That DORILEUM and SUBLEUM before by him fortified, and the ground of this unfortunate war, The emperor returneth. should be again razed. Peace thus beyond all hope being concluded, and the emperor delivered of a great fear, purposed another way to return home to avoid the sight of the slain: yet was he by his guides, even of purpose as it was thought, lead back the same way, to behold with his eyes those miserable spectacles of the slain, which could not with any tears be sufficiently lamented: for the straits were made plain, the valleys were raised into hills, and the forest lay covered with the carcases of the slain: no man passed by, but with heaviness and grief, calling by name upon their friends and familiars there lost. Having again passed those doleful straits, the Turks were again in the tail of the army: for it was reported, that the Sultan repenting himself to have suffered his enemies so to escape out of his hands, had given leave unto such as would, to pursue them, but followed not himself with his whole power as before; for most of the better sort of his soldiers loaded with the spoil, were now returned home. Yet these that followed after the army, slew many, especially such as were weak or wounded, and so unable to follow the rest: although the emperor to help the matter, had for the repulsing of them, placed the best of his captains and soldiers in the rearward. Being come to CHONAS, and now out of fear of his enemies, he gave unto every one of his hurt soldiers money to pay for the curing of their wounds, and to bring them into their countries. And coming to PHILADELPHIA, The emperor altogether 〈◊〉 not what he h●d 〈◊〉 to the Sultan. there stayed for the refreshing of himself after so great miseries. In his return he razed SUBLEUM according to his promise, but not DORILEUM: whereof the Sultan by his ambassadors complaining, he answered, That what he had, enforced thereunto by necessity, promised, he greatly forced not to perform. In revenge whereof, the Sultan sent out one of his most valiant captains, called Atapacke, with four and twenty thousand good soldiers, chosen out of his whole army, with straight charge to waste and destroy all the emperors provinces and towns, even unto the sea side, without sparing man woman or child; and in token thereof, to bring with him some of the sea water, an oar, and some of the sea sand: who according to his charge, spoiled PHRIGIA with the cities along the river MEANDER, even unto the sea side. And so returning with a rich prey, by the way spoiled what before he had lest untouched. . But in passing the river MEANDER, when he feared least, he fell into the hands of john Bataza the emperors nephew, and of Ducas Constantine, a most valiant captain, of purpose sent against him by the Emperor with a great power; where he was by them slain together with all his army, and the rich booty he had taken all again recovered. Many other hard conflicts passed after this betwixt the Imperials and the Turks, the one continually seeking to annoy the other; all which for that therein nothing fell out much worth the remembrance, I for brevity willingly pass over. In these endless troubles died Emanuel the Greek emperor, when he had by the space of eight and thirty years worthily governed that great empire, having in the time of his sickness but a little before his death taken upon him the habit of a monk, in token he had forsaken the world. All the time of his reign he was no less jealous of the Christian princes of the West than of the Turks in the East, and therefore ever dealt with them unkindly. In time of war he was so laborious, as if he had never taken felicity but in pain; and again in peace so given over to his pleasure, as if he had never thought of any thing else. After whose death the Turkish Sultan, without resistance invading the frontiers of the empire, took SOZOPOLIS with divers towns thereabout in PHRIGIA; and long besieged the famous city of ATTALIA, and so daily encroached more and more upon the provinces of the empire, joining the same unto his own, which was no great matter for him to do, the Greek empire being then no better governed than was the chariot of the Sun (as the Poets feign) by Phaethon, far unfit for so great a charge: for Alexius Comnenus, otherwise called Porphyrogenitus, being then but a child of about twelve years old, succeeding his grave father in the empire, after the manner of children altogether following his pleasure; his mother with his father's kinsmen and friends, who above all things ought to have had an especial care of his education, neglecting the old emperors trust in them reposed, followed also their own delights, without regard of the ruin of the common weal. Some enamoured with the beauty of the young empress, gave themselves all to bravery, and the courting of her: othersome in great authority with no less desire in the mean time, with the common treasures filled their empty coffers: and a third sort there was (of all the rest most dangerous) who neither respecting their sensual pleasure, neither the heaping up of wealth, looked not so low, aiming at the very empire itself. As for the common good, that was of all other things of them all least regarded. Amongst these third sort of the ambitious, was one Andronicus, the cousin of the late emperor Emanuel, a man of an haughty and troublesome spirit, whom he the said emperor Emanuel had for his aspiring, most part of the time of his reign kept in prison, or else in exile, as he now was, being by him not long before, for fear of raising of new troubles, confined to live far off from the court at OENUM: Andronicus aspireth. who now hearing of the death of the emperor Emanuel, of the factions in court, of the childishness of the young emperor Alexius, given wholly to his sports; and the great men put in trust to have seen to his bringing up and to the government of the empire, some like bees to fly abroad into the country, seeking after money as the bees do for honey; some others in the mean time like hogs, lying still and fatting themselves with great and gainful offices, wallowing in all excess and pleasure, to have no regard of the honour or profit of the common weal: thought it now a fit time (in such disorder of the state) for him to aspire unto the empire, after which he had all his life time longed. That he was generally beloved of the Constantinopolitans, yea and of some of the nobility also, he doubted not: for them he had long before by his popular behaviour gained, together with the distrust of the late emperor, jealous of his estate; which as it cost him his liberty, so miss it not much but that it had cost him his life also: but now that he was dead, wanted nothing more than some fair colour for the shadowing of his foul purpose. Ambition covered with the zeal of the commonweal. Amongst many and right divers things by him thought upon, was a clause in the oath of obedience which he had given unto the emperor Emanuel and Alexius his son, (which oath he had delivered unto him in writing) That if he should see, hear, or understand of any thing dangerous or hurtful to their honour, empire, or persons, he should forthwith bewray it, and to the uttermost of his power withstand it: which words (not so to have been wrested) as best serving for his purpose, he took first occasion for to work upon. And as he was a stout and imperious man, thereupon writ divers letters unto the young emperor his cousin, unto Theodosius the Patriarch, and other such as he knew well affected unto the late emperor Emanuel: wherein among other things which he wished to be amended in the present government, he seemed most to complain of the immoderate power and authority of Alexius, than precedent of the Counsel: who in great favour with the young emperor, and more inward with the empress his mother than was supposed to stand with her honour, ruled all things at his pleasure, in so much, as that nothing done by any the great officers of the empire, or by the emperor himself, was accounted of any force, except his approbation were thereunto annexed: whereby he was grown unto such an excessive pride, having all things in his power, as that no man could without danger, as upon the venomous Basilisk, look upon him. Of which his so excessive and insolent power Andronicus by his letters now greatly complained, moved thereunto (as he would have it believed) with the care he had of the young emperors safety, which could not (as he said) long stand with the others so great power, which he therefore (as in duty bound) wished to be abridged: agravating withal the infamous report of Alexius his too much familiarity with the empress, which first muttered in court, afterwards flew (as he said) throughout the whole world. The reformation of which things, as tending to the danger of the person of the emperor, and dishonour of the state, he forsooth as one in conscience bound, with great gravity and eloquence (being a very learned man) both in open speech and writing most earnestly desired: and thereby so wrought, as that he was generally accounted for a man of great experience (as indeed he was) and a faithful counsellor to the state, a thing much to have been wished. Andronicus departeth from Oenum towards Constantinople. Wherefore leaving OENUM, the place whereunto he was by the emperor Emanuel in a sort banished, traveling towards CONSTANTINOPLE, he gave it out in every place where he came, what he had sworn, and what he would for his oaths sake do: unto whom men desirous of the change of the state, & such as gave credit unto the report long before given out, That he should at length become emperor; flocked in great numbers, as birds about an owl to see him, and with vain praises to chatter about him. In this sort he came as far as PAPHLAGONIA; in every place honourably received, as if he had been a deliverer of his country sent from God. And in the imperial city he was not longed for of the vulgar people only, as their light and load stat: but divers of the nobility also by secret messengers and letters, persuaded him to hasten his coming, and to take upon him the government; assuring him that there would be none to resist him, or to oppose themselves against his shadow, but all ready to receive him: Especially Marie the young emperors sister by the father's side, with her husband Caesar (who being a woman of a great spirit, and grieving much to see her father's empire made a prey unto Alexius the precedent, and the empress her stepmother, whom she naturally hated) had raised a great and dangerous tumult in the city against them both, which was not without much bloodshed appeased: and now ceased not by often and most earnest letters (to her own destruction and her husbands, as it afterwards fell out) to prick forward Andronicus and to hasten his coming: who by letters and messengers daily coming unto him from the court, still more and more encouraged, leaving behind him the country of PAPHLAGONIA, came to HERACLEA in PONTUS, and still on towards the imperial city, with great cunning and dissimulation winning the hearts of the people as he went. For who was so stony hearted, whom his sweet words and abundant tears flowing from his gracious eyes, as from two plentiful fountains down by his hoary cheeks, might not have moved? All that he did or desired was (as he said) for the common good and liberty of the emperor. By which means he had drawn unto him a wonderful number of the rude country people by the way as he came. But coming into BYTHINIA, he was by john Ducas governor of the great city of NICE, shut out as an enemy to the state, and so at NICOMEDIA also. Nevertheless, passing by those cities, he held still on his way, until at length he was near unto a castle called CHARACE, encountered by Andronicus Angelus, sent with a great power against him, by the great precedent Alexius; who otherwise as an effeminate man given over to his pleasure, spending the greatest part of the night in rioting by candle light, and most part of the day in his bed, with curtains close drawn as if it had been night; yet doubtful now of the coming of his enemy, left nothing undone which he thought might help for the assuring of his estate. Many of the nobility of whom he stood in doubt, he gained unto him by means of the emperor's mother; who by her rare beauty, sweet words, and gracious behaviour, as with a line drew all men unto her: Other some he overcame with gifts and great sums of money, whereof he now made no spare: And so wrought the matter that no man of any account or mark, went over to Andronicus. Who nevertheless with such followers as he had, joining battle with Angelus (sent against him, as is before said) overthrew him and put him to flight. Wherewith Alexius much troubled, in great displeasure and without reason, called Angelus (now fled to CONSTANTINOPLE) to an account for the money delivered unto him for the defraying of the charges of that unfortunate war: who seing his misforturne to be so taken as if he had framed it himself, and of purpose betrayed the army committed to his charge; by the counsel of his six sons, being all men of great valour and wisdom, first took the refuge of his own house: but finding himself there in no safety, with his wife and his said sons (two of which came afterwards to be emperors) presently fled over the straight to Andronicus: Who seeing of him coming towards him, is reported to have used this text of Scripture, Behold I will send mine Angel before thy face, to prepare thy ways, alluding to his name of Angelus, as the presage of his good success. Wherefore encouraged with the coming of these noblemen his kinsmen, he without longer stay marched directly unto the sea side, and there a little above CHALCEDON encamped almost right over against CONSTANTINOPLE: causing many great fires (more than needed) to be made in his army, to make it seem unto them of the city greater than indeed it was; and with the sight thereof to keep the citizens in suspense, Androni●us encampeth in sight over against Constantinople. with the doubtful expectation of some great matter to ensue. Wherein he was no whit deceived, for they having him now as it were in sight, leaving their work, ransom to the sea side, some up to the hills & high towers to behold his army a far off, willing with their friendly looks, if it had been possible, to have drawn him over the straight into the city. Alexius knowing himself not able by land to encounter with so strong an enemy (for now some which on foot could not go over to Andronicus, were secretly in heart already with him, othersome thought themselves sufficiently to show their fidelity unto the emperor, if sitting still at home, they should take part with neither: for so have subtle heads & aspiring minds for the furtherance of their desires taught the common people both to say & think) thought it best by sea to avert the present danger: And therefore commanded all the emperors galleys (being before rigged up and ready) to be strongly manned and put to sea, for the keeping of PROPONTIS and the straight of BOSPHORUS, that Andronicus should not that way pass. Now had he determined to have made especial choice of some assured friend of his own for to be general of this fleet, as he had done of the captains and masters, being all his own kinsmen or domestical servants: but as he was about to have so done, Contostephanus (surnamed the Great captain) opposed himself against it, challenging that place as due unto himself, before all others: So that overcome by his authority (which it was no time for Alexius now to dispute) he was glad to commit the charge and trust of the whole fleet unto him, as general. Thus having (as he thought) made the sea sure, he sent over unto Andronicus, as from the emperor (for all was done in his name) one George Xiphilinus, Xiphilinus sen● over to Andronicus, dealeth unfaithfully in d●●ng his message. with letters and other instructions, whereof the effect was, To command him forthwith in peace to return unto the place from whence he came, and not farther to trouble the state: promising him in so doing, the emperors favour, with many great honours and preferments to be afterward bestowed upon him; which otherwise might turn to his utter destruction. Which letters Xiphilinus having delivered, and done his message, is reported to have secretly advised Andronicus to proceed in his purpose, The proud answer of Andronicus. and not in any case to yield to that which was of him required: wherewith Andronicus encouraged, proudly rejected the graces offered, and willed the messenger to tell them that sent him, That if they would have him to return unto the place from whence he came, they should first displace the proud precedent Alexius, and call him unto an account for the villainies he had done; Then the emperors mother they should deprive of her honours, and shut her up as a Nun into some cloister, there to learn to amend her life; And last of all, that the emperor according to his father's will, should take upon himself the government, and not be overtopped by others, by whose too much authority, his majesty & honour was (as he said) too much impaired. But within a few days after, Contostephanus, the great captain and general, Contostephanus revolteth to Andronicus. carried over all the galleys to Andronicus, leaving nothing but their names for the precedent in his rolls to look upon: whose revolt above all other things encouraged Andronicus, and cast Alexius even into the bottom of despair. Alexius in despair. For now Andronicus his friends flocked together in the city, not secretly as before, but openly in all places: and such as wished a change in the state, impudently scoffing at Alexius, passed over the straight to CHALCEDON in great numbers to Andronicus, where having filled their eyes with the beholding of his goodly person, his cheerful countenance, and reverend age, and their ●ares with his sweet words and great promises, returned home merry and joyful as if they had been in some terrestrial paradise, filling the city with his praises. After that Andronicus his two sons, john and Manuel, with divers others, whom the precedent had cast in prison, were set at liberty, and other of his chief fauourits laid fast in their rooms. Alexius and his friends apprehended. As for Alexius; the precedent himself, with all his friends and faction in the court, they were taken and committed to the keeping of the guard: a right strange alteration. But about midnight Alexius himself was secretly conveyed out of the court unto the Patriarches house, A strange alteration. & there kept with a stronger guard than before. A wonderful change and worth the marking, a man so honourably borne, but yesterday in greatest honour attended upon with many thousands, all at his command, having the power to spill or save: to day in bonds, in disgrace, in misery and despair, and not so much as a page to wait upon him. Which he taking very grievously, yet complained of nothing more, than that they which had the keeping of him, would not suffer him to sleep nor take any rest. Of whose misery, the Patriarch taking pity (although he had of him very evil deserved) yet cheered him up with comfortable words, persuading him with patience to endure his hard fortune, and not with such speeches as fitted not his present state, to provoke his keepers to use him evil. Within a few days after early in a morning, he was brought out of the Patriarches house, and set upon a very little bad jade, and so with a ragged clout upon the top of a reed in manner of an ensign, carried before him in derision, was brought to the sea side; Alexius brought to Andronicus, hath his eyes put out. and there cast into a little boat, was so brought to Andronicus, by whose commandment, with the general consent of the nobility, he for his evil government shortly after had his eyes put out. This was the miserable end of the immoderate power, or rather of the insolent sovereignty of Alexius: who, had he with more moderation and vigilancy governed, might both have kept Andronicus out of the city, and himself from so great misery; having at his command all the emperors treasure, his galleys, with most part of the strength of the empire. The meeting of the Patriarch & Andronicus. Now came the noble men over apace to Andronicus: the last that came, was the reverend Patriarch Theodosius, with the chief of the clergy: of whose approach, Andronicus hearing, went out of his tent to meet him, and falling down (as great as he was) flat at his horses feet, and in a while after arising again, kissed the patriarchs foot, call him, The emperors saviour, The lover of virtue, The defender of the truth; and comparing him with the famous father john Chrisostome, omitted not any honourable title he could possibly devise to give him. But the devout Patriarch, that had never seen Andronicus before, having now well viewed him, and marked his stern countenance, his subtle nature, his crafty and dissembling manners, his exceeding stature, being almost ten foot high, his stately gate, his proud look, his continual severity, and melancholy silence: as it were pitying them that to their own destruction had called such a man in, said: Hitherto I have heard, but now I have also seen, and plainly known: and fetching a deep sigh, adjoined thereunto that saying of the Prophet David: As we have heard, so have we also seen. In which words, he covertly quipped the dissembled meeting and submission of Andronicus: and withal called to remembrance the words of the emperor Emanuel, wherewith he had many times so painted forth Andronicus unto the Patriarch, as if he would most lively have represented him unto his view. Andronicus passeth over the stra●●. All things in the city and in the palace set in order according to Andronicus his mind, by his two sons, and leave given unto the emperors friends to come over unto him, and to be acquainted with him; at length Andronicus himself departing from DAMALUM, in a galley crossed the straight, oftentimes by the way merrily singing that saying of the heavenly Psalmist: Return my soul into thy rest, because the Lord hath done well unto thee, having delivered my life from death, mine eyes from tears, and my feet from falling. The emperor with his mother Xene, then lay not in the palace at CONSTANTINOPLE, but at another princely house of his in the country near unto PHILOPATIUM, as Andronicus had appointed: whether Andronicus first went, and coming unto his presence, most humbly prostrate before him, with sobbing and tears, as his deceitful manner was, kissed his feet. As for the empress his mother, he lightly saluted her, and as it were but for fashion sake, not dissembling in his countenance the old grudge he bore against her. And so without longer stay went unto his tent provided for him not far off, round about which, all the great noble men had pitched their tents also, flocking unto him as chickens seeking for refuge under the hen's wings. Having there stayed with the emperor a good while, he was desirous to go unto the imperial city, and to see the late Emperor Emanuel his cousin's grave. Where entering into the monastery of our Lady, where he was buried, and coming to his tomb, he wept bitterly, and roared as it were mainly out. So that divers of the standers by, ignorant of his dissembling nature, by way of admiration said: O what a wonderful thing is this! O how he loved the Emperor, his cousin, although his fierce and cruel persecutor! And when one of his kinsmen would have pulled him from the tomb, saying that he had sorrowed for him enough; he would not be removed, but requested them to suffer him yet a little to tarry by the tomb, for that he had something in secret to say unto the dead. And so with his hands cast up and close together, as if he had prayed, and his eyes fast fixed upon the tomb, he moved his lips, and secretly said something, but what, no man could tell. Some said it was some charm or incantation. But others more pleasantly conceited, said (and as it afterward appeared more truly) that Andronicus did then triumph over the dead emperout Emanuel, and revel with his ghost, with these or like words: I have thee now fast, my cruel persecutor, by whom I have been driven unto many great extremities: and having wandered almost all the world over, have thereunto been made by thee a common byword. But now this tomb rising up with seven tops, and prison, out of which thou canst not start, holdeth thee oppressed with a dead sleep, out of which thou shalt not be awaked, but by the sounding of the last trump. And now will I be revenged of thy posterity, and satisfy myself as a lion with a fat prey; and take sharp revenge of all the wrongs thou hast done me, when I have once possessed myself of this royal city. After that, Andronicus taketh vpo● him the government. visiting all the emperors stately houses, but staying in no place long, he disposed of all matters of state, according to his own pleasure. Unto the young emperor he allowed hunting, and other his vain delights, with keepers joined unto him, to watch not only his going in and out, but also that no man should talk with him of any matter of importance. For all the government of the state he took unto himself: not for that he wished so well thereunto, above others, but so to drive from the court all them of the contrary faction to himself, that were able to do any thing, and had before borne some sway. The soldiers, whose help he had used in aspiring to the government, he rewarded with great bounty; all great offices & preferments he bestowed either upon his own children, Andronicus tyrannizeth. or other his great fauourits; divers of the nobility, of whom he liked not, were by him in short time driven into exile: some were by him deprived of their sight, & some others cast in prison, not knowing any cause why, more than that they were by him secretly condemned for that they were of the nobility, or had done some good service for the state, or excelled for their parsonage, or some other thing that grieved Andronicus, or else for the spark of some old displeasure which yet lay hidden as fire raked up in the ashes. A miserable state of a commonweal. So that the state of that time began to grow most miserable: & the treachery, even of men nearest in blood, se●king the destruction one of another, for to serve their own turns, or to gratify Andronicus, most horrible: not only one brother betrayed another, but even the father his son, & the son his father, if Andronicus would have it so. Some accused their nearest kinsmen, that they had derided Andronicus his proceedings; or that without regard of him, they more favoured Alexius the young emperor, then, a great offence. Yea (such was the mischief of the time) that many in accusing others, were themselves accused; & charging others of treason against Andronicus, were themselves charged by them whom they accused, & so clapped up both together in one prison. Neither were they of the nobility only, which were enemies to Andronicus, thus hardly dealt withal; but even some of his great favourits and followers also: For some whom but yesterday he had used most kindly, and enroled amongst his best friends, upon them to day he frowned and tyranized most cruelly: so that you might have seen the same man the same day (as it is reported of Xerxes his admiral) to be crowned and beheaded, to be graced and disgraced. Insomuch, that the wiser sort deemed Andronicus his praisings, to be the beginning of a man's disgrace; his bounty, his undoing; and his kindness, Mary the daughter of Emanuel with her husband Caesar, poisoned by Andronicus. his death. The first that tasted of his tyranny, was Mary, the daughter of Emanuel the emperor, who for the hatred she bore unto Alexius the late precedent, and the empress her mother in law, had (as is aforesaid) above all other, wished for his coming: but was now by one Pterigionites (sometime an Eunuch of her fathers, corrupted by Andronicus, having in his aspiring mind purposed the utter destruction of all Emanuels' posterity) cunningly poisoned; as was her husband Caesar, who lived not long after her, poisoned also (as was supposed) with the same cup that his wife was. Now amongst others of the late emperor's house, none had ever stood more in his light, than had the fair empress Xene, the young emperors mother, whom now he ceased not most bitterly (though wrongfully) to accuse, as an utter enemy both unto the emperor and the state; making as if he would leave all, and again depart, if she were not removed from the emperor her son: and by his cunning so incensed the giddy headed vulgar people against her, that they came flocking unto Theodosius the good Patriarch, ready to tear him out of his clothes, if he consented not unto the removing of the empress, as Andronicus had desired. So a counsel being called of such his favourits and others, as were not like indifferently to hear her cause, but assuredly to condemn her; the guiltless empress after many things falsely laid to her charge, Xene the empress accused of treason, and condemned. was accused of treason: as that she should by her letters have solicited Bela, king of HUNGARY, her brother in law, to invade BRANIZOBA & BELLIGRADE, two strong places belonging to the empire. Whereupon she was condemned, and shamefully cast into a most filthy prison near unto the monastery of S. DIOMEDES. Amongst other noblemen called unto this wicked counsel, were Leo Monasteriotes, Demetrius, Tornicius, and Constantinus Petrenus: Dangerous to speak the truth to a tyrant. who not yet altogether devoted to Andronicus, being asked their opinions concerning the empress, said, They would be glad first to know, Whether that counsel against his mother, were called by the emperor's consent or not? With which speech, Andronicus pierced to the heart as with a sword, in great rage start up and said, These are they which encouraged the wicked precedent to all his villainies, lay hands upon them. Whereupon they of his guard in threatening manner shook their weapons and swords at them, as if they would even presently have slain them: And the tumultuous common people, catching them by their cloaks as they came out, pulling them some one way, some another, were so fierce upon them, as that they had much ado to escape out of their hands with life. Now lay the fair empress (but the other day one of the greatest princes of the East, and honoured of all her subjects) in great misery and despair, scorned even of her base keepers, every hour expecting the deadly blow of the hangman. A wicked counsel. Yet was not the cruelty of Andronicus against her, so any thing assuaged, but grieving that she yet breathed, shortly after assembled again the former counsel, the ministers of his wrath, demanding of them, What punishment was by law appointed for such as betrayed any town or province of the empire? whereunto answer being given in writing, That it was by the law, death: he could no longer hold, but that he must in great choler break out against the poor empress, as if it had been she that had done it: And thereupon the wicked counsellors crying out with one voice, that she was to be taken out of the way, as they had before agreed: by & by without longer stay, a damned writing was subscribed by the young emperor her son, as if it had been with the blood of his own mother, whereby she was (I abhor to write it) most unworthily condemned to die. The men appointed to see this most horrible and cruel execution done, were Manuel, Andronicus his eldest son, & Georgius Augustus, his near kinsman; who both dismayed at the very mentioning of the matter, not regarding the emperor's command, said plainly, That they never before consented unto the death of the empress, but had clean hands of so heinous an offence, and therefore would now much less see her innocent body dismembered in their sight. At which unexpected answer Andronicus much troubled, with his fingers oftentimes plucked himself by the hoary beard, and with burning eyes casting sometime up his head, & sometime down, sighed at his own most miserable tyrannical estate, fretting inwardly that they which were nearest unto him, whom he thought he might even with a beck have commanded to have done any mischief, abhorring his cruelty should refuse to do the thing he so much desired to have done: The miserable death of the empress. yet repressing his anger for a while, within a few days after he again commanded her to be strangled; which was accordingly done by Constantinus Trypsychus, and Pterigionites the ungracious eunuch; by whose help he had before poisoned Mary the emperors daughter, with Caesar her husband, as is before declared. Thus perished this great empress, cruelly strangled in prison, by these two wicked men, the merciless executioners of Andronicus his wrath. Her dead body lately adorned with all the graces of nature, even unto the admiration of the beholders, was without more ado secretly raked up in the sand fast by the sea side: a poor sepulchre for so great a person. What might not Andronicus now do to others, that durst thus cruelly to deal with the young emperors own mother, and nearest friends? yet was all covered under the pretence of the common good, and safety of the state and empire. And the more to shadow Andronicus his secret purposes, as not proceeding of any private or hidden malice, or aspiring humour, from which he of all men would seem most free; and the more to manifest his devotion and loyalty unto the young emperor his cousin, he was the only persuader unto the rest of the nobility, to have him solemnly crowned (which as yet by reason of his tender age he was not;) & at the time of his coronation, with his own shoulders supported him up, as he was (after the manner of that solemnity) carried unto the great church, and so back again; the Crocodiles tears still plenteously running down his aged face, as if it had been for exceeding joy: which many of the meaner sort beholding, and deeming thereof the best, highly commended his kindness, accounting the young emperor thrice happy, in so grave a governor, and faithful a counsellor; who in love and kind affection towards him, seemed not inferior unto his natural father: so cunningly had he under the vail of piety, shadowed his most execrable treachery; as that in the very plotting thereof, he was accounted most loving and kind. But hidden treason, be it never so well dissembled, must at length show itself. So Andronicus having got into his power both the emperor and the empire, and the chief friends of the late emperor Emanuel being taken out of the way or else driven into exile, thought it now high time for himself to aspire unto that high sovereignty after which he had so many years longed. The sly practice o● Andronicus in aspiring to the empire. Wherefore calling together a Council of his flatterers & fauourits, whom he had for such purpose promoted unto the highest places of state (all or most part of the grave counsellors and friends of the late emperor Emanuel being now displaced, or otherwise taken out of the way) he as a man only careful of the common good, declared unto them the dangerous state of the empire, by reason of a rebellion raised in BYTHINIA at NICE, by Isaac Angelus, & Theodorus Catacuzenus; and another at PRUSA, by Theodorus Angelus; requiring their grave advice for the suppressing thereof: who not ignorant of their lords purpose (as thereof before sufficiently instructed) answered with one consent, That of such great mischiefs there would be no end, except he were joined in fellowship of the empire together with Alexius, by his gravity and deep wisdom to supply what wanted for the good government of the state in the young emperor his cousin. At which speech, the bystanders (being in number many, and for the most part the followers of Andronicus his flatterers) gave a great shout, & as if it had been already granted, with one applause cried out, Long live Alexius and Andronicus the Greek emperors; and that with such a vehemency, as if they would therewith have rend the very heavens. The bruit thereof flying abroad into the city, forthwith you might have seen every street and corner of the city full of the vulgar people, with some also of better sort, swarming together like bees, and sounding the praises of Andronicus (who now was come out of his house into the court, with a world of people following him) and crying out, Long live the emperors Alexius and Andronicus: with which loud acclamation mixed with the heavy sigh of many good men (for all were not mad of that frenzy) the young emperor awaked, and seeing the courtfull of people, and Andronicus by them saluted his fellow in the empire: knowing now no other remedy, thought it best to yield unto the time, and so with the rest flattering the old tyrant, welcomed him full sore against his will, by the name of his Fellow and companion in the empire: which he now in dissembling manner seeming unwilling to take upon him, and refusing the place offered; was by the rout of his flattering fauourits enforced to his own great contentment, to yield to their request: some of them with both their hands carrying him up, until they had as it were against his will placed him in the imperial seat, prepared for him fast by the young emperor: others in the mean time, no less busied in pulling off his private attire, and putting upon him the imperial robes. The next day, when this participation of the empire should be published, and they both proclaimed emperors, the name of Audronicus was set before the name of Alexius: whereof his fauourits (though some others interpreted it otherwise) gave this reason, That it sitted not with the majesty of the empire, that the name of a boy should be set before the name of so reverend, grave, wise, and excellent a man as was Andronicus his companion in the empire. Shortly after, Andronicus being brought into the great temple to be crowned, than first began to show unto the people a cheerful countenance, and setting aside his stern look, after his long devotion done, filled the vain people's heads with many large promises of a more happy form of government than before. All which proved nothing but mere dissimulation and deep deceit, that cheerfulness of countenance and speech serving but for a while to cover his inward and covert most inhuman cruelty. And the more to deceive the world, the ceremonies of his coronation past, at such time as he should for the consummation and confirmation of all, receive the sacred and dreadful mystery, the pledge of our redemption, not without due reverence to be named, much less with impure hands touched: after he had received the bread and taken the cup in his hand, he with a most devout countenance framed of purpose to deceive, & his eyes cast up to heaven, as if his soul had there already been (the fairest mask of hypocrisy) swore by those dreadful mysteries, and most deeply protested in the hearing of the people standing by, that he had taken upon him the fellowship of the empire, for no other end or purpose but to assist Alexius his cousin in the government, and to strengthen his power: whereas his secret meaning was nothing less, as shortly after appeared. For after a few days spent in feigned devotions for the prosperous beginning of his empire, he forthwith turned his mind unto other his more secret but most wicked and execrable designs. And having above all things purposed the death of the young emperor, he called together them of the counsel, his own creatures and corrupt ministers of his wickedness, who had now oftentimes in their mouths that saying of the Poet: Est mala res multos dominarier▪ unicus esto, Rex dominusque— An evil thing it is to be ruled by many, One king and one lord, if there be any. and that the old age of an Eagle was better than the youth of a Lark. So by the general consent of that wicked assembly, unworthy the name of a grave counsel, a decree was made, That Alexius should as a man unfit for the government of the state, Alexius deprived of the empire be deprived of all imperial dignity, and commanded to live a private life. Which disloyal decree of the conspirators was yet scarcely published, but that another more cruel, came out of the same forge, That he should forthwith be put to death, Alexius condemned to die. as one unworthy longer to live. For the execution of which so horrible a sentence, Stephanus Hagiochristophorites (one of the chief ministers of Andronicus his villainies, and by him promoted even unto the highest degrees of the honours of the court) with Constantinus Trypsicus, and one Theodorus Badibrenus, captain of the torments, were sent out who entering his chamber by night, Alexius the emperor cruelly strangled. without compassion of his tender age, or regard of his honour, or innocency, cruelly strangled him with a bow string: which detestable murder so performed, Andronicus shortly after coming in, spurned the dead body with his foot, railing at his father, the late emperor Emanuel, as a forsworn and injurious man, & at his mother, as a common whore. The head was forthwith struck off from this miserable carcase (the mirror of honour's unstability) and left for the monstrous tyrant to feed his eyes upon: the body wrapped up in lead, was in a boat carried to sea, by Io. Camaterius, and Theodosius Chumenus, two of Andronicus his noble fauourits; who with great joy and glee, returned with the same boat to the court, as if they had done some notable exploit. But long continueth not the joy of the mischievous, vengeance still following them at the heels, as it did these two; who not long after, with the rest that conspired the innocent emperors death, all or most part of them came to shameful or miserable end. Thus perished Alexius the emperor, not yet full fifteen years old: in the third year of his reign, which time he lived more like a servant, than an emperor, first under the command of his mother, and afterwards of the tyrant which brought him to his end. An unequal marriage. Who joyeth now but old Andronicus, made young again as should seem by his new gained honours: for immediately after the murder committed, he married Anne the French kings daughter, (as some report) before betrothed to young Alexius; a tender and most beautiful lady, not yet full eleven years old, an unfit match for threescore and ten. And in some sort as it were to purge himself and his partakers of the shameful murder by them committed, and to stop the mouths of the people, he by much flattery and large promises, procured of the bishops a general absolution for them all, from the oath of obedience which they had before given unto the emperor Emanuel and Alexius his son: which obtained, he for a while had the same bishops in great honour, and shortly after in greater contempt, as men forgetful of their duties and calling. After that, Androni●us seeketh 〈◊〉 ●●●annie to establish his estate. he gave himself wholly unto the establishing of his estate, never reckoning himself thereof assured so long as he saw any of the nobility, or famous captains, that favoured Emanuel the late emperor or Alexius his son, alive: of whom some he secretly poisoned, as Marie the emperor Emanuels' daughter, with her husband Caesar; some, for light occasions he deprived of their sight, as he did Emanuel and Alexius, the sons of the great and noble captain john Comnenus; Andronicus Lapardas', whose good service he had oftentimes used; Theodorus Angelus; Alexius Comnenus, the emperor Emanuel his base son: Some he hanged, as Leo Synesius, Manuel Lachan●s, with divers others: Some he burned, as Mamalus, one of the emperor Alexius his principal secretaries; all men of great honour and place. For colour whereof, he pretended himself to be sorry for them, deeply protesting, that they died by the severity of the law, not by his will, and by the just doom of the judges, whereunto he was himself (as he said) to give place; and that with tears plentifully running down his aged cheeks, as if he had been the most sorrowful man alive. O deep dissimulation, and Crocodiles tears, by nature ordained to express the heaviness of the heart, flowing from the eyes as showers of rain out of the clouds: in good men the most certain signs of greatest grief, and surest testimonies of inward torment; but in Andronicus you are not so, you are far of another nature, you proceed of joy, you promise not unto the distressed pity or compassion, but death & destruction! How many men's eyes have you put out? how many have you drowned? how many have you devoured? Most of the nobility that favoured the late emperor Emanuel & Alexius his son, thus taken out of the way by Andronicus, struck such a fear into the rest, that for safeguard of their lives, they betook themselves to flight, some one way some another, never thinking themselves in safety so long as they were within the greedy tyrant's reach; whereof shortly after ensued no small troubles, to the shaking of the state of the whole empire. Isaac Comnenus, the emperor Emanuels' nigh kinsman, took his refuge into CYPRUS, & kept that island to himself. Alexius Comnenus, Emanuels' brother's son, fled into SCICILIA, & there stirred up William king of that island against Andronicus: who with a great army landing at DYRRACHIUM, took the city, & so from thence without resistance passing through the heart of MACEDONIA, spoiling the country before him as he went, met his fleet at THESALONICA; which famous city he also took by force, & most miserably spoiled it with all the country thereabout, in such sort, as that he brought a great fear even upon the imperial city itself: unto which so great evils Andronicus (entangled with domestical troubles, & not knowing whom to trust) was not able to give remedy, although for show he had (to no purpose) sent out certain of his most trusty ministers with such forces as he could spare. For the majesty of his authority growing still less & less, & the number of his enemies both at home and abroad daily increasing, & the favour of the unconstant people (who now began to speak hardly of him) declining: Exceeding cruelty. he uncertain which way to turn himself, rested wholly upon tyranny, proscribing in his fear, not only the friends of such as were fled, & whom he disinherited, but sometimes whole families together, yea & that for light occsions, sometime those who were the best of his fauourits, whose service he had many times used in the execution of his cruelty. So that now no day passed, wherein he did not put to death, imprison, or torture, one great man or other. Whereby it came to pass, that the imperial city was filled with sorrow & heaviness, every man hanging the head, and with silence covering his inward grief, not without danger to have been then uttered. Amongst many others appointed to this slaughter, was one Isaac Angelus, a man of great nobility, whom Hagiochristophorites (the chief minister of Andronicus his tyranny, and for the same by him highly promoted) suspecting, as one that bore no good will to the emperor, (cause enough of death) came to his house to apprehend him; & finding him at home, after some few hot words, commanded him to follow him. Whereat the noble man making some stay, and abhorring the very sight of the wretch, as unto him ominous and fatal: Hagiochristophorites himself began to lay hands on him, reviling his followers, that they had not forthwith drawn him out of his house by the hair of his head, unto the prison by him appointed. For they touched with the honour of the man, and moved with compassion, forced him not, but stood still as beholders. Isaac seeing himself thus beset, and no way now left for him to escape, resolving rather there presently to die than shortly after to be murdered in prison, drew his sword as the rest were about to have laid hands upon him, and at the first blow cleft the wicked head of Hagiochristophorites down to his shoulders: and so leaving him wallowing in his own blood, and like a desperate man laying about him amongst the rest, made himself way through the midst of them. And so imbrued with blood, with his bloody sword yet in his hand, running through the midst of the city, Isaac Angelus taketh sanctuary told the people what he had done; and crying unto them for help in defence of his innocency, fled into the great temple, there to take the refuge of the sanctuary: where he had not long sit, in the place where the guilty flying thither for refuge, used to sit, & confessing their offence, crave pardon of such as go in and out; but that the temple was filled with the multitude of people flocking thither out of all parts of the city, some to see the nobleman, some to behold what should become of him: for all men thought that he would before the going down of the sun (notwithstanding the reverence of the place) be drawn thence by Andronicus, & put to some shameful death. Thither came also john Ducas, isaack's uncle, and his son Isaac to increase the tumult; not for that they were any thing guilty of the death of Hagiochristophorites, but for that they had before become sureties unto the suspicious tyrant, for their kinsman Isaac, & he likewise for them; by whose trespass they well knew themselves now brought into no less danger than if they had been abettors thereunto. And beside them also, many other there were, which standing in doubt of their own estate, & fearing the like might happen to themselves, pricked forward with hard speeches the common people flocking thither, instantly requesting them to stay there, and to stand by them now at their need, being so injuriously wronged, whose pitiful complaints moved right many to take part with them. The people in a tumult ●e●ort unto Angelus. At which time also, no man yet coming from the emperor (being as then out of the city) to repress the sedition, nor any of the nobility opposing themselves, no friend of Andronicus appearing, none of his bloody ministers or officers showing themselves, nor any that did so much as speak a good word in his behalf, or in dislike of the tumult, the boldness of the seditious people increased, every man in so great liberty, saying what he list, and after their rude manner one encouraging another. So spent Isaac that long night, not thinking (God wot) of an empire, but still expecting the deadly stroke of Andronicus. Yet had he with great entreating, so prevailed, that divers of the assembly shutting the church doors, and bringing lights into the church, stayed there with him all night, and by their example caused some others to stay also. The next morning by the break of the day were all the citizens flocked again unto the temple, cursing the tyrant to the devil, as the common enemy of mankind, wishing unto him a shameful death, and the honour of the empire unto Isaac. At that time by fortune, or rather God so appointing it, Andronicus was out of the city at his palace of MELUDINUM, on the East side of PROPONTIS, where he was by nine a clock at night certified of the death of Hagiochristophorites, and of the tumult of the people: yet that night stirred he not, either did any thing more, but by short letters advised the people to pacify themselves, and not by foolish rebellion to cast themselves into farther danger. Andronicus in vain seeketh to appease the tumultuous people. In the morning, Andronicus his fauourits began to show themselves, and to do what they might to have appeased the tumultuous multitude; yea and presently after came Andronicus himself, and landed with his imperial galley at the great palace in the city. But with the enraged people, nought prevailed either the persuasions of the one, or report of the presence of the other: for they all as upon a signal given, and as men inspired with one spirit, or stirred up with the same fury, flocked together into the temple of S. SOPHIA, one encouraging another, and scoffing at such as stood by as idle lookers on, without weapons in their hands, reviling them, and calling them rotten limbs that had no feeling of the common harm. After that they broke open the prisons, and set at liberty the prisoners, as fittest instruments for the increasing of the tumult, who were not all notable offenders of the dregs of the people, but many of them borne of good houses, and for some light fault, or inconsiderate word (whereof every man was in those times bound to give an account) or for some friend's offence against Andronicus, there laid fast: these of all others most animated the people, in such sort, as that they which before for fear of the danger, did but softly murmur unto themselves against Andronicus, did now openly join themselves with the rest of the base seditious. Then might you have seen some with their swords and targuets, some also in their armour, but the greatest part armed but with clubs and staves and other such like rude weapons, arms of fury, hastily taken up in their shops as by chance they came first to hand, running forth in every place. Isaac Angelus by the people in a 〈◊〉 saluted emperor. By this assembly of the most furious and promiscuous people, was Isaac hoist up, and with a general applause saluted emperor. At which time one of the sextons of the church, with a ladder, took down Constantine the Great his crown of gold (which for a monument hung over the holy altar) and set it upon Isaac his head: Which he at the first seemed unwilling to wear, not for that he was not desirous enough of the empire, but for that he feared the extreme danger of the matter, and thought those things that were then done, to be but as it were a sick man's dream, like enough strait way to vanish; beside that, he feared in so doing, the more to exasperate Andronicus: which his uncle john Ducas (of whom we have before spoken, standing by him) perceiving, plucking off his own cap, and showing his old bald head, requested the people, that if his nephew did refuse it, they would set it upon his. Whereunto the people with a great outcry answered, that they would no more yield their obedience unto an old bald man, as having received many harms from the hoary hairs of Andronicus; and therefore for his sake, hated every old man, more fit for Charon's boat and his coffin, than for the empire, and especially if he had a forked beard or bald head, as had Andronicus and this Ducas. Thus was Isaac by the tumultuous multitude invested in the empire. And so royally mounted upon one of the emperors horses, richly furnished with a saddle and trappings of gold, which they had by chance gotten, was by them brought from the temple unto the court; Basilius Camaterus the Patriarch waiting upon him, whom the headstrong people had enforced against his will, to confirm with his authority what was by them done for the establishing of Isaac in the empire. Andronicus at his coming to the great palace, perceiving first by the confused cry of the tumultuous multitude, and afterward by that which he saw with his eyes, how the world went; calling upon his old friends and flattering fauourits, Andronicus forsaken of his flattering fauourits. thought first by their help to have repressed the fury of the rebellious: who as friends of his better fortune, and not of himself, were now for the most part shrunk from him; and those which were left, so faintly coming on, as if in his quarrel they had had no mind to spend their lives: with which heartless company, Andronicus fearing to oppose himself against the fury of the multitude, with his bow and arrows in his hand, got him up into the highest tower of the palace (called CENTENARIA) and from thence bestowed certain shot among the people. But seeing that to be to no purpose, and better persuaded to do more with them with fair words, than such vain force; he from the top of the tower cried aloud unto them, That if they would hold themselves contented, and depart, he would by their consent resign the empire unto his son Manuel: whereat the people more enraged, spared not to pour forth most reproachful words in contempt both of himself and his son. And so furiously broke into the court, by one of the gates called CAREA: which Andronicus beholding, and now out of all hope, casting from him all his habiliments of honour, and disguising himself, fled again unto his galley, accompanied only with Anna his wife, and Maraptica his minion, and so returned to MELUDIUM, his palace from whence he came. A strange change. Isaac but yesterday in the bottom of despair, and shadowed as it were with the hand of death, by the strange change of fortune to day mounted unto the highest type of worldly honour, entering the palace, was there again with the greatest applause of the people that might be, saluted emperor. From whence he forthwith sent out certain companies of his most assured friends and followers, to apprehend Andronicus: who now as a man at once forsaken both of his friends, and of his better fortune, secretly fled with his wife and his paragon before remembered, to CHELE, attended upon only with a few of his trusty servants which had of long time served him before he was emperor. There taking ship, with purpose to have fled unto the Tauroscythes (as not thinking himself safe in any province of the empire) he was twice or thrice by foul weather put back again, the wrought sea abhorring (as it seemed) to carry him that had so polluted it with the dead bodies of the innocent by him slain; Andronicus the emperor taken and brought in bonds to Angelus. and still threatening (as it were) to devour him. Thus strangely stayed by foul weather, or more truly to say, by the revenging hand of the highest: he was found by such as were sent out to seek after him; and being by them apprehended, was with two great iron chains fast locked about his proud neck, and heavy gives upon his legs, cast into the castle of ANEMA: and in that miserable habit shortly after presented to the emperor Isaac, yet busied in appeasing and reforming of the disordered city: where by the way as he went, he was by the people most shamefully reviled, and injuriously used; some plucking him by the beard, some by the hair of his head, some other in the mean time playing with his nose, and bobbing him in the face, with a thousand other despites done unto him; especially by such women, as whose husbands he had before murdered or deprived of their sight. Afterward being committed to the hateful fury of the people, he had his right hand cut off; and was again committed to the same castle, without meat, drink, or other comfort: where after he had lain a few days, having one of his eyes put out, he was set upon a foul lean camel, with his face toward the tail thereof, and so as it were in triumph led through the market place, his bald head all bare, as if it had been a dead man's skull taken out of a charnel house, in a short old coat; so miserable a spectacle, as might have expressed a fountain of tears out of the eyes of a right hard hearted man. But the bedlam and most insolent citizens, especially they of the base sort, as cooks, cobblers, curriours, and such like, flocking about him like bees (without regard that he had but the other day worn upon his head the imperial crown, then honoured by them as a god, and extolled unto the heavens; that they had not long before solemnly sworn unto him obedience and loyalty) ran now as men out of their wits, omitting no kind of villainy they could devise to do unto him: Some thrust nails into his head, some cast dirt in his face, some the dung both of men and beasts, some pricked him in the sides with spits, some cast stones at him as at a mad dog, and othersome opprobrious and despiteful words, no less grievous unto him than the rest. Amongst others, an impudent drab coming out of the kitchen, cast a pot full of scalding water in his face. And in brief, their outrage so exceeded, as if they had striven among themselves who should do him the greatest villainy. Andronicus the emperor hanged up by the heels. Having thus shamefully as in a ridiculous triumph, brought him into the theatre, they there betwixt two pillars hanged him up by the heels, where having suffered all these despiteful indignities, with many more, not without offence to be named, he with an invincible courage yet still held his patience, not giving one evil word: but sometimes saying, Lord have mercy upon me: and otherwhiles, Why do you break a bruised reed? yet the furious people nothing moved with the calamity of so great a man, of all others now the most miserable, stripped him of his bad clothes as he hung, and cut off his privities. One among the rest, to make an end of him, thrust his sword in at his throat up to the twist as he hung: other two with their long swords, proved their strength, who could strike farthest into his buttocks. Thus miserably perished this famous emperor, after he had reigned two years. That which was left of his body (for many had carried away some pieces thereof) being taken down from the place where he hung, was cast into a base vault in the theatre, where it for a space lay, as the loathsome carcase of some wild beast, and the miserable spectacle of man's fragility: Nicetas Chomates Annal. l●b 1. fol. 161. col. 4. for Isaac the emperor would not suffer it to be buried. Howbeit afterwards, the fury of the people overpassed, it was by some more charitable men removed thence, and laid in a low vault near unto the monastery of the Ephori: which as Nicetas Choniates (author of this history, speaking of the time wherein he lived) saith, is yet there undissolued to be seen. He was a man most honourably descended, of stature tall, and well proportioned: in his countenance sat a certain reverend majesty, adorned with such notable virtues, as might have made him worthily to have been compared unto the greatest emperors of his stock and family, had he not obscured the same with too much ambition and cruelty, whereof the one caused him to lead the greatest part of his life in prison or exile, the other brought him unto such a most shameful end. Isaac Angelus his successor, by the favour of the people thus exalted unto the empire, at the first governed the same with great lenity and moderation, as if he had altogether abhorred from the effusion of his subjects blood. But afterwards not a little troubled, both with foreign enemies, and domestical rebellion, besieged in the imperial city, by such of the nobility as thought themselves no less worthy of the empire than himself: for repressing of which insolencies, and the assuring of his state, Isaac Angelus the emperor 〈…〉. he became so severe in chastising the offenders, and such others as he had in distrust, that he was counted of most men not inferior in cruelty to Andronicus his predecessor; few days passing without the condemnation or execution of one great man or other, besides them of the meaner sort, of whom he seemed to make no great reckoning: whereby he in few years lost the love and favour of his subjects, who before had him in great honour, Isaac the emperor 〈◊〉 from the empire▪ and 〈◊〉 of his 〈…〉 brother 〈◊〉. and became unto them no less odious than was before Andronicus. Upon which general dislike of the people, his ingrateful younger brother Alexius (by him before for a great sum of money redeemed from the Turks) took occasion to rise up against him, and by the favour of the soldiers, deprived him together both of the empire and his sight: and having put out his eyes, thrust him into a Monastery, there to live as it were out of the world, as a man condemned to perpetual darkness, after he had reigned nine years and eight months, being not yet full forty years old: Whether it were the revenging hand of God for the hard measure used to Andronicus, or not, I leave it to the wiser to consider; who in his deep providence, wherewith he best governeth all things, would have a moderation used in punishment of our most capital enemies, as having always before our eyes the slippery state of power and authority: & that as all worldly things are subject to change, so by the just judgement of God it oftentimes falleth out, that what hurt we do unto others, the same we may receive again from others. In these so great and strange mutations of the Constantinopolitan empire, (which I have somewhat more at large prosecuted, not so much for the novelty of the matter, although it were right strange, as for that out of the losses and ruin thereof, the greatness of the Turks for the most part grew) Clizasthlan Sultan of ICONIUM, Cazast●lan the Turk● Sultan 〈…〉 upon the 〈◊〉 empire in the ●●sser Asia. after the death of the emperor Emanuel, found means to take from the empire divers strong towns and castles in the lesser ASIA, together with a great part of the country of PHRIGIA: Alexius Andronicus, and Isaac the succeeding emperors, troubled with dangers nearer home, having nothing to oppose against him, but fair entreaty, and rich present; so redeeming for a while an unsure peace, . with no less charge, in short time to be renewed again. This great victorious Sultan (for so he may of right be called) holding in his subjection a great part of the lesser ASIA, now a man of great years, dying, left behind him four sons, Masut, Coppatine, Reveratine, and Caichosroes, all men grown. Amongst whom he divided his kingdom. Unto Masut he bequeathed AMASIA, ANCYRA, DORYLEUM, with divers other pleasant cities of PONTUS: unto Copp●●ne he assigned MELYTENE, CAESAREA, and the colony now called TAXARA: unto Reucratine he allotted AMINSUM, DOCEA, with some other cities upon the sea coast: but unto Caichosroes, he left ICONIUM his regal seat, and with it LYCAONIA, PAMPHILIA, and all the countries thereabouts as far as COTTIANYUM. The sons of Clizas●lan at variance among themselves. Of these four, Coppatine long lived not after his father, for whose inheritance Reucratine prince of DOCEA, and Masut prince of ANCYRA (his two brethren) fell at variance, and so at last into open war. But Masut finding himself too weak for his warlike brother Reucratine, yielded unto him the territories, which he saw he must needs forego; and glad now to keep his own, so made peace with him. Reucratine being a man of an ambitious and haughty spirit, with his forces thus doubled, denounced war unto his brother Caichosroes; who doubting his own strength, fled unto the emperor Alexius Angelus for aid, as had his father done before him unto the emperor Manuel, although not with like good fortune. For the emperor but of late having obtained the empire by the deposing of his brother, and altogether given to pleasure, reputing also those domestical wars of the Turks, some part of his own safety; sent him home without comfort, as one strong enough of himself to defend his own quarrel against his brother. Howbeit he was scarcely come to ICONIUM, but that he was by Rucratine expulsed thence▪ and driven to fly into ARMENIA, where he was by Lebune king of that country, a Turk also, honourably received and courteously used, but yet denied of the aid he requested: the king pretending that he was already in league with Reucratine, and therefore could not; or as some thought, fearing the dangerousness of the matter, would not intermeddle therein. Wherewith the poor Sultan utterly discouraged, returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE, and there in poor estate, as a man forlorn, passed out the rest of his days. Now having thus passed through the Turkish affairs in the lesser ASIA, together with the troubled estate of the Constantinopolitan empire, no small cause of the Turks greatness; the course of time calleth us back again before we pass any further, to remember their proceedings also at the same time, and shortly after, in SYRIA, JUDEA, EGYPT, and those more Southerly countries, where these restless people ceased not by all means to enlarge their empire, until they had brought all those great kingdoms under their obeisance. After the death of Baldwin king of JERUSALEM, Almericus 〈◊〉 king of Jerusalem. of whom we have before spoken, Almericus his younger brother earl of JOPPA and ASCALON, being then about seven and twenty years old, was by the better good liking of the clergy and people, than of the nobility, elected king: not for that there wanted in him any good parts worthy of a kingdom, but for that some of them envied unto him so great an honour. Nevertheless he was (as we said) by the general consent of the people elected, proclaimed, and by Almericus the Patriarch with all solemnity crowned the seventeenth day of February, in the year of Grace 1163. To begin whose troubled reign, the Egyptians first of all denied to pay unto him their wonted tribute. In revenge whereof, he in person himself with a puissant army entered into EGYPT; and meeting with Dargan the Sultan, overthrew him in plain battle, and put him to flight: who to stay the further pursuit and passage of the Christians, cut the banks of the river NILUS, and so drowned the country, that the king was glad to content himself with the victory he had already gotten, and so to return to JERUSALEM. The next year, Almericus was again drawn down with his power into EGYPT, by Dargan the Sultan, to aid him against Saracon: whom Noradin the Turk, king of DAMASCUS, had sent as general with an army, to restore Sanar the Sultan before expulsed, and to depose Dargan. In which expedition Dargan being slain, and Saracon having won certain towns, kept them to himself: Sanar doubtful of his good meaning, joined his forces with Almericus, and by his help expulsed Saracon out of EGYPT. But whilst Almericus was thus busied in EGYPT, Noradin the Turk making an inroad into the frontiers of the Christians near unto TRIPOLI, Noradin the Turk discomfited by the Christians. was by Gilbert Lacie, master of the Templars in those quarters, and the other Christians, when he least feared, so suddenly set upon, that he had much ado by flight to save himself, half naked for haste, most of his followers being at the same time slain. In revenge of which disgrace, he not long after with a greater power came and besieged ARETHUSA: For relief whereof, Bohemund prince of ANTIOCH, Raymund the younger, earl of TRIPOLI, Calaman governor of CILICIA, and Toros prince of ARMENIA came with their power. Of whose coming the Turk hearing, raised his siege and departed. After whom these Christian princes eagerly following, were by the Turks shut up in certain deep and rotten fens (whereinto they had unadvisedly too far entered) and there with a great slaughter overthrown. In which conflict, all the chief commanders of the army were taken, except the prince of ARMENIA, who forecasting the danger, had retired, after he had in vain dissuaded the rest from the further pursuit of the flying enemy. The prince of ANTIOCH there taken, was about a year after for a great sum of money redeemed; but the county of TRIPOLI was after eight years straight captivity hardly delivered. Noradin after this victory returning again to the siege of ARETHUSA, in few days won the town: and encouraged with so good success, and the absence of the king, laid siege to the city of PANEADE, which was also delivered unto him, upon condition that the citizens might at their pleasure in safety depart. At the same time Saracon general of Noradin his forces, took from the Christians two castles; the one in the country of SIDON, the other beyond JORDAN upon the borders of ARABIA, both in the custody of the Templars: twelve of whom the king at his return hanged up for treason. Shortly after Saracon, king Noradin his great man of war, with all the power of the Turks, came down again into EGYPT, with purpose to have fully subdued all that notable kingdom unto his lord and master. Of whose power, Sanar the Sultan standing in dread, prayed aid of Almericus, promising unto him beside his yearly tribute, the sum of forty thousand ducats for his pains. The matter fully agreed upon, and all things now in readiness; Almericus set forward with his army, and encountering with Saracon and his Turks at the river NILUS, overthrew him in a great battle: yet not without some loss, for the Turks in their flight lighting upon the king's carriages with the whole baggage of the army, and overrunning them that had the charge thereof, carried away with them a most rich prey: whereby it came to pass, that as the Christians had the victory, so the Turks enjoyed the spoil. Saracon after this overthrow having again gathered together his dispersed soldiers, took his way to ALEXANDRIA, where he was by the citizens received: after whom the king following, gave no attempt unto the city, for that he knew to be but vain, but encamped close by the side of the river NILUS, from whence the city was chiefly to be victualled. Whose purpose Saracon perceiving, and betime foreseeing the distress of his whole army for want of victuals, if he should there long stay: leaving there his son Saladin (or as some call him his nephew) with a thousand horsemen for the keeping of the city, secretly by night departed thence himself with the rest of his army: and passing through the deserts, did great harm in the upper parts of EGYPT. Of whose departure Almericus understanding, . was about to have followed him, but that he was otherwise persuaded by the Egyptian captains to continue his former purpose for the gaining of the city. Wherefore now after the departure of Saracon, he began to approach the walls, and with divers engines of war to disturb the defendants: wherewith the citizens (better acquainted with the trade of merchandise, than the feats of war) discouraged, began now to consult among themselves for the turning out of those troublesome guests whom they had so lately received: which Saladin perceiving, certified Saracon his uncle thereof, requesting his speedy relief in that his so dangerous estate, and with much entreaty persuaded the citizens for a while to hold it out, until he might from him receive answer: of all which the Christians and Egyptians without, having intelligence, laid so much the harder unto the city. Gladly would Saracon have done what he was by his nephew requested: but perceiving it to be a matter of no less danger than difficulty, he by the means of Hugh county of CAESAREA, & one Arnolphus another noble Christian, both then prisoners with him, concluded a peace with the king: whereupon the city was forthwith yielded up, A●●●andria yielded to A●me●icus. and Saladin with his Turks suffered in safety to depart. At which time also all prisoners were on both sides freely and without ransom set at liberty. Thus Saracon for this time disappointed of his purpose for the conquest of EGYPT, returned back again to DAMASCUS: and Almericus with great glory to ASCALON, where he arrived with his army the 21 of September in the year 1167. 1167 In this late expedition, king Almericus on the one side inflamed with the wealth of EGYPT, and on the other, encouraged with the weakness of that effeminate people, resting for the most part upon foreign strength; had purposed himself to invade the kingdom, & so if possibly he might to join it to his own. For colour whereof, it was pretended that the Sultan contrary to his faith before given, had secretly sought to join in league and amity with Noradin the Turk, king of DAMASCUS. The chief stirrer up of the king unto this war, was one Gerbert master of the Templars; who in respect of the aid by them of his order to be given, had obtained of the king, after the victory gained, to have the city of PELUSIUM with all the rich country about the same, given unto him and his brethren the knights of the order for ever: Upon which hope, he contrary to the mind of many of the knights, for the furtherance of that war, gauged his whole wealth and credit, with all the treasure of his house. So all things now in readiness, for so great an enterprise, Pelusium take●● by Almericus. Almericus with his army set forward in October, and having in ten days passed the sandy desert, came to PELUSIUM; which city he after three days siege took by force, and put to sword all them that were therein, without respect of age, sex, or condition: which city he according to his promise before made, gave unto the Templars. After that, he began also to besiege CAIRO, at which time his fleet sacked the city of TAPIUM. In the mean time, Sanar the Egyptian Sultan, considering the danger he was in, to satisfy Almericus his greedy desire, offered to pay him twenty hundred thousand ducats to withdraw his forces: and forthwith sent him one hundred thousand, for the ransom of his son and his nephew taken prisoners at PELUSIUM: and for the rest to be paid within few days after, he gave two of his nephew's hostages. Nevertheless the payment he deferred from day to day, of purpose in the mean time to raise the whole power of AEPGYT, as also to receive aid from the Turks by Saracon, which he daily expected: of whose speedy coming Almericus understanding, left part of his army at PELUSIUM, & with the rest went to have met him: but missing him by the way, Saracon with his Turks came in safety to CAIRO unto the Sultan as he had desired. Wherefore Almericus dismayed with the multitude of two so great armies now joined together, retired back again to PELUSIUM, and there taking with him the garrison before left, returned home to JERUSALEM: having in that expedition (begun with the breach of faith) laid the foundation of the ruin of his kingdom, as in few years after it by proof appeared, by the evil neighbourhood of the Turks, by that means brought down into EGYPT. Saracon the Turk after the departure of Almericus, The Sultan of Egypt under the colour of friendship slain● by Saracon. easily perceiving a most fit time and opportunity to be offered for him now to obtain that, which he had in vain before both sought and fought for; encamped with his army near unto CAIRO, and notably counterfeited himself of all others the most devoted friend of the Sultan's: so that betwixt them two passed all the kind tokens of love and friendship, that could possibly be devised: the Sultan oftentimes feasting the Turk; and in kindness likewise being feasted of him: But at length going as his manner was unto the camp to visit him, he was by the Turks slain. So Saracon having brought to pass what he desired, and entering the city with his army, was by the great Caliph (from whom the Egyptian Sultan's, as from their superiors, the true successors of their great prophet Mahomet took their authority) appointed Sultan, the first of the Turks that ever enjoyed the same: which royal dignity he had not possessed fully a year, but that he was taken away by death. In whose steed Saladine his brother's son, by and by stepped up: who altogether a martial man, not regarding the reverend majesty of the Caliph (as had his uncle Saracon, & all the Egyptian Sultan's before him) with his horseman's mase struck out his brains; and not so contented, utterly rooted out all his posterity, the better to assure himself and his successors the Turks in the possession of his new got kingdom: and after that divided the great treasures of the Egyptians among his Turks, to encourage them the more to follow him in his wars against the Christians. This glorious kingdom so much spoken of in holy Scripture, How the kingdom of Egypt first fell into the hands of the Saracens, with the notable alterations thereof. and renowned of the learned historiographers of all ages, after the ruin of the Roman empire, was sometime part of the Constantinopolitan empire, and a notable member of the Christian common weal; until that about the year of our Lord 704, the Egyptians weary of the pride & covetousness of the Grecians, revolted from them unto the Saracens, whose superstition they also received: and so under the government of the Saracen Caliphs', the successors of the false prophet Mahomet lived about 464 years, until that now being invaded by Almericus, they prayed aid of Noradin the Turk, Sultan of DAMASCUS: who unto their relief sending Saracon with an army, repulsed indeed the Christians, but oppressing their liberty, took unto himself the kingdom, which he left unto his nephew Saladine, in whose posterity it remained until it was from them again taken by the Circassian slaves the Mamalukes: under whose servile government it was holden of long time, until that by the great emperor of the Turks Selimus the first, it was again conquered, and the Mamalukes utterly destroyed: In the government of whose posterity, the mighty emperors of the Turks, it hath ever since remained as part of their empire, until this day, as in the process of this history God willing shall appear. 1170 Saladin thus possessed of the great kingdom of EGYPT, and all things set in such order as he thought best for the newness of his state, with a great army entered into the land of PALESTINE, in the year 1170, and there besieged DARON; which town he won, and overthrew such as were sent by king Almericus to have relieved the same: with which small victory contenting himself, as with the good beginning of his rising fortune, he returned back again into his kingdom. Yet was his army so great and populous, as that the like army of the Turks had never before been seen in the Holy land. Wherefore Almericus considering in what great danger he stood, his kingdom now being on both sides beset by the Turks, sent out his ambassadors unto the Christian princes of the West, to crave their aid for the defence of that kingdom which their fathers had won. And for the same purpose went himself in person unto the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, of whom he was royally entertained, and afterwards sent back loaded with the promises of great matters, as were also his ambassadors from the princes of the West. All which for all that sorted unto nothing, but vanished into smoke. 1171 The year following, viz. 1171, Saladin besieged PETREA, the metropolitical city of ARABIA: but hearing that Almericus with a great power was coming to the relief thereof, he raised his siege and retired. As he did also the next year after, having in vain attempted the strong castle of MONT-ROYALL, on the further side of JORDAN. In like manner also the third year he came again into the Holy land, and spoiled the country beyond JORDAN: but hearing of the kings coming against him, he forthwith returned again into EGYPT. All these light expeditions, this politic prince made not so much for hope of victory, or to prove his enemy's strength, as to train his soldiers, especially the effeminate Egyptians, and to make them sitter to serve him in his greater designs. 1173 Shortly after died Noradin Sultan of DAMASCUS, and in his time a most notable champion of the Turks, after he had reigned nine and twenty years. Upon whose death Almericus forthwith besieged the city of PANEADE, in hope to have again recovered the same: but he was by the widow of the late dead Sultan, for a great sum of money and the delivery of certain noble prisoners, entreated to raise his siege and depart. So having sent away his army, and traveling with his ordinary retinue to TIBERIAS, where he had the summer before been sick of the flux, feeling himself not well, he returned on horseback by NAZARETH and NEAPOLIS to JERUSALEM, where his old disease increasing upon him, he was also taken with a fever: wherewith after he had been some few days grievously tormented, he requested his physicians with some gentle potion to lose his belly, which was now somewhat stayed: which they refusing to do, he commanded the potion to be given him upon his own peril, hap thereon what hap should: which being given him, and his belly again loosed, he seemed therewith to have been at the first well eased; but his wonted fever with great vehemency returning, before his weak & spent body could be with convenient meats refreshed, he suddenly died the tenth of july, in the year 1173, when he had reigned about ten years. His dead body was with the great lamentation of all his subjects, solemnly buried by his brothers. He was a most wise prince, and withal right valiant, amongst many most fit for the government and defence of that troublesome kingdom so hardly beset with the infidels, if it had pleased God to have given him longer life. Baldwin the fourth of that name seventh king of Jerusalem. Four days after the death of Almericus, was Baldwin his son, than a youth about thirteen years old, by the general consent of the nobility chosen king, and by Almericus the Patriarch in the temple with great solemnity crowned in the year 1173: unto whom, as not yet by reason of his tender age, fit himself to manage the weighty affairs of the kingdom, Raymund county of TRIPOLI was by the whole consent of the nobility appointed tutor to supply what was wanting in the young king. Noradin, Sultan of DAMASCUS (dead as is aforesaid) left behind him Melechsala his son, yet but a youth, to succeed him in his kingdom. Whose government the nobility disdaining, sent secretly for Saladin Sultan of Egypt, unto whom at his coming they betrayed the city of DAMASCUS, the regal seat of the Turks in SYRIA. Whereof Saladin possessed, and entering into CELESIRIA without resistance, took HELIOPOLIS, EMISSA, with the great city of CAESAREA; and in fine, all the whole kingdom of DAMASCUS, the city of AR●THUSA only excepted. But thus to suffer Melechsala the young prince to be wronged, and the kingdom of DAMASCUS to be joined unto the kingdom of Egypt, was of the wiser sort thought not to stand with the safety of the kingdom of JERUSALEM, lying in the middle betwixt them both. Wherefore the county of TRIPOLI, governor of that kingdom, made out certain forces to have hindered his proceeding. At which time also, Cotobed prince of PARTHIA and Melechsalas uncle, sent certain troops of Parthian horsemen to have aided his distressed nephew, who were by Saladin overthrown and almost all slain, near unto ALEPPO where Melechsala lay. As for the county of TRIPOLI and the other Christian princes, with whom Saladin in the newness of his kingdom had no desire to fall out; he appeased them with fair entreaty, and rewards: unto the county he sent freely the hostages, which yet lay for his ransom at EMISSA: unto the other princes he sent rich presents: and therewith so contented them all, that they returned without any thing doing against him. After which time, three or four yeare● passed in great quietness, to the great strengthening of him in those his new got kingdoms. At length upon the coming over of Philip earl of FLANDERS, the Christian princes in SYRIA encouraged, consulted of an expedition to be made into EGYPT, whereof Saladin having intelligence, drew down into that country the greatest part of his strength. But Philip disliking of that expedition, and the rather for that he saw no great cheerfulness in the county of TRIPOLI and the rest, thereunto; they with one consent changed their purpose for EGYPT, and turning their forces quite contrary way, miserably and without resistance wasted the country about EMISSA and CESARIA. Whilst the Christians were thus busied in CALOSIRIA, Saladin overthrown by king Baldwin. Saladin on the other side took occasion out of EGYPT to invade the kingdom of JERUSALEM: of whose coming king Baldwin having intelligence, with such small forces as he had left, hasted himself to ASCALON. In the mean time Saladin with a great army was entered into the holy land, where burning the country before him, and raging in the blood of the poor Christians, he came and encamped not far from ASCALON: and struck such a fear upon the whole country, that they which dwelled in JERUSALEM, were about to have forsaken the city: As for the king himself, he lay close within the city of ASCALON, not daring to adventure upon so strong an enemy. Wherewith Saladin encouraged, and out of fear of his enemies, dispersed his army, some one way some another, to forage the country. Which the king perceiving, secretly with all his power issued out of the city, if happily so he might overtake the Sultan unawares. Neither was he deceived in his expectation: for coming suddenly upon him, and secretly charging him, he had with him for a good space an hard and doubtful battle, until that the victory by the power of God, at length inclining to the Christians, Saladin with his Turks fled, overthrown with a great slaughter, most part of his great army being either there slain, or lost afterward with hunger and cold. 1177 This victory fell unto the Christians the 25 day of November in the year 1177, not without the mighty hand of God, the Turk having in his army about six and twenty thousand horsemen, and the king not past four hundred horse with some few footmen. After which victory, Baldwin in great triumph returned to JERUSALEM, and there shortly after with great care and diligence repaired the decayed walls of the city. Saladin in revenge of this overthrow, The Christians dividing the spoil, overthrown by the Turks. made diverse incursions into the frontiers of the Christians, and did great harm, especially in the country about SIDON. For the repressing whereof, the king put himself in arms, and going against him, overthrew part of his army, as they were carrying away a great booty. Of which overthrow Saladin understanding, came in such haste with the rest of his army, as if it had been a sudden tempest upon the Christians, then in great security dividing the spoil; of whom they slew a great number, and put the rest to flight: In which so sudden a confusion, Otto, grand master of the Templars, and Hugh the eale of TRIPOLI his son in law, were both taken prisoners. The earl himself with a few fled to tire: the king also at the same time was glad to shift for himself, and by flight to save himself as he might. After which victory, Saladin besieged a strong castle which the king but the year before had built upon the bank of the river of JORDAN, and given it to the Templars, with the country round about; which castle Saladin took by force, and put to sword all that were therein, except some few whom he carried away prisoners. By this victory Saladin became dreadful unto the Christians in SYRIA, which caused them, especially such as had any charge, with more vigilancy to look about them. Yet shortly after, a peace was for a time concluded betwixt the Sultan and the king; whereby their troubled estates breathed themselves, almost the space of two years. But this so welcome a calm was by domestical troubles again by the king's friends suddenly troubled. For the county of TRIPOLI, to whom the government of the kingdom was committed, coming towards JERUSALEM, being by the suggestion of his enemies brought into suspicion with the king, as if he had affected the kingdom, was to his great disgrace by the way commanded to stay. The chief authors of which discontentment, were the king's mother, a woman of a turbulent nature, and her brother the king's steward; who in the absence of the earl had wrought the king's sick mind according to their own appetites. But the rest of the nobility wisely foreseeing unto what great danger that discord might tend; in despite of them, with much labour, caused him to be sent for again, and so reconciled unto the king: By which means, that dangerous fire of dissension was for that time appeased, which afterwards broke out again, to the utter ruin of that kingdom. Saladin goeth 〈◊〉 of Egypt to Damascus. Saladin now weary of the league he had before made with king Baldwin, as no longer standing with his haughty designs, renounced the same, and raising a great power in EGYPT, set forward toward DAMASCUS. Of whose coming king Baldwin having knowledge, with the whole power of his kingdom went to have met him, not far from the dead Sea, and there encamped at an old town called PETRA. But Saladin turning out of the way, into the king's territory, came and encamped before MOUNT-ROIALL, a castle which Baldwin had given unto the Templars, about three days march from the place where the king lay. There Saladin with the spoil of the country refreshing his army, now weary of long travel, set forward again, Galiley spo●led, and the castle of Bull taken by the Turks. and so without resistance arrived with his army at DAMASO. At the same time the Turks captains about DAMASCUS, BOSTRUM, and EMISSA, perceiving the frontiers of the Christians thereabout, to be kept but with small strength, passed over JORDAN, and spoiling a great part of GALILEY, besieged the castle of BURY, at the foot of mount TABOR, not far from the city of NAIM; which castle they in few days took, and having there made a great slaughter, carried away with them about five hundred prisoners. Saladin being come to DAMASCUS, called together all the garrisons of that kingdom, and joining them unto the forces he brought out of EGYPT, entered into the Holy land: at which time the county of TRIPOLI, governor of the kingdom, lay sick of a burning fever. Nevertheless the king encouraged by the knights of the order, went out with his army against him; and encountering with him near unto a village called FROBOLET, overthrew him in a great battle, wherein, and afterward in the flight, most part of the Sultan's army perished. Saladin himself being glad by speedy flight to escape the danger, and so by long marches to get him again to DAMASCUS. Berytus in vain besieged by the Turks. In revenge of this overthrow, Saladin having repaired his army, and sent for his fleet out of EGYPT, came and besieged BERYTUS both by sea and land: at which time also his brother, whom he had left governor in EGYPT, besieged DARUM, a strong town in the uttermost bounds of the kingdom of JERUSALEM towards EGYPT. Both whose forces Baldwin being not able at once to repress, by the counsel of his nobility thought it best first to relieve BERYTUS, as the place of greater importance. And for that purpose set forward with his army by land, having also rigged up three and thirty galleys at tire, for the relief thereof by sea. Of which preparation Saladin understanding, as also of the kings coming (by letters intercepted by his scouts, directed to the besieged, for the holding out of the siege, with promise of speedy relief) he presently rise with his army, and departed: whereof the king being advertised, retired to SEPHOR. Saladin invading Mesopotamia, i● himself invaded by the king of Jerusalem. Not long after, Saladin according to his ambitious nature, desirous above measure to extend the bounds of his kingdom, and seeing the success of his attempts against the king of JERUSALEM not answerable to his desire, converted his forces unto the countries more eastward: and passing the river EUPHRATES, and entering into MESOPOTAMIA, partly by force, partly by corruption, got into his hand the cities of EDESSA, CARRAS, and divers others. In which time the king of JERUSALEM took occasion first to spoil the country about DAMASCUS, and after that, divers other places of the Sultan's kingdom, making havoc of whatsoever came in his way, and so laded with the spoil of the Turks, retired to JERUSALEM. Saladin with victory returning out of MESOPOTAMIA, in revenge of the injuries done unto him in his absence, Aleppo betrayed unto the Turks. marched directly to ALEPPO, the strongest city of the Christians in that part of SYRIA, which above all other he longed after: where he had not long lain, but that it was by the treason of the governor delivered into his hands, with all the country thereabouts: wherewith the Christian princes were so discouraged, that they even then began to fear greater matters to ensue. The prince of ANTIOCH sold TARSUS, the metropolitical city of CILICIA, to Rupinus prince of ARMENIA; for that he saw it was not without great charge and danger to be by him defended, being so far from him, and Saladin as it were now stepped in betwixt him and it. At the same time king Baldwin, at NAZARETH fell sick of a fever; the leprosy also his old disease growing daily more and more upon him: in so much that despairing of his life, he called unto him Guy Lusignan county of JOPPA and ASCALON, unto whom he had before espoused Sibyl his eldest sister, and in the presence of his mother, the Patriarch, and all the chief commanders of the soldiers of the sacred war, appointed him governor of the kingdom, reserving unto himself only the title of a king, with the city of JERUSALEM, and a yearly pension of ten thousand ducats: All which was done to the great disgrace and discontentment of the county of TRIPOLI the old governor. It was not long, but that Saladin having breathed himself a little, after so great labours, came again into the Holy land, where he took many castles and did infinite harm; in so much that the country people were glad for fear to forsake their houses and to fly into cities. The Christian army in the mean time lying fast by at SEPHOR, not once moving, although many a fair occasion were offered: For the chief commanders affectionated unto the county of TRIPOLI, and envying at the preferment of Guy the new governor, were unwilling to fight, but finding one excuse or other, suffered the enemy at his pleasure to spoil the country, and so in safety to depart, which he had never before done in those quarters. Within less than a month after, Petra in vain besieged by the Turks. Saladin with a great army well appointed with all the habiliments of war, needful for the besieging of a city or strong castle, came again into the land of PALESTINE; and passing through the country beyond JORDAN, sat down at last before PETRA, in hope by the taking thereof, to have made his passage between EGYPT and DAMASCUS more safe. Of which his purpose king Baldwin having knowledge, and taught by the evil success of late, to what small purpose it was to commit the managing of his wars unto a general so evil beloved, and less regarded, as was Guy his brother in law; sent against him with his army Raymund the county of TRIPOLI, the old governor, whom he had again restored unto the government, and displaced Guy. Of whose coming Saladin hearing, raised his siege after he had lain there a month, and so departed. A little before this expedition, the king still growing sicker and sicker, his foul disease still increasing, by the common consent of the nobility appointed Baldwin his nephew by his sister Sybylla, a child but of five years old, to succeed him in the kingdom; and the county of TRIPOLI to have the government of the state during the time of his minority. This Sibylla the king's sister, was first married to William the younger, marquess of MOUNTFERRAT, who dying within three months after, left her with child with this his posthumus son Baldwin, now by his uncle deputed unto the hope of the kingdom. After whose death she was married to Guy Lusignan, county of JOPPA and ASCALON, the late governor: who taking in evil part this the king's designment, Discord in the court of Jerusalem. especially for the government of the kingdom by the county of TRI●OLIS; departed from the court as a man discontented unto his city of ASCALON: whereof the Patriarch and the princes of the sacred war, fearing (and that not without cause) great danger to ensue, came to the king, then holding a parliament at the city of ACON, most humbly requesting him for avoiding of further danger and the safety of his kingdom, to receive again into his favour the county Guy his brother in law, and to make an atonement betwixt him and the county of TRIPOLI. But this their request sorted to no purpose, so that the parliament was dissolved without any thing for the good of the commonweal in that point concluded. After that time the kingdom of JERUSALEM began still more and more to decline. In the old king Baldwin (sick both in body and mind) was almost no hope: in the young king (yet unfit for so great a burden) much less: and the dissension betwixt the two counties Guy and Raymund with their favourits, was like enough to bring great harm unto the state. Besides that, the county of TRIPOLI fearing the power of Guy his enemy, was thought to have secret intelligence with Saladin the Turk, in so much that the king was almost in purpose to have proclaimed him traitor. Wherefore the king now rested only upon the counsel of William archbishop of tire, and the masters of the knights of the sacred war: by whose advise he sent Heraclius Patriarch of JERUSALEM, King 〈◊〉 sendeth ambassadors unto the Christian princes of the West for aid. Roger Molins' master of the knights of S. john's, and Arnold master of the Templars, ambassadors unto Lucius the third, than Pope, unto Frederick the emperor, Philip the French king, and Henry the second king of ENGLAND; to declare unto them the dangerous state of that Christian kingdom, and to crave their aid against the Infidels. These ambassadors coming to the Counsel then holden at VERONA, with great gravity and diligence in the presence of the Pope and of the emperor, declared the hard estate of the Christians of the East, with their humble request unto them for aid: in such sort that they moved them, with all the princes there present, to compassion. From thence they were by the Pope directed unto Philip the French king, with whom having dispatched their affairs, they from him passed over into ENGLAND, & afterward into GERMANY: and had at length brought their negotiation to so good pass, that in every place great preparation was made for a great expedition to be undertaken against the Turks, for the relief of the Christians in the East: with which good news, the ambassadors returning to JERUSALEM, filled the sick king with the hope of great matters. But greater quarrels shortly after arising betwixt the Pope and the emperor; and sharp war likewise betwixt the French king and the king of ENGLAND, and the other Christian princes also being at no better quiet, the notable expedition that had with the expectation thereof so filled the world, was again laid aside and quite dashed. Whereof king Baldwin understanding both by messengers and letters from his friends, oppressed with grief and heaviness, more than with the force of his disease (a man for his prowess and painfulness not inferior to any his predecessors) died without issue the 16 day of May, in the year 1185, 1185 being but five and twenty years old, whereof he had reigned twelve. His body was afterward with the general mourning of his subjects, solemnly buried in the temple near unto the mount CALVARIE, together with his predecessors the kings of JERUSALEM. King Baldwin thus buried, Baldwin the fifth of that name; yet but a boy, was crowned king. But than began the sparks, which had of long lain raked up & hidden in the ashes, to break out into a great fire: For Raymund county of TRIPOLI, contended the whole government of the kingdom, & tuition of the king, to be due unto him, by the appointment of the late king & consent of the nobility; and did so much, that he had almost obtained it to have been confirmed unto him in open parliament. But Sibylla, a woman of a most haughty spirit (sister unto the late king, & mother unto the young king yet living) pricked forward her husband Guy, in no case to give place unto his competitor Raymund: and so animated him, that by the help of his own fauourits, and the countenance of Boniface marquess of MOUNTFERRAT, who even then was come with a great power into SYRIA, he extorted from the nobility whatsoever he desired. But seven months were scarce well passed, but that this young king Baldwin was dead and buried; poisoned (as was reported) by his mother, for the desire she had of the kingdom herself: whose death she with all secrecy concealed, until she had obtained of the Patriarch and other princes of the kingdom, That Guy her husband might be proclaimed king: So by her means it was so wrought, 〈…〉 of Jerusalem. that upon one and the self same day, the young king Baldwin was buried by his uncle, and Guy the county crowned. This young king Baldwin by reason of his tender years and short reign, is of some not reckoned amongst the kings of JERUSALEM: howbeit, seeing he was by his uncle and the princes of that time, thought worthy of the kingdom, let him also have his place amongst the rest, as the eight king of JERUSALEM. When Guy was thus possessed of the kingdom, the county of TRIPOLI seeing himself out of all hope of the government, and highly therewith discontented, did what he might by all means to cross the doings of the king: whose sick and aspiring mind Saladin pricked daily more and more forward, promising him his helping hand whensoever he should need; which courtesy the county desirously embraced. For now the fatal period of the kingdom of JERUSALEM drew fast on, and all things tended to destruction, discord reigning in every place: which Saladin well perceiving (after that he had compacted with the county) by messengers sent of purpose, invited the Turks, Saracens, & Egyptians, as men agreeing in one and the same religion, generally to take up arms in so fit an opportunity of the discord of the Christians, assuring them of great prey and spoil, Saladin upon the discord of the Christians, taketh occasion to invade the Holy land. besides the honour of the conquest. The city of PTOLEMAIS was the place by him appointed, where all this power should meet: whether such a multitude of the barbarous mahometans (partly for the hatred of the Christian religion, partly for the hope of the rich spoil which Saladin had promised them) came flocking out of all places, that in short time there was met together about fifty thousand horsemen, besides an infinite number of foot. And unto such as could not safely pass by the borders of JERUSALEM, to them the false county gave safe conduct, by the countries of TIBERIAS, NAZARETH, and GALILEY. All the power of the infidels thus assembled, Ptolemais besieged by Saladin. Saladin laid siege unto the city of PTOLEMAIS: which the Templars and the knights Hospitalers had notably fortified and strongly manned, (as before unto them given by the kings of JERUSALEM to defend against the infidels) and therein now were both the masters of both those honourable orders, 1187 with the whole flower of the knights of their profession. Unto this city, Saladin gave a most terrible assault upon May day in the morning, in the year 1187; which was by the Christians notably defended, and the enemy with great slaughter still beaten down. In the heat of this assault, the two great masters sallying out, with certain troops of their most ready horsemen, assailed the enemy's camp, and bearing down all before them, raised there a great tumult: and by and by turning upon the backs of them, that were assaulting the city, made there an exceeding great slaughter. Insomuch, that Saladin dismayed, first with the confusion in his camp, and now with the sudden danger behind him, was glad to give over the assault, and to turn his whole forces upon them: where was fought a most bloody and terrible battle. Amongst others that there fought, the county of TRIPOLI, now an enemy unto God and his country, disguised in the habit of a Turk, notably helped the infidels, and meeting with the great master of the knights Hospitalers, unhorsed him, who surcharged with the weight of his armour, and oppressed with the multitude of his enemies, there died. Nevertheless, such was the valour of these worthy men, and new succour still coming out of the city, that Saladin having in that battle, and at the assault, lost fifteen thousand of his Turks, was glad with the rest to betake himself to flight. Neither was this so notable a victory gained by the Christians without blood, most part of the worthy knights Hospitalers being together with their grand master there slain. Saladin by this overthrow perceiving, that by open force he should not be able to do much against the Christians, thought it good unto his forces to join also policy. Wherein the false county of TRIPOLI was the man he thought best to make choice of, as his fittest instrument to work by. Him he compacted withal to seek for grace at the king of JERUSALEM his hands, as of his dread sovereign, and after so long discord, to sue to be reconciled unto him, as now weary of the Turks amity, with whom he should make show to be utterly fallen out. At which time also (to give the matter the better grace) Saladin of purpose with a great army came and besieged TIBERIAS, a city of the counties jurisdiction: for the relief whereof, the traitorous county craved aid of the king and the other princes of the sacred war. Who with an army, though not great, yet very well appointed, came according to his desire, & encamped near unto the fountain of SOPHOR: where they had not long stayed, but that they met with the huge army of the Turks, being in number one hundred and twenty thousand horse, and one hundred and sixty thousand foot: with whom they joined a most sharp and terrible battle: which by reason of the extremity of the heat of the weather (it then being the twelfth of july) and the approach of the night, was again given over; both armies (as if it had been by consent) retiring. The next day the battle was again begun, wherein the Turks by the treason and shameful flight of the false county of TRIPOLI, gained the victory. In this battle Guy the king himself, with Gerard master of the Templars, Guy king of Jerusalem taken prisoner. Boniface marquess of MONT-FERRAT, and divers others, men of great mark, were taken prisoners. And to say the truth, in this battle was broken the whole strength of the Christians in the East. The Christian commonweal by the treason of the false county thus betrayed unto the Infidels, Saladin without any great resistance had the cities of PTOLEMAIS, BI●LIS, and BERITHUS delivered unto him: in all which places, he used his victory with great moderation, not enforsing any Christian (more than the Latins) to depart thence, but suffering them there still to remain, as before, yielding unto him their obedience, with such tribute as he had imposed upon them. With like good fortune, he within the space of one month took all the port towns betwixt SIDON and ASCALON, alongst the sea coast, excepting only the ancient city of tire; unto the city of ASCALON also he laid siege by the space of nine days: but loath to stay the course of his victory, by the valour of the defendants resolved there to spend their lives, he departed thence, Jerusalem besieged. and marched directly unto JERUSALEM, the chief city of that kingdom. And approaching the same, gave summons thereunto, persuading the citizens yet whiles they had time to yield themselves, together with the city, unto his mercy. Which they refusing to do, he enclosed the same with his army, Jerusalem taken by Saladin. and by the space of fourteen days laid hard siege unto it, leaving nothing undone or unattempted that might help for the gaining thereof. At which time the citizens considering the danger they were in, and that the strength of the kingdom with the flower of their chivalry were in the late battle lost, and that they were not now to expect any foreign aid, agreed upon certain conditions to yield up the city: which were, That such Christians as would, might remain still, with their liberty and goods; and that such as would not, might in safety depart, with so much of their goods as they could carry upon their backs. These conditions being by Saladin granted, the holy city was unto him delivered the second of October in the year 1187; after it had been by the Christians holden from the time that it was by Godfrey of BUILLON & other Christians won, about 89 years. Saladin entering into the city, profaned first the temple of the Lord, converting it unto the use of his Mahometan superstition, the other churches he used as stables for his horses; only the temple of the sepulchre, was by the Christians for a great sum of money redeemed and so kept undefiled. The Latin Christians he thrust out of the city, yet with leave to carry with them such things as they were able themselves to bear: who travailing with heavy burdens, but much more heavy hearts, some to TRIPOLI, some to TYRE, some to ANTIOCH (for only these three cities were now left unto the Christians in SYRIA) were by the false county of TRIPOLI by the way lightened of their burdens, to the increasing of the heaviness of their hearts, most of them being by him and his followers spoiled of that little they had by the mercy of their enemies saved in the ruin of their state. Unto the other Christians that were natural Syrians, greeks, Armenians, Georgians, and such like, Saladin appointed certain places of the city for them to dwell in, where some of their posterity were long time after to be found. All the monumenss of the Christians were by the barbarous mahometans and Turks defaced, only the sepulchre of our blessed Saviour Christ, with the monument of Godfrey of BUILLON, and his brother Baldwin, for the reverence of the men were by them spared. In these so great troubles, above twenty thousand of the Christians perished: amongst the rest, the county of TRIPOLI was shortly after found dead in his bed, . and (as some say) circumcised, a manifest token of his revolt, not from the king only, but from the Christian faith also. JERUSALEM thus won, Saladin returned again to the siege of ASCALON, which after he had by the space of ten days most straightly besieged, was unto him by composition delivered▪ wherein amongst other things agreed upon for the safe departure of the citizens, was comprised also, that he should freely set at liberty Guy the king, and Gerard master of the Templars, both before taken prisoners, as is before declared; which he afterward performed. Thus the victorious Turk still urging his good fortune, departing thence, attempted to have taken TRIPOLI; but having made some proof of his own forces, and the valour of the defendants, he was glad to give over the siege, and to depart as he came. Marching thence with his army, because he would leave no place unattempted, he laid siege unto the city of TIRE, where Conrade marquess of MONT FERRAT was a little before arrived with Isaac Angelus the Greek emperors fleet, and a supply of certain companies of good soldiers. Unto which place were come great numbers of the poor distressed Christians fled from JERUSALEM, and other places, so that the city was full of men. This city Saladin most furiously assaulted, but was by the Christians notably repulsed, not without the great los●e of his best soldiers. At which time also the admiral of SICILIA discomfited his fleet at sea, and landing his forces, came unlooked for upon the back of him: so that having his hands full before by them of the town, and charged behind by these newcome enemies, he was glad to retire in such haste, as that he left his tents with all that therein was, unto the spoil of the Christians. Within a few days after, Saladin having again repaired his army, invaded the country about ANTIOCH: with fire and sword destroying whatsoever was subject to his fury, even to the gates of the city; The famous city of Antioch betrayed unto the Turks. but knowing that so strong a city was not without great charge and long siege to be won, he thought it good to make proof if it might by policy or corruption be gained. Wherein he so cunningly dealt with the Patriarch, that he had by his means, the castle (otherwise almost impregnable) for gold betrayed unto him. By means whereof, he in short time became lord and master of that famous city, (about ninety years before hardly gained by the whole power of the Christians, after eleven months siege) and with it five and twenty cities more that depended of the fortune thereof, with all the provinces belonging thereunto, always deemed to have been the third part of the kingdom of JERUSALEM. The loss of this so great a city, together with the ruin of the whole kingdom, had in short space filled every corner of Christendom with the heavy report thereof: Wherewith the Christian princes of the West (namely Frederick the German emperor, with Frederick his son duke of SUEVIA, Philip the French king, Henry the second, king of ENGLAND, Otto duke of BURGUNDY, Leopold duke of AUSTRIA, with many other great princes and prelates of GERMANY, ITALY, and other places) not a little moved, as also with the pitiful complaints of the ambassadors at the same time sent from the distressed Christians; and the effectual persuasions of Clement the third than Pope: promised, and all, or most part, indeed made great preparations; which they afterwards, though not all at once (as letted by other occasions) but at divers times employed for the most part, with the danger of their own persons against the Turks, for the relief of the poor oppressed Christians, and recovery of the holy land: but with what success, shall hereafter God willing be declared. Of which so great preparations made against him, Saladin not ignorant, set at liberty Guy the king of JERUSALEM, whom contrary to his promise made at ASCALON, he had now detained a year in prison; yet before his enlargement exacting of him an oath, Never by force of arms afterwards to seek to recover his kingdom, or to revenge the wrongs he had sustained: hoping thereby to stay the coming of the other princes in his quarrel. Which oath for all that, the Pope dispensed withal, as extorted by constraint from him, at such time as Saladin had longer detained him in prison than of right he should. Guy now at liberty, and yet in mind a king, came to tire, but could not be there received, the citizens having before sworn their obedience unto Conrade, marquess of MONT-FERRAT, by whom they had been notably defended against the fury of Saladin. Wherefore departing thence with such power as he had, and the dispersed Christians daily repairing unto him out of all parts of SYRIA, he came and besieged PTOLEMAIS: Where he had not long lain, but that first came unto him the Venetian fleet, with them also of PISA, and after them the Flemings with a fleet of fifty sail, who all joined their forces together for the winning of the city. But whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of PTOLEMAIS, came Saladin with a great army to the relief of the besieged: where betwixt him and the Christians was fought a great battle, wherein the Christians at the first had the better; but afterward fainting, and ready to fly, had there undoubtedly received a notable overthrow, had not Geffrey Lysignan, the king's brother, (left for the guarding of the camp) in good time come in with new supplies: and not only stayed their flight, but also repressed the farther pursuit of the fierce enemy, now almost in possession of the desired victory. Nevertheless, there were two thousand Christians there slain, and amongst them Gerard, master of the Templars. Saladin by that which was now done, perceiving how hard a matter it would be for him by land to relieve his city, sent for the fleet which he had strongly rigged up at ALEXANDRIA, and so by force put new supplies both of men and victuals into the besieged city. Wherewith the Turks encouraged, made often sallies upon the Christians; and in despite of the Christian religion, whipped the image of Christ crucified, which they had for that purpose, in the sight of the Christians set up upon the top of the wall. With the same fleet also he so scoured the seas, that no victuals or new supplies of men could that way without great danger be brought unto the camp; whereby such scarcity and want of all things began shortly after to arise among the Christians, that some of them not able longer to endure the famine, fled unto the Turks camp, then lying not far off, crying out for bread. Of which distress in the camp of the Christians, Saladin knowing right well, both by such fugitives as daily came over unto him, and by his own espials, yet made show as if he understood nothing thereof: but suddenly rising with his army (as doubtful of his own strength) departed, leaving his camp full of all manner of victuals. Whereof the Christians understanding, and supposing him to have for fear been gone indeed, in great numbers hasted unto the forsaken camp, as unto a most desired prey: where, whilst they were gorging themselves, Saladin suddenly returning, and getting betwixt them and home, made of them a great slaughter. Nevertheless, the Christians having now lain before the city six months, continued the siege all the Winter, overcoming with patience the hardest difficulties, in hope of aid from the other Christian princes, whose coming they expected with the first of the next Spring: during which time, many an hot skirmish passed betwixt them and the Turks both by sea and land. 1160 Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of PTOLEMAIS, Frederick the emperor with divers of the great German princes, Frederick the emperor setteth forward towards the Holy land. and others, before resolved upon an expedition for the recovery of the Holy land, and the relief of the distressed Christians in SYRIA: having now raised a great army, furnished with all things necessary for so long a journey, set forward from RATISBONE, and so coming to VIENNA, and passing through HUNGARIA, BULGARIA, and THRACIA, arrived at length at CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was by Isaac Angelus the emperor that then reigned, honourably entertained: but indeed more for fear and fashion sake than for any love or good will: for that he after the suspicious manner of the greeks, having in distrust so great a power of the Latin emperors, wished rather for his absence, than his presence. And therefore ceased not in what he might to hasten his passage over into ASIA, pretending for the colour thereof, The necessity the Christians had of his present aid. So the emperor with his army passing over the straight, and without resistance marching through the greatest part of the lesser ASIA, entered into LYCAONIA, where meeting with a great power of the Turks, that were come from the Sultan of ICONIUM to stay his farther passage, he overthrew them in a great battle; and so marching directly on to ICONIUM, took it by force, and gave the spoil thereof unto his soldiers, in revenge of the injuries before done unto his uncle the emperor Conrade, by the Sultan of that city. Departing thence, and marching through CILICIA, he in another battle overthrew the Turks, that having taken the straits of the mountains had thought to have stayed his farther passage into SYRIA. After that he took the city PHILOMELA, which the Sultan had strongly fortified, which he razed to the ground, and put to sword all the people therein, for that they contrary to the law of nations, had slain such messengers as he had sent unto them for the summoning of the city. In like manner he entered into the lesser ARMENIA, where he took the city MELITENE, and subdued all the country thereabouts: unto the relief whereof, the Turks coming with a most huge army, were by him with an exceeding great slaughter overthrown and put to flight. After that, entering into COMAGENA, and meeting with Saphadin, Saladin his son, with a great army of the Turks, he overthrew him in the plain field, and discomfited his whole army. But whilst he too eagerly pursueth the enemy he had then in chase, his horse ●oundring under him, as he passed the river SALEPH, he was so overthrown, and his foot hanging fast in his stirrup, drawn through the deep river, and almost drowned; and at the farther side of the river was so plunged by his horse, at his landing, that he was taken up for dead. Yet breathing a little, and casting his eyes up to heaven, with much ado he uttered these few words, Lord receive my soul: and so in the hands of them that took him up, gave up the ghost, unto the great grief and hindrance of the Christian commonweal: for Saladin hearing of his approach, was so afraid of him, as that he began to doubt, not how to keep that he had before won in SYRIA, but how to defend himself in EGYPT. Thus miserably perished this worthy emperor, the tenth of june, in the year of grace 1190, being then of the age of seventy years, whereof he had with much trouble reigned eight and thirty. His dead body was carried along with the army, and afterward with all funeral pomp buried in the cathedral church at tire. Frederick the emperors son 〈◊〉 general of the Christian army. Frederick the emperor thus dead, Frederick his son duke of SUEVIA, was by the general consent of the princes in the army chosen general in his steed: upon whom with the rest of the army, yet mourning for the death of the emperor, the Turks gave a sudden and fierce charge, in hope so to have overthrown them: But finding greater resistance than they had before supposed, and having lost some of their men, they with like speed that they came, retired again. Now began famine (one of the ordinary attendants of great armies) to increase in the camp: for why, the Turks for that purpose had before destroyed, or carried away all that was in the country, leaving nothing for the Christians more than the bare ground. Wherefore Frederick turning a little out of the way, came to ANTIOCH, which was easily delivered unto him, and his hungry soldiers well refreshed by the citizens, being as yet for the most part Christians. But he had not there stayed past fifteen days for the refreshing of his army, but that the plague (the handmaid of famine and another scourge of the greatest multitudes) began to rage among his soldiers, in such sort, that he was glad with his army to forsake the city and to get him abroad again into the open field: where forthwith news was brought unto him, that Dodequin general of such forces as Saladin had sent for out of EGYPT (which were not small) was by great journeys coming towards him: against whom he in good order set forward, with his father's corpse still carried in the midst of his army. A great battle betwixt the Turks and the Christians. These two armies meeting together, and both willing to fight, joined a great and doubtful battle, fortune inclining now to the one side, and by and by to the other; the Christians exceeding their enemies in valour, and they them again in number. At length the Christians in the vanguard began to retire, and they that seconded them were also hardly charged: when Frederick mindful of his father's valour, with a troop of valiant horsemen broke into the enemy's battle, with such force, that the Turks were glad to give ground: after whom Leopold duke of AUSTRIA coming presently on with his footmen, brought such a fear upon the whole army of the Turks, that they betook themselves to speedy flight. In this battle were four thousand of the enemies slain, with small loss of the Christians; and about one thousand more taken prisoners, with fifteen of their ensigns. After which victory, Frederick marching further in CaeLO-SYRIA, pacified LAODICEA then in mutiny, and like to have been delivered unto the Turks. He also with a little labour took BERYTHUS with divers other cities of SYRIA, which before belonging unto the kings of JERUSALEM, were now revolted unto the Turks. So afterward coming to tire, he there solemnly buried his father (dead, as is before said:) & from thence certified Guy the king (still lying with the other Christian princes at the siege of PTOLEMAIS) of his coming: who forthwith sent the Marquis of MONT-FERRAT, with part of the fleet to transport him with his people that were left, by sea: for that by land he could not so safely have come, being now but weak, for meeting with Saladin; who with a great army lay still hovering about his besieged city, intentive to all opportunity. So was duke Frederick with his soldiers yet left, safely by sea conducted from tire to the camp at PTOLEMAIS, and there joyfully received by the king and the other princes, with the general applause of the whole camp. In the mean time the Turks sailing out of the city of PTOLEMAIS, had done great harm among the Christians, by whom they were not without some loss again repulsed. But after the coming of duke Frederick and his Germans, it was thought good by the general consent of all the great commanders in the army, that the city should be assaulted round: and to that purpose was every man's regiment appointed what place to assail. Ptolemais assaulted by the Christians. The king himself with the Templars and the Italians from PISA, undertook that part of the city which was toward the sea: unto duke Frederick and his Germans was allotted all betwixt the bridge over the river BELE, and the bishop's palace: the Venetians, Genoese, and knights Hospitalers, were appointed unto the rest of the wall as far as the court of Raymund: the Friselanders, Flemings, and Hollanders, took up all the rest of the wall unto the sea side. Thus was the city at once in every side assailed by the Christians, with such fury, as if they had thereon purposed to gauge their whole forces; seeking by a thousand wounds, and a thousand kinds of death to have by their scaling ladders, gained the top of the walls; the Turks with no less courage still beating them down again. But in the heat of this so dreadful and desperate an assault, Saladin still hovering aloof, came now upon the sudden & assailed the camp of the Christians, filling the same with fear and tumult: whose charge they that were left for the defence of the same, at the first notably received, but finding themselves too weak, began to give ground; by which means the Turks took certain tents with some ensigns, and fired some other of the pavilions of the Christians, having slain somewhat more than an hundred of the defendants. The Christians in the mean time little prevailing in the assault, & troubled with the danger of their camp, retired to the relief thereof. But the Turk perceiving himself too weak for the whole power of the Christians, retired also; yet not with such haste, but that he had there almost lost himself. This notable assault was given the fourteenth of October: after which many light skirmishes passed betwixt the Christians and the Turks, but more for booty than for any other great purpose. In the mean time, divers great princes of the West that had vowed themselves unto this sacred war came thither, whose number rather increased the want of victuals than furthered the service. At which time also the discord betwixt Guy the king (whose wife and children were now dead) and Conrade marquess of MONT-FERRAT (who had married Isabella the late queen's sister, by whom he pretended a claim unto the title of the imaginary kingdom) did much harm unto the proceedings of the Christians: So pleasing a thing these haughty styles be unto the lofty minds of the ambitious. Shortly after the Christians yet lying at the siege, the contagion and famine still increasing, it fortuned that duke Frederick fell sick of the plague, whereof he died: and with the great mourning of the whole army, was afterward solemnly buried fast by his father in the cathedral church at tire. After whose death the Christians attempted no great matter against the city, although they were oftentimes by the Turks provoked, but lay still strongly entrenched, expecting some greater aid from the princes of the West. Now all the hope of the Christian affairs in SYRIA, and in the land of PALESTINE, rested upon the coming of the two mighty princes, Philip the second of that name king of FRANCE, and Richard the first king of ENGLAND: who having agreed betwixt themselves, with their combined forces to relieve the distressed Christians of the East; and again (if it were possible) to repair the broken state of the kingdom of JERUSALEM, were now met together at MARSEILLES in PROVENCE. From whence the French king first departing with his fleet for CICILIA, and with a prosperous gale for certain days holding on his course, & now come nigh unto the island; was by force of a furious tempest suddenly arising, so tossed and tumbled in the deep, that many of his ships there perished, eaten up of the sea; others by force of weather driven upon the sands and rocks, were there broken all to pieces; and the rest some with their masts broken, some with their tackle and sails rend, and all in general sore weatherbeaten, with much ado arrived at MESSANA the desired port: at which place king Richard afterwards (but with better fortune) arrived with his fleet also. Both the kings now met together, resolved there to winter: the French king enforced by necessity so to do, for the repairing of the late losses he had received, as well in his people and provision, as in his shipping; all which was to be relieved by new supplies out of FRANCE: and the king of ENGLAND staying to take order for the dowry of his sister joan (widow of William the late king of CICILIA) with Tancred the base son of Roger, that had now aspired unto the kingdom of that island. About which matter great stirs arise betwixt king Richard the queen's brother, and Tancred the new king, in so much that it was like to have broken out into open war, had it not to the good contentment of king Richard been otherwise taken up, and so the controversy ended. But whilst these two great kings thus wintered in this fruitful island, and oftentimes as good friends met together, sometime for their disport, and sometime to confer of their so weighty affairs; the way (as was thought) to have appeased all former displeasure, and to have increased love: it fell out clean contrary, jealousy and distrust, not only reviving the old, but also still raising new quarrels betwixt them, to the great hindrance of the common good by them intended: which may serve for a warning to all great princes, willing to continue in amity & to hold a good opinion one of another, Never to see one the other; or coming so to an interview, not to converse or stay long together: which as it is not often done without the danger of their persons, so can it not possibly be long continued, but that it will engender in themselves as well as in their followers, jealousy, envy, hatred, and mistrust (as we have before said) and hereafter in the course of this history may appear. An old grudge betwixt Philip the French king and Richard king of England There was an old quarrel betwixt these two great kings, Richard and Philip, about Adela the French kings sister; whom Richard having before (his father yet living) affianced, had now rejected, as her whom his aged father Henry the second had too familiarly used: and in steed of her, to the great disgrace of the French, espoused the lady Berengaria, daughter to the king of NAVARRE: which indignity with divers others, then arising betwixt the French and the English, as then with great heart burning smouldred up in respect of the common cause then in hand, afterwards broke out again, to the shameful overthrow of this most honourable expedition, and lamentable disturbance of both realms. Winter past, and the Spring now come, the French king not altogether the best pleased: first loosed from MESSANA, and with his fleet in safety arrived at PTOLEMAIS, where he was by the Christians, now the third year lying at the siege, so joyfully received, as if he had been to them sent with succours from heaven. After whom, shortly after followed also king Richard; of whose fleet (by force of weather sore beaten & dispersed) two ships by the rage of the tempest driven a ground upon the coast of CYPRUS, were by the island people spoiled, and the men that in them had hardly escaped the danger of the sea, with most barbarous inhumanity, some slain and some taken prisoners: the rest of the fleet arriving there also, were with like incivility forbidden to land; King Richard revengeth the injury done unto his people by the Cipriots. the Cipriots ready at hand in all places to keep them off. With which so great an indignity the king justly moved, and by force landing his people, with incredible celerity and success overran the whole island, never ceasing until he had made a full conquest thereof, and taken Isaac Comnenus, commonly called the king of that island, and of some (for what reason I know not) emperor of the Griffons, prisoner: yet was he indeed neither king nor emperor, but being a man of great nobility and power, and of the honourable stock of the Comneni, had in the troublesome reign of Andronicus Comnenus the emperor, his cousin, laid hold upon that fruitful island, and there tyrannised as a reputed king; until that now he was by king Richard taken prisoner, and for his unfaithful dealing sent fast bound in chains of silver into SYRIA. The king thus possessed of the whole island, there at LIMOZIN married the lady Berengaria the king of NAVARS' daughter, brought thither by joan late queen of CICILIA, the king's sister. And so disposing as he thought best of all things for the safe keeping of the island, set forward again with his fleet towards SYRIA. Where by the way he light upon a great ship of the Sultan's, laded with victuals & other warlike provisions for the relief of the besieged; all which became a prey unto him. King Richard arriveth at Ptolemais. So holding on his course, he at length arrived at PTOLEMAIS, where he was by the French king, and the rest of the Christians there lying, most honourably received. Now had the city of PTOLEMAIS been three years besieged by the Christians, and notably defended by the Turks: during which time many an hot assault and bloody skirmish had passed betwixt them. And now the eyes of all men were fixed upon the two kings of ENGLAND and FRANCE, unto whom all the rest offered their obedience and service. The Christian camp was great, composed especially of Englishmen, Frenchmen, Italians, and Almains; not them that were left of the emperor Frederick his army (for they were for the most part dead, or else returned home again into their countries) but of such as (moved with the zeal they bore unto this religious war) came daily in great numbers thither: as did also many others of divers nations, desirous in some measure to be partakers of so honourable a war. These religious and venturous Christians thus lying at the siege, had with much painful labour undermined one of the greatest towers of the city, called the Accursed Tower, with some part of the wall also, by means whereof they were in hope to find a way into the city. Wherefore all things being now in a readiness for the firing of the mine, it was thought good by general consent, that an assault should also at the same time be given unto the city. And thereupon every regiment was by lot appointed which part of the wall to assail, which they all with great courage undertook. In the heat of which assault, the aforesaid undermined tower with some part of the wall (the timber whereon it stayed, now burnt) fell down with a great fall, laying open a fair breach for the Christians to enter. Wherewith the Turks dismayed, forthwith craved to come to parley: which granted, they for safeguard of their lives yielded forthwith to give up the city, and to restore unto the Christians the Holy Cross, with two thousand captives, and two hundred horsemen, such as they should require of all them that were in the power of Saladin; besides 200000 Constantinopolitan ducats, to be by him given unto the two kings, for the cost by them bestowed in the siege. For payment whereof, the Turks in the city were to remain as hostages under the safe keeping of the Christians, so that if all the covenants aforesaid were not within forty days performed by Saladin, they should all for their lives be at the king's mercy. So was this strong city, after it had been almost three years besieged, delivered up unto the Christians the 12 of julie, in the year 1191. The first that entered were the Germans of AUSTRIA, who as if they had been the only men by whose valour the city had been won, 1191 at their first entry presumptuously advanced their ensigns upon the top of the walls, to the great offence of all the rest of the Christian princes, but especially of king Richard, who not unworthily for his princely courage commonly called Richard Cueur de Lion, not brooking so proud an indignity, caused the ensigns of Leopold their duke, to be pulled down, and foiled underfoot; which shortly after gave him occasion of repentance, as shall be hereafter seen. The two kings possessed of the city, divided the same, with all the people and spoil thereof betwixt them, without regard of the rest of the other noble Christians, that had sustained the whole travail of that long siege: for which cause most part of them, seeing themselves so deluded, withdrew themselves from them, & with one consent sent them word, That they would forsake them, except they were made partakers of the gains, as they had been of the pains. Which the two kings to content them, promised they should. Howbeit, they delayed so long their promises, that many worthy men, constrained by poverty, departed discontented from them into their countries. But long it was not, that this one city, so lately gained, could contain these two great kings; whom two large kingdoms could not retain in peace. For albeit that they were in body together present, and in one, and that a most honourable action, combined; yet were they in hearts far asunder, and their secret designs much different: envy and distrust still reviving unkindness past, and ministering new matter of greater discontentments. King Richard, according to his noble nature, was of nothing more desirous, than to have the war continued, until they had made a full conquest of SYRIA & the land of PALESTINE; and for that cause requested the French king to bind himself together with him by solemn oath, there to stay yet three years, for the regaining of those countries. But he in mind long before estranged from king Richard, and in his deep conceit plotting matters nearer home better fitting his purpose, would by no means be persuaded so to do; but still found one occasion or other for to colour his departure. And shortly after (as the French Chronicles report) falling extremely sick, he requested king Richard and the other Christian princes to come unto him: unto whom being come, he in few words declared his purpose of return, as followeth: I cannot (my lords) longer endure the inclemency and intemperature of the air in this extreme hot season. If my death might profit the Christian Religion, or any one of you, or the Christian commonweal; there should be no distemperature whatsoever, that could separate me from you, or withdraw me from hence. But more may the lise of one absent, serve and profit you, than the death of him present. I must of necessity depart, yet at my departure I will leave you five hundred men at arms, and ten thousand footmen, the flower and choice of all the forces of France, under the conduct of my cousin Odo, duke of BURGUNDY, unto whom I will give pay and entertainment, with a continual supply of all things for them necessary. The French king speaks unto king Ri●hard, in 〈◊〉 absence not to invade his territories in France. This excuse of the French kings, king Richard could not take in good part: but said, That it was apparent to all men, that he abandoned the wars in SYRIA, to return into FRANCE, for no other end or purpose, but the more easily to invade the provinces of GVIEN and NORMANDY, now disfurnished of their garrisons, and so subject to his malice. Which point he so urged, that the French king could have no leave with his honour to depart, until such time as he had by solemn oath bound himself unto king Richard, not to attempt any thing either by force or fraud against him, or any thing of his, until fifty days were expired after king Richard his return home. Which how well it was by the French king observed, I leave it to the report of the histories of that time. And so the French king, not to be entreated longer to stay, leaving behind him the aforesaid number of men he had promised, embarking the rest of his army, and accompanied with three tall ships of the Genoese his friends, and Ruffin Volta their admiral, departed from PTOLEMAIS to tire, the first of August; and two days after, losing thence alongst the coast of ASIA, and cutting through the Mediterranean, arrived at length in the mouth of the river of TIBER, and from thence went to ROME: where after he had visited Pope Celestine, and the famous places of that most renowned city, he returned again to his fleet, and so by sea arrived in safety in FRANCE; having in that great expedition, so honourably by him entertained, performed nothing answerable to that the world looked for. After the French king, followed Leopold duke of AUSTRIA, with his Germans: and not long after him, the Venetians also, with them of PISA and GENUA. Of whose departure Saladin understanding, and that the Christian forces were thereby much impaired, refused either to pay the money, or to restore the prisoners, as was promised at the giving up of PTOLEMAIS: threatening moreover to chop off the heads of all such Christian captives as he had in his power, if the king should show any extremity unto the pledges of the city. Nevertheless, shortly after he sent his ambassadors with great presents unto the king, requesting a longer time for the sparing of his pledges; which his request, together with his gifts, the king refused to grant or accept. Whereupon Saladin forthwith caused such Christian captives as were in his power, to be beheaded: which albeit king Richard understood, yet would he not prevent the time before agreed upon for the execution of his prisoners, being the 20 day of August: upon which day he caused the Turks prisoners, to the number of 2500 (or as the French and Germans write, to the number of 7000) in the sight of Saladines' army to be executed. The loss of the strong town of PTOLEMAIS, much impaired the reputation of Saladin, even among his own people; as it commonly falleth out, that the evil success of a great commander in his affairs, altereth the good will, affection, and opinion, especially of the vulgar sort, which judge of all things by the event. And albeit that his losses were great, and such as much daunted him: yet he thought it best, as the case then stood, to make them greater, and with his own hands (as it were) to ruinate and overthrow such towns and cities as he saw he could not keep, rather than to suffer them whole and undefaced to fall into the enemy's hand. So carried headlong with despair, he caused all the towns he had alongst the sea coast in SYRIA and PALESTINE, to be sacked and ruinated, and their walls ovethrowne; especially such as were of most importance, and like to stand the Christians in stead, namely PORPHIRIA, CAESAREA, JOPPA, ASCALON, GAZA, and ELAM, with divers other castles and citadels in the countries thereabouts; most part whereof were again by king Richard and the Templars fortified and repeopled, although Saladin in the mean time did what he might to have letted the same. Nothing more hindered the good proceeding of the Christian princes, in this, and other their most honourable expeditions against the Infidels, than the discord among themselves; one still envying at another's honour, and every one jealous of his own. Great strife and heart burning there had been between the two kings of FRANCE and ENGLAND, during the time they were together in this sacred expedition, to the great hindrance of the same: No less contention had there been betwixt Guy the late king of JERUSALEM, and Conrade marquess of MONT-FERRAT, about the title of that lost kingdom: whereby the whole power of the Christians in SYRIA was divided into two factions. Richard king of ENGLAND, Baldwin earl of FLAUNDERS, Henry earl of CHAMPAIN, the knight's Hospitalers of Saint john, the Venetians and Pisans, taking part with Guy: And Philip the french king, Odo duke of BURGUNDY, Rodolph earl of CLAREMONT, the Templars, the Genoese, the Landgrave of THURIN, Leopold duke of AUSTRIA, and Robert county of NASSAU, taking part with Conrade the marquess. But Conrade shortly after the taking of PTOLOMAIS being slain, by two of the desperate Assassins, or (as some others say) by two desperate ruffians (suborned thereunto by the prince of TORONE, in revenge of the despite done unto him by the said marquess, by taking from him Isabella his espoused wife) as he was walking in his city of tire and doubting no such treason: king Richard seeing now a fit occasion offered for the utter extinguishing of that claim, and how to entitle himself unto that kingdom; persuaded the aforesaid Isabella (the widow of the late Marquis, and in whose right he had laid claim unto the kingdom) to relinquish that so troublesome a title, and to take to her husband Henry earl of CHAMPAIN, his nephew, unto whom he gave the city of tire: Guy the king exclaiming to the contrary, as of a wrong done unto himself. Shortly after he began also to temper with Guy, persuading him to resign unto him that little right and interest he had in the kingdom of JERUSALEM, and in am thereof to receive at his hands the kingdom of CYPRUS. Which his offer the poor king was glad to accept. By which exchange Guy became king of CYPRUS: and Richard, king of JERUSALEM; which honourable title he afterwards, as some report, used in his style, as did some others his successors the kings of ENGLAND after him. So Guy with all his wealth passing over into CYPRUS, took possession of the kingdom, where he long lived not. Nevertheless, that pleasant kingdom continued in his family of the Lusignans, by the space of about 283 years afterwards: until that at length that family failing in the posthumus son of james the bastard, last king of that Island, it fell into the hands of the Venetians: by whom it was holden as a part of their signory almost an hundred years, until that it was in our fresh remembrance again from them taken by Selimus the second, great emperor of the Turks, in the year 1571, as in the process of this history shall in due place (God willing) be declared. King Richard marcheth with his army towards Jerusalem. Now was king Richard, for the increase of his honour, more desirous than before of the city of JERUSALEM, as the most precious and honourable prize of all that religious war. And thereupon with all the power of the Christians then at his command, set forward from PTOLEMAIS, and was come on his way as far as ARSUA, a town situate betwixt CAESAREA and JOPPE. In the vauward was king Richard himself, with the Englishmen: after whom followed Odo, A notable battle fought betwixt king Richard & Saladin. duke of BURGUNDY, with his French: and in the rearward jaques de Auenes, with the Flemings, Brabanders, and Walloons, who after the death of their county Philip at the siege of PTOLEMAIS, had put themselves all under his regiment. Saladin with a great army still at hand, and as it were attending upon them, first with certain ambuscadoes charged the rearward, and so afterward came on with his whole power: upon whom jaques turning himself, with his Flemings, received the charge with great assurance, and so long themselves endured the same, until the French came in to their succours, and after them the English also. There was fought a notable battle, and great valour showed both on the one side and the other, but especially by them of the Turks part; who knew well the purpose of the Christians for the besieging of JERUSALEM, and that thereon depended their only hope, and that he that could hold the same, might almost assure himself to carry away the glory of that war. The French and English in that battle honourably strove who might show the greatest valour: neither would the Low country men under jaques their general, seem to be any thing behind them. This sharp conflict began about noon, and continued until the going down of the Sun. King Richard (as some write) was there wounded with an arrow; and jaques valiantly there fight, was slain, having sold his life dear, to the great admiration of the infidels, and dying left the victory unto the Christians. It is reported, that in this battle were slain more Turks and Saracens than in any one battle within the memory of man before: of the Christians were not lost any great number, either any man of name, more than the aforesaid jaques, the valiant general of the Flemings, The next day the Christians removed to BETHLEM, a town about the mid way betwixt JOPPE and JERUSALEM. But Winter now coming fast on, and want of victuals like enough to increase, the king changing his mind for the siege, returned with the greatest part of the army to ASCALON, which he that Winter new fortified, the walls thereof being before by Saladin in his despair demolished: the duke of BURGUNDY, with his Frenchmen, all that while quietly wintering at tire. In the mean time, the power of the Christians was that Winter greatly diminished, some one way departing from the camp, and some another: The Italians for the most part, with them of PISA (who in these three years wars had striven with the Venetians for the honour of their service) were now returned home, as were the Venetians themselves also. Nevertheless, Winter now past, and the Spring time come, king Richard took the field again, and came to BETHLEM: where by the way he met with an exceeding great number of camels, charged with great store of victuals and munition, sent by Saladin out of EGYPT to JERUSALEM, all which he took. But purposing to have gone on to the siege of JERUSALEM, King Richard purposing to have besieged Jerusalem▪ ●s by the backwardness of the French enforced to retire. he was by the backwardness of the French glad to change his purpose, and to return to PTOLEMAIS: for the Frenchmen, persuaded by the duke their general (who well knew the French kings mind) That if any thing worth remembrance were done, it was to be done by them, and that the glory thereof should wholly redound unto the king of ENGLAND, as there in person present, and to his Englishmen; showed themselves so unwilling to the siege, as that therein was nothing done, to the great grief of that worthy prince. At which time also news was brought unto king Richard, How that Philip the French king (forgetful of his solemn promise made before his departure out of SYRIA) had now invaded the country of NORMANDY, and excited earl john (the king's brother, a man of an haughty & aspiring nature) to take upon him the kingdom of ENGLAND in his absence: as had before in like case William the younger brother served duke Robert his elder brother, then absent at his father the conquerors death, in the first sacred expedition under Godfrey of BUILLON. Wherefore king Richard, beside the present difficulties, fearing lest while he was so far off in wars for defence of the Christian commonweal, he might lose his kingdom at home; King Richard 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 a pea●e with Saladin. thought it best to grow to some good end with Saladin, and so to make his return. But the politic and wary Sultan, not ignorant of the discord of the Christians▪ and that their forces daily decayed in SYRIA; either of the troubled estate of the king's affairs at home in his kingdom, or of his desire to return; would not hearken to any other conditions of peace, but such as might both for the present, weaken the forces of the Christians in SYRIA, and discourage others that had a mind to come thither afterward, when they should see that for nought they should travel to conquer that, which in the end they must of necessity restore again. The conditions he offered, were, That the Christians should forthwith restore whatsoever they had won in those three years' wars, PTOLEMAIS only excepted; and that from thence forth for the space of five years the▪ Turks should not in any thing molest the Christians, but to suffer them in peace to live by them: which hard conditions (for that no better could be had) the king was glad to accept, and so concluded a peace. Whereby the labour and travel of the two great kings, and so many nations with them, were all become frustrate and vain; having now to no purpose lost their men, their money, their time, their hope, their blood, their long travel, to gain that they must now in one hour forego; nothing more left unto the poor Christians in SYRIA, than the cities of ANTIOCH, tire, and PTOLEMAIS. This done, King Richard returning out of the Holy land taken prisoner by Leopold duke of Austria. king Richard leaving the affairs of ASIA unto the charge of Henry county of CHAMPAGNE his nephew, shipping the greatest part of his people, with his wife Berengaria, first for SICILIA and from thence for ENGLAND, where they in safety at length arrived, followed shortly after with some few himself, where by the way by extremity of weather, he was in the Adriatic driven to land upon the coast of HISTRIA: where traveling with a small retinue homewards in the habit of a Templar, he was discovered and taken prisoner by Leopold duke of AUSTRIA, whom he had before disgraced at the winning of PTOLEMAIS (as is before declared:) who now glad to have him in his power, made prize of him, and sold him to Henry the emperor, for forty thousand pounds, by whom he was kept prisoner by the space of a year and three months, and then ransomed for the sum of an hundred and fifty thousand pounds. About this time died the great Sultan Saladin, the greatest terror of the Christians: who mindful of man's fragility and the vanity of worldly honours, commanded at the time of his death no solemnity to be used at his burial, but only his shirt in manner of an ensign, made fast unto the point of a lance to be carried before his dead body as an ensign, a plain priest going before, and crying aloud unto the people in this sort: Saladin Conqueror of the East, of all the greatness and riches he had in his life, carrieth not with him after his death any thing more than his shirt. A fight worthy so great a king, as wanted nothing to his eternal commendation, more than the true knowledge of his salvation in Christ jesu. He reigned about sixteen years with great honour, and dying, left nine sons, which were all murdered by Saphradin their uncle, excepting one called also Saphradin Sultan of ALEPPO, who by the favour and support of his father's good friends, saved himself from the treacherous practices of his uncle. Of this Saphradin the uncle, descended Meledin Sultan of EGYPT, and Coradin Sultan of DAMASCUS and JERUSALEM: Saladin his great kingdom being by them now again rend in pieces. The death of Saladin in short time bruited abroad, with the discord amongst the Turks and Saracens, about his dominions; put Celestinus (than Pope) in good hope, that the city of JERUSALEM might in that change and hurl, be easily again recovered, and that kingdom established. But when he had in vain dealt to that purpose with the kings of FRANCE and ENGLAND (than altogether busied in their wars the one against the other) he persuaded Henry the sixth, than emperor, to take the matter in hand: who (for that he well could not, or else would not himself in person undertake that long expedition) sent Henry duke of SAXONY his lieutenant with a great army into ASIA▪ unto whom were joined two Legates, Conradus Archbishop of MOGUNSIA another of the electors, and Conradus the bishop of HER●IPOLIS. At which time also many other great princes took upon them that holy war, namely, Herman Landgrave of THURIN, Henry Palatine of RHINE, Henry duke of BRABANT, Conrade marquess of MORAVIA, Frederick duke of AUSTRIA, and Albertus Hapspurgensis, with some others: unto whom also joined themselves the bishops of BREME, HALBERSTAT, and RATISBON, with divers other great prelate's. Who having passed through HUNGARY and THRACIA, and by the Greek emperor Alexius Angelus relieved with all things necessary, were by the Grecian ships transported unto ANTIOCH, and so by land came to tire, and from thence to PTOLEMAIS, with purpose to have gone to relieve the Germans besieged in JOPPE; who before their coming were all by treason slain and the city razed, wherefore being come to the ruins thereof, they departed thence to SIDON, which they found also abandoned by the Turks. After that they took BERITHUS, which city they fortified, and so went to besiege TORONE; which city when they had brought unto the extremity as that it must needs (as it was thought) either yield or be taken, the Turks came on so fast to the relief thereof, that the Christians were glad to raise their siege and to be gone: which they in garrison at BERITHUS perceiving, & seeing the enemy to approach them, they abandoned the city, and joining themselves unto the rest of the army marched all together to JOPPE, a little before ruinated, which they now again fortified. But the enemy coming to BERITHUS, and finding it forsaken razed it down to the ground, and so in few months space was BERITHUS both repaired and razed in the year 1197. 1197 But whilst the Christians were repairing the city of JOPPE, the Turks proud of that they had done at BERITHUS, The Turks overthrown by the Christians. came now to disturb also the fortifying of that place. Of whose coming the Christians understanding, removed by night about five miles from the city, of purpose to draw the Turks unto a convenient place for battle. The Turks thinking them to have been fled for fear, sent part of their army to assail the city: and with the other followed after them disorderedly, as if it had been after men they had had in chase. Upon whom the Christians turning, had with them at the first a sharp encounter, but afterwards put them to flight: in which conflict certain thousands of the Turks fell; joppes repaired by the Christians of whom the Christians taking the spoil, and having put the rest to flight, returned again unto the fortifying of the city. But the joy of this victory was by the sudden death of two of the greatest princes in the army, greatly diminished: for the duke of SAXONY having in the battle taken great pains in performing the parts both of a worthy general and valiant soldier, had over heated himself, and thereupon without regard of his health taking cold, died of a fever the fourth day after. The duke of AUSTRIA mortally wounded in the battle, died also the night following. About this time, or not long after, died Celestinus the pope, author of this expedition; and Henry also the German emperor: after whose death great troubles began to arise in GERMANY about the choosing of a new emperor. Whereof the bishop of MOGUNSIA, then chief commander of the army of the Christians in SYRIA, one of the electors, and the other German princes with him having intelligence, could not by any persuasion or prayers of the poor Christians (in whose quarrel they were come) be persuaded longer to stay, but that needs home they would, The German princes return home. & indeed home they went the same way that they came. After whose departure the Turks took JOPPE, having one of the ports betrayed unto them by one of the city, at such time as the Germans there in garrison, after the manner of their country, upon S. Martin's day were carelessly making merry together in their pots: upon whom, so surcharged with wine, the Turks entering by the port given unto them, put them all with the rest of the Christians to the sword, and so afterward razed the city down to the ground. Of which victory they became so proud, that they had thought without stop to have driven the Christians quite out of SYRIA: but by the coming of Simon county of MONT-FORT (a most valiant and expert captain sent thither by Philip the French king with a regiment of tall soldiers, at the instance of Innocentius Tertius that succeeded Celestinus in the papacy) and by civil discord then reigning among the Turks themselves for sovereignty, their fury was repressed, and a peace betwixt them and the Christians concluded for the space of ten years▪ during which time the Turks promised not to molest the Christians in tire or PTOLEMAIS: which happened in the year 1199 (or as some others say 1198. 1199 ) After which peace so concluded, the worthy county returned again with his soldiers into FRANCE: with whom we also will repair into the lesser ASIA (whither the course both of the time and of the history now calleth us) to see the other greater affairs of the Turks in those Eastern countries; leaving for a season these poor remainders of so many Christians in tire and PTOLEMAIS, now for a while in peace, but to be ere long devoured of the infidels their enemies, as in the process of this History shall in due time and place appear. The ruin of the Turks first Empire in Persia: with the success of their second kingdom in the lesser Asia under the Aladin Kings. AS no kingdom or Empire upon earth (were it never so flourishing or great) was ever yet so assured, Kingdoms after the manner of other things have but their time to flourish in, and so again decay. but that in the revolution of time, after the manner of other worldly things, it hath as a sick body been subject unto many strange innovations and changes, and at length come to nothing: so fared it now with the Turkish empire, which first planted by Tangrolipix in PERSIA and the other far Eastern countries, increased by Axan his son, and so by the Turkish Sultan's their successors (although their names and doings, as too far off, be not unto us all known) for the space of one hundred and seventy yeareas continued, must now (I say) give place unto a greater power, and settle itself elsewhere, the inevitable destiny thereof so requiring. It fortuned that about this time (when in the space of a few years such mutations as had not before of long been seen, chanced in divers great monarchies and states) that the Tartars or rather Tattars, inhabiting the large, cold, and bare countries in the North side of ASIA (of all others a most barbarous, fierce, and needy nation) stirred up by their own wants, and the persuasion of one Zingis (or as some call him, Cangis) holden amongst them for a great prophet, and now by them made their leader, and honoured with the name of Vlu-Chan, that is to say, the Mighty king (commonly called the great Cham) flocking together in number like the sand of the sea; and conquering first their poor neighbours of condition and quality like themselves, and easy enough to be entreated with them to seek their better fortune, like swarms of grasshoppers sent out to devour the world: passed the high mountain CAUCASUS, part of the mountain TAURUS' of all the mountains in the world the greatest, which beginning near unto the ARCHIPELAGO, and ending upon the oriental OCEAN, and running through many great and famous kingdoms divideth ASIA into two parts: over which great mountain, one of the most assured bounders of nature, that had so many worlds of years shut up this rough and savage people, they now passing without number, and coming down (as it were) into an other world, full of such nature's pleasant delights as never were to them before seen, bore down all before them as they went, nothing being now able to stand in their way. Old Zingis their fortunate leader dead in this so great an expedition, Hoccata his son, eldest of his twelve brethren, a man of great wisdom and courage, took upon him his father's place: who sending part of his great army for the subduing of the countries Westward, turned himself with a world of people towards the East: where having subdued the Bactrians and Sogdians, with divers others he entered into INDIA, and subduing that rich country on both sides the river INDUS, even to the East OCEAN, there in the country of CATHAI built the famous city of CAMBALU, in circuit eight and twenty miles about; for pleasure and plenty of all things necessary for the life of man, of all the cities of ASIA the chief: where the great Cham of TARTARY still resiant as in his imperial city, commandeth over one of the greatest and strongest empires of the world. In whose kingdom also, in the province of MANGY more towards the East, he hath another most famous city called QUINSAY, of all the cities in the world the greatest, in circuit an hundred miles about, as M. Paulus Venetus writeth, who himself dwelled therein about the year 1260. It is situate in a lake of fresh water, and hath in it twelve thousand bridges: of which, some are of such an height that tall ships with their sails up may easily pass under them. In this populous city the great Cham hath for the keeping thereof, always thirty thousand men in garrison. The Tartar kingdom thus planted in CAMBALU, Hoccata contenting himself with the rich pleasures of INDIA, afterward managed his wars by his lieutenants, being for the most part his brethren, or other his nigh kinsmen; of whom he sent out with his armies some Northward, some Westward, and some toward the South: by whom he subdued the Arachosians, Margians, and divers other great nations, & entering into PERSIA, subdued the country, The Turks driven out of Persia by the Tartars. with all PARTHIA, ASSYRIA, MESOPOTAMIA, & MEDIA. At this time in the city BALCH or BELCH, in the country of CHORASAN in the farthest part of PERSIA, reigned over the Turks one Cursumes, of the greeks called Corsantes; who finding himself far too weak to stand before the Tartarians, fled with all his people, leaving unto them both the city and the country, which he and the Turks his predecessors had ever since the time of Tangrolipix possessed: which city the Tartars razed and took the country to themselves. In this general flight of the Turks, when as every man was glad to make what shift he might for himself, Cursumes their Sultan died, the last of the kings of the Selzuccian family that reigned over the Turks in PERSIA: whose son Vgnan Chan taking upon him the leading of such mulitudes of Turks as followed his father, ceized upon the great city of BABYLON, now called BAGADAT, near unto the ruins of the old BABYLON: where having put to the sword all the inhabitants thereof, he there, and in the country thereabout seated himself with the Turks his followers: but long he had not there rested, but that the Tartars hearing thereof, pursued him, took him prisoner, & expulsed thence all his people. There was at the same time also another kingdom of the Turks at NACHAN a city in PERSIA, giving name unto the country wherein it stood, not far from CHORASAN: wherein then reigned one Solyman of the Oguzian family, as had divers other of his progenitors before him, who terrified with this dreadful storm so suddenly risen out of the North, and warned by the sudden fall of the Selzuccian Sultan & his kingdom, of far greater fame and power than himself or his, fled also with such his subjects as would follow him into the lesser ASIA. But of him and his proceedings more shall be said hereafter in the rising of the victorious Ottoman family, as lineally from him descended. After this the Tartars together with their good fortune still extending the bounds of their empire, conquered ARMENIA the greater, with the countries of COLCHIS and IBERIA: so that now their empire was become of all others the greatest and most flourishing. This great conqueror (the Tartar) had in his proud conceit purposed to have subdued all ASIA, and to have made the sea the only bounder of his empire: but overcome with the delicacies of INDIA, having divided amongst his people those great provinces and fruitful countries, with the rich cities and pleasant fields, he so rested, embracing the manners and superstition of the people he had overcome. Long it were and far from our purpose to recount all the famous victories and conquest of this bare Northern people; sufficeth it to the history we have in hand, that the Turks were by them then driven out of PERSIA, with the countries thereabouts, and their Togran kingdom (as they call it) first founded by Tangrolipix, there extinguished, about the year of our Lord 1202. The Turks thus driven out of PERSIA and their kingdom overthrown, retired themselves into the lesser ASIA, 1202 possessed by the Turks their countrymen, long before brought thither by Cutlu-Muses and his sons (as is before declared) and by them ever since in some part, The beginning of the Aladinian kingdom in the lesser Asia, as Sebastia and Iconium. though with divers fortune, holden. Where these Turks now arriving out of PERSIA under the leading of Aladin, the son of Kei Husreu, descended also of the Selzuccian family in PERSIA, and taking the opportunity offered them by the mortal discord of the Latins with the greeks, and the Greeks among themselves, ceized upon CILICIA with the countries thereabouts, and there first at SEBASTIA, and afterward at ICONIUM, erected their new kingdom; which of this Aladin is by the Turks called the kingdom of the Aladin kings, although their names were not all so. Now about this time, and within the course of some few years after, such great and strange mutations happened in the Constantinopolitan empire, as had not therein at any time before been seen: whereby the whole estate of that great empire which sometime commanded over a great part of the world, was almost utterly subverted, and a fit opportunity given unto the Turks and infidels for the sure settling of themselves, and establishing of their kingdoms both in SYRIA and the lesser ASIA: which briefly to run thorough shall not be from our purpose; their affairs prospering by these troubles, and their proud and stately empire that now braveth all the rest of the world, being raised out of the ruins of that Christian empire▪ and at this present triumphing even in the same imperial city wherein these so great innovations happened through the working of ambitious heads, to the lamentable ruin and destruction of a great part of the Christian commonweal. Alexius the usurper, Alexius the young prince craveth aid of Philip the emperor and the Latin princes against his uncle the usurper. but now emperor, not contented (as is before declared) traitorously to have deprived Isaac his elder brother of his empire and sight together: sought also after the life of the young prince Alexius, his brother's son, and heir apparent of the empire: who seeing the villainy committed in the person of his father, saved himself by flight from the fury of his uncle, and so accompanied with certain great lords of the greeks, his father's friends, fled to crave aid of the Christian princes of the West, whom the Grecians commonly call the Latins. And first he took his way to Philip the German emperor, who had married Irene his sister, the emperor Isaac his daughter, by whom he was most honourably received and entertained. This great lady, not a little moved with the misery of her father, and the flight of her brother, ceased not most instantly to solicit the emperor her husband, not to leave unrevenged so great a villainy, by the example thereof, dangerous unto himself and others of like majesty and state. She declared unto him, what an execrable indignity it was, to see her father the emperor unworthily imprisoned, deprived of his empire, and sight, and of the society of men by his brother, that had by him received and recovered his life, his light, and his liberty: and to see the heir apparent of the empire banished by the wickedness of his uncle, to wander up and down here and there like a beggar: a great part of which disgrace, as she said, redounded unto herself, the daughter of Isaac, and sister to the young wandering prince, and to himself also the son in law unto the unfortunate emperor her father. Moreover she said, that the murderer Alexius durst never have been so hardy as to commit so great and detestable a villainy, if he had not lightly regarded and contemned the majesty of the said Philip; whom if he had had in any reverence or honour, or at all feared, he durst not have attempted so villainous an act. This Greek lady, moved with just grief, with these and such like complaints so prevailed with her husband, that he promised her to be in some part thereof revenged, which he could not for the present perform, letted by the wars he then had with Otho his competitor of the empire. At the same time it fortuned, that great preparations were in making in FRANCE and ITALY, Great preparation made by the Christians for an expedition into the Holy land. and divers other places of Christendom, for an expedition to be made against the Turks into the Holy land. The chief men wherein, were Theobald county of CHAMPAGNE (a man of great fame, and general of the Christian army) Boniface marquess of MONT-FERRAT, Baldwin earl of FLANDERS and HENAULT, and Henry his brother earl of S. Paul, Henry duke of LOUVAIN, Gualther earl of bream, with divers other noble gentlemen, which to name were tedious; unto whom resorted also many valiant and devout Christians out of divers parts of Christendom, ready to have spent their lives in that so religious a war: so that now the number of them was great, and the army right populous. But being thus assembled together, they thought it not best to take their way to CONSTANTINOPLE, through HUNGARY and THRACE, and so to pass over into BITHYNIA; for that the Greeks had still in all former times showed great uncourtesy unto the Latins, in passing with their armies that way: and therefore they thought it much better now, by the way of ITALY to take their journey by sea into the Holy land; and for their transportation, especially to use the help of the Venetians, whom they found much the easier to be entreated, for that by the means of so great an army, they were in hope to scour the adriatic (than much infested by the Dalmatians) as also to recover JADERA, with some other cities upon the coast of S●LAVONIA, before revolted from their state to the Hungarians, as indeed they afterward did. But by the way as this army was marching out of FRANCE, and come into PIEDMONT, the noble county of CHAMPAGNE, general thereof, there fell sick and died, to the exceeding grief & sorrow of the whole army: in whose stead, the marquess of MONT-FERRAT, a man of great nobility, and well acquainted with the wars of the East, was chosen general. This great army, transported by the Venetians into SCIAVONIA, took JADERA, with divers other port towns along the sea coast, and having there done what the Venetians most desired, was about again to have been embarked for SYRIA, and so into the holy land. But the young prince Alexius in the mean time had by himself and the noble Grecians (fled with him for fear of the tyrant) so wrought the matter with the Latin princes of the West, especially with Innocentius tertius the Pope, with Philip the emperor his brother in law, and Philip the French king, that they pitying his estate, & induced also with some other considerations more proper unto themselves, took him as it were into their protection, commending by letters & messengers for that purpose sent unto the army (which they might command) the defence both of himself and his cause: Alexius cometh unto the army. who with the commendation of three so great princes, coming to the army yet lying at JADERA (expecting but a fair wind for to have passed into SYRIA) was there of them all most honourably received, as the son of an emperor, and as became one unto them so highly commended. And he himself also, as one that knew his good, was not in any thing wanting unto himself, but recommended himself to their protection, as a poor exiled prince in distress, yet of a good and lively spirit, gracious in speech, beautiful to behold, and very young; and withal, fully instructed by the noble Grecians that were with him, in all things that might serve to further his purpose. And forasmuch as this great army was composed of divers nations, especially of the French, Italians, and Venetians, not all to be by one mean moved, he fitted every one of them with such motives as he thought might most prevail with them: Unto the French he promised to pay the great sums of money they had borrowed of the Venetians, for the furnishing of themselves in this war: Unto the Venetians he promised to recompense them for all the injuries they had sustained by the late Constantinopolitan emperors, especially by the emperor Emanuel (who for that they had refused to aid him in his wars against William king of SICILY, did in one day confiscate all the goods of the Venetian merchants within his empire, of a wonderful value: & afterwards contrary to the law of nations, shamefully entreated their ambassadors sent unto him, amongst whom was Henry Dandulus, now by fortune general for the Venetians in the army: who moved as well with the wrong in particular done unto himself, as with the common, desired to be revenged both of the one and of the other; which although he could not have of Emanuel himself, being long before dead, yet was he still desirous to have it of some one of the Greek emperors, whosoever he were:) Unto the Pope and the Italians, both he and the noblemen with him, had before promised, That the Greek Church should for ever acknowledge the supremacy of the church of ROME, and from thenceforth submit itself thereunto, as unto the sovereign judge of all the churches of Christendom: which caused the Pope Innocentius by letters, by legates, by ambassadors, and by all other means possible; to further the cause of the young prince Alexius, so combined with his own: alleging the diversity of opinions in matters of religion, betwixt the greeks and the Latins, to have been the chief cause that the mahometans had not been long ago by their united forces subdued, or utterly rooted out. In brief, the young prince spared not to promise most bountiful rewards in general to all that should take his part against his uncle the usurping emperor. By this means, the devout war, taken in hand for the relief of the poor Christians in SYRIA, was laid aside, and the same forces that should have been therein employed, now converted against the Greek empire, to the great weakening of that side of the Christian commonweal, and advantage of the common enemy; who might then easily have been oppressed, had he with the united forces of the Christians been on this side charged home, as he was on the farther by the Tartars. The Grecian war thus resolved upon, it seemed best unto the great commanders of the army, to march directly to CONSTANTINOPLE, as to the head of the Grecian state, and place where the tyrant whom they sought after, was resiant. In the mean time it was by them given out through all the Greek cities which the emperor had strongly manned and fortified for the staying of their passage, that their purpose was not to make war against the Grecians their friends, but only to restore their lawful emperor unto his former state and honour: And that forasmuch as every city and town in ancient GREECE had appointed rewards, and almost divine honours unto such as had delivered them from tyrants, they should now more favourably receive and entreat them that came to restore unto every city, and to every man in general, their former liberty and honour. And so upon the resolution for CONSTANTINOPLE, embarking their army, and passing through the Ionian sea into the Aegeum, and so without let through the straits of Helespontus into Propontis, and entering the straits of Bosphorus Thracius, which divide EUROPE from ASIA, they came to an anchor even in the face of the city. A great ●leet of the Latiner before Constantinople. In this fleet were two hundred and forty sail of tall ships, sixty galleys, seventy ships for burden, and one hundred and twenty sail of victuallers: which all together made a most brave show, covering that straight in such sort, as that it seemed rather a wood than a part of the sea. Thus for a space they lay facing the city, attending if happily upon the coming and sight of so great a fleet, and the report of so puissant an army as the young prince Alexius had brought with him, any tumult or sedition might arise in the city. But the wary tyrant had so well provided therefore beforehand, that the citizens although they in heart favoured the young prince, and wished him well, yet durst they not once move or stir in his quarrel. Whilst the fleet thus lay, ambassadors came from the isle of CRETE, in two great galleys, with three banks of oars, yielding unto the young prince that goodly island, with all the towns and cities therein: which he forthwith gave unto the marquess of MONT-FERRAT, general of the army, thereby to encourage the other great commanders of the army to do the uttermost of their devoir, in hope of recompense and rewards answerable to their deserts and valour. Before the arrival of this fleet, The Latins by force enter the haven of Constantinople. Alexius the emperor had with a great chain made fast the entrance of the haven betwixt CONSTANTINOPLE and PERA, and appointed twenty great galleys well manned for the keeping thereof: but a great gale of wind arising, the general sent out the greatest and strongest ship in the fleet (of her greatness and swiftness called the Eagle) which with all her sails up, carried with a full gale of wind, by main force broke the chain, and made a way for the rest of the fleet to enter; which the greeks in the galleys seeing, for fear fled, leaving the galleys for a spoil unto the Venetians, by whom they were all taken, but not a man found in them. The haven thus gained, Theodorus Lascaris the emperors son in law, was presently ready upon the shore with a select company of the bravest gallants of the city and of the court, A hot skirmish betwixt the greeks and the Latins at their landing. to have hindered the Latins from landing; who running their ships a ground, landed with such cheerfulness and courage, and with such haste, that in one moment you might have seen them leap out of their ships, take land, enter into the battle, and lay about them like mad men. This hot skirmish endured a great while, for that they were only footmen that sustained this brunt, for the horses could not so soon be landed, and the greeks were bravely mounted. All this great fight the constantinopolitans beheld, with doubtful hearts expecting what should be the event thereof. There were in the city sixty thousand of the flower of Greece, which bravely sallying out, made the battle much more doubtful; yet such was the valour and resolution of the Latins, that in fine the greeks discomfited, were glad to retire themselves again into the city, but with what loss, was not certainly known: easy it were to guess, that it was right great, for that the old tyrant Alexius discouraged therewith, and doubtful of his own state, with Theodorus Lascaris his son in law, and some few others of his trusty friends (hard to be found in so dangerous a case) the next night following secretly fled out of the city, carrying away with him a wonderful mass of treasure (which he against all such events had caused to be secretly hidden by his daughter Irene, in a monastery of Nuns within the city, whereof she was the abbess) and so saved himself. The flight of the tyrant once bruited, Isaac the old emperor taken out of prison, and again saluted emperor, together with young Alexius his son. the next morning the constantinopolitans taking the old emperor Isaac out of prison, saluted him again for their emperor, rejoicing greatly for his deliverance, and the safeguard of his life: and after that opened the gates of the city unto the Latins, calling and saluting them by the names of the revengers and saviours of the liberty of the greeks, as also of the life and majesty of their emperor; they requested them that they might see and salute Alexius their young prince, whom they had so long desired: and so was the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, by the submission of the citizens, for that time saved from saccage and spoil. The old emperor thus delivered, and together with his son Alexius again placed in the imperial seat, gave the most hearty thanks that possibly he could unto the Latin princes, for that by their bounty, charity, and valour, the Greek empire had been delivered out of a long and miserable servitude: and for his own particular, that he had received of them so great good, that albeit his sight could not be restored to him again, nevertheless, he acknowledged his life, his liberty, his empire, his country, his son, to have been unto him by them restored, and he likewise to them: for which their so great deserts he could not (as he said) render them condign thanks, or devise rewards or honours answerable to their demerits and valour: and that therefore he did ratify and confirm whatsoever his son had before promised unto them for his deliverance: and not only that, but farther promised, That if they were not therewith contented, he would of his own bounty give them better contentment, not meaning they should go discontented, that had saved his life, and otherwise so highly pleasured him. Hereupon this good old emperor began to consult with his friends about the means whereby he might satisfy and content the Latins in such things as the young prince his son had unto them promised. And to the intent that the citizens of CONSTANTINOPLE might the more willingly do that he was to command them, and the more cheerfully pay such impositions as he was to lay upon them, he entreated all the Latins to retire themselves out of the city into their camp or about their ships, which they accordingly did. But the imposition being set down, and what every man was to pay, seemed unto the Greeks (as men of long accustomed to receive tribute of others, and not to pay tribute to others) a matter most heavy and intolerable. In this very instant that this exaction was required, died the old emperor Isaac, who having of long been kept in a dark and stinking prison in continual fear of death, and now delivered and restored to his empire, could not endure so sudden and unexpected a change, both of the air and of his manner of living, but so suddenly died. At this exaction imposed for the contentment of the Latins, the light Constantinopolitans grievously murmured and exclaimed, saying, That it was a villainous thing to see the Greek empire engaged and bound (by a young boy) unto a covetous and proud nation, and so to be spoiled and bared of coin: That the great and rich island of CRETE lying in the midst of the sea, was by him given as a gift unto the Latins: That the city of CONSTANTINOPLE and the Greek church, had by him been enforced and constrained to yield unto the See of ROME, to receive the opinions of the Latin church, to submit itself unto the obeisance of old ROME, from whence it had once happily departed ever since the time that the empire was by Constantine the Great translated thence to them. Thus every one said for himself in particular: thus all men said in general. And thereof the noble men in their assemblies, and the vulgar people in their meetings, grievously complained: whereupon a great sedition and tumult was raised in the city. Some presently took up arms, and the common people all enraged ran furiously disordered unto the palace, with a purpose to have committed some great outrage upon the person of the young emperor Alexius: who in that so sudden an insurrection, as might well have troubled a right constant man, without longer stay resolved upon a most wholesome and necessary point for the appeasing of the people's fury; unto whom (assembled in a wonderful multitude) he showed himself from above in his palace, promising them to remain in their power, and not from thenceforth to do any thing without their advice and liking, but wholly to depend upon them: with which good words the people held themselves well content, and so was the tumult for that time appeased. But forthwith the young emperor considering the injury done unto him, began to burn with the desire of revenge and to change his purpose. He could not together satisfy the citizens and the Latins: for if he would keep his promise with the Latins, he must of necessity offend his own people; neither was there any means to be found to satisfy both the one and the other. 〈◊〉 seeketh 〈◊〉 bring the Latins 〈…〉 city. But thinking himself more bound to keep his promise with the Latins, whose forces he knew not how to withstand, he sent secretly to request the marquess of MONT-FERRAT, general of the army, to send him about midnight certain companies of soldiers into the city, assuring him to receive them in by a gate near unto the palace, which should be opened unto them by certain of his trusty servants there left for that purpose. Of this plot Alexius Ducas (of his bittle brows surnamed Murzufle, whom of a base fellow the emperor Isaac had promoted unto the greatest honours of the court) was not ignorant, who being a man of an aspiring mind, and in these troublesome times having long thirsted after the empire, took now this occasion to work upon. The 〈…〉 in an uprose. The night following, he by his agents, men instructed for the purpose, raised a tumult in the city, not inferior unto that which had happened the day before: and at the same instant, as if he had had nothing to do in the matter, came suddenly unto the young emperor in the dead time of the night (which he might at all times do, by reason of the great confidence the emperor had in him) and with a sad countenance told him, That the people were up again in an uproar, and especially they of his guard, and that they were coming towards him to do him some violence for the love he bore unto the Latins. With which unexpected news the young emperor terrified, demanded of him as of his most faithful counsellor, what were best in that case for him to do? Who presently embracing him in his night gown, lead him out by a secret door into a tent he had of his own in the court, as if he would there have kept him safe: but far was that from his traitorous thoughts; who departing from him, as if he had gone to appease the tumult, had before taken order, That he should presently after his departure, be cast in bonds, and so be clapped up into a close stinking prison. Which done, the false traitor openly showing himself, made an oration unto the people, wherein he showed himself to have great compassion of the Greek empire, & of the Greeks his countrymen themselves, especially in that they were governed by a youth unfit for the government, who suffered himself to be misled according to the pleasure of the Latins. And that it was high time for the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, the seat of the Greek empire, to look about it, and to have an eye unto itself, sith it was betrayed & sold by them which ought to preserve and keep the same: that they had now need of a man that loved his country and countrymen, before that which yet remained of the Grecian name were utterly extinguished by the Latins. This his speech, fitted of purpose unto the humour of the seditious, was received with the great outcry and applause of the windy headed people. Some cried out that he, and none but he, was to be made chief of the common weal that was by them to be established: othersome cried as loud to have him made general of the armies and forces of the state: but the greatest cry was to have him chosen and created emperor; whereunto the rest giving place, he was by the general consent of the tumultuous people, without longer stay, chosen and proclaimed emperor. Alexius the traitor, Murzu●●e attempteth to burn the Venetian fleet. by no lawful election or rightful succession, but only by the fury of the tumultuous people, thus created emperor; was of nothing more careful than how to break the forces of the Latins, of whom only he now stood in dread. And therefore to begin withal, he first attempted by certain galleys filled with pitch, flax, brimstone, and such like matter apt to take fire, to have burnt the Venetian fleet: which galleys so set on fire & carried with a fair gale of wind amongst the fleet, had been like enough to have done great harm, had it not by the wariness of the Venetians been prevented: who being good sea men, & not unacquainted with such devices, easily and without danger avoided the same, by keeping themselves aloof one from another in the sea▪ This fineness sorting to no purpose, he to colour the matter sent certain messengers to the general, and other commanders of the army, to give them to understand that that which was done for the firing of the fleet, had been done without his privity, by the malice of the tumultuous people; and that for his part he would be glad of their favour and friendship, assuring them likewise of his, and promising them to aid them both with men and money, and whatsoever else they should have need of in their wars against the infidels. Whereunto an answer was given by Dandulus the Venetian general, That he would believe it, when Alexis the son of the emperor Isaac, whom the Latins had placed in the empire, should assure them thereof, and entreat for the people, upon whom the fault of that outrage was laid: which answer the more moved the traitorous tyrant, to rid himself clean of the fear of the young prince, by taking him out of the way; to the intent to hinder the people of the hope and great desire they had to grow to some peace with the Latins, by taking him out of prison, and receiving him again for their emperor: For the people (by nature mutable, and not desirous of the good of themselves, but according to the occurrents present, without any great regard of that they have already done, or aught to have done) began now to repent themselves of that they had done against the young emperor Alexis in the favour of the tyrant, and commonly said, That they must find some means, whatsoever it were, to remedy their fault together with their troubles. Wherefore Murzufle fearing this sudden mutation of the people, with his own hands most villainously strangled the young prince Alexis in prison, having as yet not reigned much above six months, and immediately after caused it to be bruited abroad, That the said young prince despairing of his estate, had as a man desperate hanged himself. The tyrant in vain having thus attempted the burning of the fleet, Murzufle encourageth his soldiers. and still fearing the revenging sword of the Latins, resolved now by plain force to meet them in the field, and there to dare them battle. So having made ready and armed the whole strength of the imperial city, he with cheerful speech encouraged his soldiers, requesting them valiantly to maintain and defend their country of Greece, the monuments of their fathers, the glory of their ancestors, their honour present, and the future hope of their posterity: that having before their eyes the walls of their city, within which they were borne, nourished, and brought up in hope of great matters, they would have pity and compassion of their temples, their wives, their children, and in no case to suffer them to fall again into so miserable and wretched a servitude, but rather to die a thousand deaths. And the more to grace this his enterprise taken in hand for the defence of his country (as he would have the world to believe it) with the colour of a superstitious devotion also, he caused the priests in their ecclesiastic attire and ornaments, to march forth in the army, with an ensign, having in it displayed the picture of the Virgin Marie. So courageously marching forward, he first charged that quarter of the camp where Baldwin the county of FLANDERS lay, where at the first was fought a right fierce and doubtful battle. But afterward the alarm running throughout all the camp of the Latins, and new supplies coming in on every side, the greeks were put to the worse, and enforced again to retire into the city, having lost a great number of men, together with their superstitious ensign. It was a wonderful thing to see, with what rare agreement the Latins, being of divers nations, continued this expedition undertaken against the greeks. seventy two days was the city of CONSTANTINOPLE straightly besieged by the Latins both by sea and land, without giving any time of rest or repose day or night unto the besieged, Constantinople hardly besieged. fresh men coming still on to the assault, as the other fell off, and in such sort troubled the greeks in the city, that they knew not well what to do or which way to turn themselves. Constantinople set on fire. The Venetians, unto whom was committed the charge to assault that side of the city which was toward the haven, upon two great galleys made fast together, built a strong tower of wood, higher than the walls and rampires of the town, out of which they both with shot and fireworks much troubled the defendants, wherewith they in the time of the assault approaching the wall, by their fine devices fired that side of the city: by the rage whereof, a great number of houses were burnt, with many other stately buildings and ancient monuments of that famous city: and had at that present gained a great tower near unto the port, destitute of defenders, had not the tyrant himself in good time come with new supplies to the rescue thereof. In like manner, the French, with the rest, assailed the other side of the city by land, where they were to fight not against the defendants only, but against deep ditches, high and strong walls, and bulwarks also: nevertheless, such was the valour and fury of the Latins, with the desire of victory, as that they were not with any difficulties to be dismayed; but pressing still on, by a thousand dangers, at length after a most sharp assault they gained one of the greatest bastillions on that side of the city, called the Angel's tower, and so by plain force opened a way both for themselves and the rest into the city. Whereof Alexius understanding, and struck with present despair both of his state and life, the night now coming on, fled with Euphrosina the emperor Alexius his wife, and Eudocia her daughter, whom he had married when he had reigned about a month and 16 days. The tyrant, author of all this mischief and of the calamities ensuing, thus fled, and the Latins furiously entering; the priests and religious men in their surplices, and other ecclesiastic ornaments, with their crosses and banners (as in solemn procession) met the Latins, and falling down at the soldiers feet, with floods of tears abundantly running down their heavy countenances, besought them, but especially the captains and commanders, to remember the condition of worldly things, and contenting themselves with the victory, the glory, the honour, the empire, the immortality of their name, to abstain from slaughter, from burning, from spoiling and ransacking of so beautiful a city: And that seeing they were themselves men, they would also have pity of men: and being themselves captains and soldiers, they should also have compassion upon captains and soldiers; who although they were not so valiant and fortunate as they were, yet nevertheless were both captains and soldiers: And that they would keep and preserve their city, whereof (if they ruinated it not) they might have much more pleasure and commodity, than if they should destroy the same, which as it had been the principal seat of the Greek empire, so might it now be of the Latins: That seeing they had thereof had a careful regard, as then belonging to another man, they ought now upon better reason to have more care thereof, being their own: That the authors of all these troubles and mischiefs, Alexius the elder, and Murzufle, had already received a reward answerable to their follies, in that they were driven into exile: That they would have pity and compassion of an innocent and unfortunate multitude of poor people, oppressed and grievously tormented with the often tyrannies of their murderous lords and governors: That in so doing, God the Lord of hosts, the giver and guider of battles, the God of mercy, would therefore reward them: To conclude, they humbly besought them to pardon their citizens, to put on the hearts of gracious and merciful lords and fathers, not of enemies and rough masters, of forgivers, not of revengers: and to understand by their tears, their miserable estate and woes passed. With this so humble a submission and complaint of the religious, some of the better sort were happily moved: but with the common soldiers, breathing nothing but victory, with their weapons in their hands, and the spoil of an empire in their power, what availed prayers or tears? every man fell to the spoil, and in so great choice and liberty of all things, fitted his own disordered appetite, without respect of the wrong or injury done to others: only from the effusion of innocent blood they abstained; they whose lives they sought after, being already fled, together with the tyrant. Other injuries and outrages (so great, as that greater could none be) were in every place so rife, that every street, every lane, every corner of the city was filled with mourning and heaviness. There might a man have seen noblemen erst of great honour, and reverend for their hoary hairs, with other citizens of great wealth, thrust out of all they had, walking up and down the city weeping and wring their hands, as men forlorn, not knowing where to shroud their heads. Neither stayed the greedy rage of the insolent soldiers within the walls of men's private houses, but broke out into the stately palaces, temples, and churches of the greeks also, where all was good prize, and nothing dedicated to the service of God, left unpolluted and defaced, no place unsought, no corner unrifled: right lamentable and almost incredible it were to report all the miseries of that time. Nicetas Choniates, annal●um. fol. 180. Some of the Greek Historiographers, men of great mark and place, and themselves eye witnesses and partakers of those evils, have by their writings complained to all posterity, of the insolency of the Latins at the winning of the city, to their eternal dishonour: but that disordered soldiers in all ages in the liberty of their insolent victory, have done such outrages, as honest minds abhor to think upon. Thus Constantinople, the most famous city of the East, the seat and glory of the Greek empire, by the miserable ambition and dissension of the greeks for sovereignty fell into the hands of the Latines the twelfth of April, 1204 in the year 1204, or after the account of others, 1200. CONSTANTINOPLE thus taken, and the tyrants put to flight, the princes and great commanders of the army held a counsel, to consider what were best to be done concerning the city and the new gained empire: for after so great a victory, they thought it not good to raze so ancient and important a city, seated as it were a watch tower upon the theatre of the world, overlooking both ASIA and EUROPE from the one to the other, as an eye of the universal; and so commodiously planted, as was no other city of the world, for the keeping under of the enemies of the Christian Religion: but that it were much better to place there a Latin governor, to establish there the Latin laws and customs, and to unite the Greek church as a member unto the church of ROME. In which consultation, some were of opinion, not to have any more emperors in Christendom but one, and therefore to make choice of Philip the German emperor, author of this war, whose wife Irene was the only daughter and heir of the late emperor Isaac Angelus, unto whom by all right the inheritance of her father's empire belonged. But the greater part, considering that the troubled affairs of GREECE, in so great a change and newness of the empire, had need of the personal presence of a prince, thought it better to make choice of one among themselves, who there still resiant in that place, might at all times give aid unto the Latins in their sacred wars, taken in hand against the infidels: which opinion as the better, was approved of them all. The chief men in this election of the new emperor, were Baldwin county of FLAUNDERS and HAINAULT, Henry his brother, Lewis county of BLOYS, Simon de Montfort, john de Dammartin, Gualther de Brienne, Hugh county of S. Paul, john county of BRENNE, Boniface marquess of MONT-FERRAT, Stephen county of PERCH, and five gentlemen of VENICE: unto whom also were joined two Bishops of SYRIA, the one of BETHLEM, the other of PTOLEMAIS, who had oftentimes come to the camp of the Latins to stir them up for the taking in hand of the sacred war in SYRIA; with two bishops of FRANCE also, namely of SOISSON and TROY in CHAMPAGNE, & the abbot of LEMELY. These great lords and prelates assembled into the church of the holy Apostles, after they had there with great devotion craved of God to inspire them with his spirit, for the choice of a good and just prince fit for so great a charge; with one consent made choice of Baldwin county of FLAUNDERS and HAINAULT for emperor of GREECE: a brave and valiant prince about two and thirty years old, who was afterward the sixteenth day of May in the year 1204 (or after the computation of others in the year 1205) in the great temple of S. Sophia solemnly crowned by Thomas Maur●cenus a Venetian, first Patriarch of the Latins in CONSTANTINOPLE. From which time the Greek church in CONSTANTINOPLE began to receive the rites and ceremonies of the Latins, and to acknowledge the supremacy of the church of ROME. It was not long after that CONSTANTINOPLE was thus taken by the Latins, The Greek empire divided amongst the Latins. but that they dividing their forces without any resistance, took in the most part of the great countries and provinces on EUROPE side, belonging to the Greek empire in the time of Isaac Angelus the late emperor: the fortune of the whole empire, as it were following the fortune of the imperial city. Which large countries so gained from the Greeks, the Latins divided amongst themselves, as good prize taken from their enemies: Unto Baldwin the emperor and his successors in the empire, was assigned the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, and the country of THRACIA, with a limited sovereignty over all the rest of the provinces by the Latins already or afterwards to be gained: Unto the Venetians in this division of the empire, was allotted for their share all the rich islands of the AEGEUM, and IONIAN, with the famous island of CANDIE also; which although it were before by the young emperor Alexis in the beginning of these wars, given unto the marquess of MONT-FERRAT, yet in this division of the empire, it was taken from him (not without his good liking) and given to the Venetians, as for them more fit: In steed and am whereof, the marquess had the city of THESSALONICA with all the kingdom of THESSALY, and a great part of PELOPONESUS assigned unto him, with the royal title of a king. Of the aforesaid islands (in number many and exceeding rich) the Venetians in the name of the state fortified some few of the greatest with convenient garrisons, the rest they left to be possessed and defended by the better sort of the citizens at their private cost and charges; who according to their ability, took into their possession, some one island, some another, and some two or three, one, as they were able to set out their galleys one, two, or more, for the keeping of the same: over all which, the signiory nevertheless had a general care, still keeping a fleet with one of their admiral's at sea; by whom they not only repressed the Genua pirates then busy in those seas, but also took in certain strong towns in the main upon the cost of PELOPONESUS, namely MODON and CORONE; all which they of long time after held as a part of their signiory. Some other particular places, yet parts also of the empire, were given unto particular men; as the dukedom of ATHENS unto one Geffrey of TROY in champaign a Frenchman, a valiant captain, whom they also made prince of ACHAIA: Another dukedom was also given to the county of BLOYS; as were divers other countries and towns also unto other more private men: who nevertheless were bound to hold the same of the emperor, as of their lord, and to pay him yearly a fourth part of the revenue arising thereof towards the maintenance of his state. Yea the greeks themselves in this shipwreck of their state and empire, although they disdained nothing more than the strange government of the Latins, yet could they not be persuaded to join together in so common a calamity, but after their wonted manner sought every man how to share out something for himself, without regard of the common good: one seized upon one strong town or city, and so likewise another; which for all that they held not long, driven thence for the most part by a greater power, either of the Latins, or of their own countrymen. The man whom the discontented Greeks most looked after, was Theodorus Lascaris, the emperor Alexius Angelus his son in law: who at the taking of the city fled to ADRIANOPLE, and afterward into BYTHINIA, where he was of the people, not of that country only, but of others also farther off, joyfully received and honoured as their emperor. So taking into his hands the countries of BYTHINIA, PHRIGIA, MISIA, JONIA, and LYDIA, even from the windings of the famous river MaeANDER Southward, unto the EUXINE sea Northward; he with the general good liking of the people, took upon him the state of an emperor, and so in the renowned city of NICE made the seat of his empire. The beginning of the empire of 〈◊〉 by the Comneni. At the same time also David, and Alexius Comneni, the nephews of the tyrant Andronicus (sometime emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE) by his son Manuel, possessing the more Eastern countries of PONTUS, GALATIA, and CAPADOCIA, erected unto themselves another empire in TRAPEZOND, where their posterity of the honourable house of the Comneni reigned in great glory many years after▪ until their empire, together with the empire of CONSTANTINOPLE, was by the great emperor of the Turks, Mahomet the second, subverted and brought to nought, as shall be afterward in due time and place declared. Thus the Greek empire exposed (as it were) to the general spoil, was no longer one, but many empires: Baldwin reigning in CONSTANTINOPLE, the marquess of MONT-FERRAT in THESSALY, Theodorus Lascaris at NICE, Alexius Comn●nus in TRAPEZOND, & the Venetians in the islands; all in royal dignity. Besides whom were many other ●eller princes, which had here and there according to their ability seized upon some one or other part of the empire, and there erected their Toparchies, reigning therein as petty kings: as did Aldebrandinus in ATTALIA, Michael Angelus in EPIRUS, with divers others too long to rehearse. Baldwin (as is aforesaid) created emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, Hadrianople besieged by the Emperor Baldwin. by the help of the Venetian Admiral Dandulus, and other great commanders of the army, in short time brought under his obeisance all the cities of THRACIA, excepting the city of ADRIANOPLE, whereunto the better sort of the discontented greeks, together with Theodorus Lascaris (disdaining the government of the Latins) were fled, as unto a most safe sanctuary; which Baldwin knowing, and withal desiring whilst yet he had his friends about him, to set his new empire in some good stay, without farther delay came and laid hard siege to the same. Now the Greeks generally evil entreated by the Latins, & grieved to be governed by them, were some of them fled into other their neighbour's princes countries, but especially into BULGARIA, otherwise called MISIA, a large kingdom, lying betwixt the great mountain AEMUS and DANVEIUS: by whose persuasion, john king of that country, aided by the Scythians (a fierce Northern people, but lately come into those quarters) and by the fugitive greeks themselves, took upon him to relieve the besieged city: and so with a great army approaching the same, sent before certain troops of the Scythian archers on horseback, to fetch in such booties of horses or cattle as they should find near unto the emperors camp: and withal commanded them that being charged by the imperials, they should forthwith retire, so to draw them out of their trenches, into the place where the king with the greatest part of his army lay covertly to entrap them. Which the Scythians (well acquainted with such service) so well performed under the leading of one Cozas their general, that having once or twice drawn their enemies unto some light skirmishes, and so retiring, and ere long again with a greater number returning, they at length cunningly drew the emperor with all his army, in hope to do some great matter upon them, even as they wished into the place whereas the king with his army lay in wait among the woods and mountains for them; where they wearied and out of breath in the former pursuit, and now on every side beset with fresh enemies, were overthrown with a great slaughter. In which conflict, to increase the loss, Baldwin the emperor himself was taken and sent prisoner in bonds to TERNOVA: where afterwards by the commandment of the Barbarous king he was most cruelly put to death, having his hands and feet cut off, and so dismembered was cast out into a deep valley, where he yet lay miserably breathing three days after, and so died; leaving his body as fortunes scorn for a prey unto the wild beasts and birds of the air, no man vouchsafing to bury it. Thus perished this worthy prince, for his virtues commended even of the Greeks themselves, being about the age of three and thirty years, and not having reigned yet a full year, in the year of our Lord 1206. The victory thus gained, 1206 & the city relieved, the barbarous king with his savage soldiers having tasted the wealth of the Latins, overthrown in the late battle, and the pleasures of THRACIA, now subject to their lust; greedily pursued their good fortune, without respect of all humanity: the open country they overran, spoiling whatsoever came to hand, the rich and famous cities they rifled, and afterward razed them down to the ground, namely SERRae, PHILIPPOPOLIS, APRI, RHEDESTUM, PERINTHUS, DAONIUM, ARCADIOPOLIS, MESENA, ZURULUS, and ATHYRA: the citizens and country people fled into the cities for refuge, they put all to the sword, without respect of age, sex, or condition, except some few whom they carried away with them prisoners, so that of all the provinces of that rent and ruinated empire, the country of THRACE, was most miserable; as first spoiled by the Latins, and now laid desolate by the Bulgarians and Scythians. Only some few of the strongest cities, as DIDYMOTICHUM and ADRIANOPLE, valiantly defended by the greeks and Latins, escaped this fury of the Barbarians, all the rest that fell into their hands being laid waist and desolate. In this so troubled a State of the new erected Empire of the Latins in CONSTANTINOPLE, Henry second emperor of the Latins in Constantinople● the Latins made choice of Henry the late Emperor Baldwins brother, as of all others the fittest to succeed him in the empire; who aided by the marquess, now king of THESSALY, and the other Latin princes, notably repulsed the Barbarians, and left them not until that at length he had recovered from them all such towns and cities as they had before taken, and driven them quite out of the country, and so well established himself in his new empire. But to leave this dismembered empire, now in the hands of many, and to come nearer unto our purpose: Alexius Angelus the usurper, driven out of the imperial city by the Latins, to save himself, fled into THESSALY, and from thence unto Leo Scurus (than a man of great fame among the greeks) who tyrannising at NAUPLUS, as had his father before him, was in these troublesome times grown greater by surprising of the two famous cities of ARGOS and CORINTH: by whose means he cunningly entrapped Alexius Ducas, surnamed Murzufle the traitor, and for a secret grudge not commonly known, put out his eyes: himself an exiled man being a most heavy enemy unto the other also exiled; and himself thrust out of the empire, a deadly foe unto the other, oppressed with the like calamity. Shortly after which loss of his sight, he was by chance taken by the Latins, and so brought back to CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was for murdering the young emperor Alexius, worthily condemned unto a strange and horrible kind of death: for, cast off from an high tower, and tumbling heels over head downward, he was with the weight of himself, and violence of the fall, crushed all to pieces, and so miserably died: a death too good for such a traitor. Not long after it fortuned also, that Alexius himself wandering up and down in THRACIA, was by the marquess of MONT-FERRAT going against SCURUS, taken and stripped of his great treasure, and whatsoever else he had; and so sent away naked, long time after in beggars estate wandered about in ACHAIA and PELOPONESUS, now far unlike that Alexius which sometime proudly reigned in CONSTANTINOPLE: but such is the assurance of evil gotten honour. He hearing that Theodorus Lascaris, his son in law, reigned in ASIA, and there held the state of an emperor, rejoiced not thereat as a kind father in law, but inwardly grieved thereat as an enemy, sorry that any other but himself should be honoured with the title of the Greek emperor: in which malicious humour he sailing out of GREECE into ASIA over the Aegeum, came secretly unto the Turks Sultan jathatines his old acquaintance, then lying at ATTALIA, (which famous city he had not long before taken from the Christians) unto whom he declared his heavy estate, and how his empire had been rend from him, as well by the greeks as the Latins; requesting, that by his means he might be restored again into some part thereof, especially that in the lesser ASIA, which was by Theodorus Lascaris, together with the honour of the Greek emperor, unjustly (as he said) detained from him. This jathatines, now Sultan of ICONIUM, was the younger son of Sultan Aladin; who not long surviving his father Cai-Chosroe, left his kingdom unto his two sons, Azadin and jassadin, of the greeks called Azatines and jathatines: where long it was not, but that these two brethren falling out for the sovereignty (which admitteth no equality) jathatines was by Azatines' his elder brother driven into exile, and for the safeguard of his life glad to fly unto this Alexius, then reigning at CONSTANTINOPLE, by whom he was honourably entertained, and as some write, converted and baptised. But Azatines the Sultan shortly after dying, this jathatines returning home again, and renouncing the Christian religion, was by the Turks received for their Sultan: of whom the emperor Alexius in like extremity now craveth aid. The Sultan not forgetful of his own troubles before passed, or of the kindness he had received, and moved with the pitiful complaint of his old friend, together with his large offers, beside that he was in hope to share out some good part of whatsoever he got for himself; took him into his protection, and forthwith sent ambassadors to Lascaris, threatening unto him all extremities, except he did forthwith give place unto Alexius his father in law, unto whom as unto the Greek emperor, those countries which were by him possessed, of right (as he said) appertained. With which unexpected message, Theodorus was not a little troubled, as fearing both the Sultan's power, and the inclination of the people to their old emperor. Nevertheless, having propounded the matter in counsel, and finding the minds of his subjects well affected towards him, and a readiness in them in his quarrel to adventure their lives; he encouraged therewith, accompanied only with two thousand choice horsemen, together with the Sultan's ambassador, without farther stay set forward to PHILADELPHIA: the Sultan at the same time with Alexius (whom he carried with him as a bait to deceive the people withal) and twenty thousand Turks, Antioch besieged by jathatines'. besieging the city of ANTIOCH, situate upon the winding banks of the river MEANDER. Which the emperor Theodorus well understanding, and that the Sultan by gaining that strong city (standing upon the passage of the great river, the bounder of his empire) should open a fair way for himself into the heart of ROMANIA ASIATICA, to the great hazard of his whole empire, resolved with those few he had, to do what he might to relieve his city. And so setting forward upon the spur, carrying nothing with him more than a little victual: and now come near unto the city, sent before the Sultan's ambassador, following him at the heels. Who coming unto the Sultan, and telling him of the emperors approach with so small a power, could hardly persuade him that it was so, although he bound it with many oaths: yet at length persuaded of the truth of the matter, and that indeed it was so, he in all hast put his army in the best order he could upon such a sudden, but not to his best advantage, being hindered so to do, by the straightness of the place wherein he lay. Of the two thousand select horsemen in the emperors army, were eight hundred Italians, all most resolute men, who giving the first charge, broke through the midst of the Sultan's army, disordering his whole battle as they went; after whom followed also the Greeks, though not with like courage: but those Italian horsemen now divided from the rest, & in number but few, in coming back again, were by the disordered Turks, some on horseback, some on foot, so beset on every side, as that there was no way left for them to pass, but there valiantly fight were altogether slain, having both before and at the time of their death, made such a slaughter of the Turks, as is hardly to be believed to have been possible for so few men to have made. The greeks also hardly laid to by the Turks, and discouraged by the slaughter of the Latins, were even upon the point to have fled: when as the Sultan, now almost in possession of a certain victory, descrying the Greek emperor, jathatines' the Sultan slain by Theodorus Lascaris the Greek emperor. and trusting to his own great strength, singled him out, being as ready as himself to meet him; when as at the first encounter, the Sultan with his horseman's mase gave him such a bl●w upon the head, as might have killed a bull, so that the emperor therewith astonished, fell down from his horse: who yet even in the fall coming something again unto himself, and although dismounted, yet quickly recovering his feet, with his falchion hoxed the hinder legs of the mare whereon the Sultan rid, being a most beautiful beast and of a wonderful height; which now suddenly faltering under him, and so the Sultan tumbling down as from an high tower, before he could recover himself, had his head cut off by the emperor: which by and by put upon a lance, and so holden up, with the sight thereof so dismayed the Turks, that strucken with a sudden fear, they presently fled, leaving the victory unto the emperor, before more than half overcome: who for all that considering his small number, durst no farther pursue them, but entering the city, gave thanks to God for so great a victory. Unto whom the Turks shortly after sent their ambassadors, and so upon such reasonable conditions as it pleased him to set down, concluded with him a peace. Alexius himself, author of these troubles, taken in this battle and carried to NICE, was by the emperor his son in law, notwithstanding his evil deserts, well entreated and used. Whilst the Latins thus spend those forces in subverting of the Greek empire, which should have been employed for the relief of the Christians in SYRIA; and that the Greek emperor Liscaris was thus troubled with the Turks; the affairs of the Christians in SYRIA and the Holy land, grew still worse and worse. Whereof the knights Hospitalers and Templars (the chief champions of the Christian religion in those countries) greatly blamed Americus the king of CYPRUS, for that he being so near at hand, and having married Isabella, the heir of that kingdom, and so in her right taken upon him the title of the king of JERUSALEM, gave himself wholly to pleasure, doing nothing for the defence or relief of the poor distressed Christians, or repressing of the Turks: who although they were yet in league with the Christians there, and at some discord also among themselves, yet spared not, as occasion served, still more and more to encroach upon them, and by building of new castles & fortresses, to cut them short. Of all which things, the aforesaid knights by their ambassadors certified Innocentius the Pope, requesting his fatherly care for the remedy thereof; certefying him withal, That there was yet living one Mary, the daughter of the marquess of MONT-FERRAT, a lady of rare beauty, whom they as her tutors, had brought up in hope of the kingdom; and now were ready to bestow her upon some such man as he should think worthy of her, together with the right she had unto the kingdom. Hereupon Innocentius discharging Almericus of the title of the kingdom of JERUSALEM, gave it to john county de Brenne of DAULPHINIE in FRANCE, a man of great fame and valour, then in arms with the other Latin princes against the Greeks. john Brenne by Innocentius the Pope appointed king of Jerusalem. Who now returning home, commended his earldom to his brother, and with such power as he was able to make, setting forward, came first to VENICE, where he was royally entertained: and from thence sailing to CONSTANTINOPLE, was with like honour received by the emperor Henry, and so at length the fifth of September arrived at PTOLEMAIS in SYRIA, where he was with the great rejoicing and applause of the people received as their king. And the last of the same month marrying the aforesaid lady Marie at tire, was there together with her with great solemnity crowned king in the year 1209: 1209 which Almericus the old king of CYPRUS hearing, shortly after died for grief. Neither wanted this noble gentleman, thus honoured with the title of a kingdom, some that envied at his promotion, and therefore commonly called him in derision, a king, but still with this addition, Sans Ville, that is to say, without a town. Now was the ten years peace before taken betwixt the Turks and the Christians in SYRIA, at the coming over of Simon marquess of MONT-FERRAT (as is before declared) almost expired: which had not so much given to those poor remnants of the Christians some time of rest and breathing, as had the discord of the Turks among themselves; which having by the space of nine years continued betwixt Noradin and Saphadin for the sovereignty, was now by the death of Saphadin ended. Noradin contenting himself with the government of ALEPPO: Corradin and Meledin divide their father's kingdom betwixt them. and Corradin and Meledin, the two sons of Saphadin, dividing their father's kingdom betwixt them, the one taking unto himself DAMASCUS and SYRIA, and the other the great kingdom of EGYPT, but all enemies unto the Christians. About this time also, or not long after, Innocentius tertius, yet Pope, summoned a general counsel to LATERAN, whereunto besides a multitude of great bishops and other reverend prelate's, repaired also the honourable ambassadors of most of the princes of Christendom: unto whom so assembled, among other things was propounded the dangerous estate of the Christians in SYRIA, and how the same was by the help of the Christian princes of the West to be relieved. Whereunto all the fathers and princes there assembled, easily gave their consent: and thereupon were some appointed in every country and province to publish this decree of the Counsel, for the relief of the oppressed Christians, and to stir up the devout people for the undertaking of so religious a war. The chief furtherers of this sacred expedition (to be thus taken in hand against the infidels) were the bishops of GERMANY, especially the three great bishops of METS, CULLEN, and TRIVERS, whose example moved also many others, all which to rehearse were tedious. Out of FRANCE also were sent Henry the county of NIVERS, and one Gualther, the kings great chamberlain, with a great number of the gallant youths of FRANCE, and so out of divers other places also: So that at length such a number of men were met together at divers ports of the adriatic, as made up a fleet of two hundred sail: which with a prosperous wind carried over into SYRIA, arrived in safety at PTOLEMAIS, the chief city of the Christians, now that JERUSALEM was lost. After whom followed also Andrew, king of HUNGARY, long before bound both by his father's commandment and his own promise, for the undertaking of that sacred expedition: with whom came also Lewis duke of BAVARIA, and Leopold duke of AUSTRIA, with their forces all well appointed: unto whom also, john king of JERUSALEM joined himself with his power. Great hope and expectation there was of some great matter to have been done, now that so great forces of the Christians were thus met together. Who setting forward from PTOLEMAIS, & the first day marching into GALILEE, by the way met with certain companies of the Turks, whom they easily overthrew & put to flight. The next day they came to the river of JORDAN, where they also distressed certain of the Turks garrisons. There the king of HUNGARY bathing himself in the river, forthwith (as one discharged of his vow & promise) returned with all his power unto PTOLEMAIS, & so from thence back again into his country, all the rest of the army of the Christians crying out unto him to the contrary: who after the king's departure still marching on, came to the mount THABOR. But shortly after, winter now coming on, and many of their cattle dying for cold and want of meat, they returned some to PTOLEMAIS, some to tire, and there wintered. King john and the duke of AUSTRIA in the mean time took a castle betwixt CAESAREA and CAIPHA, called The castle of Pilgrims, from whence they much troubled the Barbarians thereabouts, all that winter. Upon the appearance of the Spring, and the army again met together, it was thought best by all the great commanders (that for so much as the kingdom of EGYPT was the chief maintenance of the Mahometan superstition against the Christians in those parts; and that so long as it stood upright, they should not be able to do any great matter in SYRIA) to attempt the conquest thereof, as an exploit best beseeming their valour, and so great preparations: for that that kingdom being once subdued, the city of JERUSALEM with all the land of PALESTINE, would of themselves without more ado yield unto them. And for as much as the famous city of DAMIATA, called in ancient time PELUSIUM, not much inferior to ALEXANDRIA, was the first and most commodious port for their purpose, as nearest unto SYRIA; and that by the taking thereof, they should have a fair entrance into the great river NILUS, with the command of a most rich and pleasant country about it: they resolved there to begin the war: and thereupon embarking themselves with all things necessary for so great an enterprise at PTOLEMAIS, and carried with a fair wind, they in short time arrived at the desired port. The situation of Damiata in Egypt. Now that rich and ancient city, the key of that side of the kingdom, stood about a mile from the sea, & somewhat distant also from the great river, environed with a navigable ditch or cut, drawn out of the Nile, in manner of an island as a man cometh from SYRIA by land; and compassed about with three strong stone walls, the work of the good emperor Aelius Pertinax, and of him as some affirm called also AELIOPOLIS. At the mouth of this cut, as you should enter unto the city, stood a strong watch-towre for the defence thereof, and round about it a number of fair houses in manner of a pretty town entrenched. Beside that, for the more safety thereof, the same cut was barred with a great strong iron chain, in such sort as that it was not possible for any ship, without breaking of the same, to enter. The Christians with their fleet entering the mouth of the river, and coming to this cut, by great strength broke the chain▪ but thinking so to have made their passage unto the city, they found a greater stay at the watchtower, which strongly built of square stone, and well stored with warlike engines of all sorts, and a good garrison of valiant soldiers, stayed their further passage, overwhelming them as they approached, with shot, fire, stones, timber, and such like, before provided for that purpose. The Christians (after the manner of the fight of that time) had upon certain flat vessels built certain high towers of wood for the assailing of the watchtower: in the approaching whereof, they were not only troubled with the enemy, but with the tumult and stir of their own people also; some crying that they should yet draw nearer unto the tower; othersome crying out as fast, to have the bridges cast out, thereby to enter: and the enemy likewise with much clamour encouraging one another for the repulsing of the Christians. So the soldiers hindered the mariners to do their business, and the mariners the soldiers. In the midst of this hurly burly and tumult, one of the wooden towers surmounting the rest in height, overcharged with the press of men, fell, and in falling made such a noise, as if heaven itself had fallen, where in a moment (as it were) was presently to be seen a most heavy spectacle: many overwhelmed with the falling of the tower lay there crushed to death; some grievously hurt, and yet not dead, lay oppressed with the timber, crying out for help; others bruised or hurt, but not overwhelmed, for fear of further harm, leapt some into the NILE, some aboard the other ships near by, some crying out of his arm, some of his leg, some of his head or other part of his body, to the great discomfiture of the rest, in so much that the assault was for that time given over. King john (as well for his valour as for the title of the king of JERUSALEM, chosen general of the army) after he had appeased this tumult, and given the charge of them that were maimed or hurt, unto skilful surgeons, & buried the bodies of such as were found drowned or overwhelmed; with cheerful speech encouraged the rest of his soldiers, persuading them not to be discouraged with the accident of the fall of a tower, which was neither to be imputed to their cowardice, or the valour of the enemy, but only to the chance of war. In the mean time Meledin the Egyptian Sultan, had with a great army encamped himself within the sight of DAMIATA, thereby to encourage the besieged, and to fill them with hope of relief: sending them oftentimes by the river, news, messages, victuals, soldiers, armour, and whatsoever else they wanted. The chief cause of his staying there, was to take occasion for the surprising of the Christians, if any should be offered, either by chance or their own negligence. Every day some skirmish or other passed betwixt our men and the Barbarians, our men still carrying away the victory: yet could these Barbarians neither be drawn forth unto battle, neither could our men keep them from victuals; for as much as they had the river of NILE at command, whereby victuals were out of the upper part of EGYPT in great abundance conveyed into the Sultan's camp: Whereas on the contrary part, the same river dividing itself into many arms, in some places here and there overflowing, in another cut into many ditches and channels, and in some other penned up by walls and causies, gave unto our men a thousand displeasures. And therefore seeing that the Sultan would neither give nor accept of battle, they resolved again to lay siege to the tower. Wherefore having with great cunning upon two ships made fast together, framed a tower of most strong timber, equal in height unto the watchtower, they brought the same near unto the Turks tower, and the suburbs adjoining thereunto, after which followed also all the rest of the fleet well appointed for the assault. At which time all the rest of the army at land, stood in battle ready ranged, as well to discourage them of the town, as that the Sultan should not be able to help them without the hazarding of battle. There began a fierce and cruel assault; they of the suburbs right valiantly defending themselves against their enemies. Within these suburbs, the tower, and the trenches, dwelled not only Egyptians (the natural inhabitants of the country) but also Arabians, Persians, Syrians, Indians, Moors, and Aethyopians, who were there resiant, for that, that city was a public mart whereunto all kind of merchandise were brought from far out of the remotest parts of the world, and so from thence in like manner transported also: which encouraged them the more to fight for the defence of their lives and goods, the two things which men hold most dear: and in like sort animated our men unto the assault, as well in the quarrel of the Christian religion, as to enrich themselves with the spoil of those rich nations. The Christians with their ships drew as near as possibly they could unto the land, to the intent that upon the bank of the river, they might come to fight hand to hand, and man to man, and so come close unto their enemies. But the Barbarians on the other side, sought by shot and all other means they could to keep them farther off, and so from landing. A desperate act of a Christian. That which most feared the Egyptians, was that as one of our ships by chance ran a ground upon that side of the river where the enemy lay, and being boarded by the enemy, thronging in as fast as he could, and there making a cruel slaughter: one of the Christian soldiers going down under the hatches, made there a great hole, whereby the water abundantly coming in, sunk the ship before the enemy was aware, and so drowned a great number of the Egyptians, together with the Christians. At which time also the high tower built upon the two ships, joining now close unto the watchtower, and mating the same, dismayed the defendants with the strangeness thereof, as with a miracle, in such sort, that they strucken with a great fear, as now being to fight with a strange, hardy, and cruel kind of men, without any great resistance forsook the tower and fled. The watch-towre thus taken, and they that should have defended the same, some slain, and some fled: they in the suburbs discouraged, and flying away were many of them wounded from above out of the watch-towre, but now gained by the Christians. At which time also the other ships landed the soldiers, who entering the suburbs, put all they found there to the sword, even unto the last man. There was found great abundance of victuals, but far greater store of riches, in so much that it seemed to have been the spoil of ARABIA, PERSIA, and the rich INDIES. Damiata in vain assaulted. Now yet remained the strong town of DAMIATA, which was forthwith assaulted by the Christians, more to prove if in that heat and sudden fear it would be yielded, than for any hope they had by force to win it. But having done what they could both by scaling and by other engines, they gained nothing but hard blows and wounds, and so retired. Nevertheless, they lodged themselves in the suburbs, and laid a great part of the army betwixt the Sultan and the besieged city, to the intent that no supply or victuals should be brought unto it; yet both the enemy oftentimes attempted to have entered the city, and the besieged to have sallied out, but both the one and the other were letted to do what they would have done, and that not without the great loss of their men: for why, the town was now on every side so enclosed by the Christians, as that no man could enter in or out thereof. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege, it fortuned that the river of NILE swelling with a great Eastern wind, rise above the banks, and so overflowed the places wherein the Christians lay, that they could keep nothing dry, and that most part of their victuals were therewith spoiled. With which unseasonable rising of the river the Christians not a little troubled, by commandment of Pelagius the Pope's legate, gave themselves to fasting and prayer, by the space of three days: But the wind falling the fourth day, and the river again decreasing, they gave themselves more earnestly to prayer than before, thanking the Almighty, that as he had put them in a great fear, so he had in mercy again comforted them. Now with long lying began victuals to grow scant in the Sultan's camp, so that he was glad to send away half of his army up again into the country of CAIRO. At which time also it chanced (as if it had been in an extreme and common danger of the Mahometan superstition) that ambassadors sent from Corradin Sultan of DAMASCUS and JERUSALEM, unto the princes of the Christian army, came to sue for peace, both for himself and his brother the Egyptian Sultan; promising in regard thereof again to restore unto them the Holy cross, and whatsoever else himself, his father, or Sultan Saladin had before taken from them: of which their offer, most part of the army liked well, saying, That they had therefore taken up arms for the recovery of that which had been before gotten, and gained by the valour of the worthy Christian captains, and had of late been taken from them; and to blot out the ignominy of the loss thereof to the end it should not be said, that they could not leave whole and entire unto their children, what their fathers had got, when they had the keeping thereof; neither having lost it, be able again to recover it: A fair offer evil refused. that all these things being restored, there rested not any further occasion of war, or let to stay them as most victorious conquerors to return home. Nevertheless Pelagius, Pope Honorius his Legate (for Innocentius in the preparation of the wars was before dead at PERUSIUM) with king john, the masters of the knights Hospitalars and Templars, the duke of AUSTRIA, and the Germans, were of opinion to the contrary: alleging, That this sacred war was undertaken generally against the infidels, and for religions sake against the Mahometan superstition, whereof the kingdom of EGYPT was the chief seat and stay; and that therefore they ought especially to impugn that. Which persuasion, together with the authority of the persuaders, so prevailed, that the Sultan's large offers were rejected, and so the ambassadors dispatched without any thing obtained of that they came for. Whereupon Corradin fearing that the Christians would at length come to JERUSALEM, as the place they most desired; and doubting how he should be able to defend the same, forthwith razed the walls thereof, and the more to deface it, overthrew and plucked down most of the goodly houses, and other stately buildings therein, sparing yet the Tower of David and the Holy Sepulchre; which he is said to have done at the humble request and intercession of the Christians of divers countries, which yet dwelled there mixed with the Turks and Saracens. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of DAMIATA, the plague began to arise in the camp, whereof so many died, that it began to repent the great commanders of the army that they had so much hearkened to the persuasion of the Legate (a man making no profession of arms) rather than to the sound advise of others, who by long experience taught the sudden alteration of matters of war, would willingly have accepted of the Sultan's large offers: So began Pelagius the Legate to be generally evil spoken off. Succours sent unto the besieged. There were now already six months passed since the beginning of the siege, and the Sultan lying in sight had not with him so great an army as before, but only the flower and choice of his people, having (as we have before said) for want of victuals sent away the rest up again into the country. Now it fortuned that the Christians, as men weary of the long siege, stood not so carefully upon their guard, with watch & ward, as before, but gave themselves more to ease: which the Sultan perceiving, drew nearer unto the town, in hope under the covert of the silent night, to send new supplies unto the besieged; which companies by him appointed for that service, courageously set forward, in hope to have deceived the Christian sentinels, and so indeed came near unto the town unseen or discovered. And now the foremost of those companies were already entered the town; when the Christians perceiving them, and raising an alarm, put themselves in arms, and so furiously assailed the hindermost of them, and in such sort, that they which were before within, and those that were but now entered, fearing lest the enemy in that hurly burly should pell-mell enter in with the r●st, shut them out of the gates, exposed to the butchery, where they were all presently cut in pieces. The Christians encouraged with this victory, the next day leaving a great part of the army before the town to continue the siege, presented themselves before the Sultan's camp to give him battle: who for all that well considering that the loss of a battle might endanger the whole state of his kingdom, would by no means be drawn out of his trenches, but lay still; wherewith the Christians, especially the Frenchmen (in their first charge naturally furious) greatly encouraged, attempted to have forcibly entered their rampires, but not with success answerable to their courage. For the Egyptians perceiving the small number of their enemies, notably repulsed them, and in fine enforced them to retire, having lost Gualther one of their chief commanders, with divers others: yea king john in assailing the camp, lost many of his men, & grievously burnt in his face, hardly escaped himself with life. After which discomfiture they resolved not to think of any thing else but of the siege, & above all things to provide that no succours should be brought unto the town. They in the city more straightly beset & besieged than before, & now brought unto extreme necessity & famine, & out of all hope of relief, assembled themselves to consult of their affairs, and what were best for them to do in so dangerous a state: Some one or other of them by night or otherwise secretly flying into the camp. And that more was, the city had undoubtedly been yielded by the greater part, had not the chief commanders within mured up the gates, and commanded that none of the inhabitants upon pain of death should come upon the walls, or rampiars, to the intent they should not get out or cast themselves from above over the walls into the ditches. The chief commanders and captains went here and there up and down the city, to search and view all things, especially the shops and storehouses, where finding small store of Wheat, they divided it in small portions among themselves: the common people enforced with want, eat whatsoever came to hand, were it lawful or unlawful, or forbidden by their superstition, wholesome or unwholesome, good or bad, salt or fresh, roasted or raw; and so prolonged their lives with such things as they could find. Now the besieged, not able to endure these extremities of the Famine (being the passion that most grievously and often troubleth mankind) they were also attached with the wrath of God: for the Plague (the fury whereof had before attainted the camp of the Christians, and afterward quite ceased) was now got into the city, where it made a great slaughter: which mortality day by day in such sort increased, that men were not only now no more to be found, to visit, comfort, succour, serve, and help the sick; but were wanting also to bury them, to draw them out of their beds and houses, and to separate the living from the dead: the streets and houses full of dead bodies, gave forth a most horrible stink, with a most grievous and infectious air: there was not any place clear from the plague, or any man that could boast that he had not been attainted therewith, or the fear thereof; and remedy was there none. The rage and fury of these two devourers, the Famine, and Plague, devoured them without number, choosing rather so to die, than to submit themselves unto their enemies; or to humble themselves so low, as to crave their favour. That they within were thus pinched with famine, the Christians knew: but that the plague so raged among them, they knew not. Now the Christians had of purpose cast up certain trenches and baricadoes, for the keeping in of such as the famine should enforce to come out of the town; thinking that the besieged, to ease their wants, would thrust the base sort of the people and unprofitable mouths out of the city, unto whom the Christians meant not to give any passage: for they having long before so straightly environed the city, as that no relief could be brought unto it, lay now still expecting when the besieged, enforced by necessity, should yield themselves; and so without loss of any man, to become masters of so strong and rich a town. It was now more than a year that the Christians had thus lain at the siege of DAMIATA, when as certain of the soldiers upon a bravery adventured with a few scaling ladders to mount the wall: in which doing, finding no resistance, and withal hearing so great silence, as if there had been no body within the city; they stood still a great while hearkening, but seeing that dumb silence still to continue, they returned unto the camp, giving the captains to understand how the matter stood; who at the first thought it to be some policy and fineness of the deceitful enemy: yet afterward they thought it good to adventure certain men, to prove their fortune, and to cause certain companies well appointed to scale one of the bulwarks of the city, in such sort, as if they should have gone against a puissant enemy, D●●●ata without resistance 〈◊〉 by the Christians. that had had the power to resist them. And hereupon were scaling ladders brought forth, and all things made ready, as for a great assault. So the Christians courageously mounting the ladders, without resistance took the bulwark. But as they were entering farther into the town, a small company of the Turks and Barbarians (all the soldiers that the fury of the plague had left, and they also with the famine and infection of the air very weak and feeble) met them, and began to make some small resistance, but to no purpose, being forthwith all cut in pieces. Which done, the matter wherewith the gates of the city were mu●ed, was presently removed, the gates set open, and the Christians with ensigns displayed let in. But even at the very entering in at the gates, D●ama●a 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉. they were attainted with a most grievous and horrible stink, they saw a fair city dispeopled, and that which was most fearful to behold, the streets covered with bodies of the dead, and such a dreadful desolation, as might move even the enemy himself to compassion. The Christians were entered, as men appointed to have done a great execution, and to have made the channels run with blood, as men justly provoked with the long siege and the pains they had endured; they had their swords and weapons in their hands, but found none against whom to use them: for a man could not enter into any house, or go into any street, but he must pass over the dead, or others which being not yet altogether dead, were miserably drawing toward their end. Of seventy thousand persons in the city, were not found above three thousand alive, and those for the most part yet young children: for all the rest were dead, taken away either with the sword, famine, or the plague; the greatest part whereof lay yet stinking above the ground unburied. These three thousand that were left, were so maugre and poor, that pity it was to behold them: unto whom their lives were granted, upon condition that they should make clean the city, and bury the dead, which they were three months in doing. Thus was DAMIATA taken by the Christians the fifth day of November, 1221 in the year 1221, after it had been more than a year by them besieged. The spoil there taken was great, for besides the rich merchandise brought thither from far, was found great store of gold, silver, and precious stones. The Christians thus enriched (and the city made clean) stayed there more than a year after, as in a Colony wherein they had been willing to dwell, forgetful of their own country. In the beginning of these wars, the princes of the army had with one consent agreed, That whatsoever city or territory should by them be taken from the Turks or Infidels, should be given unto the king of JERUSALEM, whom after the departure of the king of HUNGARY they had made general of the whole army. But now that the city was taken, Pelagius the legate, pretending, That by the virtue of his legation, it belonged unto him to dispose of all things taken in that sacred war, (as a man not unmindful of his master) adjudged the city from thenceforth to belong unto the See of ROME: With which indignity & wrong, the king inwardly discontented (and yet for the authority of the Legate, dissembling the matter) withdrew himself, and so retired to PTOLEMAIS. The year following, 1222 Pelagius weary to see the arms of the Christians to corrupt with rust, and nothing doing: considering the desire and hope he had utterly to have ruinated the infidels, together with their superstition, commanded, That every man should again take up arms for the prosecuting of this war against the Sultan, and the besieging of CAIRO. But for all that, when he had commanded what he would, or could, the soldiers little regarding his command, with one voice cried out, That they would not be commanded by any, but by the king of JERUSALEM only. So that the Legate, enforced by the soldiers, was glad to send unto the king, to request him to return again unto DAMIATA, and to take upon him the charge for the managing of that war, taken in hand for the defence of the Christian religion: who for all that excused himself from so doing, one while by his own particular affairs, another while by his own indisposition: yet in fine, pressed and overcome with the prayers and requests of the other Latin princes, he returned to DAMIATA, at the self same time that the duke of BAVARIA arrived there with a goodly company of brave men, brought thither out of his own country, after he had been now from thence ten months absent. The Legate desirous of the prosecution of this war, Pelagius the Legate persuadeth the princes of the Christian army to proceed for the conquest of Egypt. requested and urged the king, with the rest of the princes and great commanders, without delay to take the field, telling them, That the enterprise of the Holy war was grown old, and cold, by those long delays and protracting of the time: and that they which kept wars so far from home, aught to make haste to force the enemy, to take all occasions to lose no time but ever to be doing, and to prove all things for the annoying of the enemy: and that that was the way, whereby the worthies of ancient times, both kings and emperors, had gained unto themselves empire's, glory, greatness, and wealth: That it was for them that were invaded and assailed, upon whose lives depended the safety of their country, their wives, their children, and goods, to delay and prolong the time as they might, to delude the enemy, to frustat his designs, to defeat his attempts, and with delays to dally him off, until that having thereby weakened his forces, he should together with his courage lose also his hope: CAIRO (he said) to be indeed a great city, but yet that the greatest cities that ever were, had by wars become great deserts, forced by the power of their puissant and speedy enemies: And that great empires, as were those of the Sultan's, ought not to be invaded or assailed by any foreign force, if they were not at the first onset overthrown, or at leastwise so weakened, as that they could not afterwards lift up their heads or recover themselves; for otherwise, that they which had prepared a destruction for others, should fall into the same themselves: That it behoved either not to have attempted or assailed EGYPT at all; or else now after it had been once assailed, not so to give it over before it were conquered. The king of JERUSALEM, whether it were that he were pricked with the grief, That being called the king of the Holyland, he could not have the city of DAMIATA (under his leading and conduct won by the Christians come to the sacred war) given unto him by the Legate; or that he had before proved that the higher country of AEGY●T was not without great and manifest danger to be attempted; said, That that he would not in any case go: alleging that honourable and sacred war to have been taken in hand, only for the recovery of the Holy land, and not for the winning of MEMPHIS, BABYLON, or THEBES in EGYPT; which after they were taken, would not for any long time continue in their fidelity or allegiance, and could not possibly be kept by force: Whereas SYRIA, by Godfrey of BUILLON and the other great princes his associates, entered into, conquered and possessed; and since his time, by divers other Christian kings and princes holden, was in right their own: And that therefore he greatly commended the forwardness, the diligence, the courage, the desire, and whatsoever thing else Pelagius commended: but that he ought to employ the same in SYRIA, and not there where no need was, or from whence no profit was to be drawn or expected. Nevertheless the Legate wedded to his own opinion, by the power of his authority, commanded the king of JERUSALEM, the duke of BAVARIA, with the rest of the great commanders and captains, to take up their arms and to get them into the field upon the expedition by him appointed against the Sultan; threatening the pain of the high sentence of excommunication against him or them, that should ●hew themselves backward or unwilling to do what he had commanded. So as it were enforced by the Legate, they began with evil will and worse speed to set forward in August, in the very hottest time of the year. At which time the Sultan beholding the great army of the Christians, in number about seventy thousand, retired as a man afraid into such places as he thought best, farther off: which the Legate seeing (as one not acquainted with the feats of war) rejoiced greatly, as if the victory had been already more than half gained; commending unto the heavens them that he saw courageously marching forward, saying, That fortune always favoured the valiant, and that unto cowards all things fell still out to the worst. By the way the Christians ceized upon a bridge, which the enemy had made over the NILE, and cut in pieces such companies as were left for the keeping thereof. So marching on, they drew near unto CAIRO, and there in the sight of that great and 〈◊〉 city, encamped: where running up and down, the more to terrify them of the city, provoked them to battle, upbraiding unto them their laziness, their cowardice, and sloth, braving them (〈◊〉 they were men) to come out: Yet for all that, they would not so do, but keeping themselves 〈◊〉 and covert within the city, let them alone to brag and boast at their own pleasure. This 〈◊〉 continued long, of purpose protracted still from day to day by them of the city: and the gr●at opinion the Christians had of their own valour, with the small regard they had of their enemies, made them so proud and careless, that they remembered no more to take good care of the war, of their duty, their watch, or their sentinels: their confidence was in their own valour and good fortune, not considering or remembering that they were come into EGYPT, and that they had put themselves within the trenches, sallies, channels, and cuts, of a deceitful river, which not only brought victuals unto their enemies, but also fortified them; who by how much they were the les●e valiant and less understood of the art of war, the more they used of craft and subtlety for the preserving of themselves. So the crafty enemies drew the Christians out at length, abusing them with many delays and deceits; making semblance of great fear, to make themselves the less to be feared; and more contemptible in their doings, to the end that they knowing the passages and straits of the country, and reserving themselves unto the occasions and advantages both of the time, and of their enemies, might cirumvent them and entrap them at such time as they lest feared any such matter. The Christians, at all adventure had encamped themselves in a low ground, within the banks and causies of that fenny country, under the covert thereof, thinking themselves safe as in their tenches, against all sudden sallies or attempts of their enemies. But these places wherein they lay, were soft and du●tie, for so much as the country people used at their pleasure to water them by channels & sluices out of the river of NILE: which now plucked up and opened, the river began to rise and overflow all. Then too late they perceived themselves taken as in a grin, without power to defend themselves, or to make any resistance, or by any other means to show their valour. So the river still arising and overflowing▪ gave unto the Turks and Egyptians good hope of their wars, and of a victory more desired than hoped for over a warlike and victorious people. All the ground where the Christians lay encamped, was covered with water, so high that the victuals were corrupted, and no place left for a man to stand or lie dry in. Now at the same time the Egyptians had taken the high places, with the passages upon the walls and banks in that drowned country, to the intent that the Christians should not be able to retire or to save themselves out of the bogs and marshes covered over with water. So was their rash valour and presumptuous confidence in themselves, exposed unto the enemies shot and fury; and when they would by force have defended themselves, their hardiness was overcome by the crafty subtlety of the weak enemy. Then began every man to cry out against Pelagius the Legate, accusing, condemning, and railing at him: the king himself they blamed not, for that he had done his duty, in dissuading of this expedition, and was contrary to his good liking himself drawn into this war, the charge whereof he had not without great entreaty taken upon him: neither might he with his credit well complain of this misfortune, lest in so doing, he might seem to have had no comfort in himself. But as for the Legate, what counsel could he then give, what counsel could he then take for himself? They of VENICE, PISA, and GENUA, left at DAMIATA, were indeed strong at sea, but how could they come to relieve him at CAIRO? And how, or by what forces could the Christians break out of the banks and sluices of the cuts and channels; The misery of the Christians in the drowned land. which winding in and out with a thousand inextricable turnings, enclosed them, beset also on every side with the victorious enemy. After they had been thus cooped up, and environed with the waters three days, you might have seen the poor soldiers in every place fall down dead for want of food and sleep, and so perish in the water; the like miserable kind of death, the rest were also in short time after to expect: other help was there none but to yield unto necessity, and to accept of such conditions as it should please the proud enemy to propound. Now the Sultan desired not so much their lives, as the liberty of his country: and therefore required to have the city of DAMIATA again restored unto him, and all things else in such sort as was before the besieging thereof: and so the Christians without more ado to depart his country. Hard conditions, if a man respect the hope whereupon the Christians had undertaken this war, and were so come into EGYPT, with the toil by them there endured: but unto him that will but enter into the consideration of men's affairs, and especially in martial matters, it will seem but an accident to be yielded unto, the like whereof hath oftentimes happened unto the greatest men of the world. These conditions (such as they were) were by the distressed Christians accepted of. But when they were brought to DAMIATA, and there propounded unto the Christians there left, a great contention began to arise among them: Some said that they would not accept of them, or surrender the town, which being kept would be a stay for all the affairs of the Christians in the East, and a most commodious place for them to have recourse unto; but being restored and lost, carried away with it all the hope of the Christians, and that therefore it were better to endure all extremities than to receive such dishonourable and hurtful a peace. Others of the contrary opinion said, That they ought not to forsake them that were in danger before CAIRO, nor to expose them unto the butchery, but to have a Christian compassion of so many thousands of souls as there lay distressed, seeing they might be saved by the surrendry of that one town: Towns (they said) consisted of the number of men, and not men of the enclosures of walls and ditches. They that were of this opinion, for the delivering up of the town, seeing the other obstinately set down to the contrary, withdrawing themselves from the counsel, presently took up arms, and by force entered the houses of them that were of contrary opinion, and took from them their weapons, by that means and perforce to constrain them to yield to their desire. As soon as they that lay before CAIRO (almost drowned in the waters) understood of this dissension at DAMIATA about the delivery of the town, they sent them word, That if they would not yield the town unto the Sultan, they would forthwith send to PTOLEMAIS, which would not fail to do what should be commanded, to have it in steed of DAMIATA surrendered unto the Egyptians. So was DAMIATA again yeeded unto the infidels, and so great labours of the Christians taken at the siege and winning thereof, all lost. That which made the indignity thereof more tolerable, was that Meledin the Sultan, having without bloodshed gained so great a victory, did neither by word or deed any thing in despite or reproach of the Christians, but used them with all courtesy, relieving them also with victuals & such other things as they wanted, & by faithful guides conducting them in safety out of the country. In like manner also, Corradin his brother, Sultan of DAMASCUS, made truce with the Latins for eight years. Whereupon the king of JERUSALEM went over into ITALY, and there by the persuasion of Honorius the Pope, his wife being now dead, gave his daughter Yoland (now crowned queen of JERUSALEM in the right of her mother) in marriage to Frederick king of SICILIA and emperor of the Latins, the rather thereby to stir him up for the taking in hand of the sacred war. Ever since which time, he and the kings of SICILIA his successors have been called kings of JERUSALEM, albeit that they have evil prosecuted that their pretended right and title, as still busied in more profane wars against other Christian princes. King john afterwards departing from ROME for FRANCE, was by the way honourably entertained at PISA: but arriving at the French court, he found Philip the French king desperately sick, who by his last will and testament gave unto the knight's Hospitalers and Templars, sixty thousand crowns for the maintenance of their wars against the infidels; which money was to their use, afterward paid unto king john. Who shortly after to discharge himself of a vow he had made, to visit the pilgrimage at COMPOSTELLA, going into SPAIN, by the way married Berengaria, the king of CASTILLE his daughter: and there staying a great while, returned again into FRANCE, where he lay long expecting the setting forward of the emperor Frederick his son in law, for the recovery of his wives right unto the kingdom of JERUSALEM; which although he solemnly vowed at such time as he with all princely magnificence married the said lady at ROME, yet otherwise letted with troubles nearer home, performed not the same, until almost seven years after: all which time the Christians in SYRIA enjoying the fruit of the late concluded peace for eight years, lived in great rest and quietness; where, so leaving them; until the arising of new troubles, let us in the mean time again return unto the troubled affairs of the Turks, greeks, and Latins, at CONSTANTINOPLE, and in the lesser ASIA. The death of henry emperor ●● Constantinople. Henry the second emperor of the Latins at CONSTANTINOPLE, after he had (as is aforesaid) with much ado repressed the fury of the Bulgarians and Scytheses, his barbarous enemies, and so given peace unto the miserable country of THRACIA, died, having reigned a most troublesome reign, Peter emperor. about the space of eleven years. After whom succeeded Peter, county of AUSSERRE, his son in law, third emperor of the Latins in CONSTANTINOPLE: who in the beginning of his empire willing to gratify the Venetians, and to revenge himself of Theodorus Angelus, a great prince of EPIRUS, competitor of his empire, besieged him in DIRRACHIUM; which strong city, the said Theodorus had but a little before surprised, belonging to the Venetian signory. At which siege Peter the emperor lying, was so cunningly by the wily Greek used, that a peace was upon most honourable conditions betwixt them concluded, and a familiar kind of friendship joined. Insomuch, that the emperor at his request, not well advised, came unto him as his guest: who now of his enemy become his host, entertained him with all the formalities that feigned friendship could devise. But having him now in his power, and fearing no harm, regarding neither the laws of fidelity or hospitality, he most traitorously slew him, as he was yet in the midst of his banquet. Of whose end, some others yet otherwise report, as that he should by the same Theodorus have been intercepted about the pleasant woods of TEMPE in THESSALIA, as he was traveling from ROME to CONSTANTINOPLE, and so afterwards to have been by him cruelly put to death. Of whose misfortune, Tepulus governor of CONSTANTINOPLE understanding, for the more safety of the state in that vacancy of the Greek empire, made peace with Theodorus for five years, and the Turks for two. Shortly after came Robert (the son of the aforesaid unfortunate emperor Peter) with his mother to CONSTANTINOPLE, Robert emperor of Constantinople. and there in his father's stead was solemnly saluted emperor; but not with much better luck than was his father before him: for shortly after his coming he took to wife a fair young lady, the daughter of a great rich and noble matron of the city, but before betrothed unto a gallant gentleman, a Burgundion borne: with whom the old lady broke her promise, and more careful of her daughter's preferment, than fidelity, gave her in marriage unto the new emperor. The joy of which so great an honour was in short time converted not into a deadly heaviness, but even into death itself: For the young Burgundion, more enraged with the wrong done him, An horrible outrage committed upon the person of an empress. than discouraged with the greatness and power of the emperor, consorted himself with a company of lusty tall soldiers, acquainted with his purpose, and awaiting his time when the emperor was absent, by night entered the court with his desperate followers, and first meeting with the beautiful young empress, cut off her nose and her ears, and afterward threw her old mother into the sea: and so fled out of the city into the woods and mountains, with those desperate cut-throats, the ministers of his barbarous cruelty. The emperor pierced to the heart with this so great a disgrace, shortly after went to ROME, to what purpose was not certainly known; but in returning back again through ACHAIA, he there died, leaving behind him his young son Baldwin, yet but a child, begotten by his first wife, to succeed him in the empire: who by the name of Baldwin the second was crowned the fifth and last emperor of the Latins in CONSTANTINOPLE. Baldwin the las● emperor of the Latins in Constantinople. And for because he was as yet but young and unfit for the government, he was by the consent of the nobility affianced, and afterward married unto Martha the younger daughter of john Brenne king of JERUSALEM, a worthy old captain (but as then governor of RAVENNA; which city, he being certain years before sent for out of FRANCE for that purpose, by Honorius the Pope, he notably defended against the emperor Frederick his son in law, but that affinity was before broken off by the death of the said emperors wife) who now sent for out of ITALY unto CONSTANTINOPLE, had committed to his charge and protection both the person and empire of the young emperor Baldwin, now his son in law. Which great and heavy charge he for certain years after worthily and faithfully discharged, until such time as that Baldwin was himself grown able to take upon him the government. Now although the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, with the countries of THRACIA, THESSALIA, MACEDONIA, ACHAIA, PELOPONESUS, and the rest of the provinces of GREECE, were all or for the most part under the government of Baldwin the emperor, the Venetians, or other the inferior Latin princes: yet were the oppressed greeks, the natural inhabitants thereof, in heart not theirs, as abhorring nothing more than that their foreign government; but wholly devoted to their own natural princes, Theodorus Lascaris, & Alexius Comnenus, the one reigning at NICE in BYTHINIA, and the other at TRAPEZOND in PONTUS, both called by the greeks, emperors, and so of them generally reputed. Lascaris of the two the better beloved, and by far of greatest power, had during the time of his reign fought many an hard battle (as is in part before declared) and strongly fortified his chief cities against the invasion of his enemies, as well the Turks as the Latins: and so having as it were erected a new empire in ASIA, john Batazes made emperor of the greeks in Asia. and there reigned eighteen years, died, leaving behind him one john Ducas Batazes, that had married the fair lady Irene his daughter and heir, to succeed him in the Greek empire in ASIA. This john was a man of a great wit and spirit, and of more gravity, for his years, than was Theodorus his father in law; never undertaking any thing before he had thereof well considered; and once resolved, not omitting or neglecting any thing for the performance thereof. So that it was not unfitly said of the Greeks, The planting of this new empire to have required the celerity of Lascaris, but the stay thereof to have been the gravity of Ducas. He in the beginning of his reign, in very short time having set all things in good order, greatly augmented his legions, and shooting at a fairer mark than the empire he yet held, even the imperial city itself, and the recovery of all THRACIA and GRECIA out of the hands of the Latins, which could not be done without a fleet at sea, built a great number of galleys in the ports of the lesser ASIA. And so having rigged up and manned a strong fleet, and scouring the seas, in one Summer took in most of the Islands of the AEGEUM, namely, LESBOS, CHIOS, SAMOS, ICARIA, COOS, with the famous Island of the RHODES, and many others also. And not so contented to have increased his empire, the next spring crossing the HELLESPONT and landing his forces, first invaded CHERSONESUS; and afterward to terrify the Latins, foraged the country far and near, even to the gates of CONSTANTINOPLE, no man daring to oppose himself against him. At which time also he took many cities & strong towns alongst the sea coast, as CALLIOPOLIS, SESTUS, & CARDIA, with divers others thereabout, some by force, some by composition, the Greeks almost in every place yielding themselves, where they were not so oppressed by the Latins as that they could not help him. Now by these proceedings of the Greek emperor in EUROPE, was plainly to be seen again the ruin of the Latin empire in the East, all things prospering in his hand according to his hearts desire, Assan the Bulgarian king, no small terror both unto the Latins & the Greeks, moved with the fame hereof, by his ambassadors sent of purpose unto john the Greek emperor, offered his daughter Helena in marriage unto young Theodore his son: of which offer the emperor gladly accepted. For being busied in his greater affairs, he was loath to have so great a king as was Assan, his enemy, able at his pleasure to call in the Scytheses; who with their multitude, as a great flood breaking over the banks, had oftentimes carried away whole countries before them. Wherefore the match agreed upon, the two great princes by appointment met together about CHERSONESUS, where Helena, king Assans daughter, being then about ten years old, was with great joy and triumph solemnly married unto young Theodor the emperors son, much of the same age. Not long after ambassadors were also sent unto the emperor from the Sultan of ICONIUM, to confirm and prolong the league betwixt them; for the Tartars not contented to have driven the Turks out of PERSIA and the far Eastern countries, began now also to cut them short in their provinces in the lesser ASIA: wherefore the Sultan of ICONIUM, fearing lest whiles he had his hands full of those his most dreadful enemies, of themselves too strong for him, he should behind be set upon by the Greek emperor, and so thrust out of all, sent these ambassadors unto him for peace; which he for many causes easily granted. First, for that he foresaw what an hard matter it would be for him to maintain war at once both in ASIA against the Turks, and in EUROPE against the Latins: then by this warlike nation, as by a most sure bulwark, to keep his own countries safe from the invasion of the barbarous Tartars, unto whose fury he should himself lie open, if the Turks were once taken out of their way. Both sufficient reasons for the emperor to yield unto the Sultan, which he did: so was the peace concluded, and the ambassadors dispatched. This peace exceedingly comforted and afterward enriched the emperors countries: Plenty ensuing of peace. for now the people generally delivered of the fear and misery of continual war, began on all hands to fall to their fruitful labours of peace. Yea the emperor himself to the stirring up of others to the like good husbandry, caused so much land to be ploughed up for corn, & so many vineyards to be planted, as might plentifully suffice his own house, and such poor as he daily relieved; with a great overplus, which he caused to be carefully laid up in store. He kept also great herds of cattle, flocks of sheep, and fowls of all sorts without number. The like he caused his kinsmen & other of the nobility to do, to the intent that every great man having sufficient for his own spending at home, should not take any thing from the poor countryman, that so every man contenting himself with his own, might live in peace without the grievance of others. By which means in a few years every barn and garnarie was full of corn, every sellarfull of wines, every stable full of cattle, every storehouse full of victuals: the fields were covered with corn and cattle, and in every man's yard were to be seen all kinds of tame fowls, without number. At which time also there fortuned a great famine among the Turks: insomuch, as that they were enforced to fetch their greatest relief from out of the Christian countries. Then might you have seen every way full of Turks, men, women and children, traveling to and fro into the emperors provinces for victuals: their gold, their silver, their other rich commodities, they gave unto the Christians for food; a little corn was worth a good commodity, every bird, sheep, and kid, was sold at a great rate: by which means the country men's houses were full of the Turks wealth, and the emperors coffers stored with their treasure. The greatness of the profit arising of this plenty of the Christians, An imperial ●●owne bought with egg money. and penury of the Turks, may hereby easily be gathered, for that of eggs daily sold, so much money was in short time gathered, as made the empress an imperial crown of gold, richly set with most orient pearl and precious stones of great price; which the emperor called Ouata, for that it was bought with egg money. Thus flourished the Greek empire in the lesser ASIA, under the good emperor john Ducas. The Turks at the same time declining as fast, daily peeled in one corner or another by the Tartars, and consumed with famine at home. 1227 Frederick the German emperor, had of long time vowed to take upon him an expedition into the Holy land: for performance whereof, he was hardly called upon, first by Honorius quartus the Pope; and afterward for his long delay, excommunicated by Gregory the ninth: not so much for the zeal they had unto the sacred war, as to busy the emperor a far off in wars abroad, whilst they in the mean time, to increase their own power, drew from him some one part or other of his empire: which he not without cause fearing, from day to day, and year to year, delayed the performance of his vow, so much urged by the Pope; by his presence and power, still disappointing all the sly designs of the Popes, conceived or put in practice against him. But now at length moved, or more truly to say, enforced with the thundering and lightning of Pope Gregory, he resolved to set forward in the year 1227. About which time jolenta or Yoland his wife, the king of JERUSALEM his daughter, died in childbed, being before delivered of a fair son. Now were met together at BRUNDISIUM an exceeding great number of courageous and devout soldiers out of all parts of Christendom, especially out of GERMANY, under the leading of Lodowick Landgrave of THURIN●E, & Sigefride bishop of ANGUSTA; all stirred up with the same of so notable an expedition. But whilst they there stayed somewhat long, the plague arise among the Germans, whereof in short time after, both the Landgrave and the bishop died, with many of the other best soldiers. The emperor himself was upon his way as far as MALEA, upon the farther side of PELOPONESUS, where falling desperately sick of a burning fever, and put back with contrary winds, he returned again to BRUNDISIUM, and there stayed a great while after. Then began the Pope again to fret and fume, and to cast out his excommunications against the emperor, as if it had been thunder and lightning, accusing him of perjury, infidelity, and many other grievous crimes; of all which the emperor was ready to have cleared himself in an open assembly of the princes of GERMANY, to have been holden at RAVENNA, had it not been by the Pope and the troubles of LOMBARDIE disturbed. Nevertheless, he by open protestations and writings fully answered all the Pope's unjust accusations wherewith he had been so hardly charged: And yet desirous to perform the expedition by him taken in hand, having set all things in good order▪ and put himself again in readiness, he set forward from BRUNDISIUM in August in the year 1228, 1228 leaving the charge of his territories in ITALY, unto the care of Reynolde duke of SPOLETO. The Pope displeased, for that the emperor at his departure had neither reconciled himself, nor taken his leave of him; and deeming therein his excommunications and fulminations to be contemned & set at nought▪ fell into such a rage and choler, that he forbade all the Christian forces that were in SYRIA to follow him, or to yield to him their obedience; and writ letters also unto the Sultan, not to come to any agreement with the emperor, or to yield unto him any part of the Holy land: which very letters the Sultan afterwards sent unto the emperor. Neither yet so contented immediately after his departure ran upon his kingdom of NAPLES, and so filled all ITALY with troubles. Nevertheless the emperor happily arriving at PTOLEMAIS, was there honourably received of the Christian forces, notwithstanding the Pope's threats and cursings. Of whose arrival, Sultan Meledin having intelligence, and loath to draw so mighty an enemy as was the emperor, upon him, by his ambassadors offered him most honourable conditions of peace: Which before he would accept of, he by convenient messengers sent unto the Pope, to have his consent & approbation. But such was his rage, as that he would not suffer the messengers to come into his presence, or vouchsafe to read the emperors letters, being brought unto him; but like a mad man presently rend them in pieces. All which indignities the emperor nevertheless took in good part, and concluded a peace with the Turks for ten years, upon these conditions: first, That he should be anointed and accounted king of JERUSALEM: then, That the holy city, with all the land of PALESTINE, should be delivered unto him: thirdly, That he might at his pleasure fortify the cities of NAZARETH and JOPPE: fourthly, That all such places as were sometime in the power of Baldwin the fourth king of JERUSALEM, and taken from him by Sultan Saladin, should be restored▪ and last of all, That all prisoners on both sides should be set at liberty without ransom. So the peace concluded, the emperor with his army came to the desolate city of JERUSALEM, and there upon Easter day was with great solemnity crowned king thereof in the year 1229. 1229 And so having repaired the walls of the city, with certain churches, fortified NAZARETH and JOPPE, Frederick the emperor crowned king of Jerusalem. and furnished them with strong garrisons, and appointed Raynold duke of BAVARIA his lieutenant in SYRIA, he with two galleys only returned into ITALY: Ever since which time the kings of SICILIA have been also called kings of JERUSALEM, and have oftentimes borne the arms of both kingdoms. The next year Pope Gregory in despite of the emperor Frederick, 1230 more than for any zeal unto the Christian religion, did by the Dominicans & Fransciscans (two orders of friars but then lately erected) as by his trumpeters, The unfortunate expedition of the king of Nauarr● into the Holy land. stir up a wonderful number of zealous and devout Christians, almost in every part of Christendom, to take upon them the cross (as they termed it) the cognisance of such, as had by vow bound themselves to take up arms against the Turks & Saracens, for the recovery or defence of the Holy land. These devout men met together in great number, under the leading of Theobald king of NAVARRE, Americus county of MONTFORT, Henry county of champaign, and others too long to rehearse (of purpose stirred up to trouble the ten years peace before concluded betwixt the emperor and the Turks in SYRIA) set forward, and after long travel passing the straight of BOSPHORUS, not far from CONSTANTINOPLE into BYTHINIA, came to the river of SANGARIUS, and there stayed a while to refresh themselves. Afterwards passing through GALATIA, and so from country to country through the lesser. ASIA, they came at length unto the straits of the mountain AMANUS (a a part of the mountain TAURUS') which they found before taken by the Turks, and the Sultan of ICONIUM himself not far off encamped with a strong army. Nevertheless the valiant county MONTFORT, which had the leading of the vanguard, courageously marching forward, by plain force opened the passage of the mountain, having slain or put to flight the Turks appointed for the keeping thereof: the king of NAVARRE in the mean time (though in vain) assailing the Sultan in his camp; who fearing the great power of the Christians, kept himself within his own strength and would not stir. Wherefore the king seeing it to no purpose there longer to stay, dividing his army into three parts, left the Sultan, and followed after the County, placing his baggage in the midst, & the best of his soldiers in the rearward. But whilst they thus march up the great mountain, the Turks better acquainted with those passages, were still at hand, assailing them sometime behind, sometime on the one side, sometime on the other, as they saw occasion: and at length taking them at an advantage in a great plain, set upon them (now before almost spent with hunger and travel) and there slew of them an exceeding great number▪ But by the coming on of the night, the battle was broken off, and the Christians repairing unto their ensigns, passed the straits, and so at length arrived at ANTIOCH, having lost by the way the greatest part of the army, with all their wealth, their victuals, & most part of their horses: the remnant yet left, having a little refreshed themselves, were by sea transported to PTOLEMAIS; from whence they were afterward by the Templars conducted to GAZA, where they lay, & of the spoil of the country greatly enriched themselves. As for any other great matters they were not able of themselves to take in hand; and help of such forces as the emperor had before left at JERUSALEM, and other places, they could have none; having express charge from the emperor himself, not to do any thing against the enemy, tending to the breach of the ten years league: which the Turks well perceiving, and that they had to do but with these new come guests, and some few others their partakers; having gathered together their forces, lay in ambush for them in every corner to cut them off▪ Neither was it long, but that these of GAZA going far into the country, and returning laded with spoil, were set upon by the Turks; whom they (casting away the spoil they had before taken) notably repulsed and put to flight, the day now drawing to an end. But early the next morning appeared a far greater number of Turks than before; which now coming on, charged the Christians, who all that night had stood watching in their armour, and so joined with them a most cruel battle: wherein the Christians showed so much valour as was possible for men to do; but wearied with long fight, and oppressed with the multitude of their enemies, they were overcome and slain almost every mother's son. Among the rest, the two counties Americus and Henry, fell: the king of NAVARRE himself hardly escaped by the exceeding swiftness of his horse, & by uncertain ways wandering up and down the country, not knowing well which way to take, after two days came by good fortune to JOPPE: some few others escaped by flight to PTOLEMAIS, the heavy messengers of the misfortune of their fellows. The king afterwards visiting the Holy places at JERUSALEM, returned home into his country, with some few of his followers, having performed nothing of that the world expected. The Christians by persuasion of the 〈…〉 their league with the Turke●▪ About four years after, Raynold duke of BAVARIA, whom Frederick the emperor had left his lieutenant in JERUSALEM, died: having by the space of five years peaceably governed that bruised kingdom. After whose death, the Templars (who, he yet living, would oftentimes have broken the league, but that they were by his authority and wisdom restrained) now took occasion to stir up the people to take up arms against the Turks, without respect unto the league yet in force, or of the dangers like thereof to ensue. Whereof the Egyptian Sultan hearing, raised a great army, sending also for the Chorasines, a warlike nation then lying near unto BA●YLON, to come unto his aid. Thus become very strong, he first laid siege to GAZA, but a little before repaired and fortified by the king of NAVARRE and the Templars, which he at length took by force, and put to sword all that were therein, as well the citizens as the garrison soldiers▪ In like manner he dealt also with them of ASCALON, and other places as he went. To repress this his fury, the Templars and Hospitalers had assembled the whole strength of that weak kingdom, and near unto TYBERIAS came to have given him battle. Who upon their approach hastily retired, as if he had for fear shunned battle. But whiles the Christians as victors the night following lay negligently encamped along the river side, he returning back again with his army, came upon them before they were well aware, half sleeping half waking, but altogether unarmed, with a most horrible outcry. The Christians now altogether awaked, and not a little troubled with the suddenness of the matter, hastily and disorderly (as must needs in so great a confusion) took up their weapons, such as came first to hand, and so courageously opposed themselves against their enemies. There was fought a most terrible and doubtful battle, and that also for a long space; the Christians still encouraging one another to do their last devoir. But the Turks still keeping their order, against the disordered Christians, and far more also than they in number▪ prevailed, and there overthrew them with a great slaughter, but not without the loss of many thousands also of their own men, which there lay dead upon the ground. Most part of the best commanders both of the Templars and Hospitalers were there slain, such as escaped fled to tire. The Sultan encouraged with so great a victory, 1234 marched forthwith to JERUSALEM, which he took without resistance; Jerusalem taken and razed by the Turks. and there put to sword all that he found therein, men, women and children, without respect of sex or age: and afterwards having rifled the same, razed it down to the ground, burning the buildings, and overthrowing the walls, not long before repai●red by the emperor Frederick, and much beautified by his lieutenant Raynold. And carried with an infernal fury, defaced, and most shamefully polluted the sepulchre of our blessed Saviour, never before then violated or defiled, but of all nations untouched & reverenced; which for all that, may seem to have been done, not so much for the hatred unto the Christian religion, as for that it was the place of all others most desired of the Christians; and for the gaining whereof they had undertaken so many hard adventures, and so much troubled the Saracens and Turks Thus by the unfaithful breaking of the league, the most ancient and famous city of JERUSALEM, sometime the terrestrial seat of the most Highest, and glory of the world, fell again into the power of the Turks and infidels, in the year 1234, in whose hands it hath ever since remained even until this day: now a poor ruinous city, governed by one of the Turks Sanzacks', and for nothing now more famous than for the sepulchre of our blessed Saviour; again repaired and much visited by the devout Christians, and not unreverenced by the Turks themselves. The loss of this so famous a city, together with the dangerous state of the Christians in SYRIA, much grieved the other Christian princes of the West; especially Frederick the emperor, by whom it had been but a few years before gained. Howbeit he could not now remedy the matter according to his desire, being himself grievously entangled with the endless troubles which Pope Gregory had (as it were by tradition) left unto the other Popes his successors, for the troubling of his state, until at length they had deprived him of his empire, and not long after of his life also. Among other the great princes, careful for the poor Christians in SYRIA, was Lewis the French king the ninth of that name, a prince of great power, but of all others of that time most famous for his zeal unto the Christian religion, and for his devout manner of life: who abounding in wealth and all things else of a great prince to be desired; and withal oftentimes considering the notable expeditions many Christian princes had (to their immortal glory) made, some into SYRIA, some into EGYPT against the enemies of Christ, and for the relief of the oppressed Christians; was many times about to have taken upon himself the like. But in these his devout motions, before he could resolve upon so great an enterprise, he fell dangerously sick, in so much that for certain days he lay speechless devoid of sense and motion, without any sign of life, but that he did a little faintly breath: when coming a little unto himself (whether moved with devotion, or troubled with his former conceits then running in his weak brain, is uncertain) the first thing he asked for, was the cross (the cognisance of such as vowed themselves unto the sacred war) which he solemnly received at the hands of the bishop of PARIS. At which time also his three brethren, Alphonsus' county of POITIERS, Charles county of ANJOU, and Robert county of ARTHOIS, with Hugh duke of BURGUNDY, William earl of FLANDERS, Hugh county of S. Paul, and afterwards most of the nobility of FRANCE, to accompany the king, took upon them the same charge. Nevertheless, it was not by and by taken in hand, but some few years let pass in the consultation and preparation for so great an enterprise: 1248 many in the mean time discharging their vow, by dying before at home in peace in their own countries. At length the devout king still resolute in his former determination, having taken order with Blanch his mother for his affairs at home, and put all things in readiness for his journey, came to LIONS to take his leave of Pope Innocentius the fourth (who for fear of the emperor Frederick then lay there for his more safety) and from thence to MARCEILLES, King Lewis setteth forward toward the Holy land. where embarking himself with his army the five and twentieth day of August in the year 1248, he the twentieth day of September following arrived in safety in the island of CYPRUS, and was there royally entertained by Guy Lusignan then king of that country. Now was the French king desirous to have gone directly for EGYPT, without longer stay in CYPRUS, had he not been otherwise persuaded, both for that his whole fleet was not yet come, and the time of the year began to grow unseasonable, and the weather tempestuous. But whilst he there stayed, passing the winter, the plague (one of the ready attendants of great armies) began to arise in the camp, which daily increasing, had in short time taken away a great number of men, and those not of the meanest sort. Amongst whom were Robert bishop of BEAUVAIS, john county MONT-FORT, the counties of VENDOSME and DREUX, Archambaut lord of BOURBON, with divers other knights and gentlemen, to the number of 240: so that by force of the infectious contagion, the king was constrained to divide his army into divers places of the island, attending until the infection should cease. In the mean time the Templars having in suspect both the French and the Turks: the Turks, for fear they should overrun all; and the French, least having gotten the victory, they should take all into their own hands, and so diminish their power and authority, wherewith they tyrannised over the other poor Christians; sent ambassadors seceretly unto Meledin Sultan of EGYPT, to persuade him betimes to come to some good agreement for peace, so to avert the power of the French king from doing him further harm, or proceeding further in that war. Of which motion the Sultan well liking, sent one of his noble men to entreat with the master of the Templars concerning a peace, so that it might be by consent of the French▪ The Templars glad of so honourable a message, writ unto the French king out of SYRIA, how the matter stood; persuading him to accept of the peace offered, setting out in great words the Sultan's great preparations and power. And so indeed had abused the king, had not the king of CYPRUS acquainted with his doings, persuaded him that it was but a fineness of the Great master, and that he had first sent unto the Sultan, and procured that noble man to be sent: which the king upon farther consideration perceiving to be true, ●ed the Turks ambassador with hope of peace, but writ unto the master of the Templars upon the price of his head from thenceforth not to receive any embassage from the enemy, or to have any further intelligence with him. Winter now past, and the plague well ceased, divers noble gentlemen and great commanders which following the king, and setting forth somewhat late, or for fear of the plague had stayed by the way, and wintered some in one place, some in another, began to repair unto CYPRUS: as Robert duke of BURGUNDY, who having wintered in ACHAIA, came now in the beginning of the Spring unto the king, with a number of good horsemen; and with him William prince of ACHAIA, with a great fleet out of PELOPONESUS, which country, with most part of GRECIA, was then under the command of the Latins; amongst others came also William, surnamed Long-espie, earl of SARISEURIE, with a band of lusty tall soldiers. So the army being met together, and all things again in a readiness, king Lewes departing from CYPRUS, and tossed at sea with contrary winds, about five days after fell with the coast of EGYPT, & there with all his fleet came before the strong town of DAMIATA, being (as we have said) the key of that kingdom. The Sultan long before understanding of the French kings purpose for the invasion of his country, had strongly fortified his frontier towns, and put into them strong garrisons, beside the great power he kept with himself in readiness at all assays, as occasion should require. Upon the approach of the Christians, the governor of DAMIATA was ready upon the shore, with a number of brave soldiers to keep them from landing; who nevertheless resolutely before set down for the performing of that they came for, manning forth their long boats with their archers and crossbows to beat the enemy from the shore, ran a ground with their other small boats made of purpose for the landing of men; and so without longer stay came to handy blows, where for a while was fought a most sharp and cruel battle, the Christians striving to land, and the Turks to keep them off, many falling on both sides. But what should an handful do against so many? The Turks oppressed with the multitude still landing more and more, and having done what was possible for them to do, fled into the town, leaving behind them their governor, with five hundred of their best soldiers dead upon the shore. This city of DAMIATA was exceeding rich and populous, 1249 and had in the former wars not been taken but by more than a years siege, (as is before declared) and that not so much by the valour of the Christians as by the extremity of the plague and famine: since which time it had been strongly fortified by the Turks, with deep ditches, high walls, and strong bulwarks; and was at that time well stored with victuals also, and all things else for the enduring of a long siege. Nevertheless, the soldiers that were left, and the citizens (discouraged with the loss of their governor, and remembrance of the miseries before endured in the former siege, and seeing the Christians now ready again to besiege the same) the night following, The citizens of Damiata set fire upon the city▪ and ran away by the light. a little before the break of day, set fire every man upon his own house, and so by a bridge which they had made of boats, fled over the great river, breaking the bridge when they were over, for fear their enemies should thereby have followed after them. The Christians perceiving their flight, without resistance entered the city, and being strangers, did what they could to quench the fire and to save that which the inhabitants themselves would feign have with fire destroyed; and so afterwards found great abundance of riches, with plentiful store of all manner of victuals, wherewith the soldiers both enriched and refreshed themselves. This so happy & unexpected a victory happened unto the Christians about the beginning of October, in the year 1249. Sultan Meledin himself, discouraged with the loss of so strong a city, offered unto the French king for the redeeming thereof, and to have peace at his hands, more territory in SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE, than the Christians had of long time before: which large offer was by the French, especially by the earl of ARTHOI● the king's brother, proudly rejected, and ALEXANDRIA the most famous port and metropolitical city of EGYPT, further demanded, to the great discontentment of the Turks and Saracens. In these troubles died Meledin the old Sultan, a man not much beloved of his people: in whose stead Melechsala (or Melexala, as some call him) a valiant and courageous prince, well beloved of his subjects, and but even then returned out of SYRIA and ARABIA, where he had been to crave aid of the other Mahometan princes, was chosen Sultan. Which princes, especially the Sultan of DAMASCUS, although they had not of long been at any good accord among themselves, or with the Egyptian; yet in this common danger of their superstition, which by the loss of EGYPT was like to be greatly weakened, they joined hands together, and so sent him great aid. The new Sultan thus strengthened, drew nearer unto the Christians, which then lay encamped not far from DAMIATA, and had with them a hot skirmish, wherein he was put to the worse, and so with some loss glad to retire. But the Christians the next day, in hope of like success sallying out again, were overthrown, with ten times more loss than was he the day before, and so feign to fly unto the camp. By which victory the Sultan encouraged, began now to conceive better hope of the success of his wars; and by stopping the passages both by water and land, to provide, that no victuals could without great peril be brought either unto the city or the camp, insomuch that at length victuals began to grow scarce in both: whereof the Sultan was not ignorant, as being thereof thoroughly informed by such fugitives, as for want, or other causes, oftentimes fled out of the French camp into his. Winter thus passing, and wants still increasing, it fortuned that the governor of the great city of CAIRO (upon the fortune whereof depended the state of the whole kingdom) a man not evil affected unto the Christian religion, and in his heart highly offended with the Sultan, for the death of his brother by him wrongfully executed: by secret messengers persuaded the French king to come on with his army to the city, the regal seat of the Sultan, promising him to deliver it into his power, with full instructions what he had in all points to do for the gaining thereof. Whereupon the king who had before of himself purposed the same exploit, but now filled with a greater hope, assembled together the greatest forces he was able to make. At which time also he sent for the earl of SALISBURY, with the rest of the English men, who for many proud indignities offered them by the French (especially by the earl of ARTOIS the king's brother) whereof they could have no redress, were gone to PTOLEMAIS, without purpose to have any more served in those wars: But now being sent for by the king, with promise of better usage and honourable recompense for the wrongs past, returned again into EGYPT, there to do their last endeavour. With whose coming the king strengthened, but more by the new supplies brought unto him by his brother Alphonsus out of FRANCE, leaving the duke of BURGUNDY with a convenient garrison, with the queen his wife, Odo the Pope's Legate, and divers other great ladies in DAMIATA, he himself set forward with his army towards CAIRO. Of whose coming the Sultan hearing, and loath upon the fortune of one battle to adventure his whole estate, offered by his ambassadors to restore unto him all the land of PALESTINE, with a great sum of money for the defraying of the charges of those wars, A fair 〈◊〉 sondly refused. and all the prisoners he had taken, so that he would redeliver unto him the city of DAMIATA, and join with him in league and amity. Which fair offer for all that, the French king, by the persuasion of the Legate and others, refused. So the king marching still on, was to pass an arm of the great river NILUS (the Sultan on the other side still ready with his army to stay his passage) which he had thought to have made by a bridge of boats, prepared for the same purpose: but better conducted by a fugitive Saracen unto a ford, before to him unknown, sent his brother Robert, earl of ARTOIS, with the third part of the army before him, accompanied with the master of the Templars and the earl of SALISBURY, with their followers. Who passing the river at the aforesaid soord, suddenly assailed the Turks in their tents (the Sultan being then absent in solemnising one of their profane feasts) & put them to flight. With which victory the French earl above measure encouraged, would needs on forwards, as if he would himself alone have carried away the glory of the whole conquest. Whom for all that certain of the ancient Templars, better acquainted with the manners of that deceitful nation than he, and better considering also of their own ability and strength, persuaded him to content himself with the honour he had already got, and not to proceed any further in prosecuting of the enemy, until the coming of the rest of the army, especially in that desperate estate of the enemy, wherein he was to win or lose all. Unto whom the proud earl in great despite replied, That he would prosecute his victory, and follow his good fortune; calling them dastards and cowards, opprobriously objecting unto them the common fame, whereby it was commonly reported, That the Holy land might long since have been again united unto the body of the Christian commonweal, but for the foul collusion of the false Templars and Hospitalers with the Turks and Infidels. With which reproachful speech, the master of the Templars not without cause moved, answered for himself and his fellows, That he should, when he would, and where he durst, display his ensigns, and he should find them as ready to follow as he was to go before them. The earl of SALISBURY also willing to stint this strife, persuaded earl Robert not to be so wedded to his own opinion, but to listen unto the grave and wholesome counsel of the Templars, being men of great experience: and so turning unto the master of the Templars, began likewise with gentle words to pacific him also. But whilst he was yet speaking, the earl interrupting him with many opprobrious words, called him dastard and coward, and wished that the army were rid of him, and the fearful cowards his countrymen. Whereunto the earl of SALISBURY answered: Well General, on in God's name, and wheresoever you dare set your foot, mine shall be as far as yours; and I believe we go this day, where you shall not dare to come nigh my horse's tail: as afterward indeed it proved. Howbeit, the earl so said, for that earl Robert and the Frenchmen had many times in reproach and disdain, after their manner, called him and his followers English tails. The proud earl constant in his former purpose, and not to be otherwise persuaded, set forward: and first assaulted a little town or castle, not far off, called MANSOR, whereunto he inconsiderately approaching, was notably repulsed; and having lost a number of his men, was as a man discouraged, about to have retired. When suddenly the Sultan, nearer at hand than the earl had thought, stirred up with the noise of the alarm, came on with his whole power; and finding the army of the Christians now divided (as he had long wished) with the multitude of his people enclosed them round, and had with them a great and mortal fight: wherein though the Christians right worthily behaved themselves, for the small number they were, yet oppressed with the multitude, and on every side beset, they were slain down right. Then, but all too late, it repented the earl of his foolish rashness, and that he had not harkened unto better counsel; and seeing the earl of SALISBURY valiantly fight, cried out unto him to fly, seeing God (as he said) fought against them. Whereunto the noble earl answered no more, but God forbid that my father's son should run away from the face of a Saracen. The French earl thinking by the swiftness of his horse to have saved his life, flying out of the battle, and taking the river of THA●NES, Earl Robert in flying, drowned▪ overladed with his armour, was there drowned▪ The earl of SALISBURY courageously enduring the enemy's charge, with his own hand manfully slew many a Turk and Saracen that day, until that at length having his horse slain under him, and himself so wounded in the legs as that he was not able longer to stand, The earl of Salisbury valiantly sighting, sla●●●. yet upon his knees laying about him like a desperate man, and selling his life as dear as he could, was there slain, but not vanquished. With him perished the whole army, so enclosed by the Sultan, that scarce any one escaped alive, more than two Templars, one Hospitaler, and one common soldier, the messengers of this heavy news. About the same time also sickness daily increasing in the French camp, the king purposing to march forward to CAIRO, sent a great number of sick and weak people down the river of NILUS to DAMIATA: of whose going the Sultan understanding, caused a great number of small boats to be carried in carts by land unto the rivers side, which well manned, and meeting them by the way, set upon them, and burnt or drowned them every mother's son, saving one only Englishman, called Alexander Giffard, who wounded in five places of his body, escaped yet into the French camp, reporting there what had happened unto the rest. Now had the Sultan also got intelligence of the compact betwixt the governor of CAIRO and the king, The governor of Cairo apprehended. for the betraying of the city: and thereupon had caused him to be suddenly apprehended and put in safe keeping, until he were at better leisure to understand farther of the matter: which no less troubled the French king, than did the former misfortune; all his hope for the yielding up of the city, being thereby cut off. Thus his hopes, together with his strength, daily decreasing, he would have gladly accepted of the conditions which he before refused, which the Sultan now grown very strong, would by no means hear of; but in stead thereof, by way of derision, sent to know of him, What was become of all his mattocks, forks, rakes, scythes, ploughs, and harrows, which he had brought over with him? and why he set them not to work, but suffered them like an evil husband to rot and rust beside him? All which, with much more, the good king was glad to put up. For now his forces greatly diminished, as well by sickness, as by the former losses, finding himself far too weak, he would feign have retired back again to DAMIATA: which the Sultan foreseeing, got so betwixt him and home, that now there was no remedy, but either to fight it out, or yield. The king himself had been often before entreated by his nobility, whilst the river was yet unpossessed by the enemy, to have conveyed himself by water to DAMIATA, for that in the safety of his person consisted (as they said) the safety of his kingdom, whatsoever became of them: whereunto he could never be persuaded, saying, That he would never forsake his people, because he would not be forsaken of them, but was resolved to endure with them whatsoever it should please God to lay upon him. So passing the river by the same ford whereby his brother had not long before unfortunately passed, and coming to the place where the battle was fought, he might see the dead bodies of the Christians pitifully mangled, with their heads and hands cut off: For the Sultan the more to encourage his soldiers, had before the battle proclaimed, That whosoever should bring him the head or hand of a Christian, should have a great reward for his labour; in hope whereof, they had so dismembered them. But long he had not there stayed, but that the Sultan began suddenly to appear, with a most huge great army, as if he would even with the sight thereof have discouraged the Christians: against whom for all that, the Frenchmen in good order opposed themselves, & for the space of three hours made great resistance: but what could one do against ten, and he also fainting for sickness and food? the hard plight wherein the greatest part of the French army than was. In conclusion, oppressed with the multitude of their enemies, and no way left to fly, they were all overthrown and slain, except some few, saved in hope of great ransom. The king himself, with his two brethren Alphonsus and Charles, and some few others, were taken prisoners, & brought unto the Sultan: who demanding of him, What had moved him so to make war against him? was answered by the king, That it was for religion, & the defence of the name of his God. In this unfortunate battle, fought the fifth of April, in the year 1250, besides the common soldiers, were slain most of the nobility of FRANCE, and all their rents taken. The Sultan presently upon this overthrow, sent of his own soldiers the like number that the French were of, with French ensigns, and disguised in the attire of the slain Frenchmen, to DAMIATA, where the duke of BURGUNDY, the French queen, and the Pope's Legate lay; in hope to have been so let in for Frenchmen: but they were not so well masked, but that they were by them of the city discovered for enemies, and so kept out and deceived of their purpose. The Christians thus overthrown, and the French king taken prisoner, Melechsala the Sultan taking compassion upon him, and yet minding of his life to make his own gain; cheering him up with comfortable speeches, began to talk with him of his deliverance, and of a good atonement to be made betwixt them. The conditions whereof propounded by the Sultan were, That the king should forthwith deliver again unto him the city of DAMIATA, and moreover pay unto him for the ransom of himself and his, and for the charges of the war, eight thousand pound of gold; That all prisoners should on both sides be frankly set at liberty, and so a peace to be taken for ten years. For the more assurance whereof, the Sultan offered to swear, That if he failed in the performance thereof, to renounce his Mahomet: requiring likewise of the king to swear, If he failed in any thing that he had promised, to deny his Christ to be God: Which profane oath the king detesting, and wishing rather to die than to give the same; the Sultan wondering at his constancy, took his word without any oath at all, and so published the league. But whilst they were coming together to DAMIATA, Melechsala now in the pride of this victory, fea●ing nothing less than the sudden change of fortune, or the mischief hanging over his head, was in the presence of a number of his noble men suddenly slain by two desperate Mamalukes; and one Turqueminus a sturdy slave of their own order and vocation (by whose procurement it was supposed to have been done) by the consent of the whole army created Sultan in his stead: who revoking the league before concluded by Melechsala, made another in his own name with the king, much upon the same conditions that the other was; which after he had received DAMIATA, he caused to be openly proclaimed. Nevertheless after that king Lewis had paid his ransom, and was with the remnant of his army by the Genoese transported from DAMIATA to PTOLEMAIS, the false miscreant performed not the half of that he had promised, of twelve thousand Christian captives that should have been set free, scarce enlarging four thousand; and killing all the sick soldiers whom by his promise he ought to have reliued; neither suffering any Christian to carry any of his goods with him out of EGYPT, which by the league he ought to have done also. The French king coming to PTOLEMAIS, and purposing to have returned home, was entreated by the master of the Templars and Hospitalars, and other the nobility of the Christians, to stay, which he did almost by the space of four years: in which time he repaired the cities of CAESAREA and JOPPE, and fortified many strong places for the defence of the Christians against the infidels: And so commending the protection thereof unto the knights of the sacred war, and sending his brethren away before him, followed after himself, greatly lamented for by all the Christians in SYRIA, and so arrived in FRANCE the sixth year from the time of his departing thence. This was the end of this long and unfortunate expedition of Lewis the French king, wherein as some write, were eighty thousand Christians lost: howbeit the French Chronicles extenuating their loss, report, of two and thirty thousand French, six thousand to have returned again into FRANCE. The city of DAMIATA in the space of a few years twice won, and twice lost by the Christians, was shortly after the delivering up thereof, by the Sultan razed down to the ground, because it should no more serve the Christians for an entrance into his kingdom. The beginning of the Mamalukes and their kingdom. The late Egyptian Sultan's thus oftentimes invaded by the Christian princes, and reposing no great assurance in the prowess of the effeminate Egyptians, a people fitter for merchandise and other base occupations than for chivalry and war, had for the strengthening of their kingdom, bought an infinite number of slaves, especially of the poor and hardy Circassians, called in ancient time Getae and Zinchi, near unto COLCHIS and the EUXINE sea, brought unto ALEXANDRIA and other ports of EGYPT out of those bare cold countries, by merchants, and from thence transported to CAIRO and other cities of EGYPT: of which poor slaves, the late Egyptian Sultan's taking their choice, and culling out from the rest such as were like to be of greatest spirit and ability of body, delivered them unto most skilful and expert teachers; by whom they were carefully taught to run, to leap, to vault, to shoot, to ride, with all other feats of activity, and withal cunningly to handle all manner of weapons, as well on horseback as on foot: and so instructed, and become cunning, were taken out of their schools into pay, and enroled together as the Sultan's choice horsemen, were commonly called by the name of Mamalukes. In whose good service the late Sultan's finding great use, spared for no cost, both for their maintenance and increasing of their number; daily erecting new nurseries stored with young fry, which growing up and ready, was still joined to the other. It is wonderful to tell unto what a strength and glory this order of the Mamalukes was in short time grown, by the care of the Egyptian kings: By them they managed their greatest affairs, especially in time of wars; and by their valour, not only defended their country, but gained many a fair victory against their enemies, as they did now against the French. But as too much power in such men's hands, seldom or never wanteth danger, so fell it out now betwixt the late Sultan Melechsala, and those masterfull Mamaluke slaves: The ruin of the Turk● kingdom in Egypt. who proud of their preferment, and forgetful of their duty, and seeing the greatest strength of the kingdom in their hands, traitorously slew Melechsala their chief founder, setting up in his place (as aforesaid) one Turquiminus, a base slave, one of their own order and servile vocation, but indeed otherwise a man of a great spirit and valour. This Melechsala murdered by the Mamalukes, was the last of the free borne kings of EGYPT; in whom the Turks kingdom in EGYPT, erected by Sarracon and the great Sultan Saladin (as is before said) and in his stock and family ever since continued, took end, as did also all the power of the Turks in that great and rich kingdom. For the proud Mamalukes having now got the sovereignty into their hands, and exalted a Sultan out of themselves, imperiously commanded as great lords over the rest of the people, not suffering them to have the use either of horse or armour, or to bear any sway in the common weal: but keeping them under with most heavy impositions, and still preferring their own slaves (wherewith the country of AEGYRT now swarmed) made the natural country people, of all others most miserable, not daring to meddle with any thing more than merchandise, their husbandry, or other their base mechanical occupations: whereof the greatest profit still came unto the Mamalukes, who as lords of all, with great insolency, at their pleasure took it from them as their own. As for the great Sultan, they still chose him from among themselves, not suffering any the Sultan's children to succeed their fathers in the kingdom; for fear lest they in process of time, proud of their ancestors and parentage, should reckon of them as of his slaves (as indeed they were) and so at length bring in another more free kind of government. Against which they provided also, not only by this restraint of their Sultan's children, but of their own also: taking order and exstablishing it as an immutable law, That though the sons of the Mamalukes might enjoy their father's lands & wealth after their death, yet that it should not be lawful for them in any case to take upon them the name or honour of a Mamaluke: so embarring them from all government in the common wealth, to the intent it might still rest with the Mamalukes. Neither was it lawful for any borne of Mahometan parents (which could not be slaves) or of the race of the jews, to be admitted into that Order; but only such as being borne Christians and become slaves, had from the time of their captivity been instructed in the Mahometan superstition; or else being men grown, and coming thither, had abjured the Christian religion (as many reprobates did in hope of preferment.) Right strange it is to consider, unto what honour and glory this slavish empire in short time grew: many of those poor slaves by rare fortune or secret divine power, exalted out of the dust unto the highest dedegree of honour, proving most excellent and renowned princes, of such strength and power, as was dreadful even unto the greatest princes of the world. In which great glory, this servile empire (to the world's wonder) flourished from this time amongst the greatest by the space of 267 years; until that having run the appointed race, it was with a great destruction, by Selimus the victorious emperor of the Turks, overthrown in the year 1517, and the kingdom of EGYPT with all SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE, brought into the form of Provinces, united unto the Turks empire, as they are at this day, and as in the course of this history shall in due time and place (God willing) at large appear. But leaving the kingdom of the Turks thus overthrown in EGYPT, and the Mamalukes there triumphing; the French king returned into FRANCE▪ and the Christians in peace in SYRIA: let us again return into the lesser ASIA, and unto the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, whether the affairs both of the Turks and of the Christians now call us. All this while the Greek empire (for so the Greeks will have it called) flourished both in peace and plenty in the lesser ASIA, under their emperor john Batazes: the power of the Latins in the mean time declining as fast at CONSTANTINOPLE, under the rule of the Latin emperor Baldwin the second. As for the Turks whom we left grievously troubled both with famine and the often incursions of the Tartars, they had all this while, and yet also, enough and more than enough to do to withstand the same enemy. At length it fortuned that john Ducas the Greek emperor died, being at the time of his death about threescore years old, whereof he had happily reigned three & thirty: by whose good & discreet government, the Greek empire before brought low and almost to nought by the Latins, began again to gather strength and to flourish both in ASIA and some little part of EUROPE also. Of him are reported many notable matters, which as impertinent to our purpose I could willingly pass over, were I not by the worthy remembrance of one of them stayed a while by the way. This noble and famous emperor having long lamented the death of the fair empress Irene his first wife, at last married another young lady, the sister of Manfred king of SICILY, called Anne, with whom amongst other honourable and beautiful dames, sent by the king her brother for the accompanying of her to CONSTANTINOPLE, The emperor in 〈◊〉 with Marcesina. was one Marcesina, a rare paragon, of such a feature as if nature had in her meant to bestow her greatest skill. From whose mouth always flowed a fountain of most sugared words, and out of her eyes issued (as it were) nets to entangle the amorous in: upon this so fair an object, the emperor not fearing further harm, took pleasure oftentimes to feed his eyes, until that at length caught with her looks, he had lost his liberty, and was of a great emperor become her thrall, in such sort, as that in comparison of her he seemed little or nothing to regard the young empress his wife; but so far doted upon her, that he suffered her to be attired and honoured with the same attire and honour that the empress was herself; whom she now so far exceeded both in grace and favour with the emperor, and honour of the people, as that she almost alone enjoyed the same, without regard of her unto whom it was of more right due. Whilst she thus alone triumpheth, at length it fortuned that she in all her glory, attended upon with most of the gallants of the court, and some of the emperors guard, would needs go (whether for devotion or for her recreation, I know not) to visit the monastery and fair church, which Blemmydes (a noble man of great renown, both for his integrity of life, and learning) had of his own cost and charges but lately built in the country; where he together with his monks, as men weary of the world, lived a devout and solitary contemplative life, after the manner of that time, with the great good opinion of the people in general. This Blemmydes was afterward for his upright life and profound learning, chosen Patriarch of CONSTANTINOPLE: which great honour, next unto the emperor himself, Marcesina the emper●●r 〈…〉 of the church. he refused, contenting himself with his cell. Marcesina coming thither in great pomp, and thinking to have entered the church, had the doors shut against her by the monks, before commanded so to do by Blemmydes their founder: and so was to her great disgrace kept out. For that devout man deemed it a great impiety, to suffer that so wicked and shameless a woman, against whom he had most sharply both spoken and written, with her profane and wicked feet to tread upon the sacred pavement of his church. She enraged with this indignity, hardly by so proud a woman to be with patience digested, and pricked forward by her flattering ●ollowers also; returning to the court, grievously complained thereof unto the emperor, stirring him up by all means she could to revenge the same, persuading him to have been therein himself disgraced. Whereunto were joined also the hard speeches of her pickthank fauourits, who to curry Favell, spared not to put oil as it were into the fire, for the stirring up of the emperor unto revenge. Who with so great a complaint nothing moved unto wrath, but struck as it were to the heart with a remorse of conscience, and oppressed with heaviness, with tears running down his cheeks, and fetching a deep sigh, said: Why provoke you me to punish so devout and just a man? whereas if I would myself have lived without reproach and infamy, I should have kept my imperial majesty unpolluted or stained. But now sith I myself have been the cause both of mine own disgrace, and of the empires: I may thank mine own deserts, if of such evil seed as I have sown, I now reap also an evil harvest. Th●odorus Las●●●● chosen empero●r. After the death of this good emperor, Theodorus his son, borne the first year of his father's reign, being then about three and thirty years old, was by the general consent of the people saluted emperor in his stead: who in the beginning of his empire renewed the league which his father had made with jathatines' the Turkish Sultan. And so having provided for the security of his affairs in ASIA; he with a puissant army passed over the straight of HELLESPONTUS into EUROPE, to appease the troubles there raised in MACEDONIA and THRACIA, by the king of BULGARIA his brother in law, and Michael Angelus Despot of THESSALIA; who upon the death of the old emperor began to spoil those countries, not without hope at length to have joined them unto their own: by whose coming they were for all that disappointed of their purpose, and glad to sue to him for peace. But whilst he was there busied, he was advertised by letters from NICE, That Michael Paleologus, whom he had left there governor in his absence, was secretly fled unto the Turks: with which news he was not a little troubled. The cause of whose flight, as Paleologus himself gave it out, was, for that he perceived himself divers ways by many his enemies brought into disgrace, and the emperors ears so filled with their odious complaints, so cunningly framed against him, as that they were not easily or in short time to be refelled: and therefore fearing in the emperors heavy displeasure to be suddenly taken away, to have willingly gone into exile, if so happily he might save his life from the malice of them that sought after it. At his coming to ICONIUM, he found jathatines' the Sultan making great preparation against the Tartars; who having driven the Turks out of PERSIA and the other far Eastern countries (as is before declared) and running still on, did with their continual incursions spoil a great part of their territories in the lesser ASIA also; and now lay at AXARA, a town not far off from ICONIUM: against whom the Sultan now making the greatest preparation he could, gladly welcomed Paleologus, whom he knew to be a right valiant and worthy captain, commending to his charge the leading of certain bands of greeks; whom he had retained to serve him in those wars, as he had others also of the Latins, under the conduct of Boniface Moline, a nobleman of VENICE: and so having put all things in readiness, and strengthened with these foreign supplies of the greeks and Latins, set forward against his enemies the Tartars: who at the first sight of the strange ensigns and soldiers, were much dismayed, fearing some greater force had been come to the aid of the Turks. Nevertheless, joining with them in battle, had with them at the first a most terrible and bloody conflict, wherein that part of the army that stood against Paleologus, and his greeks, was put to the worse; to the great discomfiture of the Tartars, being even upon the point to have fled, had not one of the greatest commanders in the Turks army, and a nigh kinsman of the Sultan's, for an old grudge that he bore unto the Sultan, with all his regiment in the heat of the battle revolted unto the Tartars: whereby the fortune of the battle was in a moment as it were quite altered, they which but now were about to have fled, fight like lions; and they that were victors, now glad to turn their backs and fly: in which flight a great number of the Turks fell, the fierce Tartars most eagerly pursuing them. Paleologus with the general of the Turks hardly chased by the Tartars, and glad every hour to make a stand, and to fight for their lives, with much ado after many days flight recovered a castle of the Generals, near unto CASTAMONA, and so saved themselves. The Tartars after this so great a victory (wherein they had broken the whole strength of the Turks, and brought in hazard the whole state of their kingdom) without resistance foraged all the countries and provinces subject unto the Turkish Sultan, making spoil of whatsoever they light upon: insomuch, that the Sultan discouraged, and having now no strength left to oppose against them, fled unto the Greek emperor Theodorus for aid; who most honourably entertained him with all his train, and comforted him with such small aid as he thought good then to spare him: Which for his more safety he sent home with him, under the leading of Isaacius Ducas, surnamed Murtzufle, a man in great credit with him. In recompense of which kindness, the Sultan gave unto the emperor the city of LAODICEA, whereinto he presently put a strong garrison: nevertheless, it was not long before it fell again into the hands of the Turks, being a place not to be holden by the greeks. Yet for all this, the Sultan finding himself still too weak to withstand the continual invasions of the Tartars, and weary of the harms he daily sustained; by the advise of his chief counsellors made a league with them, yielding to pay them a certain yearly tribute, thereby to redeem his peace. From which time the Tartars accounted of the Turks, as of their tributaries and vassals. Not long after this, Michael Paleologus was by the emperors kind and gracious letters called home; with his faithful promise also before given for his security: who before his return bound himself also by solemn oath, to be unto the emperor and his son always loyal, and from thenceforth never to seek after the empire, or give cause of new suspect for such matters as he had been before charged with: but for ever to yield unto the emperor, his son, or other his successors in the empire, his dutiful obedience and fidelity. Upon which conditions he was again made Great Constable, and so received into the emperors favour, and lived the rest of his reign in great honour and credit with him. The death of Theodorus the Greek emperor. Now Theodorus the emperor having reigned three years, fell sick and died, leaving behind him his son john, then but a child of six years old, to succeed him in the empire: whom he upon his death bed, together with the empire, commended to Arsenius the Patriarch, and one George Muzalo his faithful counsellor, as to his trusty tutors, to see him safely brought up, & the empire well and peaceably governed. This Muzalo was a man of mean parentage, but for his familiar acquaintance and civil behaviour, of a child brought up in the court with the emperor as his play fellow: with whom he growing up, so framed himself unto his manners and disposition, that he alone was unto him in stead of all, still at hand, ready to say or do whatsoever might be unto the emperor gracious or pleasing. And the elder they grew, so increased this their mutual affection and love also: in such sort, that with him now emperor, he was of all others in greatest favour and authority; a wary observer of his delights, a ready minister of his affairs, and faithful partaker of his secrets: for which he was in short time promoted unto the greatest honours of the court, and honourably married unto one of the emperors nigh kinswomen; and now at his death, by his last will, with the reverend Patriarch appointed tutor to the young emperor and his two young sisters. And for the more assurance thereof, a solemn oath of obedience unto the young prince as emperor, and unto them as his tutors, was exacted of all sort of men both high & low, of what vocation soever; and that not once, but first a little before the emperors death, and again after he was now dead for many of the nobility honourably descended, seeing the sudden change of Muzalo his fortune, Envy in Cou●●. among themselves murmured thereat, as grieved with his preferment, seeing there were many among them, unto whom both the tuition of the young emperor and administration of the empire, of better right appertained; insomuch as they were both nearer of kin unto the emperor, and fitter (as they thought) for so great a charge than was Muzalo; whom (as they said) they had many causes both to contemn and hate: For beside that he was not honourably borne, and had served the late emperor Theodore, as the minister of his wrath against some of the nobility, causes sufficient of the people's hatred; if he should now also in so great authority affect the empire, it was by his malicious enemies vainly doubted, that he would not spare to commit any manner of villainy, for the effecting of his inordinate desire. Of all which Muzalo was not ignorant, a man at all other times of a most quick apprehension for such matters, but as then especially, his wits being awaked with these so great motives & dangers. Wherefore speedily calling together all the nobility into the court, he welcomed them one by one, and courteously discoursing with them, offered to discharge himself both of the administration of the empire, and tuition of the young emperor, and willingly to yield the same unto any one of them, whom the rest should think fittest for so great a charge: which though they all with one consent as it were refused, saying, That he was of all others to be preferred, unto whom the emperor, lord both of the empire and the child, had committed the same: yet Muzalo earnestly requested them to the contrary, and stiffly withstood their desire, wishing indeed rather to have led a quiet private life in security, than to have been so overcharged; not so much for doubt of the envy then arising, as for fear of some great danger thereof to ensue. But would he, would he not, remedy there was none, but that as the late emperor had appointed, so he must take the charge upon him. And now was every one, as well of the nobility, as of the inferior sort, again with greater solemnity than before the third time sworn, to the uttermost of their power to defend the young emperor in his empire, and Muzalo in the tuition of him and administration of the affairs of the state, and faithfully to yield unto them both all due honour and obedience: which if they should fail religiously to perform, they wished unto themselves every man, & to all theirs, a shameful end and destruction. Yet notwithstanding all this solemn swearing, mixed most times with much forswearing, there were not fully nine days past, but that certain of the chief nobility forgetful or else careless of their oath, and full of envy, seldom satisfied but with blood, conspired the unworthy death of Muzalo the protector both of the emperor and the empire. The ninth day appointed for the funeral of the emperor, was now come, at which time were met together at SOSANDRA (an abbey by himself built in the honour of the virgin Marie at MAGNESIA) many great ladies and grave matrons, to mourn as the manner was; all the great princes of the nobility, and among them the conspirators also: thither repaired also a number of soldiers, prepared for the slaughter, with an infinite multitude of the common people, as at such solemnities is usual. Muzalo trait●●rously murdered in the church. But what needs many words, whilst the hymns were yet in singing, and the obsequies in performing, the soldiers as they were before instructed, suddenly breaking into the church, with their drawn swords in their hands, slew Muzalo (then fled unto the altar for refuge) with his two brethren Andronicus and Theodorus, both men of great account, and divers others appointed to the massacre. So the matrons & the rest of the multitude breaking off their mourning, and for fear thronging out one in another's neck, fled as fast as they could, some one way, some another, as they thought for their most safety: but the priests and monks thinking to have done the like, were by the imperious soldiers, whether they would or not, again enforced into the church; where tumbling one over another, as thronging in with great force & violence, and scarce able to stand, by reason of the slipperiness of the blood there shed upon the pavement, they in great fear made an end of those bloody obsequies. This outrage appeased, Arsenius the Patriarch, and only tutor of the young emperor now left, was therewith yet much troubled, as with a thing dangerous both to the person of the young prince, and quietness of the state; but what good course to take therein, he could not tell: for as he was a man for his learning and integrity of life, not inferior to the best, so in matters of state he was as far to seek; as it commonly happeneth the contemplative man, buried in his meditations, to be unfit for temporal government; whereas he that should perform both, must unto his rare virtues and great learning join a civil conversation, with great experience in worldly affairs, not to be learned but by great and long practise. This reverend father (of no great reach, yet wishing all well) calling together the nobility, consulted with them what were best to be done for the government both of the young emperor and the empire, now that Muzalo was dead; not considering in the mean time who they were with whom he consulted, or that counsel grounded upon no wise foresight or approved experience, was more dangerous unto him whom he would have provided for, than all the enemies murdering swords, as shortly after appeared. Amongst others of the nobility called to counsel, Michael Paleologus aspireth. was Michael Paleologus (of whom we have before spoken) much superior to the rest, as descended of the imperial house of the Comneni, a man of a cheerful countenance, gracious, and courteous, and withal exceeding bountiful and liberal, whereby he easily won the hearts of all men in general, but especially of the colonels, captains, and other martial men, commanders in the army; of whose aspiring to the empire, many presages and common rumours (not always vain) had in former time passed also to the moving of many: yea the Patriarch himself not considering his haughty and aspiring nature, made no less account of him than did the rest, but upon an especial favour, committed to his only trust the keys of the common treasure, at such time as money was to be delivered out for payment of the armies or other like great occasions of the state; the most effectual means for the furtherance of his secret practices, & the readiest way for the effecting of that he had so long before plotted: for having in his fingering such a mass of treasure, as he might well have wished but never reasonably hoped for, he poured it out as it were by bushels amongst the nobility and martial men, & such others as he thought were able to do most with the people, amongst whom were many of the clergy also: of which his fauourits were made many meetings, and by them was the Patriarch continually solicited, but yet in general terms, without delay (according to the necessity of the time) to take order for the good government of the state, which now as a great ship in the midst of the sea without a master, was (as they said) in danger to perish; and being once lost, was not to be again recovered. At which time also, the name of Paleologus was in every man's mouth, as the only man for his wisdom and experience, fit to take upon him the charge and government of the empire, until the young emperor were come to age. Unto which common good liking, the Patriarch also (seeing no more, or peradventure not so much as the rest) gave his consent. And so without longer stay, to the great contentment both of the nobility and people in general, made him governor of the empire, and tutor to the young emperor, wanting now nothing of an emperor himself, more than the title and imperial ornaments. This was the first step whereby this aspiring man (twice before in disgrace with the two late emperors, john Duc●s, and his son Theodorus) mounted at last unto the empire. It was not many days after, but that his fauourits held another counsel, wherein it was alleged, That it was not seemly for him that was tutor unto the emperor, governor of the state and empire, and to give audience unto the ambassadors of foreign nations, to want the honour next unto the emperor, as well for the magnificence of the state, as for the credit of his place: whereupon he was both by the Patriarch and the young emperor honoured with the title of the Despot, another step unto the empire. But what contentment find the ambitious even in the greatest honours, so long as there is one above them? Little sure, or none at all, more than that it serveth them to step at next, up to the highest: as did this new made Despot, who shortly after was by certain of the nobility, his great fauourits, near unto MAGNESIA, with the great applause of the people hoist up and saluted emperor. Whereof Arsenius the Patriarch hearing, was therewith much troubled, as fearing what would become of the young child, the right heir of the empire. And first he was about to have excommunicated, as well him that was made emperor, as them that had so made him: but afterward changing his purpose, for fear of greater troubles, he thought it better by solemn oath to bind both him and the rest, That they should not seek after the life of the child, or by any force or colour go about to deprive him of the empire; which was so done. Yet it was not full a month after, but that even he that had so great a care of the young child and so provided for his safety (persuaded by them of the nobility and the clergy) with his own hands, Michael Paleologus crowned emperor by Arsenius the Patriarch. and all the accustomed ceremonies, set the imperial crown upon this usurpers head; yet not as upon him that should still enjoy the empire, but as upon a man according to the present necessity of the time and state thought fittest for so great a charge, until the young child came to age; unto whom then he was to give place, and to resign to him the empire. All which being by more solemn oath than before confirmed, good news (as the certain signs of his fortunate government) were brought unto him of a great victory obtained by his captains, against Michael Angelus Despot of AETOLIA and EPIRUS: Who having married the late emperors daughter, and hearing of his death, with the great troubles in ASIA; aided by the king of SICILIA and the prince of PELOPONESUS and ACHAIA, his sons in law, had thought in that hurl and perturbation of the state to have taken unto himself the greatest part of the emperors territories in MACEDONIA and THRACIA: and for the same purpose was with a great army entered into them, burning and spoiling the country before him; whereof Michael Paleologus (than but newly made Despot) having intelligence, sent his brother john, and some other his best captains, with a great army against him; by whom he with his complices were put to the worse, and not without great loss enforced to retire: the joyful news whereof he received, even as he was crowned. Which was shortly after confirmed by the coming of the great commanders themselves, bringing with them the prince of PELOPONESUS and ACHAIA, by them taken prisoner. Who for his ransom was afterward glad to give unto the emperor Paleologus, MONEMBASIA, main, and SPARTA, three of the best cities of PELOPONESUS: whereinto he put strong garrisons, under the command of Constantinus his brother by the mother's side, a right valiant captain. By whose good service, and the commodious situation of the places, he gained divers other towns and cities, and at length the greatest part of PELOPONESUS, out of the hands of the Latins: for the utter rooting out of whom, he shortly after with a great army passed over into THRACIA, with purpose (as was thought) to have besieged CONSTANTINOPLE: but finding it to be a matter of more difficulty than was before supposed, he left that, and laid siege to the castle of PERA, overagainst it on the other side of the haven, in hope by winning of that castle to have become master also of the town: where he was notably repulsed, and enforced with loss to retire. So rising with his army, he fortified divers castles and strong holds in the country about CONSTANTINOPLE, and put into them strong garrisons, charging them, with continual incursions to trouble the constantinopolitans, and to cut them so short, if it were possible, as that they should not dare to look out at the gates of the city. Which they so well performed, that in short time the Latins in the city were driven to such extremity, that for want of wood they were feign to burn many of the fairest houses in the city in stead of fuel; which done, he returned again to NICE, the chief seat of the Greek emperors, ever since that CONSTANTINOPLE was taken by the Latins. Now reigned in CONSTANTINOPLE the Latin emperor Baldwin the second (as is before declared) a man of small courage, and less power, and therefore not much regarded either of the greeks or Latins: who for the maintenance of his state was glad to sell away the public ornaments of the city, and to pawn his son unto the Bruges merchants for money; by whom he was le●t at VENICE to be brought up: which gave occasion for some writers to report, That he was pawned unto the Venetians. About this time Mango, 1260 the great Chan of TARTARY, stirred up by Aitonus the Armenian king, Haalon the Tartar sent with a great army against the Turks. by whose persuasion he had also received the Christian religion, sent his brother Haalon with an exceeding great army against the Turks and Sarrasins in SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE. This Haalon converted also unto the Christian faith by his wife, setting forward with a world of people following him, in the space of six months overran all PERSIA, with the countries adjoining, excepting one strong place in the mountains (which some say was SAMARCHAND, afterward the royal seat of the great terror of the world, the mighty (Tamerlaine) which besieged by ten thousand horsemen, by him there left for that purpose, and so continued by the space of seven and twenty years after, was then at length (as Aiton himself writeth) yielded by the defendants, only for want of clothes to cover their nakedness. Haalon in whose army those ten thousand (left behind) were not miss; marching on, and as a violent tempest bearing all down before him, entered at length into ASSYRIA, and there laid siege unto the great city of BABYLON, than the seat of the great Caliph; whom all the Mahometan princes honoured above all others, as the true successor of their great prophet Mahomet, and received from his mouth the interpretation of their law, as most divine oracles. Which great city Haalon won, and putting to sword all he found therein, men, women, and children, with the spoil thereof and the rich treasures of the Caliph, enriched his soldiers. The Caliph himself (reserved for that purpose) he commanded to be set in the midst of the infinite treasure which he and his predecessors had most covetously heaped up together, and that he should of that gold silver and precious stones take what it pleased him to eat, saying (by way of derision) That so gainful a guest should by good reason be fed with nothing but things of greatest price, whereof he willed him to make no spare: In which order the covetous wretch kept for certain days, miserably died for hunger, in the midst of those things whereof he thought he should never have had enough; which though they were in valour great, and with great care laid together, yet served they him not now to suffice nature, best contented with a little. BABYLON thus sacked, and almost razed, the Tartar marching on through MESOPOTAMIA, by the way took the city of RHOAIS, where Aiton the Armenian king and author of this the Tartars expedition, came unto him with twelve thousand horsemen, and forty thousand foot, as reporteth Aiton the Armenian kings nephew, Aleppo razed by the Tartars. than there present. So entering into SYRIA, in a few days took ALEPPO, which he sacked and razed in the year of our Lord 1260, with diverse other strong towns sometime belonging unto the kingdom of ANTIOCH. Then was one Malacnesar Sultan of DAMASCUS, commanding over all SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE: who terrified with the loss of his cities, and the fear of farther danger, with his wife and children came and humbled himself before the Tartar prince, in hope so to have saved unto himself some good part of his kingdom. Wherein he was much deceived, being (as some say) carried away a far off into exile, because he should not hinder the Tartars proceedings: or as others report (and happily with more probability) being by him detained as his prisoner, and afterwards to the terror of his son, cut in pieces in his sight under the walls of DAMASCUS, after that it had in vain been twice assaulted by the Tartars: which strong city for all that he afterwards took by strong hand, Damascus won▪ and sacked it, and by the persuasion of his wife overthrew all the Mahometan temples, as he had before in every place where he came. But purposing to have gone on forward to JERUSALEM, and to have conquered the whole land of PALESTINE, news was brought him of the death of his brother Mango, the great Chan: whereupon he stayed his journey and returned back again, in hope of that great empire, having in this expedition spent almost six years. Thus by the Tartars was the kingdom of the Turks at DAMASCUS overthrown. At which time, the broken affairs of the Christians in SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE, might easily have been repaired, and those two goodly kingdoms again restored to the Christian commonweal, had the Christian princes of the West then in time put to their helping hands on the one side, as did the Tartars on the other: But they then at fatal discord among themselves, and busied with their wars at home, let slip that so fair an opportunity, the like whereof they seldom or never had since. Haalon the Tartar prince, in token of his good will toward the Christians and their affairs, at his departure from DAMASCUS left his son Abaga there with twenty thousand horsemen to aid them in their wars, if they should come (as was expected) for the recovery of the Holy land: who having there stayed some while, and hearing of his father's troubles at home, followed himself after him, but yet left behind him Guirboca, a valiant captain, with ten thousand of his horsemen, to like purpose that his father had him: who by the insolency of certain Christian soldiers in garrison about SIDON, was of a friend together with his Tartars made a foe. These garrison soldiers having by chance fet in some booty out of the Tartars territory, not only refused to restore the same again, but also foully entreated such as the Tartar had sent for the demanding thereof. Whereupon further quarrels arising, it fortuned a nephew of Guirbocas, a valiant young gentleman, to be slain: in revenge whereof he besieged SIDON, and having taken it, sacked it, and burned it down to the ground. After which time, he and his Tartars became utter enemies unto the Christians, doing them all the harm they could devise. The Egyptian Sultan invadeth Syria. This discord betwixt the Tartars and the Christians, gave occasion unto Melech the Egyptian Sultan, now jealous of the Tartars nearness, with a great army of his Mamalukes & others to enter into SYRIA, and to spoil the country about DAMASCUS; against whom Guirboca with his Tartars, although both in strength and number far inferior, went out. But joining battle with him at too much odds, and the victory inclining unto that side where most strength was, he there valiantly fight was slain, with most part of his Tartars: such as escaped fled into ARMENIA unto the friendly king. By this victory all SYRIA, with the land of PALESTINE, excepting some few places yet holden by the Christians, fell again into the hands of the Egyptian Sultan's; as did some of them shortly after also: for Bandocader succeeding Melech in the Mamaluke kingdom, coming into SYRIA with a great army, took ANTIOCH from the Christians, & with it most of the other places before by them defended. The city he burned, & razed the castle down to the ground, and afterward entering into ARMENIA, did there great harm also. Antioch taken from the Christians. Whilst the Turks kingdom thus goeth to wrack in SYRIA, ruinated by the Tartars, but possessed by the Mamalukes; their affairs in the lesser ASIA, now the whole hope of that nation, went not at that time much better: for jathatines' the Turks Sultan, there also invaded by the Tartars, and having lost ICONIUM his regal city, fled with his brother Melech to the Greek emperor Michael Paleologus, in hope to be of him relieved, for the kindness he had not long before showed him in like case, when as he fled from the late emperor Theodore; whereof now putting him in remembrance, he requested him either with some convenient force to aid him, or else to assign unto him some corner in his large empire where he might in safety rest with his wife and children, and other followers, whom with much wealth he had brought with him in great number. The emperor on every side himself encumbered with wars, thought it not good in so great newness of his empire, to diminish his own forces: and to assign unto him any place to inhabit, seemed no less dangerous; for that he having been a great prince, and commanding over many great countries, and brought up in all princely royalty, was not like to content himself with a little: beside that, his nobility, then dispersed by the Tartars, were like enough in great numbers to resort unto him, as unto their head, so soon as they should once hear that he were seated in any place: and yet unkindly to cast him off that had so honourably used him in like extremity, the emperor was loath. And therefore feeding him up with fair words, and foording him on from time to time with delays, he held him a great while as a man in suspense, betwixt hope and despair. At length in the absence of the emperor (though happily not without his privity) he was commanded with all his train, in number about twelve hundred, to get him to AENUS, a city of THRACIA, standing upon the sea coast: where he much discontented, lived like an honourable prisoner at large, but with the watchful eyes of so many upon him, as that he could by no means (as he desired) escape. In which case we will for a while leave him, to feed upon his own melancholy thoughts. 1261 Now had Michael Paleologus the emperor reigned at NICE two years, when new troubles began again to arise in the West part of his empire on EUROPE side, by the treachery of Michael Angelus, Despot of EPIRUS. For the speedy repressing whereof, he sent one Alexius Strategopulus, a worthy captain and a man of great nobility (whom for his good service against the said Despot, he had in the beginning of his reign made Caesar) with little above 800 Bythinian soldiers, and commission for the taking up of so many more as he should for that service need, in MACEDONIA and THRACIA: commanding him when he had passed the straight, with those soldiers to take his way through the suburbs of CONSTANTINOPLE, to terrify the Latins, whom he was loath to suffer too long to live in rest and quiet or to stir too far out of the gates, but to keep them as prisoners cooped up within the walls of the city. This warlike captain with this handful of men, passing over PROPONTIS encamped at REGIUM, not far from CONSTANTINOPLE; where by chance lighting upon certain poor labouring men Greeks borne in the city, and there dwelling, he diligently inquired of them the state thereof, and of what strength the Latins were, with many other things, such as he was desirous to know: who not only told him that the strength of the Latins was but small, but also that the greatest part thereof was gone to the siege of DAPHNUSIA, a town not far off upon the side of the EUXINE sea: and withal (as Greeks evil affected to the government of the Latins, and desirous of the liberty of their country) offered of themselves to show him a means how to give him entrance into the city. These poor men dwelled within the city, close by one of the gates, near whereunto by an old ruinous mine almost swerved up, was a secret unsuspected way into the city, not known to any but to themselves: By this blind hole they promised him by night to receive in fifty of his best soldiers; which suddenly setting upon the watch fast by, and dispatching them out of the way, might presently break open the gate and so let in the rest of the army: whereunto they promised themselves with their friends to put to their helping hands, assuring him of the good success thereof. This plot for the betraying of the city thus laid and agreed upon, Alexius the Caesar well rewarding the men, and filling them with greater promises, sent them away: who as if they had been about their country work, were after their wonted manner received into the city, without suspicion at all. And within a few days after according to their promise, at an appointed hour received in by night the aforesaid fifty soldiers; who aided by them, presently slew the watch, and broke open the gate: whereby Alexius entering a little before day, in convenient place put his men in order of battle; and afterward to the greater terror of the Latins, caused the city to be set on fire in four places, which increased with the wind, burnt in most terrible manner, and was in short time come almost to the emperors palace. Who scarce well awaked, and seeing the city all on a fire about his ears, and the enemy coming on; was about at the first with those few Latins that he had (for Greeks he had none) to have made head against them. But better advised, and perceiving it to be now to no purpose, he (the last of the Latin Emperors that ever reigned in CONSTANTINOPLE) with justinian the Latin Patriarch, and some other of his friends, fled by sea into EUBOCA, and so from thence afterwards unto VENICE, and afterwards to Lewis the French king, in hope to have been by him and the Venetians relieved. After whom fled also all the rest of the Latins. Thus the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE by great fortune fell again into the hands of the Greeks, in the year 1261, after it had been in possession of the Latins, about 58 years. The joyful news of the recovery of the imperial city, Paleologus the G●e●ke emperor taketh possession o● the city of Constantinople● was in short time carried unto Michael Paleologus the Greek emperor at NICE; who at the first believed it not, as thinking it scarce possible so strong a city to have been by so weak a power surprised, where as he himself not long before was not able with a right puissant army, and much other warlike provision, to win the little castle of GALATA over against it. But afterwards assured of the truth thereof, with his hands and eyes cast up towards heaven, gave most hearty thanks to God therefore; causing hymns and psalms of thanksgiving to be solemnly sung in every church, with all the other signs of joy and triumph that could be devised. So setting all other things apart, he wholly busied himself in making preparation for his going to CONSTANTINOPLE, now once again the seat of the Greek empire: wherein, and in traveling having spent many days; he at length with the empress his wife and Andronicus his son, then but two years old, as if it had been in solemn procession on foot entered into the city, by the gate called the Golden Gate; and so after prayers and thanks given, went to the palace prepared for him near unto the tiltyard: for the other imperial palaces of greater beauty (sometime the stately dwellings of the greatest emperors of the greeks) had now of long during the reign of the Latins, lain ruinous, or altogether defaced. And shortly after, because virtue and true desert should not want their due honour, he caused Alexius Caesar (by whose means the city was recovered) in solemn triumph in his robes of honour, with a crown upon his head, not much inferior unto the imperial crown, with great pomp to be carried through all the city: and farther commanded, That his name for one year next following, in all solemn hymns and prayers of thanksgiving, should be joined with the name of the emperor himself: And yet not thinking to have done him honour enough, caused his lively image afterward to be most curiouslly made, and as a trophy to be set upon a fair marble pillar, before the great church of the holy Apostles, in perpetual remembrance of him, and that he had done for the delivery of his country; which shortly after overthrown by an earthquake, was by his son again restored. Now was this great and famous city, sometime the beauty of the word, by these strange and fatal mutations, wonderfully defaced and brought to great desolation: in every place was to be seen great heaps, or rather (to say the truth) great hills of rubbish, the eternal witnesses of the ruin thereof; the houses stood some quite fallen down, some ready to follow after, and some other great and stately buildings now the small relics of great fires: for the great beauty thereof was before, at such time as the Latins took it, most defaced by fire; who all the time that they had it, ceased not night and day to destroy some part or other of it, as if they had known they should not long keep it; neither did this last fire raised by the greeks themselves to terrify the Latins, a little deform it: for which cause the emperors chief care now was to cleanse the city, and in best sort he could to reform so great a confusion of things not to be all at once amended; first beginning with the churches, which ruinous or ready to fall, he repaired; and next to that filled the empty houses with new inhabitants. And albeit that the chief of the Latins were together with the emperor fled and gone, yet was the most part of the artificers and tradesmen of the city, Venetians, and of them of PISA, mingled together; unto whom also to join the Genoese, and so to fill the city with Latins, he thought it not altogether safe, although that by them he reaped great profit: wherefore he assigned unto them the city of GALATA now called PERA, on the other side of the haven, for them to inhabit, granting them great privileges, and every of those companies to be governed by a Consul or Potestate of their own. As for the imperial city itself, he stored it (so near as he could) with natural Greeks borne. Paleologus ●ealous of his estate. Now although all things went as Paleologus the emperor could himself have wished; yet could he not rest so contented, for fear lest those which now did eat their own hearts and with great grief smouldred their anger, should at length as the rightful heirs of the empire by him usurped, break out into open force, and so breed him great troubles, yea and perhaps work his confusion. For such is the tormenting state of usurping tyrants, never to think themselves safe so long as any one liveth, whom they may suspect. Wherefore at once to rid himself of this fear, he thought it best so to dispose of the children of the late emperor Theodorus Lascaris, as that he should not need of them to stand in doubt: to take them out of the way, besides that it was a thing odious, he saw it like to be unto him also dangerous; Marry and Theodora (two of the eldest daughters) being before by their father married unto two great princes (one, the Despot of EPIRUS, & the other prince of BULGARIA) with whom he had much before to do, and of them yet stood in some doubt; but these were safe enough out of his reach. Other two younger sisters there were in his custody, Theodora & Irene, with their brother john, the only heir of the empire: Theodora he married unto one Belicurt, a gentleman of PELOPONESUS; and Irene to one Vigintimilio of GENVA; both Latins, men of no great birth or power, such as he needed not to stand in doubt of. These two ladies, the daughters of so great an emperor as was Theodorus, thus basely bestowed; remained only their brother john, the only heir of the empire, then but ten years old, whom Paleologus long before even in the beginning of his reign, had sent unto MAGNESIA, there to be safely kept far off from the court, for fear least in his right and quarrel some discontented persons desirous of innovation, should begin some new stirs dangerous to his estate. Which indignity done unto the young prince, Arsenius the Patriarch (put in trust by his father for the bringing of him up) took in so evil part, that he forsook the court with all his ecclesiastical dignities, and as a man weary of the world, retired himself unto a little monastery of Pascasins in the country, there to spend the rest of his days. From whence for all that he was after the taking of CONSTANTINOPLE from the Latins, almost against his will drawn thither by Paleologus the emperor, and made Patriarch thereof, there together with so great an honour to find his greater discontent. For Paleologus the usurper, altogether unmindful of his faith so solemnly before given, for the safety of the young prince, and the restoring unto him of his empire; and now fully resolved to establish unto him and his posterity the sovereignty of so great an empire, howsoever it was got, Paleologus causeth the young emperors eyes to be put out. caused the young princes eyes to be most cruelly put out: the usual practice of the tyrants of the East, upon such as they are loath or fear to kill, and yet would make them unfit for government. Of which barbarous cruelty, his sister Theodora (married to Constantinus prince of BULGARIA) hearing, ceased not with tears and prayers and all other womanly persuasions, to stir up her husband in revenge thereof: whereunto also jathatines the Turks Sultan, gave no small furtherance; who weary of exile▪ and to be so into a corner confined, as into a prison from whence he might not start, by secret messengers entreated the Bulgarian prince to make war upon the usurping emperor: promising him a great sum of money, if by his help he might recover his former liberty. Wherewith he the rather moved, with a great power of his own and above twenty thousand Tartars which then lay by the river ISTER, suddenly broke into the emperors territories, and in shorter time than was to have been thought, overrun all the country of THRACIA even unto the sea side, leaving neither man nor beast in all the country as he went: in good hope also to have by the way surprised the emperor himself, even then returning from his wars against the Despot in THESSALY: who hearing of his speedy coming, being got unto the sea side, and (having no way left to have escaped by land) shipped himself into a galley of the Latins, which with another her consert bound for CONSTANTINOPLE, by good hap put in there for to water, and so in two days arrived in safety at the imperial city. Thus disappointed of the emperor, all his care was for the delivery of the Turks Sultan. Wherefore marching in haste to AENUM, he so terrified the citizens with his coming, that they without farther delay delivered him into his hands, so to redeem their own peace. In his return you might have seen the soldiers, especially the Tartars, driving before them infinite numbers both of men and cattle, in such sort, as that in the open country of THRACIA for a space, was hardly to be seen either countryman or beast, it was so clean swept both of inhabitants and likewise of cattle. jathatines' the Sultan by the Tartars carried over ISTER, jathatines' dieth in exile. and so by them set at liberty, shortly after died. In whose kingdom succeeded not his son Melicke (as some write) but two others (as the Turks themselves report) the one called Mesoot, the son of Kei-Cubades, and the other Kei-Cubades, the son of Feramcine, borne also of the Selzuccian family, as were all the other Turks Sultan's, but how near of blood unto the late Sultan jathatines they say not. Betwixt which two, as his vassals, Gazan the great Tartar Chan (by whom they were so preferred) for the payment of a yearly tribute, divided the Turks kingdom: aportioning unto Mesoot the cities of AMIDA in ancient time called AMISUS, and AMINSUS in GALATIA, MELATIA otherwise called MELETINE in the lesser ARMENIA, SIVASTE, in ancient time SEBASTIA, and HARBERIE, before SATABREA, both in CAPPADOCIA, with all the country about them. And unto Kei-Cubades, ICONIUM, the ancient seat of the Turkish Sultan's, with all RUMILIA ASIATICA, or the countries of the lesser ASIA alongst the sea coast; which these two princes held as the Tartar's tributaries, as had the late Sultan jathatines before them, until such time as he was by the same Tartars again expulsed. So that the Turks kingdom, which had of long time flourished in the Selzuccian family in PERSIA, in SYRIA, PALESTINE, and EGYPT, there quite overthrown by the Mamalukes and Tartars (as is before declared) & now brought underfoot in the lesser ASIA also, where only rested all the hope of that nation, was now at a low ebb, divided betwixt two weak princes, reigning but at the devotion of the Tartar. In which confusion of the Turkish empire, so rend, not only divers men of greater power and authority amongst them, shared unto themselves, some one corner of the declining kingdom, and some another: but many of the obscure and basest people also, bearing with them nothing but their bows and arrows, took the straight passages of the mountains, and from thence with their daily incursions did much harm in the countries of the Christians joining upon them: which was no great matter for them to do, the garrisons which were wont to defend the same, being for want of pay quite disbanded, and the castles upon the frontiers by them abandoned; which at the first, as a thing of small importance neglected, was at length unto the greeks a great cause of the ruin and decay of the greatest part of their state in ASIA. These mischiefs unregarded, grew daily more and more, the Turks still gaining upon the greeks what they lost unto the Tartars. Whose invasions (the glory of their kingdom only excepted) was not so hurtful unto them, as the cause of their much greater felicity afterwards. At length it fortuned, that a great power of these adventurous Turks meeting together in PAPHLAGONIA, were about to have invaded the territories of the Christians: against whom Michael Paleologus the emperor sent out a strong and puissant army to stay their further coming on, lest breaking in that way they should without resistance at their pleasure forage the country before them. Which army conducted by unskilful captains, encountering with the Turks, was by them in a great battle overthrown and utterly defeated, few or none of all that great multitude escaping: for whilst the Greeks unadvisedly pursued the Turks, retiring of purpose before them, they were by them drawn into the danger of a greater power lying in ambush for them, and so entrapped, were slain with an exceeding great slaughter. After which so great a victory (the beginning of the misery of the Christians in the lesser ASIA) the Turks without let or stay overran all the country, unto the river SANGARIUS: upon the banks whereof the Greek emperor was glad to fortify divers towns and forts to keep them out of BITHYNIA. Nevertheless, they in short time after subdued all the countries from PONTUS and GALATIA, unto the LYCIAN and CARIAN sea, and the river EURIMEDON, which they divided amongst them into divers Toparchies: little or nothing acknowledging the sovereignty either of Mesoot, or Kei-Cubades. Whilst the Turks in the lesser ASIA thus win from the Christians on the one side, and loose to the Tartars on the other; many an hard conflict in the mean time passed betwixt the Egyptian Sultan's with their Mamalukes, and the Tartars, for the sovereignty of SYRIA. The poor remainder of the Christians all that while there, in doubt both of the one and of the other: From whom and from the Armenians (than also much infested by the Mamalukes) divers ambassadors were sent unto the Pope & the Christian princes of the West, to crave their aid and help in that their hard estate: whose prayers little prevailing with the rest, yet so moved Lewis the French king, and Henry the third, then reigning in ENGLAND, that they both promised them aid. Whereupon Lewis a man of great devotion, and always forward in that service against the infidels, took upon him the cross, the cognisance of the sacred war; causing his three sons, Philip that succeeded him in the kingdom, surnamed the Fair, Peter county of ALANCON, and john county of NEVERS (surnamed Tristan, for that his mother was in her greatest heaviness for the taking of her husband, delivered of him in EGYPT) and most of the nobility of FRANCE to do the like: unto whom also Theobald king of NAVARRE his son in law, Alphonsus his brother, and Guydo earl of FLANDERS, joined themselves. And so having put all things in readiness, took his way to MARSEILLES, and from thence embarking himself with his army in the Genoese ships, hired for that purpose, set forward the first of March in the year 1270. But being at sea, he was by force of weather constrained to land in SARDINIA, and there to stay a while: 1270 departing thence, he at length arrived at CARTHAGE, the place by him desired, where in the entrance of the haven he surprised certain of the enemy's ships; Carthage besieged by K. Lewis. but landing his men, and assaulting the town, he was there notably repulsed. This is not that ancient great and famous city which sometime mightily strove with the proud mistress of the world for sovereignty, but another built long after in the ruins, or at least not far from the ruins of the same. In the besieging whereof, the Frenchmen ●ound such resistance, as well put them in remembrance of the ancient glory of the Carthaginians. One day it fortuned as the king thus lay at the siege, that the defendants made a great and fierce sally out upon the Frenchmen, who before commanded so to do, by little and little retired, to draw their enemies farther on: betwixt whom and the city, the Constable with a great power coming in and charging them behind, and they which before retired now standing close unto them, they were on both sides hardly beset; who for all that, as became valiant men, worthily defended themselves, and made there a great fight, though not without extreme peril: which they in the city beholding, gave out a most hideous and piteous cry, a certain sign of their hard estate within; astonying with the suddenness thereof, both their friends & their enemies. But whilst they of the town betwixt hope and despair stood thus beholding the fight at land, the Frenchmen by sea approaching a bulwark on that side of the town●, Ca●thage won. took it without resistance: which so dismayed them without, that they began forthwith to fly, of whom the greatest part casting away their weapons, were by the king's commandment taken to mercy; and they likewise of the town upon promise of their lives, yielded the same unto the king. CARTHAGE thus won, the king laid siege unto TUNES, the chief city of that kingdom, being not far off: where by the way he was encountered by the king of the country, who having there lost ten thousand of his Moors, betook himself to flight with the rest. Who thus overthrown, resolved no more to tempt fortune, but to keep himself safe within the walls of his city, if happily so he might (as it oftentimes falleth out) more weaken his enemies by lying still and protracting the time, than by open force and valour. Which their purpose king Lewis perceiving, resolved not to stir from thence until that he were become master of the city; which as it seemed could not hold out for want of victuals, considering the multitude of people that were got into it. Nevertheless thus besieged both by sea and land, and so straightly hemmed in on every side, as that no relief could possibly be brought unto it; yet held it out by the space of six months. After which time wants daily more and more increasing among the besieged, ambassadors were sent out to the king, to entreat with him of peace: But whilst these ambassadors go too and fro, and reason upon the capitulations of the desired peace, behold a great and furious plague arose in the French camp, which began to cut them down by heaps: there died john Tristan county of NEVERS, the king's youngest son, borne in the first expedition that the said king his father made into the Holy land, even at such time as he was taken prisoner; which Tristan died the five and twentieth day of August in the year of our Lord 1270. The good king having yet scarcely performed the obsequies of his son, fell sick of the bloody flix, whereof he there shortly after died also. About which time arrived there Charles king of SICILY, the French kings brother, with a great number of fresh soldiers: whose coming lightened somewhat the Frenchmens hearts (heavy for the death of their king) and daunted the Moors, before brag of the same. Shortly after whom arrived there also prince Edward, king Henry the third his eldest son, who traveling through FRANCE, and taking shipping at AQVESMORT, not far from MARSEILLES, was now in ten days with a brave company of Englishmen come to TUNES; and there of the other Christian princes, namely of Philip the French king (his father Lewis being now dead) of Charles king of SICILY, and of the two kings of NAVARRE and ARRAGON, joyfully received. But these princes had a little before his arrival concluded a peace with the Moors king, and the infidels, upon condition that he should pay a yearly tribute of forty thousand crowns unto the king of SICILIA; and to suffer the Christian religion to be freely preached in his dominions, by such devout persons as should be there left for that purpose; and that unto such persons as should by their preaching be converted unto the faith in Christ jesus, it should be lawful for them to be baptised, and to profess the Christian religion. Of which peace, prince Edward understanding, did what he might to have dissuaded them from the same, saying, That the war was by them all taken in hand against the infidels, as enemies unto the cross of Christ, with whom they were not to have peace: and for the recovery of the Holy city. But say what he would, and what he could, the peace (to his great discontentment) was now concluded, which they might not (as they said) again break: and thereupon with the first fair wind hoissed sail, and returned towards SICILIA, with purpose the next Spring to have gone into SYRIA; which their determination was shortly after by the hand of God disappointed. For being come upon the cost of the island not far from DREPANUM, most of the great princes and other nobility, in their long boats went on land, the rest of the fleet lying at anchor about a league off; for that being for the most part ships of great burden, they were not able to put into the harbour: But as they so lay, by force of a sudden and violent tempest then arising some were eaten up with the wrought sea; some falling foul one of another, there perished together; The Christian princes returning from Tunes suffer shipwreck upon the coast of Sicilia. others driven upon the main, were there beaten in pieces: so that of that great fleet before the storm ceased, perished about an hundred and twenty sail, with all the people, a● well mariners as soldiers left in them, and great store both of armour and munition: In 〈◊〉 sort that most of the common soldiers and mariners which had escaped the plague 〈◊〉 TUNES, there upon the coast of SICILIA perished by shipwreck. Only prince Edward's fleet, being in number but thirteen ships, escaped free without loss either of ship or man. Neither were they that were got to land at DREPANUM in much better case, the plague still following them; whereof died Theobald king of NAVARRE, and Isabella his wife, king Lewis his daughter, Elizabeth the French queen, with a wonderful number of noble gentlemen, and other common soldiers; in such sort that Philip the French king discouraged with the greatness of the mortality, and the miserable loss at sea, resolved there to make an end of the intended war, and so returned into FRANCE, as did the rest that were left, every man into his own country. 1271 Only prince Edward having passed that Winter in SICILIA, with the first of the next Spring set forward again on his voyage, Prince Edward 〈…〉. and in fifteen days after arrived with his fleet at PTOLEMAIS: where after he had by the space of a month rested himself and his soldiers after their long travel, and fully inquired of the state of the country, he with six or seven thousand soldiers marching from PTOLEMAIS about twenty miles into the land, took NAZARETH, and put to sword all them he found therein, and so again returned. After whom the enemies following, in hope to have taken him at some advantage, he understanding thereof, turned back upon them, and killing a great number of them, put the rest to ●light. And after that about Midsummer, understanding that the Saracens were again making head at a place called CAKHOW, about forty miles off, he set forwards towards them; and coming upon them early in the morning, before they were aware, slew above a thousand of them, and dispersed the rest. Aided also by the nobility of CYPRUS, he with like success as before, made a third expedition against the Infidels: insomuch, that his fame began to grow great amongst them, and they to stand of him in no little dread. But whilst he thus prevailed, he was by foul treachery almost taken out of the way. The Admiral of JOPPA feigning himself desirous to become a Christian, and willing to further the princes proceedings, had by a secret messenger and letters sundry times intelligence with him, as well concerning his own good entertainment, as the effecting of that which he had promised. This messenger by the Admiral thus employed, was (though to the prince unknown) one of the Assasines, a company of most desperate and dangerous men among the mahometans, who strongly deluded with the blind zeal of their superstition, and accounting it meritorious, by any means to kill any great enemy of their religion; for the performance thereof, as men prodigal of their lives, desperately adventure themselves unto all kind of dangers. So now this messenger, before resolved to die, coming the fifth time unto the prince, and being searched for having any weapon about him, as the manner was, had access unto him, then lying in his chamber upon his bed, in his jerkin, bore headed, because of the heat of the weather: where after due reverence done, he pulled out certain letters from his lord unto the prince, which he read with great delight, as penned of purpose for to please. But as he was farther questioning with him of many matters, and all the company voided, the desperate messenger making as though he would have pulled out some other secret letters, suddenly plucked out an envenomed knife, which he had secretly hidden about him, thinking to have struck him into the belly as he lay: For the avoiding of which stroke, the prince lifting up his arm, was therein grievously wounded. Prince Edward wounded. But as the villain was about to have doubled the stroke, the prince with his foot gave him such a blow, that he felled him to the ground, and with that starting up, caught him by the hand, where in struggling with him for the knife, in wresting it out of his hand, he hurt himself therewith in the forehead: but getting it from him, presently thrust it into the murderers belly, and so slew him. The prince's servants being not far off, and hearing the busteling, came running in; where finding the messenger dead on the floor, one of them with a stool beat out his brains: whereat the prince took some displeasure, for so striking a dead man. This danger of the princes, much troubled and grieved all the Christians in SYRIA, and the more, for that the wound in his arm, after it had been certain days well dressed by the skilful surgeons and physicians, began to mortify and grow black, insomuch, that they and others about him began to mutter among themselves, and to look heavily upon the matter, as not without danger. Which he perceiving, said unto them: Why whisper you thus among yourselves? what see you in me? can I not be healed; tell me the truth, and fear not? whereunto one of them answered: And like your highness, we doubt not of your healing, but that it will be painful for you to suffer. If suffering (said he) may again restore my health, I commit myself unto you, work on me your skill, and spare not. So the next day they cut out all the dead and poisoned flesh ou● of his arm, and in fifteen days after perfectly cured his wound, to the great rejoicing of all his people. The great Sultan to clear himself of this so dishonourable a treachery, sent three of his noblemen unto the prince, calling to witness his false prophet, that the same was done neither by him no● his consent. Which ambassadors the prince honourably used, but suffered them not to come nigh him. So having tarried eighteen months at PTOLEMAIS, and no aid coming from the other Christian princes as was expected, he took shipping; and returning homeward, landed first in SICILIA, and from thence crossing over into APULIA and so traveling to ROME, was there honourably entertained by Gregory the tenth, than Pope; and from thence by the way of FRANCE arrived in ENGLAND, where he was shortly after crowned king in the year 1272, his father the old king, Henry the third, being a little before his return dead. The year following, 1273 Gregory the tenth, not ignorant of the hard estate of the Christians in SYRIA (as having there been of late himself with prince Edward, Rodolph the emperor taketh upon him the Crosse. at which time he was in his absence elected pope) and now desirous to procure them some relief, ratified the election of Rodolphus of HAPSPURGE unto the empire, upon condition, That he should promise to take upon himself the cross, and to give them relief: for the performance whereof, he offered unto the emperor two hundred thousand crowns, with the tenths both of the clergy and temporalty for six years: and many goodly blessings were in his name also, by the preachers of that time, promised unto all such as should with him take upon them that sacred war. Whereupon the emperor with all his family took upon them the cross, the sign of the sacred expedition intended; as did also the duke of LORRAINE shortly after, with some others: Nevertheless, the emperor otherways busied in wars against the Bohemians and Bavarians, and delaying still the time, as not greatly willing to take upon him so long and dangerous a journey, and the Pope still threatening his high sentence of excommunication, the time passed, the Pope died, and nothing was as yet done. Until that at length the emperor having happily finished his wars in BOHEMIA, and finding himself at some good leisure in some part to discharge his vow, and to satisfy the expectation the world had of long conceived of him, sent Henry prince of MEGAPOLIS, or as the Germans call it, MECKELBURG, with a strong power into SYRIA, to perform what himself had promised. Who coming to PTOLEMAIS made many notable incursions into the country about DAMASCUS, with fire and sword destroying all before him as he went, and carrying thence many great and rich bootics; until that at length he was by the Mamalukes circumvented and taken prisoner, Henry the prince taken prisoner & sent to Cairo. and so carried unto the Sultan at CAIRO, where he remained in straight prison six and twenty years after; until that by chance one of the Mamalukes (a renegade German) being chosen Sultan, caused him to be brought before him, and at his coming demanded of him, If it would not do him good to celebrate the remembrance of the nativity of his Christ with his friends in GERMANY? (for now that time of the year was at hand) And I know (said the Sultan) that thou art so addicted unto thy superstition, that thou respectest the same more than thy liberty. Truth (said Henry) mighty prince: for liberty would avail me nothing, if Christ by his most mild incarnation had not taken away our captivity: and therefore how much all men owe unto the reverend remembrance thereof, I would to God thou, O king, didst also understand, which as I most heartily wish, so I would I could thereof persuade thee. God forbid (said the Sultan) for I remember, that at such time as I was chief engineer unto thy father at KNESE-FENICKE in LIVONIA, and there did him good service, I was altogether of the Christian persuasion; but now having left that common error, have therewith also changed my private fortune. But as for thy religion, I have nothing to say, my talk is only concerning thy liberty: Wouldst thou therefore gladly be free, and so return home to thy friends? That nature craveth (said Henry) although my fortune gainesaieth, which yet dependeth of your pleasure: I desire indeed to return home, which if you shall deny me, I must as I have done, take it in good part; assuring myself, that my wife Anastasia, with my beloved sons Henry, Leo, and john, have long since celebrated my funerals, and ended their mourning. Thou art deceived (said the Sultan) for I am sure that they know that thou yet livest, and pray most heartily for thy return: Truly I owe much unto the remembrance of thy father, and therefore this day give thee thy liberty. And having so said, furnished him with all things necessary, and gave him leave to depart with one Martin his servant, who taken with him, had borne him company all the long time of his captivity. So taking his leave of the Sultan, he came to PTOLEMAIS: but shipping himself for CYPRUS, he was by the way by certain pirates taken at sea, and as a fugitive captive brought back again unto the Sultan: Who pitying his hard fortune, set him again at liberty, and by a ship set out for that purpose, transported him into CYPRUS: where he was by the queen of that Island his aunt (as some say) honourably entertained, and so furnished of all things fit for his estate. Departing thence, he came to MARSIELLES, where after he had some few days refreshed himself, he from thence traveled by land home into his own country: where at the first he was not known of his own children and friends, as being grown old in prison, and by them long before accounted among the dead; but now at last found again, and by them known, he was of his children joyfully received as their father, and of his subjects as their prince. Howbeit he shortly after died, and was honourably buried in the monastery of DOBRAN. Thus in the whole course of this history it appeareth by that which is already written, what notable expeditions even the greatest Christian princes of the West, to their immortal glory from time to time undertook against the enemies of Christ and his most sacred word, and for the relief of the poor distressed Christians in SYRIA and in the land of PALESTINE: whereof as divers of them had right glorious success, unto the great profit of the Christian common weal; so some of them answered not with like event, as undertaken with too small strength, or otherwise overthrown by the discord or malice of the Christians themselves, rather than by the enemy's force. Which nevertheless how unfortunately soever they fell out in the hands of such worthy men as undertook them, yet have they this glory, commendation, and comfort, That they were taken in hand for the honour of the son of God, Christ jesus, and the defence of his verity, against the false Prophet Mahomet, and his most blasphemous doctrine; so honourable and just a quarrel, as might well beseem the greatness of the greatest prince, yea of all the princes of Christendom. Yet could not the worthiness thereof, even in those more zealous times, or the dangerous estate of that part of the Christian commonweal, even then like to perish, (as some others be now) or the lamentable complaints of the poor oppressed Christians, crying out unto their Christian brethren for aid, any whit move the Christian princes of that time, with their combined forces to reach unto them their helping hands, or to yield unto them any succour or relief: for they little feeling those harms so far off, and more regarding their own hereditary quarrels, employed those forces one against another, unto the effusion of so much Christian blood, as might have sufficed not for relief of the distressed Christians in SYRIA only, but to have regained whatsoever had been before from them taken by the Turks or Saracens. The German princes were still at a jar about the choice of their emperors: the French agreed not with the English, or them of the Low countries: neither the English with the Scots: the Arragonians were at odds with the French: and in Italy were almost as many deadly factions as provinces. Of which discord of the Christians (the greatest occasion of their ruin and decay) Melechsares the Egyptian Sultan understanding by his espials, raised a great army of the Mamalukes, and others, with a full purpose to have utterly rooted out all the remainders of the Christians in SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE, 1289 and so to have entirely joined those two great countries unto his own kingdom. But what he had so mischievously devised, he lived not to bring to pass, being in the midst of those his great designs taken away by sudden death. After whom Alphix (or, as some call him, Tripoli won and razed by Elpis the Egyptian Sultan. Elpis) succeeding him in the kingdom, and with a puissant army entering into SYRIA laid siege to TRIPOLI, which he at length took by undermining of it, and put to sword all the Christians therein, except such as by speedy flight had in time got themselves out of the danger, and razed the city down to the ground: Which calamity betided unto the Christians the ninth of April, in the year 1289. Presently after he had the strong castle of NELESINE yielded unto him, whereinto he put a strong garrison, to hinder the Christians from building again the late destroyed city. In like manner also he took the cities of SIDON and BERYTHUS, Sydon and Berythus razed. tire yielded. which he sacked, and laid them flat with the ground. And after that he removed to tire, which after three months strait siege, was by the citizens (now out of all hope of relief) yielded unto him, upon condition, That they might with bag and baggage in safety depart. With like good fortune he in short time, and as it were without resistance, took all the rest of the strong towns and castles which the Christians yet held in SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE, excepting only the city of PTOLEMAIS; whereunto all the poor Christians fled, as unto a Sanctuary, to be there defended by the honourable knights Templars and Hospitalers. Nothing now left unto them more than that strong city, the Sultan of his own accord made a peace with them for the space of five years, fearing (as was supposed) to have drawn upon him all the Christian princes of the West, if he should at once have then utterly rooted out all the Christians in those countries together. The Christian affairs thus brought to the last cast in SYRIA, and yet faintly as it were breathing, by the benefit of the late obtained peace: Peter Beluise; master of the Templars, with the Grand Master of the knights Hospitalers, suddenly passed over (as ambassadors from the rest) into EUROPE, unto Nicholaus Quartus then Pope, craving his fatherly aid: who moved with so great miseries of the poor afflicted Christians, solicited the other Christian princes to have sent them relief; especially Rodolph the German emperor, who then busied with the affairs of the empire, and his troubles nearer home (as were the other Christian princes also) gave good words, but no help at all. Yet some of them under the colour thereof, got from their subjects great sums of money, which they employed to their other worse uses: only the Pope sent fifteen hundred men at arms, whom with devout persuasion, and much earnest preaching, he had induced to take upon them that sacred expedition, and entertained them of his own charge: unto whom also many others out of divers countries, upon a religious zeal, joined themselves, as voluntary men; who meeting together at BRUNDISIUM, and there embarked, with the two grand masters of the Templars and Hospitalers, The miserable estate of a city about to perish. in safety at length arrived at PTOLEMAIS. There was then in the city a great number of people of all sorts; of able men there was about fifty thousand, and about forty thousand of the weaker sort: amongst whom, divers murders, felonies, rapes, and such other shameful outrages (all hasting the dreadful judgements of God) were daily committed, and let pass unregarded, more than of them that were so injured. For all the chief commanders were then at variance among themselves, every one of them laying claim (not worth a rush) unto the vain title of the kingdom of JERUSALEM. Henry king of CYPRUS coming thither with a great fleet, charged the Templars to deliver unto him the crown of that kingdom, which they had (as he said)▪ wrongfully taken from Almericus and Guy, his ancestors. And Charles king of SICILIA, by his ambassadors laid claim unto the title of that kingdom, as due unto the kings of that Island: and understanding it to be given unto Henry, king of CYPRUS, caused all the revenues of the Templars within his dominion to be brought into his treasuries, and their lands and houses to be spoiled. Hugh also prince of ANTIOCH, laboured with tooth and nail to defend the overworn right that his father and grandfather had unto that lost kingdom. And the county of TRIPOLI laid in for himself, that he was descended from Raymund of toulouse; and that beside himself remained no prince of the ancient nobility, which had won that kingdom out of the hands of the Saracens, and that therefore that regal dignity did not of better right appertain unto any other than unto himself. Neither did these four princes more strive for the title of the lost kingdom, than for the present government of the city, strait way about to perish. The Pope's Legate pretended thereunto a right also: for that king john Brenne had before subjected it unto the See of ROME. As for the claim unto the city of PTOLEMAIS, the Patriarch of JERUSALEM challenged unto himself the pre-eminence: for that the metropolitical city of tire, under which the city of PTOLEMAIS was the third episcopal seat, was under his jurisdiction, even by the decree of the West church. The Templars also, and the knights Hospitalers, whose power in the city was at that time far the greatest, pretended the government thereof of best right to belong unto them, as the just reward of their blood already, and afterward to be spent in the defence thereof: promising great matters if it might be wholly referred unto them. Neither spared the French king or the king of ENGLAND by their messengers to claim the sovereignty of the city, by their predecessors sometimes won. And they of PISA having still a Consul therein, and by often marriages with the natural inhabitants grown into great affinity with them, did what they might to get the government into their hands. The Venetians also by their authority and great wealth laboured to gain the good will of the people, sparing therein no cost. And they of GENUA no less cunning than the rest, supplanted the strongest factions, by giving aid both apertly and covertly unto the weaker; that so having weakened the faction they most doubted and hated, they might by the joint favour of the weaker aspire unto the government of the stronger, and so consequently of the city itself. The Florentines also by their continual traffic thither, were not out of hope by one fineness or other amongst so many competitors, to find a mean to step up above the rest. But the greatest part of the people for all that were most inclined unto the Armenians and Tartars, as both for their nearness and power most like of all other to stand them in stead. All these aimed at one mark, which was the government and command of the city: and most of them had in the same their own proper laws and courts, to decide their causes and controversies in. Whereby it came to pass, that every man might without check or controlment almost do what he list, the offenders from one court to another removing their suits, as best served their turns. Thus were murders (as is beforesaid) daily committed in the streets, men abused, houses robbed, shops broken up, and many other outrages done, to the hastening of the wrath of God, and grief of all good men. 1291 Division and dissension (the ruin of all commonweals) thus reigning in the city (the soldiers of late sent thither, or in zeal come of themselves, for the defence thereof) gave occasion for the speedy destruction of the same: Such is the power of the Almighty, in his wrath and judgements for sin, even by those things wherein we most trust and joy to work our utter ruin and destruction. These soldiers, for want of such pay as was promised them, were enforced to seek abroad, and therefore contrary to the league before made with the Egyptian Sultan, oftentimes went out in great parties into the frontiers of his territories, taking the spoil of such things as they light upon. Whereof the Sultan understanding, demanded by his ambassadors, That restitution might be made, and the offenders delivered unto him to be punished, according unto the league. But in that so sick a state of a dying commonweal, Ptolemais besieged. neither was restitution made, as reason would, or yet the ambassadors courteously heard. With which insolency the Sultan provoked, sent Emilech Araphus, a notable captain (and as some say, his son) with an hundred and fifty thousand men, to besiege the city: who coming thither, and having made his approaches, had by a mine in short time overthrown a piece of the wall; but in seeking to have entered by the breach, he found such strong resistance, that he was glad with loss to retire. Whilst Araphus thus lay at the siege of PTOLEMAIS, Alphir the Sultan died at DAMASCUS, in whose stead the Mamalukes made choice of this Araphus for their Sultan, who more desirous of nothing than of the glory of the utter rooting up of the Christians in SYRIA, was so far from raising of his siege (either for the death of the Sultan, or the news of his kingdom) that he more straightly beset the city than he had in the three months space that he had there lain before. Now had they in the city chosen Peter the master of the Templars, their governor, a man of great experience and valour: unto whom and the rest of the nobility, the Sultan offered great rewards, and unto the soldiers their pay, with free liberty to depart, so that they would without more ado yield unto him the city, which they could not long hold: Which his offer the master rejected, and flattly told him, That he had not learned of his ancestors, to sell for money unto the Infidels a city bought with so much Christian blood; either did so much regard his vain threats, as therefore to forget his service due unto his Saviour Christ and the Christian commonweal. Ptolemais in vain assaulted by the Sultan. With which answer the tyrant enraged, the next day with all his forces assaulted the city, and that in such desperate and furious manner, as if he would even then have carried it; having before filled the ditches, and promised the spoil unto his soldiers, the more to encourage them. Yet having done what he could, and lost a number of his men, slain both in the assault, and in a sally which the Christians made out at the same time, he was enforced to retire back again into his trenches. In this so terrible an assault, not repulsed without some loss also of the Christians, the Grand master and governor of the city was wounded with a poisoned dart, whereof he in three days after died: with whom the courage of the defendants fainted also, no man being left like unto him to undertake so great a charge, although many there were, that overweening of themselves, desired the same. In the beginning of this siege, the Christians had sent away all their aged and weak people, unfit for service, into CYPRUS, where they in safety arrived. But now many of the better sort, both captains and others, discouraged, one after another convaighed themselves away out of the city: of whom a great number in passing thence to CYPRUS, were upon the coast of the Island, together with the Patriarch drowned. In the city remained only twelve thousand, which were thought sufficient for the defence thereof: who afterwards (as some report) fled also by sea after their fellows, and so left the city empty unto the barbarous enemy: some others reporting of them more honourably, as that they should right valiantly defend the city against the assault of their enemies, until such time as that most of them being slain or wounded, and the rest by force driven from the walls into the market place, and there for a while notably defending themselves in flying thence unto the ships, were by the way all cut in sunder, or else drowned. But howsoever it was, the Sultan entering the city (by the Christians abandoned, or by force taken) gave the spoil thereof unto his soldiers; who after they had rifled every corner thereof, by his commandment set it on fire and burned it down to the ground: and digging up the very foundations of the walls, churches, and other public and private buildings, which the fire had not burnt, left there no sign of any city at all; but purging the place even of the very heaps of the stones and rubbish left of the razed city, made it a fit place for husbandmen to plough and sow corn in; which he did both there at SYDON, BERITUS, and other towns alongst the sea coast, because they should never more serve for a refuge unto the Christians, or give them footing again into those countries. Thus together with PTOLEMAIS was the name of the Christians utterly rooted out of SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE, in the year 1291, about 192 years after the winning of HIERUSAREM by Godfrey of BUILLON and the other Christian princes his confederates. This loss, Cassanes the Tartar int●adeth Syria. as tending to the great disgrace of the Christians in general, moved not a little even the greatest of the Christian princes; wronged all or most part of them in the persons of the Templars or knights Hospitalers, their subjects, so shamefully now quite cast out of SYRIA and the land of promise: howbeit, troubled with their own turbulent affairs at home, or with their neighbour princes not far off, none of them once stirred for the redress or revenge thereof. Only Cassanes the great Tartar prince, having of late subdued the Persians; and married the daughter of the Armenian king (a lady of great perfection, and of a Mahometan become a Christian) at the request of his wife and his father in law took the matter in hand. And for that purpose having raised a most puissant army of two hundred thousand fight men, and aided by the Armenians and Georgians, passing over the mountain AMANUS into SYRIA, not far from the city HAMA met with Melcenaser, the Egyptian Sultan's lieutenant, with a mighty army, whom he overthrew in a great and mortal battle, wherein forty thousand of the Egyptians are reported to have been slain, and so drove him quite out of SYRIA: sending Molais, one of his captains, with part of his army to pursue him, who never left him until he had chased him over the desert sands into EGYPT. The victorious Tartar after this battle took the city of HAMA, where lighting upon the great treasures of the Sultan, he bountifully divided it, together with the spoil, amongst his soldiers; reserving nothing thereof unto himself, more than a sword and a casket full of secret letters. Jerusalem taken and repaired by Cassanes. The Egyptian thus put to flight, he without resistance took in most of the cities of SYRIA, with the city of JERUSALEM also; which in many places by the Turks and Egyptians defaced, he again repaired: and together with the temple of our Saviour gave it to the Armenians, Georgians, and other Christians, repairing thither out of CYPRUS, CRETE, and other places, to inhabit. And having himself honoured the holy places with great gifts, returned with his army to DAMASCUS, which was forthwith delivered unto him. But lying there, with purpose in Autumn following to have gone into EGYPT and to have utterly destroyed that kingdom, he was certified of new troubles arising in PERSIA, and some other parts of his empire: for repressing whereof, he with the greatest part of his army returned himself into PERSIA, leaving one Capcapus governor of DAMASCUS; who after the overthrow of the Sultan's army had revolted unto him; and Molais (of whom we have before spoken) governor of JERUSALEM: commanding them at his departure to re-edify the city of tire, and to send ambassadors unto the Christian princes of the West, to join in league with them, for the more sure holding of those new gained countries. And so tire was indeed repaired as he had commanded, and delivered to the Christians, with a convenient garrison for the keeping thereof: but the ambassadors coming to the proud bishop Boniface the eight, than Pope, whom of all others it beseemed to have furthered their business, they could of him obtain nothing, but returned as they came. For he at the same time fallen out with Philip the French king, thundering out his excommunications, discharging his subjects of their loyalty, and so much as in him was, depriving him of his kingdom, had given the same unto Albertus' duke of AUSTRIA, whom he had declared emperor: whereof arise great troubles. Besides that, he being of the Guelphs faction, was not in any thing more careful, than of the utter extinguishing of the contrary faction of the Gibellines, especially of the most honourable family of the Columnijs, of whom some he had slain, some he had deprived of their honours, some he had imprisoned, and driven othersome into exile; so that thus wickedly busied for the maintenance of his own proud estate, he had no leisure to further the good of the Christian common weal: which his intolerable pride, and forgetfulness of duty, long escaped not the revenging hand of God; being when he thought least suddenly taken prisoner at his father's house in the city of ANAGNIA (where he was borne) by Sara Columnius his mortal enemy; whom but lately before redeemed out of a pirates galley, the French king had sent for that purpose, with one Longaret, or as some call him Nogaret, a French knight: By whom the proud prelate brought to ROME, in the castle S. ANGELO within five and thirty days after most miserably died, in his madness (as some report) renting himself with his teeth and devouring his own fingers. The description of Cassa●es. This worthy Tartar prince Cassanes, by whom the Christian common weal might have again risen in SYRIA and the land of PALESTINE, had not the pride of the great bishop, and the dissension of the Christian princes hindered the same; was as Aitonus writeth (who was present in this war, following his uncle the Armenian king) a man of a very short stature, and exceeding hard favour; but with valour, bounty, and other virtues of the mind plentifully recompensing what wanted in the feature of his body. After whose departure into PERSIA, Capcapus governor of DAMASCUS, considering that the power of the Tartars there left was not great, and that no aid was to be expected from the other Christian princes of the West, to recompense his former treason of revolting from the Sultan, with a new revolt from the Tartar; rise up into open rebellion, drawing after him not only the city of DAMASCUS, but the greatest part of SYRIA also: whereof Molais governor of JERUSALEM understanding, was about to have gone against him with his Tartars; but advertised by his espials, that Capcapus in this his conspiracy had compacted with the Egyptian Sultan also, perceiving himself too weak to withstand so great a power, he retired with his Tartars into MESOPOTAMIA, The city of Jerusalem with all Syria again recovered by the Egyptian Sultan. there expecting new supplies both from Cassanes and the king of ARMENIA. Of whose departure out of SYRIA, the Egyptian Sultan understanding, came directly with his army to JERUSALEM, which he took, being forsaken of the inhabitants; and profaned the temple, sparing only the sepulchre of our Saviour at the humble suit of the religious, making there a greater show of devotion than of cruelty. After that he won all the other lesser towns, which the Tartars had either kept for themselves, or given to the other Christians, and utterly razed all the castles and forts of the Hospitalers and Templars: which valiant men without other help, for the space of almost a year held out against the Tyrant, in which time most of them were honourably slain: 1300 the rest that were left alive, being taken by the enemy, had nevertheless leave given them with bag and baggage in safety to depart, having before by solemn oath for ever abjured the country of SYRIA: and so these worthy men, the great ornaments of the Christian common weal, the Hospitalers and Templars, which to the uttermost of their power had by the space of 300 years right worthily defended both the Christians & the Christian religion against the infidels in SYRIA & the Holy land, were now for ever driven out thence, about the year of our Lord 1300, to the great dishonour of all Christendom. Wherefore with them now taking our leave of SYRIA and the Holy land, leaving the same in the possession of the Egyptian Sultan and the Mamalukes, although it were shortly after like enough to have been again recovered from them by the Tartars, had not the death of the great Tartar prince Cassanes, and their domestical troubles letted: we will again return unto the troubled affairs of the Turks in the lesser ASIA, whither the course of time had somewhat before called us, with the occurrents thereof, more proper unto our purpose and the argument we have in hand, but that all cannot be at once told: And for the better understanding of the desirous Reader, I thought it not good abruptly to break off the course of the aforesaid history drawing so near unto an end, but to make him partaker of the heaviness thereof. The death of Mesoot and Cei-Cubades. Now had the Turks no kingdom left in the lesser ASIA, and that also at the pleasure of Gazan the great Tartar Chan divided betwixt Mesoot and Cei-Cubades, as his vassals, bound unto him by a yearly tribute (as is aforesaid:) who both kept in awe by the greatness of the Tartar, did nothing worth the remembrance, but as they lived so also died, almost buried in obscurity. Of these two, Mesoot died without issue; but Cei-Cubades departing, left behind him his son Aladin, who by the name of Aladin the second succeeding in the kingdom, united again the same before divided, yet paying still tribute unto the Tartar his sovereign, as had his father with the other late Sultan's of the Turks before him. Much it was not that this Aladin did, albeit that the power of the Tartars in his time began to decline, & not to lie so heavy upon the Turks as before. He was a man of a quiet spirit, & therefore much delighted in peace: a great friend unto Ottoman the first founder of the glorious and mighty Ottoman empire, as in his life shall appear. But this Aladin, the last of the Turks Sultan's of the Selzuccian family, dying without issue; one Sahib his Vesir-Azemes or chief counsellor, and then a man of greatest authority; aspired unto the kingdom, which he had for most part himself swayed all the reign of the late Sultan his master: which usurped sovereignty, no way unto him due, he could neither himself long hold, The Turks kingdom rend in sunder by themselves. or deliver to his posterity: for that many others of the nobility, men of great power, and borne of greater families than he, envying at his honour and disdaining to be governed by him, or any other no greater than themselves; laid hold some upon one country or province, some upon another, where they were able to do most, erecting unto themselves greater or lesser Satrapies, according to the measure of their own strength and power, without respect of any superiority one should have over another; but every one of them absolutely commanding over so much as he was able by strong hand to hold. So that as it had oftentimes before chanced, That great Monarchies destitute of their lawful heirs, had in part, or all, become rich preiss unto such as could first lay strong hand upon them: even so fell it now out in the great kingdom of the Turks; every one of their great princes, measuring the greatness of his territory not by the measure of his right, The Turks Anarchy. but by the strength of his own power. Wherein they shared so well for themselves, that Sahib at first in possession of all, was in short time thrust quite out of all: and so the great kingdom of the Turks in the lesser ASIA, brought unto a mere Anarchy; no king now left among them, the whole kingdom being now divided into divers Satrapies, or other lesser Toparchies. The greatest of these princes that thus shared the Turks kingdom amongst them, was one Caraman Alusirius; who as strongest, took unto himself the city of ICONIUM, the regal seat of the Turkish Sultan's, with all the great country of CILICIA, and some part of the frontiers of the countries of LYCAONIA, PAMPHILIA, CARIA, and the greater PHRIGIA, as far as PHILADELPHIA, and the city of ANTIOCH upon the river MEANDER: All which large territory, Caramania. was of him afterward called CARAMANIA, and by the same name is commonly at this day known, and by our late Geographers described. Of this Caraman also dissended the Caramanian kings, who of long time after unfortunately strove with the Ottoman Sultan's for the sovereignty of their empiers; until that at length they with their kingdom, and all the rest of these Turkish Satrapies, were in the fatal greatness of the Ottoman empire, swallowed up and devoured, as in the process of this history shall (if God so will) in due time and place be declared. Saruchania. Next neighbour unto him was Saruchan, of the greeks called Sarchan, of whom the country of JONIA-MARITIMA was and yet is called SARU-CHAN-ILI, and SARUCHANIA, that is to say, Saruchans' country. The greatest part of LYDIA, with some part of the greater MISIA, TROAS, and PHRIGIA, fell to Calamus and his son Carasius, of whom it is called CARASIA, Carasia. or CARASI-ILI (or as we might say) Carasius his country. The greatest part of the ancient MISIA, with some part of LYDIA, was possessed by Aidin, and was of him called AIDINIA or AIDIN-ILI, Aidinia. as his country. Some part of the great country of PONTUS, with the cities of HERACLEA-PONTICA, CASTAMONA, SYNOPE, and others near unto the EUXINE, and the country of PAPHLAGONIA, fell into the hands of the sons of Omer, or as the greeks call him Amur: of whom that country took not name, as did the others, of such princes as possessed them, but is commonly called BOLLI, of a city in that country by the Turks so named. As was also MENDESIA, or as some call it MENTESIA, Bolli. Mendesia. a country in the lesser ASIA, so by the Turks called of MENDOS or MYNDUS, a city in CARIA. There were beside these, divers other places and Toparchies in the lesser ASIA, which in the renting of this great kingdom, from the Turks received names, before unto the world unknown; all which to prosecute were tedious: Sufficeth it us, for the manifesting of the Turks Anarchy, and the ruin of their kingdom in the lesser ASIA, as in part also for the more evidence of the heavy history following, to have remembered these as the chiefest; especially such as took their names of such great princes or captains as in that so great a confusion of the Turks kingdom, by strong hand first ceased upon them, and so left them to their posterity, of whom much is to be said hereafter. These princes one and all that thus shared the late Aladinian kingdom, were dissended of the better sort of the Turks which with the Selzuccian and Aladinian Sultan's driven out of PERSIA by the Tartars, had under them seated themselves in the lesser ASIA, as is before at large declared. Now amongst these great men that thus divided the Turks kingdom, most of them that write of the Turks affairs, both Greeks and Latins, reckon up Ottoman (the raiser of his house and family) for one; who indeed in the latter time of the late Sultan Aladin began to flourish, and was of him for his valour extraordinarily favoured (as in his history shall appear,) but of his kingdom held no more than one poor lordship, called SUGUTA in BYTHINIA not far from the mountain OLYMPUS (long before given unto his father Erthogrull, for his good service) with such other small holds thereabout as he had himself gained from the weak Christians his neighbours. Ottoman 〈…〉 family. For although he were a Turk borne, yet was he not of the Selzuccian family, as were the rest, but of another house and tribe, and therefore not of them favoured or thought to have so good right unto any of the late Sultan's provinces or territories, as had they who being of his house and holpen with the prescription of time, envied at the sudden rising of this Oguzian Turk, being unto them as it were a mere stranger: whose fortune for all that (I know not by what secret foreknowledge) they seemed to fear, as in time to grow dangerous unto them and their posterity; wherein they were no whit deceived. But of him and his proceedings much more is to be said hereafter: leave we him now therefore with the rest unto their fortunes in this the Turks Anarchy, and so conclude this part of our General History: Glad when I look back to have waded thus far, yet fearing to be drowned before I get over; such a sea of matter and world of troubles yet remaining, not without much labour and toil, and that in long time to be passed through. FINIS. THE LIVES OF THE OTTOMAN KINGS AND EMPERORS. FAITHFULLY GATHERED OUT of the best Histories, both ancient and modern, and digested into one continual History. By RICHARD KNOLLES. Eccles. 10.4. The government of the earth is in the hand of the Lord, [and all iniquity of the nations is to be abhorred:] and when time is he will set up a profitable ruler over it. LONDON, Printed by Adam Islip. 1603. Phi. Lonicerus hist. Turc. lib. 1. Multiplici lassatae Asiae res clade premuntur. Hinc Sarracenus Tartarus inde ruit. Mutua Christicolae gladios in vulnera stringunt: Graecia funesta seditione perit. Impiger interea nova concipit Ottomannus Concilia, & valida surgit in arma manu. Et vastatricis regno fundamina turbae Ponit: & in multo sanguine sceptra lavat. With endless wars the Asian state far spent and overworn: By Saracens and Tartars force, is all in pieces torn. The Christians draw their bloody swords, wherewith themselves to wound: And GREECE with civil discord seeks itself for to confound. Mean while the warlike Ottoman, new counsels doth devise, And with a crew of martial men doth up in arms arise: And lays the fatal plot whereon the wasteful Turks should reign, And baths his sceptre in much blood of people by him slain. THE RISING OF THE GREAT AND MIGHTY EMPIRE OF THE TURKS UNDER OTTOMAN FIRST FOUNDER THEREOF, WITH HIS LIFE AND DOINGS. WHAT small assurance there is in men's affairs, and how subject unto change even those things are wherein we for the most part repose our greatest felicity and bliss, (beside that the whole course of man's frail life, by many notable examples well declareth) nothing doth more plainly manifest the same, than the heavy events and woeful destructions of the greatest kingdoms and empires: All worldly things subject to change. which founded upon great fortunes, increased with perpetual success, exalted by exceeding power, established with most puissant armies, wholesome laws, and deep counsels; have yet grown old, and in time come to nought: So that even as men, all things else belonging unto man, are subject unto the inevitable course of destiny, or more truly to say, unto the fatal doom of the most highest, prefining unto every thing that in time begun, a time also wherein to take end, being himself without time the great commander thereof, and of all things else done therein. The fame of the first Assyrian Monarchy, is very ancient, The greatest kingdoms have in time taken end, and so come to nought. and was no doubt both great and long, yet hath it nevertheless found an end; and the more to put us in remembrance of our infirmity, was never with so much glory and valour by Ninus erected, as it was with shame and cowardice by Sardanapalus subverted. With like necessity fell the great empire of the Medes and Persians, the time thereof being come. And after them, the Macedonians also. Neither hath the great Roman empire, or the proud city of ROME itself (sometime the mistress of the world) herein found any exemption, but run the same course with the rest: which grown great with continual triumphs, and so strong as that it was not with foreign power to be shaken; converted the forces of itself upon itself, to the overthrow of the ancient liberty thereof, together with the utter subversion of the state. After which time that mighty monarchy (of all that ever yet were, the greatest) under the Roman emperors felt many an hard and perilous storm, and by little and little still declining (though sometime like a sick aged body, by the valour or virtue of some one or other her worthy emperors a little relieved, and by and by again cast down by the folly or negligence of some others succeeding) it became at length a prey unto a foolish rude and barbarous nation, which it had before oftentimes overcome; and over which many the Roman captains had triumphed, and thereof taken their glorious surnames: which now again without compassion, burning and sacking it, caused it to stoop, and to yield unto the servile yoke which it had in former time proudly imposed upon the necks of others: wherein if any thing be to be blamed, it is not the fortune or folly of this or that man, then sitting at the helm (although that may also much help the matter as a mean) but the instability of worldly things never permanent, but always changeable, and the sooner for their height; and that so forcibly as that no man knoweth how to remedy the same, either if he did were he able to perform it; the greatest means that men could possibly devise for the stay thereof, being oftentimes by a greater power from above, converted unto the more speedy effecting of that, against the which they were by man's wisdom provided. The like might be said of the Athenians, the Lacedæmonians, the Thebans, and of whom not? What marvel then, if the ancient kingdoms of the Turks likewise in PERSIA, and the lesser ASIA, in SYRIA, PALESTINA, and EGYPT, having run their appointed times, mightily impugned by the Christians, oppressed on the one side by the Tartars, and on the other by the Mamalukes, and at length by themselves rend in sunder (their destiny so requiring) lost at last their wonted majesty, and so fell into a mere Anarchy, as is in the former part of this History at large declared? Yet in this far more than any other people fortunate, That after the ruin of their former kingdoms, strait way out of themselves arise another, namely this Ottoman monarchy, the chief object of this History: which at the first scarce of the world perceived, or of themselves regarded in short tim● so prospered, as that the power and glory thereof obscured not their former kingdoms only (nothing, in comparison of this) but even the greatest monarchies of the world; over a great part of which, it now so proudly triumpheth, as if it should never have end: at the beauty whereof the world woondereth, and at the power thereof quaketh: within the greatness whereof are contained no small portions of ASIA, EUROPE, and AFRICA, but even the most famous and fruitful kingdoms thereof: no part of the world left untouched but AMERICA only; not more fortunate with her rich mines, than in that she is so far from so great and dangerous an enemy. The foundation of this so great a kingdom (and now so mighty an empire, as holdeth the world in awe) was first laid by the valiant Ottoman, or as the Turks call him Osman; not descended of the Selzuccian family; as were all the former Turk's Sultan's) but of the Oguzian tribe and kindred: in whose line this glorious empire hath ever since, by the space of three hundred years and three, to the astonishment of the world, wonderfully flourished; and so yet doth at this day under the government of Mahomet the third, which now reigneth thirteenth in dissent from him, knowing none in this world greater than himself. But for as much as both his greatness, and the greatness of the rest of the Ottoman kings and emperors his' progenitors, took their beginning from this worthy and warlike Ottoman, with whose life and doings we purpose to begin this part of our History, it shall not be amiss both for the continuation of that we have in hand, with that we have already written, and for the more manifesting of that which hereafter followeth, a little farther to fet his race and descent also: Not meaning with a long and feigned pedigree to fet him out of Noah his ark, (which continual succession of princes, no nation of the world, be it never so ancient, the jews only excepted, and they also by writings and histories as much as was possible eternised, could truly and justly challenge) but only so far as shall be pertinent unto our purpose, and by the authority of good histories to be averred. At such time as the Turks kingdom founded by Tangrolipix in PERSIA, flourished in the Selzuccian princes his successors, there was also another kingdom of theirs at the city of MACHAN, as is before declared, but nothing comparable to the other either in glory and power. In this city, and over this small kingdom, reigned one Solyman, by his subjects honoured also with the name of a Sultan or king; at the same time that the Tartars under the leading of old Zingis their great captain, leaving their own country, and bearing down the world before them, having conquered the farthest parts of the East, and there seated their kingdom, turned their forces into PERSIA, and there overthrew the Turks kingdom at BALCH in CORASAN, and drove the Turks with Cursumes their last king, out of the country: after that they had there from the time of Tangrolipix reigned about an hundred and seventy two years. Solyman, Sultan of Machan forsaketh his kingdom for ●●are of the Tartars. This Solyman of whom we speak, then reigning at MACHAN, was not of the Selzuccian family (as were all the other Turks Sultan's, the successors of Tangrolipix) but of the Oguzian tribe, a family famous also amongst the Turks: Who seeing the Selzuccian Sultan Cursumes (or as some call him Cussumes) his countryman, beaten out of his kingdom by the Tartar, and his country overrun, and the great Caliph of BABYLON also overthrown; thought it not good longer to stay in that country which he could not hold, but by speedy flight betimes to provide for the safety of himself and of such his subjects as would follow him. And hearing that Aladin the son of Kei-H●sreu, or as the Greeks call him Cai-Cosroe (a great man of the Sel●●●cian family, and near of kin unto the late Sultan Cursumes) who for fear of the Tartars, but lately come into ROMANIA-ASIATICA, had there by force of arms most honourably seared himself and the Turks his followers, amongst the Christians▪ in hope of like good fortune, and for the zeal towards his superstition (accounting all well gotten that was gained from the Christians) took his way after him, with such of his kinsmen and subjects as would accompany him in his new adventures. And coming to ARTEZERUM, a city in the borders of ARMENIA and CAPPADOCIA, thereabout in the country according to the season of the year●, seated himself with his followers, being in number many; who with their wives and children after the manner of the Tartar Nomades their ancestors, in poor tents and carts covered with a course kind of cloth, had followed him; being indeed nothing else but a very rude and rough kind of sturdy herdsmen, not wedded to any place, but still removing with their tents and carts up and down, as best served for their purpose and the feeding of their cattle, as do● the Turcoman nation, the true descent of the Turks, in many parts of ASIA at this day: and were thereof not only called Nomades, that is to say herdsmen, (by which name the proud janissaries will oftentimes in contempt call even the greatest of the natural Turks) but Hamaxophoretie, and Hamaxobijs, that is to say, people carried or living in carts▪ Solyman having sta●ed a while about ERZERUM, removing thence came to AMASIA; and there spoiling the country then inhabited by the Christians, did them much harm, oftentimes encountering them in the plain field, and sometimes seizing upon their towns and cities, until he had subdued unto himself a right large territory: yet at length having in so many battles by him fought, and cities by him besieged, lost a great number of his people, and so wearied the rest as that they were not willing farther to follow him; and fearing also with such small power as he had left, to be able to defend and keep the country by him already gotten, in the midst of so many enemies; thought it best to depart thence, and to seek his better fortune elsewhere. At the same time it was rifely reported, that the affairs of PERSIA after so long trouble (for all this was not a while in doing) began to grow again to some good quiet▪ the fury of the Tartars being now well abated, and that storm overblown: wherefore Solyman resolved now to return home again, and to visit his native country, of him and his people above all others desired. So passing through SYRIA (for that was now his way) near unto ALLEPO, he ceased upon a castle called ZIABER-CALA, and there stayed a space for the refreshing of his people. Afterward setting forward again, he came at length to the great and famous river EUPHRATES, over which he must needs pass: But finding there neither bridge nor ford, or other means to get over, he stood still as a man dismayed, not knowing what to do. Stay there he would not, & go further he could no●: his desire bid him go, but the great river said, not so. In this perplexity Solyman himself with his horse oftentimes taking the river, in hope to have found some passage; but finding none, adventuring too far, was with the force of the stream carried away▪ and so together with his horse drowned. His body after long seeking, being at length found, was with the great lamentation of his people buried near unto the castle ZIABER, not long before by him taken: whereof they say the place is at this day in their tongue called Mesari-Zuruc, that is to say, the Turks Grave. Some of these Oguzian Turks, after the death of their Sultan, weary of their long travel, seated themselves in the country thereabouts, unto whom the Turks that now hold that castle do refer their beginning. The rest of that great tribe and family diversly divided, went unto divers places as their fortunes led them; some of them into the waste ground and deserts of ARABIA and SYRIA, and are at this day called the Damascene Turconians: othersome returned back again into ROMANIA, Romania Asiatica. the same way that they came, of whom are descended the Turconians of ICONIUM and ANATOLIA: who yet with their wives and children, as herdsmen, in great companies wander up and down the country, after the manner of their ancestors. Solyman thus lost, The sons of Solyman, and their first adventures. left four sons, Sencur-Teken, jundogdis, Ertogrul, of some called Orthobules (the father of this Ottoman founder of the Turks empire that now is) and Dunder. With these four brethren, most part of these Oguzian Turks that were left, returning into ROMANIA (as is aforesaid) after they had there rested themselves a while, marching up a long the river EUPHRATES came to a place called PASIN-OVASI, about ten miles above ARTERUM, where Ertogrul and his brother Dunder, with four hundred families, not willing to go any farther stayed with their tents and carts, their best dwellings. Sencur and jundogdis▪ their other two brethren, in the mean time passing the river, returned with the rest into PERSIA: whom we there leave unto their unknown fortunes. In this place Ertogrul with his brother and his three sons stayed a while, and had divers conflicts with the country people thereabout, until that at length he thought it best to return again into ROMANIA. So setting forward, he came to ANCYRA, and from thence unto the black Mountains, and so to a plain, called of the Turks Sultan-Vngi about 75 miles Eastward from the city of NICE in BYTHINIA, where he had many skirmishes with the Christians. Now a good while before this, Aladin the elder (of whom we have before spoken in the former part of this history) fled out of PERSIA, had subdued divers great provinces and countries in ROMANIA ASIATICA or the lesser ASIA (for so it is more truly called) so that he was of all the people thereabouts accounted for a great prince, and of the Turks themselves honoured with the name of their Vlu Padischach, that is to say, their great king or emperor. Having placed his regal seat first at SEBASTIA, and afterward at ICONIUM; which two cities before ruinous, he repaired, and therein reigned, as did some few of his posterity after him, as is before declared. Neither was Ertogrul ignorant of the honour, glory, and power of this great Sultan: But having three sons, namely, jundus, Sarugatin, and Ottoman, sent Sarugatin his second son (a bold well spoken man) unto him to request him in that his so large a kingdom, and as yet not well peopled by the Turks, to grant unto them his poor exiled countrymen of long time oppressed with diverse fortunes, some small corner for them with their families and cattle to rest in. Which his request, the Sultan not forgetful of his own distress sometime in like case, graciously heard, & with great courtesy used the messenger. Now for the furtherance of his suit, it fortuned, that this Sultan before driven out of PERSIA by the Tartars, and by them also much troubled in these his new got countries in the lesser ASIA, had with them divers hot skirmishes, and sharp conflicts; in one of which it fortuned the Sultan himself, with all the power he then had, to be hardly beset by his enemies, and in danger to have lost the day: when as Ertogrul but newly come into the country, and willing to do the Sultan service, and awaiting all opportunities for the commending of himself and his followers; upon the sudden unlooked for, with four hundred men came upon the backs of the Tartars, than almost in possession of a great victory, and so forcibly charged them, that unable to endure the charge and to maintain the fight against the Sultan (whose men encouraged by this unexpected aid, as by succour sent from heaven, began now to fight with greater courage) being both before and behind hardly beset, they as men in despair of the victory they had before assured themselves of, turned their backs and fled. After which good service, the Sultan honourably welcomed this new come Turk, giving him his hand to kiss, as the manner of the nation is; and highly commending his valour, commanded a rich cloak to be cast upon him (amongst those Eastern nations a great honour) and all his soldiers to be bountifully rewarded: and presently after gave unto Ertogrul and his Turks a country village called SUGUTA, betwixt the castle of BILEZUGA and the mountain TMOLUS in the greater PHRIGIA: in which village they might live in, in Winter; and upon the aforesaid mountain, and the mountain ORMENIUS, betwixt the rivers SANGARIUS and LICUS, feed their cattle in Summer. And yet not so contented thus to have honoured him, in whom he saw such approved valour, committed to his protection that side of the country wherein he dwelled, being in the very frontiers of his kingdom: which his charge he so well looked unto, that all the country thereabout, before much infested with the often incursions of the enemy, was by his vigilant care and prowess well secured. Thus is Ertogrul the Oguzian Turk, with his homely herdsmen, become a petty lord of a country village, and in good favour with the Sultan: whose followers, as sturdy herdsmen with their families, lived in Winter with him in SUGUTA; but in Summer in tents with their cattle upon the mountains. Having thus lived certain years, and brought great peace unto his neighbours, as well the Christians as the Turks, before much troubled with the invasions of the Tartars: The Christians of Carachisar fall ou● with the Turks. it fortuned, that the Christians of CARACHISAR, a castle thereby (called by the ancient greeks Melanopyrgon, and of later time Maurocastron, that is to say, the black tower or castle) weary of their own ease, and of the peace they had by his means enjoyed, fell out with him, and evil entreated both him and his people. Which their ingratitude he taking in evil part, thereof, and of the wrongs by them done unto the Turks, so grievously complained unto the Sultan; that he therewith moved, raised a great army▪ and so himself in person came and besieged the castle. But lying there at the siege, news was brought him, That the Tartars with a great army, under the leading of one Baintzar, were entered into CARIA, and there spoiling the country, had taken HERACLEA. For the repressing of whom, the Sultan was glad to rise with his army; yet leaving a sufficient strength behind him for the continuing of the siege, under the charge of Ertogrul Beg▪ for so the Turks now called him. The Sultan afterwards encountering with the Tartars at BAGA, overthrew them in a great battle: whilst Ertogrul in the mean space hardly besieged CARACHISAR, wherein fortune so much favoured him, that at length he took the castle, the spoil whereof he gave unto the soldiers, reserving only the fifth part thereof, as due unto the Sultan, which he sent him for a present, together with the captain of the castle▪ whom he had taken alive: which captain the Sultan afterward enlarged, and restored again to him his castle, for the payment of a yearly tribute, which he truly paid during the life of the Sultan; but he dying about two years after, he refused any more to pay it, and so revolted from the Turks. Sultan Aladin, founder of the Aladinian kingdom (for so the Turks call it) being dead at ICONIUM, after him succeeded Azatines his eldest son; and after him jathatines his younger brother; who slain by Theodorus Lascaris the Greek emperor (as is before declared) after him succeeded in that kingdom another jathatines, the son of Azatines, who was by the Tartars expulsed, and his kingdom subdued (as in the former part of this history it appeareth.) After which time the Selzuccian family there also by the Tartars in the lesser ASIA depressed, retained scarce the name and shadow of their former majesty and glory. In which troublesome times, and confusion of the state, Ertogrul well beaten and wearied in the world, kept himself close in his house at SUGUTA, as well contented therewith as with a kingdom; seeking by all means to keep peace on every side with his neighbours, Small things in time of trouble yield unto the wise great content. as well Christians as others. In which quiet kind of life he sweetly passed over the troublesome times of Mesoot the son of Kei-Cubades, and of Kei-Cubades the son of Feramuzin, both Sultan's, but the great Tartar's tributaries, and reigning but at their pleasure, until the time of the second Aladin, the sole & last heir of the Iconian kingdom, before by the Tartars divided, which was no few years. All which time Ertogrul lived quietly at SUGUTA, as one amongst many other of the Iconian Sultan's subjects, wisely considering the fall of the Selzuccian Sultan's, both in PERSIA and at ICONIUM; as also the ruin of his own house and family, both from royal state brought almost unto nothing: and therefore with patience taking the world as it came, and making a virtue of necessity, contenting himself with a little, bore himself kindly towards all men. In which contented kind of life, he grew to great years, with his three sons, greatly beloved and honoured of their neighbours, as well Christians as Turks; and no less favoured by the second Aladin, than Sultan, than he had been of all the Sultan's before him: whom the young men his sons, after the manner of their nation (forbidding them with empty hands to salute their princes) oftentimes visited with one present or other. In all which his sons were many good parts to be seen, yet so, as that in Ottoman was easily to be perceived a greater courage and spirit than in the other two his brethren: which was the cause that he was the more of all them of his tribe regarded, but especially of the youthful and warlike sort, which commonly resorted unto him when he went to hawk or hunt, or to other delights of the field (the counterfeits of war) and was of them commonly called Osman Gazi, that is to say, Osman the warlike. In this frontier country near unto SUGUTA, the dwelling place of old Ertogrul, had Sultan Aladin divers lieutenants and captains, governors of his castles and strong holds upon those frontiers, with whom Ottoman was well acquainted, and unto whom he for friendship sake oftentimes resorted: but especially unto the captain of IN-UNOI, for that he knew himself to be of him well beloved, and therefore unto him very welcome. So it fortuned upon a time, that as Ottoman being yet but young, was going to make merry with the governor of ESKI-CHISAR (a castle about four and twenty miles off, called of the greeks Palaeo●astron) by the way as he went, at a place called ITBURNE (a town in PHRIGIA) chanced there to see, and afterwards to fall in liking of a fair maiden called Malhatun: Ottoman ●●●orous of Malhatun a country maid. unto whom his affection daily increasing, he without his father's knowledge sent a secret friend of his to entreat with her of marriage. Who after long discourse to her made concerning Othomans affection and request, gave him answer, That betwixt Ottoman and her was great inequality, a thing especially to be regarded & eschewed of such as wished to live an happy life in wedlock bands; she was (as she said) but meanly borne, and therefore was not to expect so great a match: whereas he could not want choice of other maidens of more worth, and in all respects more answerable unto himself. But amongst other causes why she gave him this answer, one was, for that some that wished her well, had put in●o her head, that Ottoman men● not indeed to marry her, but under that colour to obtain of her some few days pleasure, and so having dishonoured her, afterward again to cast her off: which was indeed far from his thought; for he the more inflamed with her modest denial, the more desired her for his wife. In the mean time, Ottoman going again unto the governor of ESKI-CHISAR, and courteously by him entertained, A ●olly common unto ●●uers. chanced (as it oftentimes doth amongst familiar friends in their merriments) to fall in speech of his love, with greater affection than discretion, commending her beauty, her feature, and gracious perfections; not dissembling also, to her greater praise, the repulse by him received at her hands. Which the governor hearing, seemed greatly to like of his choice, saying, That she was by the divine providence (for so the Turks religiously use to speak) appointed only for him to have. No friendship in ●oue. But in the mean time secretly inflamed with the immoderate commendations of Ottoman, without respect of friendship, he began to grow amorous of her himself, whom he had never seen; so light is that foolish affection: and that so far, as that being otherwise a man of good discretion, he was not able to conceal or cover these new conceived flames, but that Ottoman by certain conjectures and tokens perceived the same. And yet dissembling the matter, as if he had suspected nothing, being risen from the banquet, calling unto him one of his trusty servants, secretly sent him away unto certain of the maiden's friends, willing them in his name, as they tendered her honour, without delay to send her away unto some safe place farther off, for fear she were not ere long taken from them by a great man, more amorous of her person than respectuous of her honour. And by and by after, taking his leave of his unfaithful friend and bidding him farewell, took his way unto the captain of IN-UNGI, whom he knew to be his dear friend. But whilst he there stayed certain days, passing the time in hawking, hunting, and other youthful disports, with the captain his friend; the governor of ESKI-CHISAR, who commanded all the country thereabout (called Sultan-Vng●) sent one of his ●rustie servants to JOURNEY, to see fair Malhatun, and how all things there went: Who coming thither, and understanding of her secret departure, and that by the advertisement from Ottoman she was conveyed to certain of her friends a far off; at his return from point to point certified his master thereof. Who exceedingly grieved with the report, and fretting above measure to see himself so deluded by Ottoman, presently sent unto the captain of IN-UNGI (being within his jurisdiction) to command him without delay to deliver Ottoman unto him. But he loving of him well, as a faithful man unto his friend, could with no threats or entreaty be persuaded so to do. Wherefore the governor in a great rage presently raising the greatest power he was able to make, came to the castle of IN-UNGI, requiring to have Ottoman forthwith delivered unto him. Where among the soldiers there in garrison with the captain, began to arise divers opinions; some wishing, for the averting of the present danger for which they were now unprovided, to have him delivered; and othersome abhorring so treacherous a fact, Ottoman besieged & in danger for his love. willing rather to endure all extremities. In the end after much consultation, honesty prevailed: & it was generally resolved, That he should be defended, who could not without their great infamy be delivered. But Ottoman terrified with that diversity of opinions, which had even at the first showed itself; and thinking it not for his safety, to commit himself unto the trust of such wavering men, entered into a deep conceit of a matter of great adventure, which was, by a sudden sally to make himself way through the midst of his enemies. Wherewith having made his brother jundus and those few his followers there present acquainted, and thereupon resolved; he fiercely sallied out, and by plain force broke through the thickest of them, & so took his way towards SUGUTA, still notably repulsing them that were sent to pursue him. But being come into the frontiers of his father's territory, and the report of his danger known, and that being but weakly accompanied he was by a great number of his enemies pursued; presently all the lusty youths and such as loved him well, took horse to come unto his rescue: who meeting with the governors soldiers, that had Ottoman in chase, in a sharp conflict slew divers of them, and put the rest to flight. Of whom some were also taken prisoners, and amongst the rest one Michael Coss a Christian, captain of a little castle in that country called HIRMEN-CAIA, or the rock of Ormeni: of whom Ottoman taking compassion, freely pardoned him that offence. With which unexpected courtesy he was so moved, that ever after he took part with him, and did him great service in his wars: whose posterity hath ever since even until this our age continued, next unto the Ottoman family, most honourable and famous amongst the Turks, by the name of the Michael Oglies, that is to say, The sons or posterity of Michael. Ertogrul now spent with age, shortly after died, in the year of our Lord 1289, having lived 93 years, and thereof governed the Oguzian family after the death of his father Solyman, 52. His death was of all his tribe and kindred greatly lamented, and his body after the Turkish manner honourably buried at SU●UTA, where he had of long time lived▪ After whose death, The Oguzian Turks in doubt of whom to mak● choice for their Governor. these plain Oguzian Turks, in a general assembly consulting whom they might choose for their lord and governor in stead of old Ertogrul; casting their eyes especially upon two, stood in doubt of which of them to make choice. For although most men were of opinion, That Ottoman for the rare gifts and virtues as well of body as of mind, was to be preferred before the rest of his brethren, the sons of Ertogrul: yet were there some, and they also men of great gravity and experience, who had in suspect the young man's age, as of itself slippery, and for most part prone to vice, especially in the liberty of great power: and therefore thought it better to make choice of Dunder (Ertogruls brother, and Othomans uncle) a man of far greater gravity, judgement, and experience. But Dunder himself, being indeed a wise man and far from all ambition, persuaded them in that choice not to have any regard at all unto his honour or preferment; but to consider what were best for their state and welfare in general. For he providently foresaw in what danger the Oguzian state stood, exposed on the one side to the mortal hatred and treacheries of the greeks, grieved to see themselves spoiled by the Turks, and naturally hating them for the Mahometan religion: and on the other side not surely backed with the Sultan's of ICONIUM, brought in thraldom to the Tartars, and daily grown weaker and weaker: Unto which inconveniences and dangers (he said) an old weak and overworn body (as was his) could give no help or remedy at all; but required the help of a wise, politic, vigilant, stirring, and valiant man, such as they all well knew was Ottoman his brother's son. Thus before he came unto the election, he in private declared his mind unto the chief of the Oguzian family: and afterward at their request coming unto the general assembly, all men's minds and eyes now fixed upon Ottoman, he first of all (by his example to encourage the rest) for the good of the Oguzian tribe, his ancient house and family, saluted him their great lord and governor, promising unto him all loyalty, with the uttermost of his service: whereunto by and by ensued the great applause of the rest of the people, as unto a governor sent unto them by God: Unto whom they joyfully wished all happy success, with long life, & a most prosperous government. Thus with all men's good liking was Ottoman made the great governor of the Oguzian Turks, and so become amongst them a great commander, and honoured with the name of Osman-Beg, or, The lord Osman. Yet was this his honour included in a small circuit, plain and homely, without any great pomp or show, as commanding amongst rough and rude herdsmen and shepherds, not acquainted with the courtesy of other more civil nations: for as yet they were the same homely Scythian Nomads that they were before, and could not as yet be persuaded to forsake their wonted rude and uncivil manners, by long tradition received from their ancestors, and so best agreeing with their nature and calling. Amongst which rude herdsmen, this new governor (himself not too far exceeding the rest in civility) commanded much like unto another Romulus; of whom also the Turks report many such things as do the Romans of their founder, which for brevity I thought good to pass over. Now it fortuned that Ottoman even in the beginning of his government, fell first at odds with on Hagionicholaus, or S. Nicolas (captain of EINEGIOL, a castle there by) for that he had oftentimes of purpose troubled and molested these Oguzian herdsmen, in passing too and fro with their cattle by his castle. For which cause Ottoman was enforced to request the captain of BILEZUGA (another castle thereby, also his neighbour and friend) that his people in passing that way to the mountains, might with their goods and cattle as occasion should require, take the refuge of his castle; which the courteous captain (well acquainted with old Ertogrul, Othomans father) easily granted, yet with this proviso, That none should with such goods or cattle have access into his castle, but the Turks women only: which his courtesy Ottoman refused not. So was the castle of BILEZUGA from that time forward a refuge unto the Turks women, who passing that way and there shrouded with their goods & cattle, usually presented the captain with some one homely country present or other, which afterwards was the loss of the castle. Yet was not Ottoman unmindful of the wrong done unto his people, by his evil neighbour the captain of EINEGIOL: but purposing to be thereof revenged, made choice of seventy of his best and most able men, whom he appointed secretly to pass the mountain ORMENIUS, and so if it were possible, to surprise or set on fire his enemy's castle. Of which his designment, the wary captain having intelligence by one of his espials, in place convenient upon the mountain laid a strong ambush for the cutting off of such as were by Ottoman scent to have surprised his castle: whereof Ottoman (no less wary than he) before warned by his scouts, and augmenting the number of his men, marched directly unto the place where the enemy lay. Where betwixt them (for so small a number) was fought a right cruel and bloody battle, and many slain on both sides; amongst whom Hozza, Othomans nephew was one. The victory nevertheless fell unto Ottoman: after which time his people in much more safety fed their cattle in the summer time on the mountains as their manner was, and so in quiet passed to and fro. The castle of Chalk surprised by 〈◊〉▪ Shortly after, Ottoman by night surprised the little castle of CHALCE, not far from EINEGIOL: and there without mercy put to the sword all the Christians he found therein, and so afterwards burnt the castle; which outrage was the beginning and occasion of great troubles thereof ensuing. For the Christians of the countries adjoining, much grieved therewith, and assembling themselves together, The Christians 〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉 complained unto the captain of CARA-CHIZAR, the greatest commmander thereabout, That these Turks, which not many years before were of mere pity received as poor herdsmen into that country, began now in warlike manner to lay violent hands upon the ancient lands and possessions of the Christians; which insolency (as they said) i● it were longer winked at and suffered by him, and other such men of account and authority as wer● to reform the same, they would no doubt in short time drive both them, and all the rest of the Christians out of their native countries: wherefore it were now high time and mo●e than necessary for him, and all the rest to awake (as it were) out of the dead sleep wherein they had long time drousily slept; and joining their forces together, to expulse those unthankful enchroching & merciless strangers out of their countries: The mischief they said being now spread far, therefore needed speedy remedy; and that repentance would come too late when it was past cure. The captain moved with the indignity of the late fact, and just complaint of the poor country people, sent with all speed a strong company of soldiers, under the leading of Calanus his brother, with commandment that they should march unto the castle of EINEGIOL, and there to join with the rest of the Christian forces. Ottoman understanding of this preparation made against him, gathering his soldiers together, marched to a place called OPSICIUM, near unto mount TMOLUS in PHRIGIA, where between him and the Christians was fought a sharp battle, wherein he lost his brother Sarugatin (whom the Turks account for a saint or martyr at this day) with many other of his soldiers. In this battle was also Calanus slain, whose belly Ottoman caused to be ripped, and his entrails to be pulled out, naming the place where he was buried Mesari-Repec, that is to say, the Dog-grave, by which name the place is at this day known. The body of his brother Sarugatin he carried to SUGUTA, and there honourably buried it near to the body of his father Erth●gr●l. Aladin Sultan of ICONIUM understanding of this conflict, was very sorry for the loss happened unto Ottoman, being a Mahometan of his own religion: wherefore in token of his good will and savour, he gave unto him the city of PALEAPOLIS with all the territory thereunto belonging, giving unto him also leave to besiege, take, or spoil, the signiory and castle of CARACHISAR: for accomplishment whereof, he sent unto him both soldiers and munition. Ottoman encouraged with this great bounty of the Sultan's, straightly besieged the castle of CARACHISAR; which at last he won, and slew all the Christians therein: the captain he took alive, whom he cruelly executed: the spoil of the castle he gave unto his soldiers, reserving only the fifth part thereof, which he sent for a present to the Sultan. All this happened in the year of our Lord 1290. This castle of CARACHISAR, with the rest, as EINEGIOL, BILEZUGA, CHALCE, and others before and hereafter in the life of Ottoman to be mentioned, were all situate in the borders of the greater PHRIGIA, or else near thereunto in the confines of BYTHINIA and MYSIA: In which pleasant countries (but lately part of the Constantinopolitan empire) the Christians the ancient inhabitants thereof yet dwelled, intermingled with the Turks, at the rising of the Ottoman empire; with whom they lived at continual jars, until that at length they were by them altogether oppressed and extinguished. Ottoman encouraged with this good success, Othom●n consulteth with his brother 〈◊〉 what 〈◊〉 to take for the oppresing of the Christians 〈◊〉 neighbours. and supported by the great Sultan of ICONIUM, began now after his ambitious nature to conceit greater matters, for the further increase of his honour and territory: yet not trusting altogether to his own devise, he entered into consultation with his brother jundus, which way was best to take to distress and bring in subjection his neighbours the Christians. In which case, jundus a man of greater courage than discretion, advised him with all celerity to urge his good fortune, and presently to invade the Christians already discouraged with the loss of CARACHISAR. But this counsel altogether pleased not Ottoman for (said he) the castles & forts by us gained, must be kept with strong garrisons, otherwise they will again be recovered by the enemy; which garrisons cannot be maintained and kept, if we spoil or dispeople the country's adjoining upon us, for in so doing we shall (as it were) with our own hands cut our own throats: wherefore I think it better, that we enter into a league of amity and friendship with the Christians round about us, which league we will keep with some, or break with others, as shall serve best for our purpose. And according to this resolution, he made peace indeed with all the Christians, but especially with Michael Coss●, captain of HIRMEN-CAIA castle, of whom we have before spoken, who afterward served him to great use in the managing of his wars, and became also a renegade of the Mahometan religion. All this Ottoman did the rather, because he was than at great variance with one Germean-Ogli (a great man among the Turks, but one of the Selzuccian family) who envying at the rising of Ottoman, sought by all means possible to hinder his greatness, as did also the others, his quietness: which discord the Christians liked well, as a mean for them to live in more rest by. In the mean time, Ottoman 〈◊〉 in order his 〈◊〉 commonweal. Ottoman devised with all carefulness to beautify and strengthen his new commonweal: and for the greater concourse of people, built a fair temple in CARACHISAR for the exercise of the Mahometan religion; appointed markets to be kept in all peaceable manner in his great towns, granting great privileges unto such as resorted thither, as well Christians as Turks; using therein such justice, that all sorts of people without fear in hope of gain resorting thither, furnished his country and towns with all things necessary: yet this care of civil policy and government, could not so withdraw him, but that according to his aspiring mind, he had always a greater desire and care to enlarge his possessions and territory. Wherefore intending to make a road into BITHYNIA, he requested Michael Cossi, the Christian captain before mentioned, to deliver his opinion what was best to be done? who so politickely directed him in that exploit, that he returned victorious, enriched with great spoil and more honour. This road so terrified most of the Christians thereabouts, that they were loath to give Ottoman any cause of offence, for fear lest they should by him be spoiled. It fortuned about this time, that the captains of BILEZUGA & CUPRI-CHISAR falling at odds; he of CUPRI-CHISAR first taking up arms, fiercely invaded the captain of BILEZUGA: who thereupon sent unto Ottoman, to pray his aid, which he easily granted, and so without further delay presently came unto him with certain companies of lusty tall soldiers. By whose coming, the captain of BILEZUGA not a little encouraged and strengthened, set upon his enemy: where betwixt them was made a sharp conflict, and divers on both sides slain: but the victory by the help of Ottoman the Turk, at length inclining unto the BILEZUGIAN, the other vanquished captain in all hast fled unto his own castle. After whom Ottoman following, laid siege unto the castle, which at length he took together with the captain, whom he caused to be presently slain. It is strange to tell, how proud the lord of BILEZUGA was, to have so revenged himself of his enemy, and to have gained the victory; although it were indeed gotten, not so much by his valour as by the prowess of the Turk: for whom and his followers, in token of his thankfulness, he caused a great feast to be provided in the country thereby, where he honourably entertained them; & in the end of the feast, caused garments of great price (according to the manner of the Eastern nations) to be given unto Ottoman, in token of his favour; and his soldiers to be also bountifully rewarded: but this was done with such a presumptuous state and grace as if he had been some great prince, offering unto the common soldiers of the Turks, in passing by them, his hand to kiss, as a great favour. With which exceeding insolency, Ottoman was so much offended, that he had much ado to hold his hands from him: yet repressing his anger, he in secret imparted his discontentment unto his cousin Dunder, his uncle Dunders son; grievously complaining of the intolerable pride of the Christian captain, and of the disgrace by him done unto the Turks, in offering them his hand to kiss; requiring his opinion how he were for the same to be corrected: who but a little before, being by the said captain made his lieutenant, frankly told his kinsman, That as then nothing was to be attempted against him; first, for that on the one side they had Germean-ogli (a great man amongst the Selzuccian Turks) their enemy, and round about them beside they were environed with the Christians, whom he should have all in his neck atonce if he should offer the BILEZUGIAN captain any wrong. By which answer, Ottoman perceiving his cousin's great affection towards the Christian captain, and doubting to have the mischief he had imagined against him, by him revealed, or at leastwise hindered; without more ado suddenly taking up his bow in his hand, with an arrow shot him quite thorough, and so slew him. Michael Cossi inviteth Ottoman to the ma●●age of his daughter. Not long after Michael Cossi the captain of HIRMEN-CAIA, Othomans great friend, having concluded a marriage between a gentleman of that country and his daughter, invited all the Christian captains of the castles thereabouts, requesting them to come to the marriage; and the rather that so they might grow into acquaintance with Ottoman, whose power began now to grow dreadful unto them: hoping that such means might be found at that merry meeting, that all being made friends, every man might in more security possess his own without fear of being spoiled by him. Unto this marriage came all these bidden guests, bringing with them such presents as they thought good to bestow upon the new married folks, according to the manner of the country: but Othomans gifts far exceeded all the rest, who besides many other rich things, gave unto them whole flocks and droves of sheep and cattle: which thing drew all the Christian captains into no little admiration of his bounty; insomuch that they began to say amongst themselves, that Othomans wealth and good fortune did portend some greater matter, to their utter ruin and fall: which to prevent, they thought it best by secret means to compass his death. The execution of which devise they referred to the captain of BILEZUGA, as unto one with him best acquainted. This captain was of great wealth, credit, and authority amongst the Christian rulers thereabouts, but very full of craft and dissimulation: which his evil disposition Ottoman of long time well perceived; yet having occasion to use him, in subtle manner gave him (in outward show) all the honour he could, magnifying him in words, and debasing himself as plain and poor in comparison of him. But to give a beginning to this treacherous devise, the captain meeting with Ottoman, in friendly manner told him, how that he intended shortly to marry the daughter of the captain of JAR-CHISER, earnestly requesting him to honour that his marriage with his presence, of the time whereof, he said he would give him farther knowledge afterwards: and all was but a colour, to bring Ottoman within his danger, not fearing any such treason. Ottoman understanding that the time of the marriage drew nigh, sent thither a present of certain fat oxen and sheep, in the name of his brother jundus, for the captains provision against the marriage; certifying him, That Ottoman himself, with his simple retinue, would be present at the marriage, and then present him, not with such presents as were agreeable with his honour, yet such as his poor ability could afford. This message with the presents, were wonderful welcome to the captain, hoping assuredly that his devised treachery would take such effect as he wished. And therefore calling unto him Michael Cossi, in whom he had reposed an especial trust, declared unto him his whole devise (whereof he was not before altogether ignorant,) requesting him to take the pains to go unto Ottoman to bring him to the marriage, the time being now certainly appointed and at hand; which he knew Cossi might easily do, being of his familiar acquaintance. And in token of great friendship, he sent unto Ottoman by the same messenger, a present of gilt plate. Cossi took upon him this message: which when he had delivered unto Ottoman, he found him very willing to go, as a man not doubting any harm. But Cossi inwardly grieving to see so brave a man, and his kind friend, by such treacherous manner to be brought to his end; moved with compassion, discovered unto him the whole conspiracy of the captain against him, and of the plot laid for his destruction, willing him to take heed unto himself: for which ouverture, Ottoman gave Cossi great thanks, as to his friend, for saving his life; and withal richly rewarded him, promising him greater matters if he would continue that his faithful friendship. Now concerning the captain of BELIZUGA (saith he) at your return recommend me unto him, and tell him, That I think myself much bound unto him for many courtesies, but especially for that he hath heretofore divers times in most friendly manner protected my goods and cattle, within the safeguard of his castle: which his friendship I most humbly request him to continue for one year more, enforced thereunto by reason of the dangerous wars betwixt me and the prince Germean-Ogli as he well knoweth: wherefore if it might so stand with his good pleasure, I would presently send unto his castle such things as I make most reckoning of, requesting him once more to be the faithful keeper thereof, as he hath been before: and tell him further, that my mother in law, with her daughter my wife, desire nothing more than to find opportunity to be acquainted with the honourable lady his mother; for which cause (if it please him) I will bring them both with me to the marriage. This Othomans request, when the captain of BILEZUGA understood by Michael Cossi; he sent the same Cossi back again to hasten his coming, willing him to bring with him what guess he pleased; appointing certain time and place when and where the marriage should be solemnised. And because the castle of BILEZUGA was thought to be too little conveniently to receive the multitude of people which were expected at the marriage, there was another open place of greater receipt appointed in the country for that purpose, about three miles distant from the castle. The marriage day drew nigh, whereunto Ottoman must repair for his promise sake: and therefore prepared with all diligence to set forward, and to put in execution what he had devised for the safety of himself, and destruction of his enemy. Ottoman had of long accustomed in dangerous times, to send by carriage the best of his things, made up in packs, to be kept in safety in the castle of BILEZUGA: under the colour whereof, he now made great packs in form as he was wont; but in stead of his rich household stuff, and such other things of price, he thrust in armed men, covering those packs with homely coverings, sending them by carriages to the castle of BILEZUGA, giving charge that they should not come thither before twilight. After that, he apparelled certain of his best soldiers in women's apparel, as if it had been his wife and mother in law, with their women: so casting his journey, that he with these diguised soldiers, and the other sent in packs, might at one instant meet at the castle aforesaid. The captain being now in the country, and understanding that Ottoman was coming in the evening with a great t●ame of gentlewomen; thought the cause of his late coming to be, for that the Turkish women use to shun the sight of Christian men by all means they can. Ottoman being now come to the place in the country where the marriage was next day to be solemnised, having done his humble reu●rence to the captain, requested him to do him the honour, That his gentlewomen which were nigh at hand, might by his appointment be sent to his castle, there to have some convenient lodging where they might alight and bestow themselves a part from others, according to the homely fashion of their nation; lest peradventure the presence of so honourable a company of noble men and gallants, might put them out of countenance: which the captain granted, and having saluted them a far off after the Turkish manner, commanded them to be conveyed to his castle, making reckoning of them all as of a rich prey. At the same time that these disguised soldiers arrived at the castle, came thither also the other soldiers covered in packs in the carriages: which so soon as they were within the castle, suddenly leapt out of the packs, and drawing their short swords, with the help of their disguised fellows slew the warders of the castle, and without more ado possessed the same: the greatest part of the captains people being before gone out of the castle to the place of the marriage. Ottoman having tarried so long with the captain, as he supposed the castle by that time by his men surprised; so soon as the captain had taken his chamber, suddenly took horse, with all his followers, accompanied also with Cossi, The captain of Belizuga treacherously seeking the death of Ottoman, is by him, himself slain. taking his way directly to the castle of BILEZUGA: of whose sudden departure, the captain understanding, presently took horse and pursued him with all his train, which were for the most part drunk; and overtaking him before he came to the castle, set upon him: in which conflict, he was by Ottoman slain, and the rest put to flight. The same night Ottoman using great celerity, early in the morning surprised the castle of JARCHISAR also, where he took prisoners the captain thereof, with his fair daughter Lulufer, (which should have been married to the captain of BILEZUGA the next day) with all her friends, as they were ready to have gone to the marriage: which fair lady he shortly after married unto his eldest son Orcanes; who had by her Amurath, third king of the Turks, and Solyman Bassa. Ottoman omitting no opportunity, presently sent one of his captains called Durgut-Apes, a man of great esteem and valour, to besiege the castle of EINEGIOL: wherein he used such celerity, that preventing the same of that was done at BILEZUGA, he suddenly environed the castle, in such sort that none could pass in or out; until such time, as that Ottoman having brought his prisoners and prey to the castle of BELIZUGA, and there having set all things in good order, came with the rest of his men of war to EINEGIOL; which he presently by force took, promising the spoil thereof unto his soldiers. The captain called Hagionicholaus his ancient enemy, he caused to be cut in small pieces, and all the men to be slain: which cruelty he used, because they a little before had used the like tyranny against his Turks. Ottoman by administration of justice strengtheneth his government. When Ottoman had thus got into his subjection a great part of the strong castles and forces of the greater PHRIGIA, with the territory to them belonging, he began with all carefulness to make good laws, and to execute justice to all his subjects, as well Christians as Turks: with great indifferency studying by all means to keep his country in peace and quietness, and to protect his subjects from the spoil of others, as well Christians as Turks: whereby it came to pass, that the old inhabitants which for the most part had forsaken the country, by reason of the great troubles therein, repaired now again to their ancient dwellings; and not only they but many other strangers also, supplying the places of them whom the late wars had consumed: So that by his good government, that wasted country in short time grew to be again ver●● populous. The ●ity of Nice besieged by Ottoman. The civil government of his country well established, he besieged the city of ISNICA, in ancient time called NICE, a city of BITHYNIA, famous for the general Counsel there holden against Artus in the time of Constantine the Great. This city he brought into great distress, by placing his men of war in forts new built upon every passage and way leading unto the same, so that nothing could be brought out of the country for the relief of the poor citizens. They in this extremity, by a secret messenger certified the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE (under whose obedience they were) in what distress the city stood; and that except he sent them present relief, they must of necessity either perish with famine, or yield themselves into the hands of their enemies the Turks. The emperor moved with the pitiful complain● of this messenger, with all expedition embarked certain companies of soldiers from CONSTANTINOPLE to relieve his besieged city. But Ottoman understanding by his espials where these soldiers were appointed to land, in secret manner withdrawing most of his forces from the siege, lay in ambush near unto the same place where the emperors soldiers (casting no peril) landed: who before they could put themselves in order of battle, were by Ottoman and his Turks, in such sort charged, that most part of them were there slain, and the rest driven into the sea, where they miserably perished. Ottoman having thus politicly overthrown the Constantinopolitan soldiers, returning to his siege, continued the same in straighter manner than before. The besieged citizens driven into great penury, and now despairing of all help, yielded themselves with the great and rich city of NICE into the hands of Ottoman, with the spoil whereof he greatly enriched his men of war. Aladin the great Sultan of ICONIUM, glad to hear of this good success of Ottoman against the Christians, in token of his favour and love, sent unto him a fair ensign, with certain drums, and trumpets, a sword, and princely rob, with large charters, That whatsoever he took from the Christians should be all his own; and also that public prayers should be said in all the Turks temples, in the name of Ottoman, for his health and prosperous estate: which two things properly belonged to the dignity of the Sultan. These extraordinary favours gave occasion for many to think, That Sultan Aladin (having no children) intended to make Ottoman his adoptive son and successor in his kingdom. The presents and charters sent him, Ottoman humbly accepted, sending unto Aladin the fifth part of the spoil of NICE, taken from the Christians; but the princely honours due unto the Sultan only, he used not during the life of Aladin: intending not long after to have gone himself in person to visit the Sultan, and so to have grown into his further favour. But having prepared all things for so honourable a journey, at what time as he was about to set forward, he was certainly informed of the death of Aladin▪ and that Sahib (one of his great counsellors) had taken upon him the dignity of the Sultan (as is before declared:) which news much discontented the aspiring mind of this Oguzian Turk, in good hope to have succeeded him in the kingdom, or at least wise to have shared the greatest part thereof unto himself, whereof he was now altogether disappointed. Yet immediately after the death of Aladin, he thought it now fit time to take upon him the princely honours before granted unto him by the Sultan in his life time, which he for modesty sake had forborn, Aladin yet living: wherefore he made one Dursu surnamed Fakiche (that is to say, a man learned in the Turkish law) bishop and judge of CARACHISAR, commanding the public prayers which were wont to be made for the health and prosperous reign of the great Sultan, to be now made in his own name; which was first openly done by the said bishop in the pulpit of CARACHISAR. At the same time he began also to coin money in his own name, and to take upon him all other honours belonging unto a Sultan or king: which was about ten years after the death of his father Ertogr●l, and in the year of our Lord 1300, 1300 unto which time the beginning of the great empire of the Turks is under the fortune of this Ottoman, to be of right referred, as then by him thus begun. When Ottoman had thus taken upon him the majesty of a king, he made his son Orcanes' prince and governor of CARACHISAR; promoting his principal followers, to be governors of other strong castles and forts, Neapolis the first regal citi● of the Ottoman kings. divers of which places retain the name of those captains at this day. He himself made choice of the city NEAPOLIS, about twenty miles from NICE, to seat his regal palace in, where also divers of his nobility built them houses, and changed the name of the city, calling it DESPOTOPOLIS, as who should say, The city of the lord or prince. For all this, Ottoman ceased not to devise by all means he could, to augment his kingdom: and for that cause being accompanied with his son Orcanes, made many roads into the country's adjoining upon him, surprising such places as might best serve his purpose, for the enlargement of his kingdom, all which in particular to rehearse were tedious. The Christian princes, Prusa bes●●ge● by Ottoman. rulers of the countries bordering upon this new kingdom, fearing lest the greatness of Ottoman might in short time be their utter confusion, agreed to join all their forces together, and so to commit to the fortune of one great battle their own estates with his. According to which resolution, the Christian confederate princes, which were for the most part of MYSIA and BYTHINIA, levying the greatest forces they were able to make, with fire and sword invaded Othomans kingdom. Who having knowledge beforehand of this great preparation made against him, had in a readiness all his captains and men of war: and hearing that his enemies had entered his dominion, in warlike manner marched directly towards them; and meeting with them in the confines of PHRIGIA and BYTHINIA, fought with them a great and mortal battle, wherein many were slain on both sides, as well Turks as Christians: and after a long fight, obtained of them a right bloody victory. In this battle Casteleanus, one of the greatest Christian captains was slain: another called Tekensis of the country which he governed in PHRIGIA, chased by Ottoman unto the castle of VLUBAD, not far distant from the place where the battle was fought, was for fear delivered unto him by the captain of the same castle, and was afterward by Othomans commandment most cruelly cut in pieces, within the view of his chief castle: which Ottoman afterward subdued, with all the country thereabouts. The other Christian princes and captains saved themselves by flying into stronger holds farther off. The prince of BYTHINIA, the chief author of this war, fled into the strong city of PRUSA, which the Turks now call BURUSA, whether Ottoman not long after led his army, in good hope to have won the same: but finding it not possible to be taken by force, began presently at one time to build two great and strong castles upon the chief passages leading to the city, which castles he with great industry finished in one year: and in the one placed as captain Actemeur his nephew, in the other one Balabanzuck, both men of great courage, and skilful in feats of war: & in this sort having blocked up the city of PRUSA, so that little or nothing could without great danger be brought into it, he subdued the most part of BYTHINIA; and so returned home, leaving the two castles well manned with strong garrisons, under the charge of the captains beforenamed. Ottoman returning home to NEAPOLIS, honourably rewarded his soldiers, according to their deserts, establishing such a quiet and pleasing government in his kingdom, that people in great number resorted from far into his dominions, there to seat themselves: whereby his kingdom became in few years exceeding populous, and he for his politic government most famous. And so living in great quietness certain years, being now become aged and much troubled with the gout; his old soldiers accustomed to live by the wars, abhorring peace, came unto him, requesting him as it were with one voice, to take some honourable war in hand for the enlarging of his kingdom, with great cheerfulness offering to spend their lives in his service rather than to grow old in idleness: which forwardness of his men of war greatly pleased him, and so giving them thanks, for that time dismissed them, promising that he would not be long unmindful of their request. But yet thinking it good to make all things safe at home before he took any great wars in hand abroad, thought it expedient to call unto him Michael Cossi, the only Christian captain whom for his great deserts he had at all times suffered to live in quiet with his possessions, as it were in the heart of his kingdom; and by fair means (if it might be) to persuade him to forsake the Christian religion and to become a follower of Mahomet's, so to take away all occasion of mistrust: which if he should refuse to do, then forgetting all former friendship, ●o make war upon him as his utter enemy. Whereupon Cossi was sent for, being persuaded by the messenger, that Ottoman had sent for him because he had occasion to use his wonted faithful counsel and service in a great exploit which he had intended, as he had oftentimes before. Cos●i thinking of nothing less than of that which ensued, came accompanied with such soldiers as he thought to use in that service: But coming unto Ottoman, and understanding the very cause why he was sent for, Michael Cossi turneth Turk. and seeing danger imminent on every side, kissing Othomans hand, after the manner of the Turks, requested him in courteous manner to enter him in the principles of the Mahometan religion, which he promised ever after to embrace: And so saying certain words after Ottoman, he turned Turk, to the great displeasure of God, and the contentment of Ot●●man and his nobility. For which his revolting, Ottoman presently gave him an ensign and a rich rob, tokens whereby the Mahometan Sultan's assure their vassals of their favour and the undoubted possession of such land and living as they then hold. Oftentimes after this, Ottoman for the contenting of his soldiers invaded the country's bordering upon him, took many strong castles and forts, subdued the most part of PHRIGIA, M●SIA, and BYTHINIA, and other great regions, unto the Euxine sea: and being now very aged, and diseased as is aforesaid with the gout, and thereby unable to go into the field in person himself, oftentimes sent his son Orcanes against his enemies; who to the imitation of his father achieved many great enterprises, Ottoman his father yet living. Now happily might the considerate reader (and not without just cause) marvel, what dead sleep had overwhelmed the Greek emperors of those times; first Michael Paleologus, and afterward his son Andronicus, both men of great valour, and still resiant at CONSTANTINOP●E, thus to suffer the Turks (not Ottoman, for he as yet bore no sway, but others the sharers of Sultan Aladins kingdom) to take their cities, spoil their countries, kill their subjects, and daily to encroach upon them in the lesser ASIA, and especially in BYTHINIA, so near unto them, and as it were even under their noses: But let him, with me, here as in a most convenient place but breath a little, and consider the troubled estate of that declining empire, now hasting to an end; and he shall plainly see the causes of the decay thereof, and how like an old diseased body quite overthrown and sick to death, it became at length a prey unto the aspiring Turks. Michael Paleologus having by great treachery obtained the Greek empire, and by rare fortune recovered also the city of CONSTANTINOPLE from Baldwin the emperor (as is in the former part of this History declared,) fearing the power of the princes of the West, but especially of Charles king of SICILIA, than a prince of great fame and power, whom he knew Baldwin (the late emperor) ceased not to solicit for the restitution of him again into his empire, and to have also joined with him a near bond of affinity, by marrying his daughter unto Charles his son: to avert this danger, and to entangle Charles with troubles near home, he by his ambassadors offered unto Gregory the tenth, than bishop of ROME, to unite and conform the Greek church unto the Latin, and to acknowledge the bishop's supremacy, in such sort, as that it should be lawful for any man to appeal unto the court of ROME, as unto the higher and more excellent court: of which his offer the Pope gladly accepted, promising to perform what he had before requested, Alteration of Religion in the Greek Church. for the keeping of Charles otherwise busied. But when it came to the point, that this reformation and alteration of religion in the Greek church should be made, joseph the Patriarch, to begin withal, gave up his place, and shortly after forsaking the city, retired himself into a monastery near unto the straight of Bosphorus, where he at quiet devoutly spent the remainder of his life. The rest of the clergy also discontented with this innovation, in their sermons openly invaighed against it, persuading the people not to receive it, crying out, That now was come the time of their trial, the time of their martyrdom, and the time wherein they were to receive the glorious crown of their painful sufferings: insomuch, that great tumults were thereupon raised, and all the city and the country in an uproar: for it was not the clergy only, and the vulgar people by them moved, which disliked and abhorred these the emperors proceedings, and made these stirs, but many of the better sort, yea of the chief magistrates themselves also. So that Michael Paleologus the emperor leaving all other foreign business, was enforced to convert all his power and study unto the appeasing of these domestical troubles, as deeming them of greater danger than his wars abroad. And first to persuade his discontented subjects, he told them, That this alteration was made, not for any good liking he had thereunto, but in respect of the dangerousness of the time: and that it was a point of wisdom, to foresee dangers hanging over our heads, and not to delay, if any thing were to be altered, for the avetting thereof: for if the enemies as he said should come, the city yet in many places rend, or but lately repaired, and as it were but newly raised from death to life; the present mischiefs would be far greater than those forepast, and that than their enemies would become lords, not of their religion and ceremonies only, but of all at once, their wives, their children, and whatsoever else they had: where their liberty changed into bondage, they should be constrained to conform themselves not with their bodily service only, but even with their minds also, unto the wills of the Latines their enemies. And that so it would come to pass, that no man should be able to keep the old customs and manners of his ancestors, but should see even their most sacred rites and ceremonies changed and quite overthrown: Which he carefully foreseeing, had not (as he said) refused to yield unto necessity, and as wisdom would, neglected a little harm in respect of a greater benefit; and in the less, to have yielded unto his enemies, to enjoy the benefit of the greater. With which the emperors persuasion, Persecution in the Greek Church for matters of Religion. some were moved, and so held themselves contented: and some others not; against whom he was enforced to use other more severe remedies, as against his rebellious subjects: of whom, some he imprisoned, some he banished, some he tortured, some he dismembered, some he deprived of their sight, or confiscated their goods, using (in brief) all the means whereby the minds of the resolute or the weak were to be moved. All which things, they whose zeal was grounded upon knowledge (in number the fewest) with patience endured: but the greater part void of judgement, and the refuse of the people in simple attire, ran roguing abroad, some into PELOPONESUS, some into THESSALIA, some into ACHAIA, and some as far as COLCHOS, as men persecuted for their conscience, not regarding greatly whether, so it were out of the emperors jurisdiction, and something fitting their own humours; neither conforming themselves unto the religion then commonly by the emperor established, neither yet agreeing among themselves, but taking unto them divers names, some as the disciples of Arsenius, some of joseph, and some of others; some of them, themselves deceived, and deceiving others also. Thus for the avoiding of foreign danger out of the West, was the empire at home no little endangered, and the state thereof shaken. Wherewith the emperor was so encumbered, as that he had no leisure to provide for the tempest arising by the Turks out of the East, but was enforced wholly to employ himself and all his endeavours unto the keeping of his people & subjects in their due obedience at home. All whose deep devices, first in aspiring unto the empire, (no way unto him due) and great travels afterwards for the assuring of the same unto himself and his posterity, against all right, even with the alteration of the religion of his fathers, yielded him in the winding up of all, not so much as the credit of an honourable sepulture. But dying in these troubles not far from LISIMACHIA, as he was making preparation against the prince of THESSALY, was there by his son Andronicus his commandment (for whose advancement he had strained both his faith and honour) obscurely buried in the field, a good way from his camp; as unworthy of a better sepulture, for revolting from the ancient religion of his ancestors, although his obsequies were for fashion sake afterwards with some solemnity celebrated. This was the end of the great emperor Michael Paleologus, in whose time the Turks, the successors of Aladin, greatly encroached upon him in the lesser ASIA, as is in part before declared: a man greatly adorned with the good gifts both of the body and the mind, had he not for the advancement of himself and his posterity, stained the same with foul treachery and apostasy: for which (as some say) he ever after lived in conscience troubled, and dying, was even by his own son not thought worthy of an honourable funeral. A notable example unto all such as with greediness seek after vain glory, and foolishly expose themselves unto such adventures; as oftentimes overwhelm their deepest devices, having in themselves no certainty: preferring their inordinate desires (either for themselves or their posterity) before that which is good and virtuous: Twice wretched in so doing: first in their folly, and then in their endeavours. Who beside that they find God himself against their designs and purposes, they by and by also evidently meet with other things than what they had forecasted, contrary unto them; and so themselves oftentimes, contrary to their expectation, cast headlong into extreme misery: for lo, even he of whom we now speak, otherwise a man of great wisdom, and happy in his doings, overcome with his affection towards his children, in desiring to leave unto them the empire, when as he ought to have cast all the care both of himself and of them, especially upon the providence of God; he like a blind man following his own deep conceits, not grounded upon the fear of God but man's wisdom only, cast himself before he was aware into miserable troubles, and became odious even unto his subjects, & them also for whom he had so forgot himself. For whereas God had even from his childhood allotted unto him the empire (as was by many evident signs & tokens to have been gathered) if he could have moderated his untimely desires, kept his tongue from perjury, and his hands from blood, and not turned out of the way after strange doctrine; he had by many degrees excelled even the best emperors his predecessors: whereas now he lieth obscurely buried, shrouded in the sheet of defame, the report of his foul & faithless dealings far exceeding all his other worthy virtues. Andronicus Paleologus succeeding his father in the empire, and thinking by restoring again the government of the church, together with the rites and customs of the Greeks, to have appeased all such troubles as were before by his father raised, by bringing in those of the Latins, found himself therein much deceived, and his troubles no less than his fathers: they which had before received the Latin customs, and well liking of them, with great obstinacy defending the same: and the other of the contrary faction now countenanced by the emperor, without modesty or measure insulting upon them: whereof arose exceeding great stirs and troubles, especially in the beginning of his reign: to the great benefit of the encroaching Turks, who in the mean time ceased not by all means to increase their territories in ASIA; and not only there, but in the islands of the Mediterranean sea also. For Andronicus, by the death of Charles king of SICILY; delivered of the greatest fear, for which both he and his father before him had to their great cost and charge both built and maintained a strong fleet of galleys; now persuaded by some, whose actions and speeches were after the manner of the court, all framed unto the prince's appetite, (as the readiest way to thrive, without respect of the common good) to spare that needless charge (as they termed it) which yearly cost him more than any other thing else: had discharged all his mariners and sea men, and commanded all the galleys to be laid up, some in one creak, some in another; where neglected & not looked unto, they in time for most part rotten and perished. As for the mariners they went some one way; some another, as their fortunes lead them, to seek for their livings in foreign countries, even with the emperors enemies; and some gave themselves to husbandry, thinking it better by doing something to live, than by sitting still to perish: which good husbandry at the first seemed to be very profitable unto the emperor, but especially unto such as being near unto him, and covetously given, made small reckoning of all other the most necessary defences of the empire, in comparison of hoarding up of money, until that it was afterwards too late by experience found hereof to have sprung many great mischiefs, unto the great weakening of the Greek empire. For besides that the Turks without let, did great harm on the sea; the pirates now out of fear of the emperors galleys, at their pleasure took the spoil of the rich Islands in the Mediterranean, and robbed the towns all along the sea coast, to the unspeakable grief of the poor country people. And yet not so contented, came with their galleys sometime two, sometime three, and sometime more, as it were in contempt, even close unto the imperial city. Yea the Venetians were so bold as upon a right small displeasure to rifle and afterward to set fire upon the suburbs thereof, which they would hardly have adventured, had the emperors fleet been preserved and maintained in the wonted strength. At the same time also, Andronicus the emperor (to the great hindrance of the affairs of the empire, and advantage of the foreign enemy) was not a little troubled with a jealous suspicion of his brother Constantine (commonly called Porphyrogenitus) as if he had sought to have aspired unto the empire; seeking by all means to win unto himself the love and favour of all men, but especially of the nobility both at home and abroad, and so by that means to mount unto the height of his desires: All which (as most men thought) were but mere slanders, maliciously devised by such as envying at his honour, and taking occasion by the emperors suspicion, ceased not to increase the same, until they had wrought his unworthy destruction. The first ground of this false suspicion in the emperors head, was for that this Constantine was even from his childhood, for many causes, better beloved of the old emperor his father than Andronicus, as better furnished with those gifts of nature which beautify a prince, and of a more courteous behaviour than was his brother: insomuch, that had he not been the younger brother, his father could willingly have left him his successor in the empire. This was one and the chiefest cause of the emperors grudge, and the ground of his suspicion. Yet was there another also, and that not much less than this: for that his father in his life time had of long thought to have separated from the empire a great part of THESSALIA and MACEDONIA, and to have made him absolute prince thereof; and had happily so done, had he not been by death prevented: which thing also much grieved Andronicus, and the more incensed him against his brother. Which his secret hatred he for all that according to his wisdom, cunningly dissembled, not only during the time that his father lived, but three years after his death also, making show of the greatest love and kindness towards him, that was possible. Constantine in the mean time, of such great revenues as were by his father assigned unto him, reaping great profit, most bountifully bestowed the same upon his followers and favourits, and others that made suit unto him, as well the meaner sort as the greater, and with his sweet behaviour won unto him the hearts of all men: for affability & courtesy in high degree easily allureth men's minds, as do fair flowers in the spring the passengers eyes. This was that precept of the wise Indians, That the higher a prince was in dignity, and the more courteous he showed himself unto his inferiors, the better he should be of them beloved. He therefore that should for the two first causes blame Constantine, should do him wrong; Immoderate bounty in great men dangerous. as both proceeding not of himself, but of his fathers too much love: but in the third he was not altogether blameless; for if for want of experience he prodigally gave such gifts, as for the most part might have beseemed the emperor himself, he ignorantly erred, yet did he no little offend: but if he knew, that for his too profuse bounty he could not be unsuspected of his brother, and yet without regard held on that course, he was greatly to be blamed therein. For if nothing else might have moved him, yet he should have considered, to what end the like doings of others in former times had sorted, and how many it had brought to untimely end. So although perhaps that Constantine meant no harm unto his brother, or any way to supplant him, yet did these things not a little increase and aggravate the former suspitio●s, and open the ears of the emperor his brother unto such calumniation as commonly attendeth upon immoderate bounty. But to return unto our purpose. This honourable Constantine then lived in LYDIA, but lately married, and in good hope long to live, being not past thirty years old: but pleasantly spending the time with his wife at NYMPHEA in LYDIA, at such time as he was thus secretly accused unto his brother, the emperor thought it good, as upon other occasions of business, to pass over into ASIA himself; but indeed with a secret resolution, upon the sudden to oppress his brother unawares, as by proof it fell out. For at his coming over, Constantine fearing nothing less, was forthwith apprehended, with all his greatest favourits, of whom one Michael Strategopulus (sometime a man in great authority with the emperor his father, and of all other for wealth, honour, and noble acts most famous) was chief: who together with Constantine were fast clapped in prison, where we will leave them every hour looking to die, their lands and goods being before confiscated. But these worthy men, especially Constantine and Strategopulus, thus laid fast; who many times in great battles discomfited the Turks, and notably defended the frontiers of the empire alongst the East side of the river MEANDER; they now finding none to withstand them, foraged not only all the rich country beyond the river, but with an infinite multitude passing the same, did there great harm also: so that there was no remedy, but that the emperor must of necessity make choice of some other worthy captain for the defence of those his cities and countries, by the incursion of the Turks then in danger in that part of ASIA. There was then in the emperors court one Alexius Philanthropenus, a right valiant and renowned captain, and then in the flower of his youth; of him the emperor thought good to make choice for the defence of those frontiers of his empire in ASIA (against the Turks) which were before the charge of his brother Constantine and Strategopulus; joining unto him one Libadarius, an old famous captain, and a man of great experience also: appointing unto him the government of the cities of JONIA; and unto the other, the frontiers along the winding banks of MEANDER. Where Alexius having now gotten a charge worthy his valour, and in many great conflicts with the Turks still carrying away the victory, became in short time of great fame: besides that, he was exceeding bountiful and courteous unto all men; a costly, but a ready way unto dangerous credit and renown. Thus at the first all things prospered in his hand according to his hearts desire: yea the Turks themselves, bordering upon him, hardly beset on the one side by the Tartars, and on the other by himself; and yet not so much feared with their enemies behind them, as moved with his courtesy, came over unto him with their wives and children, and served themselves (many of them) in his camp: but as they say, That in jupiters' court no man might drink of the tun of bliss, but that he must taste also of the tun of woe: so fell it out with this great captain; who having but tasted of the better tun, had the worse all poured full upon his head. For Libadarius seeing all so prosper with him, and somewhat envying thereat, began to fear and suspect, lest he proud of his good fortune, and now grown very strong, casting off his allegiance should aspire unto the empire, and so first begin with him, as the nearest unto him: which thing many of the nobility secretly surmised also, but how truly many doubt. But this envious plot was not yet ripe, but lay as fire raked up in the ashes. Now there was with Alexius Philanthropenus, certain companies of Cretensians, whom for their good service and fidelity he both honoured and trusted above others, using them all for the guard of his own person. These men proud of their credit, hearing of the surmised aspiring of their General, and in hope by his advancement to raise their own fortunes also, ceased not continually to suggest unto him high conceits of himself, and to persuade him with all speed to take the matter upon him; the very conceit whereof (as they said) would be unto him no less danger, than if he should enter into the action itself, as he might well see by the woeful examples of the noble Constantine and Strategopulus, both in extreme peril, but for the jealous conceit surmised against them. Which quick suggestions wrought in his great mind divers, and those most contrary motions; so that he scarce knew himself what he would or would not. For they which are unto themselves in conscience guilty of any grievous crime, if any mischief hang over their heads therefore, it happeneth unto them, as foreknowing and expecting the same even from the time that they offended: unto whom, if nothing else, yet that same very foreknowledge easeth not a little the grief and misery: whereas chose, they which are with sudden mischiefs and unlooked for, overwhelmed, not knowing any just cause why, Alexi●s Philanthropenus aspireth. must needs stand as men dismayed, and almost beside themselves. But at length after divers great conflicts with himself, the evil persuaders of rebellion, prevailed with him. Yet did he at the first forbid any mention to be made of him in the army as emperor, which caused the Cretensians, the chief authors of his rebellion, almost to force him forthwith to take upon him the imperial ornaments, thereby to confirm the minds of his followers and fauourits: for that such resolutions were (as they said) to be forthwith put into execution; neither that any thing required so joint celerity and dexterity both of the mind and the hand; and for that longer delay would but fill his soldiers heads with doubts, and discourage them with the fear of the uncertainty of the event: all which for all that moved him not so to do; but whether for fear of the greatness of the danger, or for that he secretly thought how first to cirumvent Libadarius, of whom he stood most in doubt, is uncertain. The report of all which his doings and designs were in short time carried first unto Libadarius, as the nearest, and so in post unto the emperor: who were therewith not a little both disquieted. And had Alexius (as some persuaded him) at the first set upon Libadarius, then unprovided, no doubt but he had done much: but God by whom all prince's reign, and whose power confoundeth the devices of the proud, turned him from Libadarius, by whom he was to be oppressed, to follow after Theodorus the emperors brother, of whom he was to have feared no harm. This Theodorus, the first man that Alexius shot at, warned by his brother Constantine his harms, than lived a pleasant private life in LYDIA, far from the ambition of the court, and therefore so much the more beloved of the emperor: but Alexius fearing lest in that hurl many should resort unto him, as unto the emperors brother, and so hinder his proceedings; thought best first to make him sure, and afterward to oppress Libadarius, not aware, that in stead of the body he followed but after the shadow. Libadarius opposeth himself against the proce●●i●g● of Philanthropenus. But Libadarius, as a man of great experience, taking the benefit of this his oversight, and knowing money to be the sinews of war, gathered together all the coin he possibly could, both of his own and his friends, sending also for the emperors treasures to PHILADELPHIA; and with all speed raised the greatest power he possibly could out of JONIA, which he furnished with all things necessary, promising unto his soldiers great matters, and filling them with greater hopes, and that within ten days he would with a great army meet the rebel in the heart of LYDIA, and there dare him battle. But withal considering, that the Cretensians, men but of a mercenary faith, had always the guard of Alexius his person, he thought good to make proof if they might with gold be won to betray him: and so well wrought the matter by great sums of money presently given, and promises of greater preferments with the emperor, that they (somewhat before discontented with Alexius his slackness, and now doubting also his success) yielded unto his desire, promising in the beginning of the battle to deliver him into his hands; which they shortly after in the very joining of the battle, accordingly performed, delivering him fast bound unto Libadarius his enemy. Who not a little proud thereof, used him with great insolency, and within three days after put out his eyes, for fear the emperor according to his courteous nature should have given him his pardon; and so kept him in prison until the emperors pleasure were farther known. Thus through false suspect and ambition were the greatest champions of the Greek empire brought to confusion. Now after this rebellion of Philanthropenus, Andronicus the Greek emperor reposing mo●e ●ust 〈…〉 his own subjects, greatly hurteth his state. Andronicus became so jealous of his own people, as that he wist not whom to trust, reposing greater confidence in strangers than in his own subjects, to the great hurt of his estate. At the same time it fortuned that the Massagets (commonly called Alani) which then dwelled beyond ISTER, being Christians, but oppressed by the Europian Tartars, weary of their slavery, sent secretly unto the Greek emperor Andronicus; offering that if he would assign unto them a convenient place for them to dwell in, they would come over unto him with ten thousand of their families, and faithfully serve him in his wars against the Turks (who then grievously wasted his countries in ASIA, destitute of good captains and commanders) which their offer he gladly accepted, as standing then in need of aid and not greatly trusting his own people. But when these Massagets in number above ten thousand, coming over with their wives and children, were to be furnished with all things, and especially the men with horses, armour, and pay, all which the emperor could not of himself do; the subjects were therewith hardly charged, and commission sent out into every country and province for the taking up of horses and armour: every city, every country town and village, every gentleman's house and poor man's cottage was searched and ransacked, and all things taken from them that was there found fit for service, to their great discontentment: every man murmuring and grudging to have his arms taken from him, and given to strangers. But when they were also to be contributors unto their pay, they then openly cursed and banned them, even unto their faces. Yet at length (though with much ado) these strangers well furnished with all things necessary, were with some other forces also shipped over into ASIA, under the leading of Michael Paleologus the emperors eldest son, and then his companion in the empire. Who marching alongst the country, came and encamped about MAGNESIA: where the Turks at the first, after their wonted manner, retired themselves into the high mountains and thick woods, that from thence they might more safely learn what strength their new come enemies were of, and what discipline of war they kept: for they knew that upon the coming of great armies, many false reports did run, and that things were made far greater than indeed they were; as did of these also, as of a people invincible: and therefore they thought it best so to protract the time, until they might see in what sort best to deal with them. But so hovering over their heads, and perciving them oftentimes without order to roam abroad into the country seeking after prey, (for why, they after the manner of mercenary men spoiled their friends no less than if they had been their enemies) they came down in good order from the mountains, from whence at the first they adventured but a little: but afterward they came on further and with greater confidence, in such sort, as that it seemed they would ●are long assault the young emperor in his camp. Wherewith he with the rest discouraged, without any stroke given, retired; the Turks still following him at the heels. For neither he, neither the rest, any thing considered the small number of their enemies: but as drunken men whose heads filled with gross vapours, are deceived in the greatness of the object that they see, and oftentimes think one thing to be two; so were they also in like manner with their own fear blinded. Beside that, most commonly it falleth out, that the army which insolency and injury forerunneth, is appointed to destruction, and by the fearfulness of itself overthrown before the enemy set upon it, they themselves becoming enemy unto themselves; and God his just vengeance appointing unto them such an end as their deeds have deserved: neither was it like that they should do any great good, that at their first setting forth, in steed of provision carried out with them the bitter curses and execrations of their friends. Michael the emperor seeing the Massagets fly, and not daring with those few he had left, to oppose himself against his enemies, retired himself into the strong castle of MAGNESIA, there to expect what would become of these mischiefs. But the Massagets spoiling the countries of the poor Christians as they went, marched directly unto the straight of HELESPONTUS, and there again passed over into EUROPE, as if they had been therefore only sent for over the river ISTER, to show the Turks the sooner the way unto the sea in ASIA. For it was not many days after, but that Michael the emperor being returned to CONSTANTINOPLE, the Turks coming down with a great power, subdued all the countries, even unto the coast of LESBOS, to the great weakening of the Greek empire. It was not long after, these great stirs made by the Massagets, but that one Ronzerius (some time a notable pirate, but as then a most famous captain) hearing of the great entertainment that the Greek emperor gave unto strangers; by messengers sent for that purpose, offered unto him his service in his wars against the Turks, Ronzerius what he was. as had before the Massagets. This Ronzerius of whom we speak, had out of CATALONIA a province of SPAIN, and out of that part of FRANCE which is called NARBONENSIS, and some other places also, gathered together a great number of base needy naked men, yet lusty able bodies and fit for service either by sea or land; with whom he manned four tall galleys, and so as a notable pirate long time robbed, not only the merchants trading too and fro in the Mediterranean, but landing his men oftentimes in the rich islands, carried away thence much rich spoil also; until at length by the mischief he did being become famous, and great wars then arising betwixt Charles king of NAPLES and Theodorus king of SICILIA, he was by Theodorus sent for and requested of aid: which he (living of the spoil) easily granted, and so came unto him with a thousand horse, and as many foot, all old expert soldiers, whose good service stood the king in those wars in great steed. But as the end of war is peace, so at length upon the evil success of Charles, a peace being concluded betwixt the two kings, and confirmed by a marriage betwixt their children, Ronzerius living altogether by his fortunes was to seek for new entertainment, both for himself and his men, as having neither house nor certain dwelling place to repair unto; but being as needy men met together, some out of one place, some out of another, in hope of booty as their fortune led them. In which case Ronzerius their general thought it best to offer his service unto the Greek emperor in his wars against the Turks, whereof he gladly accepted, and so sent for him: unto whom he shortly after came with two thousand good soldiers, called (after the proud Spanish manner) by the name of CATALONIANS, for that they were for the most part Spaniards of the country of CATALONIA. Of whose coming the emperor rejoicing more than he had cause (as afterward by proof it fell out) in token of his greater favour, honoured him with the name of the Great Captain; and afterwards gave him his niece Marie in marriage. But within a while after, when as one Tensa, another Catalonian captain sent for by Ronzerius, was come thither also with more aid; the emperor to gratify them both, gave unto Ronzerius the name of Caesar, and unto the other the name of the Great Captain. But when these new come captains with their followers, were to be transported into ASIA, it is not to be spoken what harm they did by the way unto the country people, and in the villages alongst the sea coast; abusing the men and women as their slaves, and spending their substance at their pleasure, for which they had many a bitter curse: and this was their first years entertainment. The next Spring they set forward to relieve the great city of PHILADELPHIA, being as then long besieged by the Turks, and hardly bestead without with the enemy; and within, with extreme penury and famine: which good service, they most valiantly performed and raised the siege: For the Turks beholding the good order of these Latin soldiers, their bright armour, and courageous coming on, rise presently and departed, not only from the city, but quite out of the emperors territory. Besides that, in this army were joined unto these Catalonians great numbers of the best soldiers of the Greeks, and all the power of the Massagets: so that had not the emperor expressly before commanded, not to pursue them too far, it was by many thought all those cities and countries might then again have been in short time recovered from the Turks, which they had before taken from him. But in kingdoms appointed unto ruin, fair occasions help not for the stay thereof: yea the greatest helps provided by the worldly wise, by a secret commanding power above, being oftentimes converted to the destruction of that they were provided for the safeguard of; as it now fell out with the emperor and these Spanish soldiers: for this service done, the greeks returned home, as did the Massagets also. 〈◊〉 for want o● pay spoileth the emperor's subjects. But these Catalonians with Ronzerius their general, roaming up and down the emperors territories in ASIA, did there great harm, turning their forces (as enemies) upon them whom they were sent for to relieve: alleging that they had not their pay according to the emperors promise, and that therefore they must live upon them that had sent for them and deceived them. So were the poor people in every place spoiled, their wives and daughters ravished, their priests and aged fathers tortured to confess such secret store as they had: all was subject unto these dissolute soldiers rage and lust; yea many of them that had nothing to redeem themselves, upon the greedy soldiers imagination, having their hands or feet, or some other part of their bodies cut off, lay by the high ways side begging an half penny or a piece of bread, having nothing left to comfort themselves with, more than their miserable voice and fountains of tears: with which their wrongs and miseries, worse than those they had sustained by the Turks, the emperor much grieved; and well the more, for that they were done by him whom he had entertained to relieve them: but what remedy, his coffers were so bare as that he was not able to do any thing for the redress thereof. Ronzerius having thus spoiled the emperors country in ASIA, and left nothing that pleased either him or his, with all his power passed over into EUROPE: and leaving all the rest of his army at CALIPOLIS, with two hundred of his men went unto the young emperor Michael (then lying with a small power at ORESTIAS in THRACIA) to demand of him his pay, or if need were to extort it from him with threats: with whose insolency at his coming, the emperor more offended than before, his soldiers there present perceiving the same, with their drawn swords compassing him in, Ronzerius' 〈◊〉. fast by the court, slew him, with certain of his followers; the rest in all hast fled to CALIPOLIS to certify their fellows what had happened. Thus by the death of Ronzerius, the young emperor had thought to have discouraged the Catalonians and abated their pride, as like enough it was to have done: yet in proof it fell not out so, but was the cause of far greater evils. So when God prospereth not men's actions, the best falleth out unto the worst, and their wisest devices turn unto mere follies: for the Catalonians at CALLIPOLIS hearing of the death of Ronserius their General, first slew all the citizens in the city, and notably fortifying the same, took that as their refuge. Then dividing their soldiers into two parts, with the one part of them manned out eight galleys, which under the leading of the Great captain Tenza, robbed and spoiled all the merchants ships, passing the straits of HELLESPONTUS, to or from CONSTANTINOPLE: the other part left in the city, in the mean time foraging the country all about them. But Tenza shortly after encountering with a fleet of the Genoese, well provided for him, was by them overthrown, and most of his galleys sunk, and himself taken; but yet afterwards redeemed by his fellows, and so again enlarged. Now the Catalonians at CALLIPOLIS somewhat discouraged with the loss of their fleet and so many of their men, for certain days kept themselves quiet within their walls, as not well knowing what course to take; for they feared both the Massagets and Thracians▪ them, for that they had upon light causes abused them, and slain divers of them in the late Asian war; and these, for that they had but even the other day burnt their houses and spoiled their labours in the country thereby: for which and other their outrages, they utterly despaired of the emperors favour whom they had so highly offended. But that which most of all terrified them, was, for that they looked every day when Michael the young emperor, who as then lay not far off, should with a great power come to assault them: for fear of whom they cast a deep ditch about the city, with a strong counterscarp; so preparing themselves, as if they should have been even presently besieged. But the time so passing, and the emperor delaying his coming, they began to think of other matters: For being brought to that straight, that they could not well tell which way to turn them, but that they were on every side beset with danger; they upon a malicious resolution, and unto the Greeks most fatal, by messengers sent of purpose, craved aid of the Turks that dwelled on the other side of the straight overagainst them, in ASIA: who presently sent them five hundred good soldiers, after whom followed also many other fugitives and loose companions, in hope of spoil: with whom the Catalonians for the present strengthened, and being themselves three thousand strong, issued out of the city, and foraged the country thereabouts, bringing in with them great herds and flocks of sheep and other cattle, together with their keepers: wherewith both the emperors and their subjects incensed, prepared themselves for revenge. This was the first calling in of the Turks into EUROPE (that I read of) and the beginning of those endless miseries wherewith the Christian commonweal hath been ever since most grievously afflicted, The Turks first called into Europe by the Catalonians. and a great part thereof overwhelmed; few or none grieving thereat, but such as themselves feel the heaviness thereof, whom God in his mercy comfort. The Catalonians and Turks now lying about CYPSELLA and APRI in THRACE, Michael the emperor with his Macedonian and Thracian soldiers, the Massagets and the Turcopuli, encamped at APRI. The Turcopuli. These Turcopuli were Turks, also in number about a thousand, who (as is in the former part of this history declared) being fled with their Sultan jathatines unto the Greek emperor, and left behind him at such time as he was by the Europian Tartars delivered, had forsaken their Mahometan superstition, and so being become Christians, were enroled amongst the Greek soldiers. The unfortunate battle of Michael the emperor against the Catalonians and Turks. Shortly after the emperor (advertised by his scouts of the approach of his enemies) commanded every man to be in a readiness, and his captains to put his army in order of battle: who seeing the enemy's battle divided into three parts, put theirs also in like order, placing the Turcopuli & Massagets in the left wing, the Macedonian and Thracian choice horsemen in the right wing, and the rest with the footmen in the main battle. At which time the emperor himself riding from place to place, with comfortable speeches encouraged his men to fight valiantly against their enemies. The Sun rising, the enemy's battle began to come on, in number much inferior unto the emperors, yet in like order; the Turks being placed in both wings, and the Catalonians well armed in the midst. But the signal of battle being given on both sides, the Massagets, whether it were by agreement so before made with the enemy, or upon a sudden conceived treason, presently withdrew themselves aloof off, and so stood as idle beholders, giving aid neither to the one nor to the other, as did also the Turcopuli their companions; which greatly dismayed the Grecians, and encouraged their enemies: for the greeks dismayed with that sudden defection of their fellows, were even in the joining of the battle discouraged. Which the emperor perceiving, with great instancy entreated the captains and commanders of his army, calling them oftentimes by name, not to be so suddenly discouraged: but they in so great a danger little regarding his words, and still shrinking from him; when as the greatest part of his footmen were trodden underfoot, and slain, turning himself unto them that were left, which were but few, he said: Now worthy men is the time wherein death is better than life, and life more bitter than death. And having so said, valiantly charged the enemy: in which charge his horse was slain under him, and he in danger to have been taken, had not one of his faithful followers remounted him upon his own horse, and so saved his life with the loss of his own. The emperor flying to DYDIMOTICHUM, where Andronicus his father then lay, was of him joyfully received, but sharply reproved for adventuring his person so far. The enemies pursuing the chase, slew some, took others, until that by the coming on of the night, and weary with the long fight, they retired: and the next day dividing the spoil, afterwards at their pleasures foraged the country. The renegade Turks, called Turcopuli, within a few days after revolting unto the Catalonians, were of them joyfully entertained, and enroled into the regiment of Chalel, the Turks General. Shortly after this victory, the Catalonians began to mutiny among themselves, the Great captain Tenza, and Pharenza his companion, disdaining to be commanded by Recafort their General: in which tumult, the matter coming to blows, Tenza was slain, and Pharenza fo● safeguard of his life glad to fly unto the emperor Andronicus; of whom he was, contrary to his expectation, right honourably entertained. About this time also, the Massagets having done the Greeks more harm, than the Turks against whom they were entertained, and enriched themselves with the spoil of their friends both in ASIA and EUROPE, were about with their wives and children, and wealth, to return again unto their old dwellings beyond ISTER. Which the Turcopuli, with the Catalonians understanding; and bearing unto them a secret grudge, for that they (as the weaker) had by them oftentimes been wronged in the division of the spoil of the greeks, lay now secretly in wait for them as they should pass the straits of the great mountain HEMUS, which bounded the Greek empire from the Bulgarians: where setting upon them, fearing no such danger, they slew them almost all; & with the spoil of them, recompensed themselves for all the wrongs they had from them before received. The Catalonians proud of their victory at APRI, and well strengthened by the revolt of the Turcopuli, with continual roads spoilt not only all alongst the sea coast of THRACIA, but all the inland country also, as far as MARONEA, RHODOPE, and BIZIA, laying all wa●t before them. And having foraged most part of THRACIA, broke into MACEDONIA, and there wintered about CASSANDRIA, Cassand●●●. sometime a famous city, but as then all desolate and ruinous. But the Spring being come, they removed thence, with purpose to have spoiled the cities of MACEDONIA, and especially the rich city of THESSALONICA, where the empress Irene then lay: wherein they were by the emperors good foresight and care prevented, who doubting such a matter, had fortified his cities in that country, and furnished them with strong garrisons and all other things needful for their defence: which they quickly perceiving, and finding the country all desolate and forsaken by the inhabitants, were about to have again returned into THRACIA. The Catalonians shut out of Macedonia. But as they were thereupon resolving, they were informed by one that was with them captive, how that the emperor by a mighty strong wall built at a place called CHRISTOPOLIS, from the sea side even unto the top of the mountains, had so shut up the passage, as that it was not possible for them that way to enter. With which unexpected news they were at the first exceedingly troubled, as foreseeing, That if they should there long stay in that spoilt country, they should in short time be driven unto exceeding wants (for they were now in number above eight thousand fight men) and afraid also by a general conspiracy of the people about them, to be oppressed. Thus beset, and not well knowing what to do, or which way to turn themselves, they desperately resolved, no longer there to stay, but forthwith to set forward, and to break into THESSALY, with the plentifulness thereof to relieve their wants, or into some other country farther off towards PELOPONESUS, and there to seat themselves, and to end their long travails: or at leastwise, if they could not so do, to enter into league with some that dwelled upon the sea coast, and so return again into their own country. Wherefore leaving THESSALONICA, and delivering the emperor of a great fear, they in three days came to the Thessalian mountains, OLYMPUS, OSSA, and PELIUS, where thy at the foot of them found such plenty of all things necessary for their relief, that they there wintered. But Winter past, and the Spring being come, they passed over those high mountains and the pleasant valleys called TEMPE, and so at last came down into the fruitful plains of THESSALY; where they spent that year at their pleasure, without resistance, devouring the labours of the poor country people, and making havoc of whatsoever thing came in their way: for as then the state of that country was but weak, the prince thereof being but young, and withal very sick and like to die, and the succession so ending in him, as that it was feared, who after his death should lay hand thereon; and every man therefore more careful of his own private than of the common good. Yet to avert these foreign enemies, who like a consuming fire devoured the country before them, the nobility thought it good, with great gifts to overcome their captains and commanders, and then to offer them guides to conduct them into ACHAIA and BEOTIA, countries more pleasant and fruitful than was theirs, and more commodious for them to dwell in: promising also to give them aid for the seating of them there, if they should so need. Of which their offers the Catalonians accepted, as thinking it better with their hands full of gold so easily gotten, to go seek their better fortunes, with their power yet whole and strong, and help also if need were, than to hazard all upon the success of a doubtful victory, and so foolishly to prefer an uncertain hope before a most certain benefit. So making peace with the Thessalians, and the Spring being come, receiving of them their promised rewards, & guides to conduct them; passing over the mountains beyond THESSALY, and the straits of THERMOPILE, they encamped near unto LOCRIS and the river CEPHISUS: which rising out of the mountain PARNASSUS, and running toward the East, hath on the North side of them LOCRIS and OPUS; and on the South the inland country of ACHAIA and BEOTIA: and being a great river until it come to LEBADIA and HALIARTES, is there divided into two rivers, the one called AESOPUS, and the other ISMENUS; whereof the former runneth through the country of ATTICA, until it come into the sea, and the other near unto AULIS (where the noble Grecians, as they say, being about to go unto TROY, met and there stayed) falleth into the Euboean sea. But the duke of THEBES and ATHENS and of all that country, hearing of their coming, and (as he thought) well provided also for them (as having all the Winter and Spring time before put his forces in readiness) with great pride and contempt denied them passage through his country, at such time as they asked the same; making no more reckoning of them, than as of a sort of loose wandering rogues that could find no place to rest or thrive in: wherewith they enraged, resolved among themselves, either there to seat themselves in his country, or to die therefore. And so passing the river into BEOTIA, not far from the same encamped themselves, being in number about ●500 horse, and 4000 foot. But so lying and expecting the coming of their enemies, they caused all the plain ground about where they lay and meant to fight, . to be ploughed up, which they with certain small cuts out of the river so watered, as that it differed but a little from a deep marish or bog. Hither about the middle of the Spring cometh the prince of the country, with a gallant army raised out of ATHENS, THEBES, PLATEA, LOCRIS, PHOCIS, and MEGARA, in number about 6400 horse and 4000 foot, an army too strong he thought for so contemptible an enemy. But the weakest enemy not feared, doth oftentimes the greatest harm, as here by proof was to be seen: for the prince coming unto the aforesaid plain, now grown green with grass, and casting no peril, encouraging his men, came bravely on with all his horsemen to have charged his enemies: who stood fast upon the firm ground, a little without their trenches, as ready to encounter him. But before he was come to the middle of the plain, his horses sinking deep into the rotten and new ploughed ground, and there entangled as in a marish, lay for the most part tumbling in the mire, together with their riders; or else plunging in the deep, and having cast them, ran up and down the plain, as fortune led them; othersome sticking fast, stood with their riders upon their backs, as if they had been very images, not able for to move. Which the Catalonians beholding, and therewith encouraged, overwhelmed them with all manner of shot, and slew them at their pleasure, until they had almost made an end of them: and with their horsemen so speedily pursued the rest in chase, even unto the cities of THEBES and ATHENS, that they without more ado even at that instant surprised them both, with all that was in them. So the Catalonians having as it were at a cast at dice won a most goodly country, garnished with fair towns and cities, which they never built; and stored with all manner of wealth, which they never sweat for; there ended their long travails, and seated themselves: Not ceasing (as saith Nicephorus Gregorias, the reporter of this history, speaking of the time wherein these things were done, and wherein he himself lived in CONSTANTINOPLE) unto this present day, by little and little to extend the bounds of their territory. Where leaving them with whom we happily have too long strayed from our purpose, let us again return unto the Turks and Turcopuli their companions. In the army of the Catalonians, at such time as they were about to have besieged THESSALONICA, were three thousand Turks, of whom eleven hundred were of them (as we said) which remained with Melech at AENUM, after the flight of jathatines there Sultan unto the Tartars, and renouncing their superstition, became Christians; and so being baptised, and having wives and children, were enroled among the emperors soldiers; but at the battle of APRI revolted unto the Catalonians, and were commonly known by the name of Turcopuli: the other being the greater part, were such Turks as with Chalel their captain came out of ASIA, being sent for by the Catalonians. Now all these Turks, as well the one as the other, at such time as the Catalonians were about to invade THESSALIA, and to seek their new fortunes in the countries more Westward, and so farther off from ASIA: partly distrusting the society of them, as dangerous unto them; and loath also further to follow their uncertain fortunes into countries further off, among people to them unknown; began to arise in mutiny, and to refuse to go. Whereupon their captains Melech and Chalel requested of the General of the Catalonians to give them leave with quietness to return: which their request he easily granted (as now not greatly needing their help, after that he was departing out of the emperors dominion) and so they gladly departed; proportionally dividing all the captives and spoils they had taken in that long war, according to the number of both parts. The Turks 〈…〉 two fa●t●●ns. These Turks after their departure from the Catalonians, divided themselves into two parts, the Turcopuli or renegat Turk's following Melech, and the rest Chalel their general. But Melech being before become a Christian, as were his followers also; and after that having received most honourable entertainment at the emperors hands, and yet again most shamefully breaking his faith before given, and violating his religion, had revolted unto his enemies; despairing of the emperors further friendship, which he had so evil deserved, made choice rather to go unto Crales prince of SERVIA, by whom he was sent for, than to come again into the sight of Andronicus the Greek emperor. And so going unto him with a thousand horse, and five hundred soot, was there of him well entertained himself: but his soldiers all commanded to deliver unto the prince both their horses and armour, and to fall to other trades and not to bear arms but at such time, and so many of them as should seem good unto the prince, that had received them into his country. But Chalel with the Turks his followers, in number about 1300 horse and eight hundred foot, staying at MACEDONIA, offered unto the Greek emperor quietly to depart his country; so that he would give him passage by the straits of CHRISTOPULIS by him fortified; and in safety transport him and his soldiers with all their substance, over the straight of HELESPONTUS into ASIA: unto which his request, the emperor considering the great harm done in his provinces, and desirous also to be discharged of so great a burden, easily granted; and so sent Sennacherib, one of his most valiant captains, to conduct them out of MACEDONIA into THRACIA, unto the straits of HELLESPONTUS. Where the Greek captains and soldiers seeing the great multitude of horses, and abundance of money and other spoils, which they having taken from the Greeks were now about to carry away with them into ASIA; they thought it a great indignity to suffer them so to do: and alured also with the hope of so rich a prey, as had been of long in gathering, they entered into a devise far different from that which was unto the Turks before promised; neither providing them of shipping, neither careful of their safety; but purposing upon the sudden by night to destroy them. Whereof the Turks having got understanding, suddenly rising, surprised a castle in the country thereby, which they notably fortified for the defence of themselves, to the great astonishment of them that had purposed their destruction; who not now able to force them, were glad to get them farther off, and to certify the emperor what had happened: who (after I wot not what received custom of the Greek emperors his predecessors) slowly dispatching things requiring greatest hast, carelessly delayed the time, to the great trouble of his state and advantage of his enemies. For they wisely considering the danger and distress they were in, by speedy messengers sent over the straight, craved aid of the Turks their countrymen in ASIA, which they presently sent them: wherewith they not a little both encouraged and strengthened, with their often and sudden incursions grievously wasted the country round about them, to the great discontentment of the Greek captains, not able without greater help to remedy the same. Who thereof certified the young emperor Michael Paleologus, requesting him with all the power he could make, to come and besiege the castle, and to suppress these so dangerous enemies. For the performance whereof, not only the captains with their soldiers, but the country people in general with their spades and mattocks came flocking unto the emperor; not as if they would have besieged the castle, but have digged it down and overthrown it together with the Turks their enemies. Now the emperor with his captains and soldiers, The vnfortu●at battle of the emperor Michael Paleologus with the Turks in Chersones●●s. and a multitude of these country people, being come thither; who all gladly followed him, most part of them foolishly thinking of nothing, but of the spoil of their enemies; not considering with what danger the same was to be gained: so that the more the enemies provided for the necessary defence of themselves, as in number but few, and shut up in their enemy's country; the more carelessly and negligently, and without all order, the Greeks proceeded in their siege, for that they were in number far more, and better provided of all things than their enemies: not reputing with themselves, Nothing in this world to be firm and sure; and all worldly things (as saith the divine Philosopher) to be but the mockery of God, and to be hastily turned upside down, and with most uncertain course this and that way to wander. But their enemies, who before feared even the very fame of their coming, accounting themselves rather among the dead than the living, seeing their confused and disordered rashness; therewith much more than before encouraged, bestowed all their wealth, their women, and other things unnecessary for battle, in good safety within their trenches: but themselves, with eight hundred chosen horsemen only, and they very well armed, sallied out, even unto the place where the imperial ensign stood; being neither of any great safety, neither guarded with any such strength or carefulness as beseemed: with which sudden and desperate eruption of the enemies, the Grecians terrified, especially that rustical and uplandish company, began to fly; after whom by little and little others followed, until at length all the rest without farther resistance, fled also: which the emperor seeing, did what he might to have stayed their flight: but in so general a confusion and fear, when every man was to shift for one, who regarded him? Wherefore wearied and seeing no other remedy, he was glad to take the same course and to fly with the rest. Yet many of the more expert captains, ashamed of so foul a flight, made divers stands: and so stayed the barbarous enemy from further pursuit of the emperor and the other flying Greeks. In which doing, many of them enclosed by the Turks, were of them taken prisoners: unto whom all the emperors treasure became a prey also, and whatsoever honourable ensigns of the empire else that were found in the emperors tent; yea the imperial crown itself, richly set with pearl and precious stones, was there taken also, which (they say) Chalel putting upon his head, pleasantly scoffed at the Greek emperor that but late before wore it. Thracia spoiled by the Turks. After this victory, the Turks with great pride spoiled almost all THRACIA, in such sort as that the people for two years together durst scarcely go out of their strong walled towns to plough and sow their land; which exceedingly grieved both the emperors, the father and the son: for in their own power they had no great confidence, God having (as it were) taken from their people both their hearts & courage; so that all their hope was to entertain foreign aid (the miserable shift of the great distressed ones) wherein also they found many difficulties and lets, whilst they considered the greatness of the charge, their coffers being then (if ever) empty, by reason their territories were so long and grievously by their enemies wasted: yet need admitting no law, Andronicus the old emperor was glad to send to Crales prince of SERVIA his son in law, to pray his aid. But in the mean time he making no haste (as men in relieving others commonly do) and the misery more and more increasing, it pleased God to stur up the heart of one Philes Paleologus the emperors near kinsman, to undertake the protection and deliverance of his prince and country; and was afterward for his great valour by the emperor worthily made lord great martial of the empire. This Philes of whom we now speak, had all his life time been brought up in the court, and was for his upright dealing and integrity of life beloved of all men, but especially of the old emperor his kinsman, whom he with like affection honoured; but was a man altogether unskilful of the wars, as being by nature of a weak constitution of body, and so very sickly; and withal more given to devotion and the service of God than the affairs of the world, oftentimes spending most part of the day at his prayers in the church. He now grieved to see the perplexed emperor, and the misery of his country, requested of him that he might with some small power, Philes Paleologus requesteth of the emperor, that he might go against the Turks. and some few captains of his own choice, go out against these proud Turks: hoping (as he said) by the grace of God to revenge the wrong by them done, and to return unto him again with victory. Unto which his request, the emperor easily yielded, saying, That God was just, which delighted not in any man's legs, either in the greatness of any man's strength, but in a contrite heart and humble mind; not so giving his help unto Michael the emperor, his son, for the offences of his parents: as happily he might unto this so upright and devout a man, regarding more his integrity of life, than his skill in arms: For turning me about, I have seen in this world (said he) I have seen, the swift not to gain the prize; neither the valiant the victory; wise men to want bread; and men of understanding, wealth; the simple to gain favour; and the subtle to fall into disgrace: such alteration worldly things in time find. So the emperor (as is aforesaid) yielding to his request, furnished him with money, horses, and armour, and such a convenient power as he himself desired. Which he having received, first of all encouraged his captains and soldiers with all manner of courtesy and kindness, giving unto them money, horses, armour, jewels, yea sometime he gave unto one his purse, unto another his cloak, his rapier, or some other such thing as he had about him, to encourage them in their forwardness: after that he persuaded them to an honest temperate course of life, and valiantly to play the men, promising according to their deserts to reward every one of them, the war once happily ended: and before his setting forth, understanding by his espials, that Chalel with a thousand foot and two hundred horse was foraging the country about BYZIA, he hasted his departure, that so he might by the way encounter them, laded with the spoil of the country: and so setting forward, came the third day unto a little river, which the inhabitants call XEROGIPSUM, and there in a great plain near unto the same, encamped. Where after he had set all things in order fit for battle, he with cheerful speeches, as a great commander, encouraged his captains and soldiers; leaving nothing unsaid or undone, that might serve for the animating of them to fight. But he had not so lain two days, but that his scouts about midnight coming in, brought him tidings, That the enemy laden with spoil, was even fast by at hand: who by the rising of the Sun were come within sight, and had themselves a far off also discovered the Christian army, all glistering in bright armour. Wherefore staying a while to prepare themselves for battle: and first of all, compassing themselves round with their wagons and other carriages, they bestowed in them all their captives fast bound together, with the booty they had taken: and afterwards as their manner was, casting dust upon their heads, and their hands up towards heaven, they came on. And now the Christian army came on forward also, Philes still encouraging both the horsemen and footmen, The battle betwixt Philes and the Turks. and right well conducting them, as the time and place required. So it fortuned, that he that had the leading of the right wing of the army, gave the first charge upon a squadron of the enemies, and at the first onset unhorsed one of the enemies, and by and by after him, another. But having his horse sore wounded under him, he hastily retired out of the battle, which somewhat troubled the Christians, and encouraged the Turks, who now with a barbarous outcry began most fiercely to press upon the retiring Christians. Philes in the mean time with many cheerful words and comfortable persuasions still encouraging them to play the men; and with his eyes oftentimes cast up to heaven, with tears running down his face, most heartily besought God, the giver of all victory, no longer to suffer those his enemies, and the ministers of his wrath, to triumph over his people: as did also the poor captives that lay bound, doubtfully betwixt fear and hope, expecting the event of the battle. The Christian footmen at the same time encountering hand to hand with the Barbarians, assailed them, and were assailed; slew of them, and were themselves of them slain; so that there was a cruel fight made on both sides. But Philes with the multitude of his men having almost compassed in the Barbarian horsemen, with a company of his most valiant soldiers broke in upon the side of the enemy's battle, and so made way through the midst of it: and so troubled the Turks, as that they well knew not how to stay or what to do. So being on every side circumvented and hardly charged, The Turks overthrown. most of them there fell, excepting some few horsemen, whom the Greek horsemen pursued unto the entrance of CHERSONESUS, with purpose there to shut them up. Philes coming thither also, there upon those straits encamped: at which time the emperor presently sent out five galleys to keep the straits of HELLESPONTUS, so that no aid might be brought unto these Turks out of ASIA. Whilst things thus went, two thousand choice horsemen came to the aid of Philes out of SERVIA, and the potestate of PERA came by sea also with eight galleys more into HELLESPONTUS to the aid of the other Christians: wherefore when the Grecians and the Seruians had thus on the one side shut them up by land, and they that were in the galleys on the other by sea; Philes with all his power came and encamped about the town and the trenches wherein the Turks lay, planting his battery against the castle, wherewith he greatly shook the same, and made great slaughter of the Turks, and of their horses, and that not only by day, but by night also. But the Turks seeing death now present before their eyes, and no way left for them to escape: for that they were so on every side both by sea and land enclosed, thought good thus to adventure their lives, resolving by night to set upon the Grecians rather then upon the Seruians, whom they had hitherto accustomed to overcome, and whom they had with often slaughters terrified; that so the rest by them also happily discouraged, they might so delay the assault: but in attempting the same, they perceived themselves much deceived, finding them even at their first sallying out, ready in arms to receive them: wherefore having in vain given the attempt (as against a strong fortress) they were shamefully enforced to retire. Yet were they not therewith so discouraged, but that the strait siege still continuing, they gave the like attempt upon the Seruians; but being also by them in like manner with loss repulsed, they began now utterly to despair. Wherefore the next day, about midnight casting away their arms, they with their bosoms and pockets full of coin ran down unto the sea side, towards the galleys, with purpose to yield themselves unto the Genoese that were therein; as fearing of them less harm, as of men whom they had never hurt. But the night being dark and misty, and the Moon giving no light, many of them unawares came unto the Greek galleys, and there, flying the smoke fell into the fire: for being lightened of their money, they were by them forthwith without any pity slain also. But the Genoese slew not all their prisoners, but only such as had brought with them the greatest store of coin; lest afterwards bewraying the same, it should have been sought after by the greeks: the rest they cast into bonds, of whom, some they sent unto the emperor, othersome they kept to themselves as their own prisoners. Thus by the valour and good conduct of this worthy devout captain, the Turks were for that time again chased out of EUROPE, and the country of THRACIA delivered of a great fear. The causes of the decay of the Greek empire. Now by that we have already written, is easily to be seen, the chief causes of the decay and ruin of the Greek empire, to have been, First, the innovation and change of their ancient Religion and ceremonies by Michael Paleologus, whereof ensued a world of woes; then by Covetousness, coloured with the name of good husbandry, the utter destruction of the chief strength of the empire; next unto that, by Envy, the ruin of the great; False suspect, the loser of friends; Ambition, honour's overthrow; Distrust, the great minds torment; and Foreign aid, the empire's unfaithful porter, opening the gate even unto the enemy himself: whereunto foul Discord joined (as shall be forthwith declared) what wanted that the barbarous enemy could desire, for the helping of them in the supplanting of so great an empire? But again to our purpose: Michael, companion with his father Andronicus in the empire, had by his wife Marie two sons, Andronicus who was afterward emperor, and Manuel surnamed the Despot; and two daughters, Anne married unto Thomas prince of EPIRUS, and Theodora married to the prince of BULGARIA: of all these, the old emperor Andronicus their grandfather, so entirely loved Andronicus his nephew, as that in comparison of him he little seemed to regard either his own children, or the rest of his nephews, wishing them all rather to perish than him: which many supposed him to do, as purposing by him the better to establish the succession of the empire in his house; as also for his excellency of wit, and comeliness of person; the likeness of name also happily furthering his kind affection. For which reasons, he caused him to be always honourably brought up in his court, as not willing to spare him out of his sight either day or night. But when he was out of his childhood, and grown to be a lusty youth (at which time men's hot desires are commonly most vehement) he began to contemn all chastisement and government; especially in so high a calling, and in the prime of his youth. Besides that, his companions became unto him the ministers and persuaders of all those vain delights which unstaid youth most desireth: and at the first began to lead him forth to walk the streets, to hawk, to hunt, and to haunt plays, and afterwards to night walks also, not well beseeming his state: which riotous course of life, when as it required great expense, and his aged grandfather gave him but a certain spare allowance for his convenient maintenance; he acquainted himself with the rich merchants of GENUA, which dwelled at PERA. Hereof rose hard taking up of money, great debt, fine devices how to come by coin, with secret consultations and purposes of flight. For when he saw his grandfather old Andronicus long to live, and his father Michael like to succeed him, he had no hope of aspiring to the empire; whereupon his ambitious thoughts, and impotent desires, long time tormenting his haughty heart, suggested unto him such purposes. For when as he would not obey his grandfather as his tutor, nor follow other men's counsels, as a child, he sought after the imperial liberty, and abundance of wealth; that he might have that was sufficient for himself, and wherewith to reward others, as the followers of an emperor. Which seeing he could not do, his grandfather yet living, and his father reigning; he sought after the sovereignty of other principalities and countries: one while after ARMENIA, as belonging unto him in the right of his mother, the king of ARMENIA his daughter; another while after PELOPONESUS, and sometime he dreamt of LESBOS and LEMNUS, and other the fruitful Islands of the Aegean sea: which when it was secretly told sometime to his father, and sometime to his grandfather, he was now crossed and reproved of the one, and afterwards of the other. And to pass over many other his youthful pranks, he used in his night walks secretly to repair unto a certain gentlewoman's house, more honourably borne, than honestly qualified: which woman, a certain gallant and another Adonis, no less affected than himself; wherewith he highly offended, as with his rival, appointed certain ruffians and fencers to watch her house. But upon a certain time about midnight, Manuel the Despot (his younger brother) seeking after him, chanced to pass that way where these watchmen lay: who seeing him hasten by, and not knowing him in the dark, and supposing him to have been the man they looked for, the gentlewoman's best beloved, set upon him, and so wounded him that he fell down for dead from his horse: but being by and by after known by others coming in, he was taken up, and so half dead carried unto the court. Which outrage in the morning being known unto the emperor, cast him into a great heaviness, as beholding not the time present only, but wisely considering what was like to ensue in the time to come also. But Manuel the Despot being dead of the wounds there received, and the report thereof brought unto Michael the young emperor his father, then lying at THESSALONICA, struck him to the heart with so great a grief, that falling sick with the conceit thereof, he shortly after died. Andronicus the unstaid youth nevertheless holding on his wonted course, with a secret purpose to have fled, became thereby still more and more suspicious unto his aged grandfather, not a little careful unto what end those his violent passions would at length tend. And therefore appointed one Syrgiannes' (a man of great credit and authority in the court, in whom as in a reconciled enemy he had most unadvisedly reposed too much trust) to insinuat himself into the youthful prince's acquaintance and favour; that so sounding him, and his secret designs, he should not possibly be able without his knowledge to step aside; which of all things the old emperor feared most, as the beginning of greater troubles.. This Syrgiannes' being a man of great place, and of a subtle wit, was sometime himself suspected of aspiring; and therefore as upon the misprision of treason, was by the old emperor imprisoned: but afterwards by him again enlarged and received into favour, was now put in trust warily to observe the doings of the young prince. But he not unmindful of the wrong before done unto him, and in hope by troubling the state, either to aspire unto the empire himself, or at leastwise to some good part thereof; thought now a fit occasion to be ministered unto him for him to work upon, both for the one and the other, by setting the old emperor, and his ambitious nephew together by the ears: which opportunity he not minding to let slip, taking the young prince one day aside, discovered unto him all his grandfathers devise in brief, as followeth: Your grandfather noble prince (said he) hath set me as a watch over your actions, Syrgiannes' his crafty seditious speech unto young Andronicus. or more truly to say, as a bloodhound, to seek after not your doings only, but if it were possible even after your most secret thoughts also: and so whilst he maliciously prepareth for you snares and fetters, you not aware thereof, foolishly follow your shallow and childish conceits. For what shall it avail you secretly to fly away? whereas (if the best chance) yet must you (as the common saying is) put your feet under another man's table, and live of his charge; if it fall not out worse, that you be slain or made away by them you fly unto for relief, or else fall into the snares by your grandfather laid for you. But if so be that casting behind you these your fond devices you will hearken unto my counsel, I will show you a ready way how you shall in short time and without any danger, aspire unto the imperial seat and dignity; the only way whereunto is this, if you leaving the city of CONSTANTTNOPLE shall fly out into the cities and provinces of THRACIA. For seeing men are most commonly by nature desirous of change, and the miserable Thracians are with often exactions grievously vexed; if you shall but once proclaim a redress of their grievances, with immunity for ever, they will all with one accord follow you whether soever you will, your grandfathers long and heavy yoke being cast off, as if it were Sisyphus his heavy stone, which they had long rolled and never the near. If you like of this advise, I will be unto you both the author and the leader of this exploit, and will easily bring to good effect the whole matter: so that you again on the other side promise unto me upon your faith, to reward this my travel according to my desert therein. But what rewards shall these be? Honourable preferments, large possessions, great revenues, the first place in your favour, and that no great matter be done or concluded without my consent and knowledge. For you see how willingly I make myself partaker of your calamity, and companion of your dangers, no necessity enforcing me thereunto; forgetting even my very faith, in comparison of the love and zeal I bear towards you, wherein if any mishap shall by the mutability of fortune betid me, I have set down myself with patience to endure it. All which considered, you need not to grudge to yield unto my requests, if you tender your own safety. And for as much as the shortness of the time will suffer no long consultations, and that delay bringeth extreme danger; let us without longer stay impart the matter unto such others, as for the hatred of the emperor are like to keep our counsel, and may yet much further our designs. The young prince moved with this speech, as if it had been with a charm, easily granted to his desire, confirming the same by his oath conceived in writing: at which time were present such as were especially to be acquainted with the plot of the conspiracy, namely john Catacuzene, and Theodorus Synadenus (both men of great honour, and the old emperors ancient supposed friends, and of him beloved, much of like age unto himself) and Alexius Apocaucus the third (not of like honour with the other, yet a man of great place, and of a most subtle and deep wit:) who all understanding the matter, showed themselves not as ministers, but as ringleaders and captains of the intended rebellion. This conspiracy with most solemn oaths and promises on every part confirmed, they began right cunningly to attempt the matter: and to begin withal, Syrgiannes' and Catacuzenus, by corrupting divers of the great and most gracious courtiers, procured to themselves the government of such cities and provinces in THRACIA, as they thought fittest for them to begin their rebellion in. Syrgiannes' having the government of the sea coast, and the inland country even from the sea side unto the top of mount RHODOPE; and Catacuzenus the government of the country about ORESTIAS. In all which places they mustered soldiers, provided armour, entertaining also strangers, and other vagrant and masterless men, as for some great war: besides that, in the cities for the govenment thereof, they placed their most trusty friends, removing such others as they had in suspect. All which they coloured by rumours falsely raised, one while of the coming of the Europian Tartars from DANUBIUS; and another while by the coming of the Turks out of ASIA: against whose invasions these preparations were given out to be made, for avoiding of suspicion; and the traitors for their provident care highly commended even by the emperor himself, against whom they were intended. All which things Syrgiannes' notably dissembled, oftentimes withal certifying the young prince what he had done, and what was likewise of him to be performed. But the old emperor, seeing his youthful nephew not to hearken to his grave advise, but still to proceed in his dissolute kind of life; was about solemnly to have reproved him before the Patriarch and some others of the chief nobility: if happily such open reproof might have wrought in him some change of manners; if not, then to have committed him to prison: and like enough he was to have so done, had he not been otherwise persuaded by Theodorus Metochita (who of all others was able to do most with him) by reason of the liberty of the time; for than it was upon the point of Shrovetide, when as the people distempered with excess of meat and drink, were of all other times most fit, upon any light occasion, to be drawn into a tumult or uproar: for fear whereof, he was contented for that time to let him alone. But Shrovetide past, and a good part of Lent also, the old emperor seeing no amendment in his nephew, calling unto him Gerasimus the patriarch, & the rest of the reverend bishops then present in the city, sent for his nephew, openly before them all to chide him, and to school him for his disordered life, but especially for his purposed flight; that ashamed of such open reproof before such reverend fathers, he might either amend his life, or at leastwise of all men be thought justly punished for the same, if he should still proceed therein. So the young prince being sent for, came accompanied with a number of his fauourits and followers, most of them being secretly armed, and he himself not altogether unprovided: 〈◊〉 Andronicus cometh secretly armed unto his grandfather. for it was agreed amongst them, that if the emperor should use gentle and fatherly admonition towards him, that then they should keep themselves quiet, without any show of insolency or discontentment; but if he should in anger reprove him, or threaten to punish him, then upon a sign given, forcibly with their swords drawn, to break in upon him and to kill him in the imperial seat, and without more ado to place young Andronicus his nephew in his steed. But coming in, and (as his manner was) taking his place next unto his aged grandfather, his desperate followers attending without, he was indeed of him grievously blamed and reproved for his former follies and evil course of life; yet with such moderation and gravity, as that all seemed (as it did) to come of a most fatherly care and regard: so that at that time no such outrage was committed, as was by divers his followers wished, but the assembly quietly dismissed, and a solemn oath taken on both sides: of the grandfather, That he should not appoint any other to succeed him in the empire but his nephew; and of the young prince, That he should never go about or attempt any thing, to the shortening or hurt of his grandfathers life or empire. But the conspirators thronging about him at his coming out, fretted & fumed at him, as if he had broken his faith and oath before given them, saying, What greater wrong couldst thou do to us, than being by us made strong and become dreadful unto thine enemies, to dispose of thine affairs at thy pleasure to thine own safety, and to leave us thy most faithful friends and servants in the devils mouth to be devoured? For now they both doubted, and feared, lest their conspiracy was discovered. With which speeches he both discouraged, and ashamed, sent for Theodorus Metochita his grandfathers chief counsellor, requesting him to deal with his grandfather, for the pardoning of all his followers, as he had done for himself: of which motion he disliking, told him, That he was to give God thanks that he had himself escaped so great a danger, and to him also, as a mean for the safeguard of his life; although he entreated not for such traitorous persons; with whom, if he were well advised, he would have nothing to do, either think that they would ever be faithful unto him, that respecting neither God nor man, had so foul-broken their faith before given unto the emperor his grandfather. With which unexpected answer of so great and grave a counsellor, the prince not a little troubled and withal discontented, stood a while as in a muse all silent, reasoning as it were with his own passions: but afterwards commanding him without further reply to depart, and the old companions of his follies resorting unto him, he by their persuasion entertained again his former disloyal thoughts and designments: which his grandfather vehemently suspecting, and therewith not a little grieved, would, as if it had been by inspiration, oftentimes in his heaviness say unto them that were about him, In our time is lost the majesty of our empire, and the devotion of the Church. Yet to prevent the worst, he thought it good betime to lay hands upon his suspected nephew, and so to detain him in safe keeping: acquainting none therewith but Gerasimus the Patriarch and his ghostly father, who straightway acquainted the prince therewith, and was the cause that he hastened his flight, flying himself before. For he now certainly understanding the danger he was in, the night before he should have been apprehended, with all the rest of the conspirators his complices, in the dead time of the night fled out of the city, by the gate called GYROLIMNIA▪ which gate (all the rest being shut) was still at his command, for that he commonly used thereby at his pleasure very early to go out on hunting, as he now pretended to do; but the next day after came to Syrgiannes' and Catacuzenus camp, who then both lay with a great power at HADRIANOPLE, expecting his coming. The old emperor, before the rising of the sun, advertised of the flight of his nephew, the same day commanded him to be proclaimed traitor, & proscribed, with all his conspirators, & whosoever else should take his part. And for the more surety, every man in the city was sworn to be loyal and faithful unto the old emperor, and enemies unto his nephew and his adherents. But he on the other side, proclaiming liberty and immunity abroad in all the cities and villages in THRACIA, Thracia reuol●eth unto Andronicus. so won the hearts of the country people in general, that they resorted unto him from all places in great numbers, ready armed to do whatsoever he should command them. And to begin withal, they first laid hands upon the collectors of the emperors money, than abroad in the country, whom they foully entreated, taking from them their money. After that, and yet seven days not expired, almost an incredible number of horsemen, footmen, archers, and others, departed from HADRIANOPLE towards CONSTANTINOPLE, under the leading of Syrgiannes', in good hope at their first coming to take the city, being at discord in itself; and most part of the meaner sort, in hope of gain, favouring their rebellious proceedings, such as the seditious find in such rebellious tumults. So having marched four days, they came and encamped at SELYBRIA: but as they were about to have gone on farther, the old emperor doubting least the citizens, seeing so great an army before the city, should therein raise some tumult or stir, to the endangering thereof; thought good before to send ambassadors unto his nephew, to prove if happily these so dangerous troubles, might by their means in some good sort be appeased. The chief of these ambassadors was one Theoleptus bishop of PHILADELPHIA, a man no less famous for his virtue than his wisdom, and yet for both of all men honoured; and with them also was sent Syrgiannes' his mother, as of all others most fit to appease her son, & to persuade him not to approach the city, for that thereof might ensue much bloodshed, and the destruction of the city, or at leastwise the utter undoing of many; whereof if he should be the author, how could he ever after live in conscience quiet, but that the torment thereof would follow him even into his grave; and therefore to request him to retire a little, and so to come to talk, and to demand what he pleased. Syrgiannes' moved as well with the presence of the revered bishop, as with the prayers of his mother, retired to the young prince, Articles of agreement betwixt the old emperor and his nephew. which then lay about ORESTIAS; whither the emperors' ambassadors came also: with whom (after long debating) it was agreed, That the young prince should in all royal manner, hold all THRACIA, from CHRISTOPOLIS unto RHEGIUM and the suburbs of CONSTANTINOPLE: and withal, That such lands as the young prince had already given unto his followers in MACEDONIA should still remain unto them (which were such as yearly yielded unto them a right great revenue:) And that the old emperor should hold unto himself the imperial city, with all the cities and provinces of MACEDONIA beyond CHRISTOPOLIS: and that he alone should have the honour to hear the ambassadors sent from foreign princes, and to give them their dispatch; for that the young prince took no pleasure in those weighty affairs; as by nature more delighted in hawking, hunting, and his other youthful pleasures. Upon which conditions a peace was concluded, better liked of the young prince, than of the old emperor; who although he was desirous otherwise to have redressed so great wrongs, yet wanting power, The Greek empire in Europe divided. was glad to yield to whatsoever his nephew would request. Thus was the Greek empire in EUROPE (as then all or the most part enclosed within the bounds of MACEDONIA and THRACIA) now divided betwixt the grandfather and his nephew: ASIA in the mean time (wherein the Greek emperors their predecessors sometime held great kingdoms) being left for a prey to the greedy Turks. Whilst the greeks are at discord among th●selues, Ottoman layeth the foundation of the Turks empire, and the other Turks encroach upon them also. Ottoman on the one side even in the heat of these troubles laying the foundation of his empire in PHRIGIA and BYTHINIA: and the other the Turks princes, the successors of Sultan Aladin, encroaching as fast upon the emperor's territories and countries on this side the river MEANDER. And not so contented, at the same time also built great store of galleys, wherewith they rob the Christian merchants trading to CONSTANTINOPLE, and spoiled the coasts of MACEDONIA and THRACIA, and the Islands of the AEGEAN and amongst others took the famous Island of the RHODES: which they held not long, before they were again driven out of the same by the knight's Hospitalers, The Island of the Rhodes was by the knight's Hospitalers recovered from the Turks in the year 1308. under the conduct of William Willaret, aided by the Genoese, and the king of SICILIA, which they from that time held (to the great honour and benefit of the Christian commonweal) by the space of 214 years, known by the name of The knights of the RHODES: until that in the memory of our fathers it was (I say no more, but grieve therefore) shamefully lost unto the Turk, for want of relief, never place being more honourably defended, as in the process of this history shall appear▪ ever since which time, those honourable men (the flower of chivalry) have seated themselves in the Isle of MALTA; which they to their immortal glory, and the comfort of all good Christians, have most notably defended against the mighty Sultan Solyman, and all the fury of the Turks, 〈◊〉 shall be also in due place declared. But to return again unto the troubled estate of the Greek empire. Syrgiannes' the great captain, and author of all the aforesaid stirs betwixt the old emperor and his nephew, had even from the beginning thought, as a companion to the young prince, to have ruled all with him at his pleasure, and that nothing either great or little should have been done without him: but seeing it now to fall out far otherwise than he had before expected▪ and the prince to be wholly ruled by Catacuzenus, and himself of all others lest regarded, and not so much as called to any counsel; inwardly tormented with grief and envy, he began secretly with himself to devise how he might be revenged of the ungrateful prince, which unmindful of his former promises, had so unthankfully cast him off. Wherefore he resolved again to revolt unto the old emperor, not doubting but so in short time to overthrow all the counsels and devices of the young prince, together with his state also, by himself before raised. For he as a worldly wise man, excluding God from his counsels, had such an opinion of himself, that which way soever he went, thither must all things follow also. Wherefore by one of his most trusty friends, he secretly made the old emperor acquainted with his purposed revolt, and how all things stood: for the greater credit thereof, alleging, That he could not abide the sight of him that sought to corrupt his wife, meaning the young prince. This news from Syrgiannes' was unto the old emperor most welcome: for it grieved him, as an old man of a great spirit, to see himself so contemned and deluded by his nephew, his empire rend, and his old servitors, of all sorts, by him spoiled of their lands and possessions in MACEDONIA and THRACIA. So a solemn oath in secret passed from the one to the other, Syrgiannes' without longer stay secretly fled to CONSTANTINOPLE which there bruited abroad, rejoiced many, now well hoping the whole government would again come unto the old emperor, and that so they should again recover their possessions wrongfully taken from them by his nephew. But God not seeing it so good, all this hope was but vain, as ere long it appeared: For the young prince, who of long knew how much he was beloved of the Constantinopolitans, and by them secretly sent for taking occasion upon the flight of Syrgiannes', with all the power he could make, marched towards the city: & being come within sight thereof, encamped, laying ambushes upon every way & passage thereabout▪ for to have intercepted Syrgiannes'; who was then at PERINTHUS, and the third night after, with three hundred select soldiers, deceiving them that lay in wait for him, as if they had been all asleep, before the rising of the Sun came to CONSTANTINOPLE: and if the old emperor would have given him leave, had suddenly charged them that lay in wait for him, before they were aware of his coming. But as soon as it was day, the prince hearing of the ●scape of Syrgiannes', and no such tumult in the city as he had expected, presently without more ado retired with his army the same way he came, back again into THRACIA. By and by after, Constantine the Despot was by the old emperor his brother ●●nt by sea to THESSALONICA, to take upon him the government of MACEDONIA, and by the way to apprehend Xene the empress, the young prince's mother; & after with all the power he could make to invade the young prince in THRACIAN that so setting upon him on the one side but of MACEDONIA, and Syrgiannes' with the Turks (for the emperor in this civil discord was glad to use their help also) and the Bythinian soldiers on the other, they might so shut him up betwixt them and take him. According to which resolution, the Despot coming to THESSALONICA there took th● empress, whom with all her family he thrust into a galley, and so sent her to CONSTANTINOPLE, where she was in the palace kept close, as too much favouring the proceedings of the prince. And afterward raising all the power he could in MACEDONIA, invaded the prince in THRACIA, breaking by force through the wall of CHRISTOPOLIS. The young prince seeing himself by this means, now like to be driven to a great strait, sent Synadenus with his Thracian army, to defend the frontiers of his empire towards CONSTANTINOPLE, against Syrgiannes' with his Turks and Bythinians: in hope himself by many subtle devices and flights, to be able to encounter his uncle the Despot. And first he caused divers edicts and proscriptions to be written in haste, wherein great rewards and preferments were with great solemnity of words promised to whomsoever could bring unto him the Despot either quick or dead: which were of purpose given unto the country people passing too and fro, to be dispersed abroad in the high ways, and about in the country near unto the Despots camp. And after that, he caused the death of the emperor his grandfather to be every where proclaimed, and how that he was by the Constantinopolitans in a tumult slain: which the deui●●●s thereof, in every place reported. Yea some there were, that swore they were themselves present at his woeful death, and saw it with their eyes: othersome, more certainly to persuade the matter, showed long white goat's hairs, or such like gathered out of white wool, as if they had been by the furious people plucked from the old emperors head or beard, at such time as he was slain. Which things being commonly reported in every town and village, but especially in the Despots camp, wonderfully filled men's heads with divers strange and doubtful thought then divers also of the dispersed edicts being found, and brought unto the Despot, struck him (and not without cause) into a great fear; insomuch, that by the persuasion of his best friends, he without longer stay retired in haste to THESSALONICA. Whither shortly after came a galley from CONSTANTINOPLE, with secret letters from the emperor to the Despot, for the apprehension of five and twenty of the chief citizens, vehemently suspected for the stirring up of th● people to rebellion, and so to have delivered the city unto the prince: all whom the Despot should have sent bound in that galley to CONSTANTINOPLE: but they in good time perceiving the danger they were in, secretly stirring up the people▪ and by and by after ringing out the bells (the signal appointed for the beginning of the rebellion) had in a very short time raised a wonderful tumult in the city; insomuch, that all the citizens wer● up in arms, who running headling unto the house of the Despot, found not him (for he forewarned of their coming, was fled into the castle) but slew all they met of his, or else robbing them, cast them in prison. As for the Despots house, they took what they found therein, and afterwards pulled it down to the ground. Then coming to the castle, they fired the gates: which the Despot seeing, and not able to d●f●nd the place, took horse and fled unto a monastery not far off, where being taken by them that pursued him, he full sore against his will, for th● safeguard of his life, took upon him the habit of a monk: nevertheless, he was from thence carried prisoner to the young prince his nephew, who showed himself much more courteous unto him, than all the rest of his nobility & waiters: for they, as if they would have eaten him up, were even forthwith ready to have torn him in pieces, h●d no●●he prince embracing him in his arms; saved his life. Yet the next day after, by the persuasion of his counsel he sent him to DIDIMOTICHUM, where he was cast into a most loathsome prison, being very deep and strait, in manner of a well, no body to attend upon him but one boy▪ where he lay in miserable darkness and stink; they which drew up his ordure from him and the boy, whether by chance or of purpose, pouring it oftentimes upon his head. Where after he had lain a great while in most extreme misery, wishing to die and could not; he was at length by the prince's commandment (entreated thereunto by certain religious men) removed into a more easy prison, where we will for ever leave him. Andronicus the old emperor seeketh for counsel of the Psalter, as of an heavenly Oracle, and so seeketh to make peace with his nephew. Psal. 68 vers. 14. Things falling out cross with the old emperor, and although they were never so well devised, still sorting out unto the worst, he became very pensive and doubtful what to do. So it fortuned, that one day in his melancholy mood having a Psalter in his hand, to resolve his doubtful mind, he opened the same (as if it were) of that heavenly Oracle to ask counsel: where in the first verse that he light upon was, Dum coelestis dissociat reges, nive conspergentur in Selmon: When the Almighty scattered kings (for their sakes) then were they as white as snow in Selmon. Which he applying to himself, as if all those troubles, and whatsoever else had happened in them, proceeded from the will of God, although for causes to him unknown: he by and by sought to reconcile himself unto his nephew; contrary to the mind of Syrgiannes', desiring nothing but trouble. For (as we have before said) the young prince although he was desirous of the power and liberty of an emperor, yet he left the ornaments and care thereof unto his grandfather: & had he not oftentimes and earnestly been egged forward by his companions to affect the whole empire, happily could and would have contented himself with the former pacification: for being now sent for, he came first to RHEGIUM, and there visited his mother (now set at liberty, and sent thither for the furtherance of the desired pacification) where he with her and by her counsel did whatsoever was there done. So within a few days the matter was brought into so good terms, that an atonement was made, and he himself went and met the emperor his grandfather before the gates of the city: the old emperor sitting then upon his horse, and the prince lighting from his, a good furlong before he came at him: and although his grandfather was very unwilling and forbade him so to do, yet he came to him on foot, and kissed his hand and foot as he sat on horesebacke; and afterward taking horse, embraced him, and there kissed one another, to the great contentment of the beholders: and so having talked some few words, departed, the old man into the city, and the young man into his camp, which then lay near unto PEGA: where staying certain days, he came divers times into CONSTANTINOPLE, and so went out again; for as then his mother, partly for her health, partly for the love of her son, lay at PEGA. But Syrgiannes' nothing glad of the agreement made betwixt the emperor and his nephew, walked up and down sick in mind, with a heavy countenance, especially for that in time of peace his busy head stood the commonweal in no stead. Wherefore in all meetings & assemblies, he willingly conversed with them which most disliked of the present state, and spoke hardly as well of the emperor as of his nephew, wronged as he thought by them both; whereas in the time of their greatest distress he had (as he said) stood them in good stead. But seeing one Asanes Andronicus walking melancholy up and down, as a man with heaviness oppressed; who having done good service for the young prince, and not of him regarded, had fled unto the old emperor, and there found no such thing as he expected for the ease of his grief, although he were a man honourably borne, and otherways endued with many good parts: with him Syrgiannes' acquainted himself, as grieved with the like grief that he himself was: with whom as with his friend, without any dissimulation he plainly discoursed of all such things as his grief desired. But Asanes handling him with great wisdom, did himself with like words speak hardly both of the emperor and his nephew; but yet curiously noted whatsoever Syrgiannes' said, for he had before hated him for his ambition, and as then took it in displeasure, that he was enemy unto Catacuzenus, his son in law, who was all in all with the young prince, and did oftentimes comfort him. But the song being thoroughly set, Asanes came secretly unto the old emperor, and told him the whole matter; and in fine, that except he betime laid hold upon Syrgiannes', affecting the empire, he should in short time be by him brought to his end. Whereupon Syrgiannes' was forthwith clapped fast in prison: whose house, with all his wealth, the common people took the spoil of; and not contented to have razed it down to the ground, converted the site thereof, together with the pleasant vineyards adjoining unto the same, into a place to feed goats and sheep in: a worthy reward for his manifold treacheries. The young prince shortly after going to CONSTANTINOPLE, was there crowned emperor, as fellow in the empire with his grandfather: unto which solemnity in the great temple of Sophia, both the emperors riding, it fortuned the old emperor by the stumbling of his horse to be overthrown, and foully beraied in the mire, the streets being then very foul by reason of the great rain but a little before fallen: which many took as ominous, and portending the evil fortune which shortly after befell him. During the time of this peace, it fortuned that as the young prince was a hunting in CHERSONESUS, seventy Turks, adventurers, were by force of weather driven on shore: who before they would yield themselves prisoners, made a great fight with the emperors men, and slew divers of them; in which conflict the young emperor himself was wounded in the foot, wherewith he was a great while after exceedingly tormented. Andronicus the late prince, and now fellow in the empire with his aged grandfather, held not himself long so contented, but after the manner of ambitious men (and continually pricked forward by his aspiring favourits) longed to have the whole government unto himself, which hardly brooketh any partner: and therefore weary to see his grandfather live so long, resolved no longer to expect his natural death, (although it could not by course of nature be far off) but by one device or other to thrust him from the government; or if that might not be wrought, at once to dispatch him both of life and state together. And the surer to lay the plot whereon so foul and horrible a treason was to be built, he by the counsel of his mother & others, by whom he was most directed, sent for Michael the prince of BULGARIA, his brother in law (though before to him unknown, as was his wife his sister also) to make with him a firm league, to the intent by him to provide, That if the prince of SERVIA (who had but lately married the old emperors nigh kinswoman, and so to him much devoted) should take part with him, he should by the Bulgarian his neighbour be entangled. Who so sent for, with his wife, the old emperors daughter, came to DIDYMOTICHUM, where they were many days most honourably entertained both by the young emperor and his mother: for why, this meeting plotted upon great treason, A treacherous meeting. was finely coloured, with the desire the young emperor had to see his sister and her husband, as before unto him unknown; and the empress, her daughter, whom she had not seen in three and twenty years before. But the secret conclusion betwixt them was, That the Bulgarian prince should to the uttermost of his power aid the young emperor against his grandfather, and he likewise him against the Seruian, as he should have need: and further, That if his grandfather, being deposed, he should recover the whole empire, then to give him a great sum of money, with certain special cities and provinces confining upon him, as in dowry unto his kind brother in law, and companion in his labours. So Michael the Bulgarian prince honourably entertained by the young emperor and the old empress his mother in law, loaded with rewards, and promises of greater returned home into his country. This matter thus dispatched, the young emperor therewith encouraged, and knowing also the Constantinopolitans, besides the other cities of THRACIA, exceedingly to favour him and his proceedings; by whom also he was secretly invited to hasten his coming thither (as weary of the long life and laziness, as he termed it, of his grandfather) thought it best cunningly to go about the matter; that so his grandfather being with as little stur as might be deposed, he himself might alone enjoy the empire. But needing money for the effecting of so great matters, he by force took all the money from the collectors, whom the old emperor had sent into THRACIA for the taking up of money there; telling them, that he was an emperor also, and in need of money, and that the common charge was likewise by the common purse to be discharged. After that he took his way towards CONSTANTINOPLE, pretending that upon special causes he had occasion to send ambassadors unto the Sultan of EGYPT: for the transporting of whom he was there to take order for the setting forth of a great ship, and other things necessary for the journey. Neither went he slenderly appointed, but with a great power; and the cities of THRACIA before well assured unto him, such as he suspected being thrust out of office, and others more assured unto him placed in their steads. But whilst he thus bestirreth himself, one of those that were most inwward with him, detesting so foul a treason, secretly fled from him unto his grandfather, from point to point discovering unto him all the intended treacheries; and withal, how that his nephew had determined to depose him from his empire, or otherwise to bereave him of his life if he should stand upon his guard: but if in the attempt he should find easy success, then to spare his life; and depriving him of the imperial dignity, to thrust him as a monk into a monastery: and therefore advised him to beware how he suffered him after his wonted manner to come into the city, for fear of a general revolt, but rather by force to keep him out. Which the emperor hearing, and comparing with other things which he had heard of others, yet sounding in his ears, deeming it to be true, stood up, and in the anguish of his soul thus complained unto God: Revenge my quarrel, o God, upon them that do me wrong, & let them be ashamed that rise up against me: and preserve thou unto me the imperial power, which by thee given unto me, he cometh to take from me whom I myself begot and advanced. After, he began to consider what course to take for the assurance of himself and his state in so great a danger. And first he sent unto his nephew (come half way) to forbid him from entering the city, and to tell him, That it was a great folly for him, being so manifest a traitor, both unto his grandfather and the state, to think his traitorous purposes to be unknown unto the world: and beside, in way of reproof to rehearse unto him, how many occasions he had given for the breaking of the league with his grandfather: first, in taking away the money from the collectors, whereof the state never stood in more need, by reason of the division of the empire, which required double charge; then, in that he had in the city every where displaced such governors and magistrates as his grandfather had sent thither, and placed others at his pleasure; with many other like facts, declaring his treacherous aspiring mind, for which he was not without cause by his grandfather forbidden to enter the city. After that, the old emperor by secret letters craved aid of Crales prince of SERVIA, and Demetrius the Despot his son, who was then governor of THSSALONICA and the countries adjoining; commanding him, with Andronicu● and Michael his nephews (governors of MACEDONIA) with all the forces they were able to raise, and such aid as should be sent unto them out of SERVIA, with all speed to join together and to go against the young emperor. But these letters thus written unto the prince of SERVIA, the Despot, and others, (as is before said) were for the most part intercepted, by such as the young emperor had for that purpose placed upon the straits of CHRISTOPOLIS, and the other passages; especially such as were written in paper, yet some others in fine white linen cloth, and secretly sowed in the garments of such as carried them, escaped for all their straight search, and so were delivered. And in truth nothing was done, or about to be done in CONSTANTINOPLE, but that the young emperor was by one or other advertised thereof: whereas the old emperor on the other side, understood nothing what his nephew did abroad, or intended. For all men of their own accord inclined unto him, some openly both body and soul (as they say) and such as could not be with him in person, yet in mind and good will were even present with him; and that not only the common sort of the citizens of CONSTANTINOPLE, but the chief Senators, the great courtiers, yea and many other of the emperors nearest kinsmen also: who curiously observing whatsoever was done in the city, forthwith certified him thereof. Amongst whom was also Theodorus the marquess, one of the old emperors own sons: who many years before by the empress his mother sent into ITALY, and there honourably married, was by his prodigal course of life there, grown far in debt; so that leaving his wife and children behind him, he was glad after the decease of his mother, to fly unto his father at CONSTANTINOPLE, and there now lived; who beside that he most honourably maintained him in the court, and bestowed many great things upon him, paid also all his debts, which were very great. All which fatherly kindness he forgetting, went about most judas like to have betrayed his aged father. For he also dreaming after the empire, and for many causes (but especially for that he was in mind, religion, manners, and habit, become a Latin) by him rejected, thought he could not do him a greater despite than by revolting unto the young emperor: so that the nearer he was in blood, the more he was his father's unnatural enemy. Shortly after, Demetrius the Despot having received the emperors letters at THESSALONICA, called unto him Andronicus and Michael his nephews, the governors of MACEDONIA; with whom joining all his forces, and daily expecting more aid out of SERVIA, he first spoilt the young emperor's friends and fauourits in MACEDONIA, giving the spoil of them in all the cities and towns of MACEDONIA unto their soldiers, who made havoc of whatsoever they light upon: and whosoever seemed any way to withstand them or dislike of their proceedings, their goods and lands they confiscated, and drove the men themselves into exile. Neither was the young emperor Andronicus in the mean time idle, but secretly sent out his edicts into all parts of the empire, yea into the very cities of CONSTANTINOPLE and THESSALONICA, and over all MACEDONIA: whereby he proclaimed unto the people in general, a releasement of them from all tributes, impositions, and payments; and frankly promised unto the soldiers and men of war, the augmenting of their pensions and pay: which were no sooner bruited, but that most men were therewith moved, both in word and deed to favour his proceedings, doing what they could to further the same, and by secret letters inviting him to hasten his coming into the city: The young emperor sendeth ambassadors unto his grandfather. who thereupon coming to RHEGIUM, by his ambassadors sent from thence, requested the old emperor, Either to give him leave according to the league betwixt them, to come into the city, or else to send him certain of the chief of the nobility and clergy, with some of the better and more understanding sort of the Burghers and citizens also, unto whom he might frankly speak his mind: for them faithfully to deliver the same again unto the emperor his grandfather, and the people. Which requests the old emperor perceiving to be full of deceit and treachery, for a good space answered thereunto nothing at all, but stood all silent, as doubting which to grant: for, to suffer his nephew to come into the city, he saw was dangerous, the citizens (as he well knew) being for the most part inclined to revolt unto him so soon as they should once see him within the gates; and to send any forth unto him, as he desired, might be (as he feared) an occasion of some tumult to be after raised in the city: for he knew that his nephews drift therein was, openly by fair words, and secretly with great gifts and large promises, first to gain them, and by them the rest of the citizens. Both which things being dangerous, he made choice of the easier, and sent forth unto him two of the most noble Senators, two of the most reverend bishops, two other grave prelate's, and four of the chief burgesses of the city: unto whom, at their coming unto him, he in the open hearing of all men delivered this premeditated and crafty speech: It is not unknown unto the world, The speech of the young emperor unto his grandfathers ambassadors. you my subjects to have always been unto me more dear than I have been unto myself: and how that I have not upon any ambitious conceit, or desire of the sole government, against my grandfathers good will, gone out. For you see how that I neither spare mine own life, or attend my pleasure, for the care I have of you: I come not unto you compassed about with a guard of armed men, as is the manner not of kings only, for the envy of their high place; but of others also of far meaner calling, whom disaster fortune, banished from their parents and kindred, hath enforced to wander here and there, with death always before their eyes. Let any man tell me how I came by these wounds which I yet bear in my body, but in fight with the enemies of my country which pass over out of ASIA into THRACIA; or else dwelling near unto ISTER, do with their incursions from thence miserably waste that side of THRACIA which is next unto them? For I (to tell you the very truth) seeing the old emperor by reason of his great years to become slothful and blockish, and not possibly to be awaked out of his drowsy sleep, neither any whit to grieve, when as the poor Christians his subjects were both by day and night, some as sacrifices slain by the barbarous enemies, some carried away into most miserable captivity, and the rest poor and naked to be driven out of their houses and cities; not to speak in the mean time of the greater mischiefs in ASIA, and how many cities have been there lost through the old emperors sloth and negligence: when I saw these things (I say) strucken with a piercing grief, which my heart could not endure, I went out for two causes, Either by some kind of honourable death to end my grief together with my life, or else to the uttermost of my power to stand my country in some stead. For by no means it can come to pass, but that a man, and he that hath of long time reigned, must at length become loathsome unto his subjects, and incur their deadly hatred. For why, God hath made nothing in this life immutable and firm: whereby it cometh to pass, as we see, that all worldly things joy and delight in change. But if a man will as it were force fortune to his desire, and strive to bind things unto a certain firm and constant course, he shall but lose his labour, and in vain strive against nature▪ But whatsoever is contrary unto nature, or exceedeth the just bounds thereof, hath in it neither comfort nor delight. This was it that caused the wise men to say, and to leave unto us as rules: Not to dwell too long upon any thing; and a measure to be the fairest virtue. For you see how that my grandfather being grown to great years, and having reigned so long (I may almost say) as never did any but he, is become hateful unto all his people; and yet regardeth not either how to discharge himself of so great a burden, or how to relieve the declining state of the empire, or so much as grieveth to see the successors of the empire to die before him: for my father is dead without any fruit of the empire, except the bare title only; and others also nearest to him of blood, and far younger than he, are dead likewise: and happily I myself may die also before I shall receive any profit thereof, For what can more easily happen, especially unto a man that shuneth no danger, and regardeth not his life? But some perhaps will suspect me of ambition, for departing from the emperor my grandfather, and for refusing to be ruled by him. Which thing I neither flatly deny, nor altogether confess: for might I see the empire increase, and the bounds thereof enlarged, I could willingly content myself, and at my case take my rest; cheering myself up with such hope as do they that bear with their cooks, making them to stay long for their dinner, in hope thereby to far the better. But seeing the state of the empire daily to decline from evil to worse, and the miserable people carried away captives, or slain by their enemies even at the gates and under the walls of the imperial city: what deem you me then to think? For most men ease their present grief, with the hope of future good, although the same be but vain: but unto me is not left even such vain hope unto my false comfort. And can you marvel at the impotent affection of the Great Alexander of MACEDON, grieved and displeased to see his father to heap victory upon victory, and to cut off all the hope of his sons glory, by leaving him so few occasions of war; and not think me (to whom you see the quite contrary is chanced, and from whom not only the hope of the empire is cut off, for the wasting thereof, but even the course of a quiet life) to fret and grieve thereat? Moved herewith, and not able longer to endure it, at length I rise up, and requested of the emperor my grandfather, but a thousand men at arms, promising him by the power of God with them to preserve the cities in BYTHINIA, and to drive his enemies farther off, before that having them, they should pass over the straight and besiege the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE: which so small a request he not only denied me, but hath ever since taken me for his mortal enemy. But this and many other things else let pass: I have now another request unto him by you, which is, That he would give me eight thousand ducats to content my soldiers withal, who now of long have from place to place rome up and down with me, following mine uncertain fortune: which granted, I will no more be unto my grandfather troublesome, but dismissing my forces, hold myself right well contented. Having thus said, he rise out of his seat, and taking them apart one after another, courteously discoursed with them, & so filling them with great hopes, sent them away: who departing from him & coming into the city, became as it were the open proclaimers of his praises, inflaming the people with a greater desire of him than before. Which the old emperor hearing, and perceiving almost all his friends in the city to be in heart revolted from him; and withal fearing to be of them in some sudden concourse slain, was therewith exceedingly vexed. Yet he thought it best before any such thing should happen, to prove their minds, and to hear the counsel of the Patriarch, and Asanes, and the other bishops also: unto whom being by one of the Senators called together, he declared his mind as followeth: The speech of the old emperor ●nto the Pat●●ar●h and the rest of the bishops & 〈…〉 the young emperor his nephew. Were I assured, that having deposed myself of the imperial dignity, I should myself live in safety, and see my people well governed; I would I should never be of the company of the faithful, if I did not by much prefer a pleasant quiet contented life before an empire. For if a man would seek for the pleasure of the mind, what can be more pleasant, than to be disburdened of all cares, and free from such dangers as attend high estates? But if for my sin and the sins of my people, as also for the sin of mine ancestors, the vengeance of God in manner of a violent tempest raging against us, subverteth our empire: and I yet but a youth, by the help of God reform and quieted the state of the empire, grievously troubled with discord in the Church, and the often invasion of the enemy; and taught by long experience, know not now in so great a hurl and tempest which way to turn myself: how can I with safety commit unto my nephew so great a charge, who as yet is both an unstaid youth, and so careless of his own good as that he knoweth not how well to govern his own private affairs? For giving over his power unto young unskilful men, and having flung away his imperial possessions amongst them, he himself liveth in penury and want; neither regardeth any thing more than his dogs and kites, of whom he keepeth few less than a thousand curs, and as many hawks, and not much fewer men to look unto them. Wherefore unto such a man, how may I safely commit either my life, o● the administration of mine empire, by God committed unto me? But I will never witting and willingly cast away either my subjects or myself. For my nephew I have loved, not only more than my wife and children, but (to say the truth) more than myself also; as you all know how tenderly I have brought him up, how carefully I have instructed and advised him, as purposing to have left him the heir and successor both of my wisdom and mine empire, that so he might the better please both God and man. But he, contemning my good counsel, hath spent whole nights in banqueting, and riot, and brothelhouses; wherein he hath also slain his own brother: and to be bree●e, he hath risen and lifted up his hand against me his grandfather, and a grandfather that had of him so well deserved, attempting such a villainy as the Sun never saw. Wherefore you ought also to hate and detest his wickedness, and to rise up to restrain his impudent disloyalty, and by your ecclesiastical censure to denounce him unworthy of the empire and the communion of the faithful, is one separated from God, that so ashamed and corrected, he may lovingly thither return from whence he is shamefully departed, and again be made heir both of mine empire and staidness: For there is no man alive whom I had rather have promoted unto the empire, so that he would hear my precepts, and obey my counsel. As for the conclusion he used in his former speech, it was altogether feigned, crafty, and malicious: for you have heard how many reproaches he hath given me in all that speech, wherewith his conclusion agreeth not: but the more to stir up the hearers thereof against me, did of purpose so conclude his speech. Upon this, most of the foresaid grave and learned bishops agreed that the young emperor should no more be named in the prayers of the Church, until he had better conformed himself: Howbeit the patriarch and some others secretly favouring both him and his proceedings, liked not thereof, and therefore saying nothing thereunto, returned home unto their own houses. But meeting once or twice afterwards in the patriarch his house, The Patriarch with divers of the bishops conspire against the old emperor. they there conspired together against the old emperor; with whom also divers of the nobility consented: and thereupon an oath was conceived in writing, whereby they bound themselves, to continue constant in that their wicked resolution. Whereupon, about three days after, the patriarch causing the bells to be rung; and a great number of the vulgar people flocking together, pronounced the sentence of excommunication against all such as should in their public prayers omit the name of the young emperor, or refuse to do him all honour due unto an emperor. Which thing not a little grieved the old emperor, as appeared by his speech, in saying, If the doctor of peace be so mad against us, in hope of reward promised by my nephew, that casting off all shame and gravity, he doubteth not to be the author of sedition; who shall repress the rash attempts of the vulgar people against us, if we respect but man's help? For the Patriarch so much as in him lieth is, I see, the murderer of us. So the bishops of the contrary faction, moved with the notable impudency of the patriarch, excommunicated him likewise, as he had done them, with his mad followers, as the authors of sedition and faction, and incited with bribes to the troubling of the state: for which cause also he was by the emperors commandment committed unto safe keeping in the monastery called MANGANIUM. But about two days after, the young Emperor came to the walls of CONSTANTINOPLE, to know how his grandfather had accepted the messengers sent unto him; earnestly requesting that it might be lawful for him alone to enter into the city, to do his duty to his grandfather. But neither he, neither his words were at all regarded, but was by such as stood upon the walls himself with stones driven away; who could not abide to hear him speak, but shamefully railed at him, saying all his talk to be nothing else but deceit and fraud: and so for that time he retired a little from the walls. But night being come, certain busy heads amongst the common people (& they not few) secretly meeting together, gave him knowledge, That about midnight when as all the citizens were asleep, and the watchmen in security, he should come unto the walls, where they would be ready with ropes to draw him up unto the top of the bulwarks, which done, the matter (as they said) were as good as dispatched: for that they were persuaded, that the citizens so soon as they should once see him in the midst of the city amongst them, would forthwith all revolt unto him. So he according unto this appointment, about midnight approaching the walls, found there no such matter as he had well hoped, for the receiving of him into the city; but chose, the watchmen carefully watching all alongst the wall, and calling one unto another. Wherefore finding there no hope, he with Catacuzenus and Synadenus, his chief counsellors, leaving the South side of the city, in a little boat rowed softly all along the wall that is towards the sea, if happily they might there find their friends, and so be received in: but there the watchmen also descrying them from the walls, and calling unto them, but receiving no answer, began to cast stones at them, and to make a noise: so that deceived of their purpose, and out of hope, they were glad to get them farther off, and to depart as they came. But the evil success of this exploit was shortly after with his better fortune recompensed: Thessalonica yielded unto the young emperor. for by and by after, secret letters were sent unto him from THESSALONICA, requesting him with all speed to come thither, assuring him in the name of the bishop with divers of the nobility, and the good liking of the people in general, at his coming to open the gates of the city unto him: whereupon he leaving a great part of his army with Synadenus, to keep short the constantinopolitans, he himself with the rest of his power set forward towards THESSALONICA, where he in the habit of a plain country man entered the city unsuspected: but being got with in the gate, and there casting off that simple attire wherewith he had covered his rich and royal garments, and presently known to be the young emperor, the people came flocking about him, and with many joyful acclamations received him as their dread lord and sovereign: yet some few, more favouring the old emperor, fled into the castle, and there stood upon their guard; which after they had for a space notably defended, was at length taken from them. THESSALONICA thus yielded, Demetrius, Andronicus, and Asan Michael, the old emperor chief captains, then lying with his army not far off, and not well trusting one another, fled; most of whose soldiers presently went over unto the young emperor: who departing from THESSALONICA, came to SERRE; which by composition was delivered unto him also, but not the castle: for that was by Basilicus Nicephorus (the captain thereof) still holden for the 〈◊〉 emperor. This Basilicus was a man honourably descended, but of no great capacity or wit, as the finer sort supposed, and therefore not of them much regarded or thought fit for the taking in hand of any great matter: whom yet the old emperor for his plain sincerity, more than for any thing else, had made captain of that castle and governor of the country thereabouts, which he yet still held, and in these most troublesome times showed himself wiser than them all that had so thought of him: of whom some died in despair, some fled, some were taken prisoners, and so suffered a thousand evils, the rest with the loss of their honour traitorously revolting from the old emperor to the young: whereas he alone, looking but even forward upon his allegiance, with his trust in God, so long as the old emperor lived opposed himself against these troubles, and stood fast for him, and was not to be moved with any fair promises or cruel threats of the young aspiring emperor, whereof he lacked none. But having strongly fortified the castle committed to his charge, there kept himself, until that hearing of the death of the old emperor, he then reconciling himself unto the young, as unto his right sovereign, delivered up unto him the castle: who in reward of his fidelity, gave it him again to hold for him, in as ample manner as he had before held it from his grandfather: for wise men honour virtue even in their enemies, as did king Philip in Demosthenes, when as he said, If any Athenian living in Athens, doth say that he preferreth me before his country, him verily would I buy with much money, but not think him worthy my friendship. But if any for his country's sake shall hate me, him will I impugn as a castle, a strong wall, or a bulwark; and yet admire his virtue, and reckon the city happy in having such a man. And so in few words to conclude a long discourse, the young emperor in short time having rome through all MACEDONIA, and without resistance taken all the strong towns and cities therein, he there took also Demetrius the Despots wife and children, with all his treasure, as also the wives of Andronicus and Asanes, and of all the Senators that followed them: after whom the great commanders their husbands were also for the most part taken and cast in prison, some at THESSALONICA, some at DIDIMOTICHUM, some of the rest afterwards most miserably perishing in exile. Wherewith the old emperor discouraged, was about to have sent his ambassadors unto his nephew for peace, whilst he was yet thus busied in MACEDONIA: and had indeed so done, had not another hope arising in the mean time, quite altered that his better purpose. It fortuned at the same time, whilst the old emperor was thus thinking of peace, That Michael the Bulgarian prince, in hope of great profit thereof to arise, secretly offered his aid unto him against the young emperor his nephew: of which his offer, the old emperor gladly accepted, and ambassadors were sent too and fro about the full conclusion of the matter, no man being acquainted therewith more than two or three of the emperor his most secret friends and trusty counsellors. Yet in the mean time, disdaining to be so cooped up as he was by Synadenus, one of his nephew's captains, even in the imperial city; sent out one Constantinus Assan, with the greatest part of his strength against him: who encountering him at the river MAURUS, was there by him in plain battle overthrown and taken prisoner, the rest of his discomfited army flying headlong back again to CONSTANTINOPLE. All things thus prosperously proceeding with the young emperor, and the countries of MACEDONIA and THRACIA now almost all at his command, he returned in haste with all his power to CONSTANTINOPLE to prevent the coming of the Bulgarians thither: as fearing lest that they finding the city weakly manned, should treacherously kill the old emperor with such as were about him, and so seize upon the city themselves: or at leastwise give him such aid as might keep him out, and so cut off all his hope for obtaining of the same. At which time also there was great want of victual in the city, he with his army having shut it up on the one side by land, and the Venetians with their galleys on the other side by sea: who then at odds with the Genowaics dwelling at PERA, kept all that straight sea betwixt EUROPE and ASIA: in such sort, as that neither victuals nor merchandise could be brought that way, either to CONSTANTINOPLE or PERA. The young emperor coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, attempted at his first coming to have entered the city, in hope without any great resistance to have been received; but repulsed by the defendants, was glad to get him further off. About this time came also unto the city three thousand horsemen, the promised aid of the Bulgarian prince unto the old emperor: who although he wanted men, and was right glad of their coming, yet remembering the harms he had before received by foreign aid, and not now daring to trust them too far, suffered not them to come into the city, more than their General and some few others of their commanders with him. Now the young emperor upon the coming of this aid, lest some great harm might betide either the old emperor, or himself, to the utter subversion of their state: secretly sent unto his grandfather, requesting him to be well advised how he trusted those foreign people too far; offering himself to do whatsoever he should command, rather than so great a harm should happen unto either of them, as was from them to be feared. But the trust the old emperor had conceived of this Bulgarian aid, had so confirmed his mind, as that he little listened unto his nephew's request: besides that, how could he well trust him that had so oftentimes deceived him? Wherewith the young emperor much grieved, and now again almost despairing of his farther success, dislodged and drew near unto the place where these Bulgarian horsemen lay encamped: from whence he sent certain ambassadors with great gifts and presents unto the General, and the rest of the chief commanders, promising them far greater, if they would without further troubling themselves return home again: whereunto they willingly granted, and so were of him honourably feasted, and the ne●● day after conducted upon their way homewards. It fortuned, Constantinople betrayed unto the young emperor. that the young emperor returning back again from the Bulgarians, and encamped in the same place where he before lay; two of the watchmen of the city, the one called Camaris, and the other Castellanus, both smiths, fled secretly unto him: who admitted to his presence and all others commanded to depart, excepting Catacuzenus, offered to betray the city unto him, so that he would under his hand writing, assure them of such a sum of money, and such possessions as they required: which he easily granting, and the hour and manner of performing of the same, being by them declared, and agreed upon; they by and by without longer stay, for fear of suspicion, returned again into the city. But the emperor staying four days in the same place, caused certain ladders to be made of great ropes, such as they use in great ships: But the appointed night being come, the two traitors having before provided great store of good wine, liberally gave the same by way of courtesy unto the watchmen their companions near unto them; who drunk so plentifully thereof, that not able any longer to hold up their heads, they fell into so sound a sleep, as that but for breathing, they differed not much from dead men. About midnight came certain soldiers of the young emperors, with the aforesaid ladders; which the traitors by and by drawing unto them by a rope cast down, and making them fast unto the top of the wall, received by the same eighteen armed men: who being got into the city, without more ado broke open the Roman gate, whereby the young emperor with his army presently entered, no man letting him. But it is worth the marking, how things appointed to befall us, are by no means to be avoided, although we be thereof before never so plainly forewarned: For the same night the city was surprised, immediately after the setting of the Sun, the gates being shut, a certain country man came running in all haste from out of a village there by, and knocking hard at the gate called Girolimna, required to speak with some of the soldiers; who being come, he told them how that a little before he had seen a great number of the young emperors men marching toward the city, by the way that leadeth unto the Roman gate: which being told unto the old emperor, did not a little trouble him. And therefore thought it good to send out certain scouts, to see if all were clear along the walls toward the land, from sea to sea: which his purpose Metochita his great counsellor letted, saying, it not to beseem a courageous mind to be upon so light an occasion so much moved; for that either the rumour was false, or the endeavour of so few vain, the walls and gates of the city being so filled with armed men: which happily he said not so much upon ignorance of martial affairs, as blinded by a certain commanding power, that the supernal decree given by God himself against the old emperor, might at length take place. And again, the third part of that night yet scant passed, divers other countrymen came running unto the said gate Gyrolimna, and told the watchmen upon the walls, that a great number of men were met together at the Roman gate: whereof the emperor hearing was therewith much more troubled than before; In so much that sharply rebuking Metochita, he said unto him, Thou seemest to be strangely metamorphosed into a man of iron, which art become so secure, as not to have any feeling of the danger wherewith we are enclosed: Seest thou not that the matter requireth not that we should thus sit still and take our rest, for the noise of my nephew soundeth in mine ears as the sound of a great drum, and disquieteth my mind? I feel a sea of calamity broken out against me, which overwhelmeth and drowneth my heart and courage. Nevertheless he, firm in his former opinion, made no reckoning of those reports: and therefore rose to go to bed, to show indeed that he accounted nothing of them, but as false alarms. But the emperor left alone and no body with him unto whom he might break his grief, laid him down upon a pallet, not putting off his clothes; but as if he had together with them put on extreme desperation, lay tumbling too and fro as a man in mind troubled with many and divers heavy thoughts. In the mean time he heard a great noise at the court gate, and the report of the entering of the young emperor his nephew, with a great clattering of armour; for there were above eight hundred soldiers entered with him, and withal they of the city on every side saluted him with most joyful acclamations. But the old emperor hearing the great tumult and outcry, rose from his pallet, exceedingly troubled; and destitute of all the help of his captains and soldiers (for why his palace was altogether desolate, except of such as were his ordinary waiters) betook himself unto his prayers, Beseeching God not to forsake him in so great a danger, but in his mercy to defend him from the fury of those wicked men. Who presently heard him, and sent him present relief. For whilst he was thus praying in the palace, the young emperor without, call together all his captains and lieutenants, straightly charged them upon pain of death, neither by word nor deed to violate the majesty of the old emperor his grandfather, nor any other about him: for this victory (said he) God hath given us, & not we ourselves; his will ordereth all things, whereunto all things obey, the stars, the air, the sea, the earth, men, floods, tempests, plagues, earthquaks, showers, dearth, and such like, sometimes to our bliss, and sometime to our correction and destructien: wherefore using us as the instruments of his chastisement, he hath given unto us this present victory▪ which peradventure to morrow he will give to others to use against us, and then as we have been unto them we have overcome, such will they also show themselves unto us again: wherefore, if neither nighness of blood, neither that we be all of one country may move us, yet in respect of ourselves let us use mercy, that we feel not the hand of God upon us in like case. In the mean time a courtier opened a wicket unto the young emperor, with this message from his grandfather: The pitiful supplication of the old emperor unto his nephew. For as much as God this day (my son) hath given unto thee the imperial sceptre, taken from me, I request of thee this one good turn; For many which I have even from thy birth bestowed upon thee (for in this my hard estate I let pass, that I next unto God have been the author of thy nativity and increase) give me my life, spare thy father's head, and with violent weapon spill not that blood from which thou thyself hast taken the fountain of life. Man truly beholdeth heaven and earth, and heaven and earth behold men's actions: wherefore make not the heavens and the earth beholders of so wicked an outrage as never man ever committed. If brother's blood long ago cried out unto the Lord against Cain, how much louder shall the father's blood cry unto the Lord, and declare so great a wickedness unto the earth, the sun, and stars, and make it abhorred of all the princes of the world? Regard my miserable old age, which of itself promiseth unto me shortly death, but unto thee a rest after long cares. Reverence the hands which have oftentimes most lovingly embraced thee, yet crying in thy swathing clouts: Reverence those lips which have oftentimes most lovingly kissed thee, and called thee my other soul: Have pity upon a bruised reed, cast down by fortune, and do not thou again tread upon it. And seeing thou art thyself a man, be not too proud of thy present fortune, but consider the uncertainty and variety of worldly things, taking by me example: see in me the end of long life, and marvel, how one night having received me an emperor of many years; leaveth me now subject unto another man's power for ever. The young emperor Andronicus moved with this speech, and taking great care of his grandfathers safety; scarce abstaining from tears, entered the palace, and coming to his grandfather, humbly saluted him, embraced him, and with cheerful words comforted him. Strait way after, he went unto the monastery MANGANIUM, where (as is aforesaid) the Patriarch Esaeius was by the old emperor's commandment, kept in safe keeping, whom the young emperor now took from thence, and carrying him away in one of the emperor's richest chariots, restored him again unto his patriarchal dignity; wherein he afterwards spared not to revenge himself to the full, and most cruelly to persecute the old emperors friends. That day from morning unto night, a man might have seen all the riches and wealth of such noble men as had taken part with the old emperor, carried away, and their goodly houses overthrown and made the scorn of the base common people: but especially the house and wealth of Theodorus Metochita, a man but the day before in greatest favour with his prince, and of all others next unto the emperor himself, of greatest authority and credit, whose whole wealth (not that only which was found in his house, but that also which he had laid up in trust with his friends, discovered by notes found in his study) became most part a prey unto the common people, and the rest confiscated unto the prince. Thus he which erst of all others next unto the emperor, was accounted most fortunate, was now upon the sudden, with his wife and children, brought unto extreme beggary; and after many years felicity, in one day cast into the bottom of despair and misery, where a man might have heard many complaining, say, All that wealth and treasure to have been the blood and tears of the poor oppressed subjects, brought unto him by them whom he had made rulers and governors of the provinces and cities of the empire; to the intent that when they had dealt cruelly with the people, as with their slaves, he might stop them for coming to complain of their griefs unto the emperor: and that the eye of the Revenger had not always slept, but was now at length awaked, & had of him yet scarcely taken sufficient punishment: which every where to hear, increased not a little his grief. As for himself, he was confined unto DIDYMOTICHUM, as the place of his exile and banishment; where after he had a certain time poorly lived, he was sent for back again to CONSTANTINOPLE: where having nothing le●t to relieve himself (for his house at the coming of the young emperor, was in the fury of the people plucked down to the ground, and the very pavement thereof digged up) he went unto the monastery of CHORA thereby, which long before built by the emperor justinian and become ruinous, he in the time of his prosperity had with great charge repaired, & therein now (having made shipwreck of all that he had) quietly shrouded himself, to the great comfort both of his body and afflicted mind, where he not long after died. But to return again unto the old emperor, Niphon incenseth the young emperor against his grandfather. as yet in doubt what should become of himself: it fortuned that the same day that the city was taken, the young emperor at night returning to the palace, by the way met with Niphon sometime Patriarch, who asked him how they meant to deal with his grandfather. Whereunto the young emperor answering, That he would deal with him honourably and emperor like; he was by him therefore blamed and reproved. For this Niphon being of a crafty subtle wit and malicious nature, besides that he secretly hated all them upon whom fortune greatly either fauned or frowned, bore an especial grudge against the old emperor: first, for that at such time as he was right woorthly for his shameful covetousness and extortion, by the rest of the bishops and clergy thrust out of his Patriarchship, he was not by him as he looked for defended: and secondly, for that dreaming again after the patriarchal dignity, he thought it one good step thereunto to have him (as his greatest enemy) taken out of the way. Wherefore he said now unto the young emperor▪ If thou desire to reign without fear, give not thine honour unto another; but taking all the ornaments of the empire from the old man, cast hair clothe upon him, and so clap him fast in prison, or thrust him out into exile. This mischievous counsel, this wicked man gave against the poor old distressed emperor; not remembering how unworthily he had by him been before preferred unto the highest degrees both of honour and wealth, if he could there have kept himself: unto which ungracious counsel, divers others of the nobility also consenting, so wrought the matter amongst them, that although they could not quite draw the young emperor's mind from his grandfather, yet they much changed the same: so that he could no longer endure to take him for his companion in the empire. Whereupon after many meetings & consultations had, it was decreed, That the old man should still retain the name and ornaments of an emperor, as before, but not to meddle in any matters, nor to come abroad, but to sit still quietly in his chamber, with the yearly allowance of ten thousand ducats, for the maintenance of himself and such as attended upon him; to be raised of the fishing before the city of CONSTANTINOPLE: a poor pension for the maintenance of so great an emperor▪ Of which so shameful a decree, Esaeias the Patriarch was also a furtherer: who seeing an emperor that had reigned so long, cast down, and shut up as it were in prison, was so far from grieving thereat, that foolishly rejoicing, he in token thereof absurdly wrested this text of Scripture, saying in his merriment, Laetabitur justus, cum viderit ultionem, The just shall rejoice, when he seeth the revenge: calling himself just, and the emperors casting down, revenge. But the old emperor thus shut up in his chamber (differing nothing but in name, from a prison) not long after, the state of his body overthrown with grief and corrupt humours distilling out of his head, The old emperor becometh blind. first lost one of his eyes, and shortly after the other also: and so oppressed with eternal darkness, mingled (as saith the Scripture) his drink with tears, and eat the bread of sorrow, being oftentimes (to his great grief) most bitterly mocked and derided, not of them only which were by his enemies set to guard him, but of his own servants also. Not long after, the young emperor falling sick, in such sort as that it was thought he would not recover, Catacuzenus and the rest of his greatest favourits and followers careful of their own estate, and yet doubtful of the old blind emperor, devised many things against him, but all tending to one purpose for the shortening of his days. But in the end all other devices set apart, they put him to the choice, either to put on the habit of a religious, and so for ever to bid the world farewell, or else to take what should otherwise ensue; the best whereof was either death, exile, or perpetual imprisonment in the loathsome castle of forgetfulness: For the putting whereof in execution, Synadenus (of all others to him most hateful) was appointed. At which hard choice, the old emperor as with a world of woes suddenly oppressed, lay a great while upon his bed as a man speechless: for what could he do else, except he had an heart of steel or adamant? being then compassed about with many barbarous and merciless soldiers, and his domestical servants kept from him, and no man left, that would vouchsafe to direct him (being blind) whither to go or where to stand. But to make the matter short, would he, would he not, they made choice for him themselves, polling and shaving him, Andronicus the old emperor against h●● will m●de a Monk, and called Anthony. and casting a monks habit upon him, changed his name, after the manner of the religious, and called him by the name of Anthony the monk. Glad was Esaeias the false Patriarch of this the hard estate of the old emperor: for that now that he was professed a religious, there was left no hope for him to recover again the empire, either cause for himself to fear. Yet he thought it good to be advised, in what sort remembrance should be made of him in the church prayers, if any were at all from thenceforth to be made. Whereof to be by the old emperor himself resolved, he (seeming to be very sorry for that which was done, but purposing indeed therein to deride him) sent unto him two bishops, to know what his pleasure was to have done therein. Unto which their demand, he oppressed with heaviness, and fetching a great sigh even from the bottom of his heart answered: The notable answer of the old emperor to the catching question of the proud Patriarch. As in poor Lazarus appeared a double miracle, That being dead, he rise; and being bound, walked: even so was it to be done in me; though in quite contrary manner: for lo, being alive, I am dead, as overwhelmed with the waves of calamity and woe; and being loose, am bound, not my hands and feet only, but my tongue also; wherewith unable to do any thing else, I might yet at least bewail my woes and wrongs unto the air, and such as by chance should hear me, and unto this most woeful darkness wherein I must for ever sit. But shame hath closed my mouth, my brethren abhor me, and my mother's sons account me for a stranger unto them, and the very light of mine eyes is not with me, my friends and neighbours stood up against me, and all that saw me laughed me to scorn: my feet had almost slipped, and my footsteps were almost overthrown: for I fretted against the wicked, when I saw the peace of the ungodly. The emperors long ago gave great privileges unto the Church, even those which it at this day enjoyeth: and the Church gave to them again power, to choose whom they would to be Patriarches. Now concerning him that sent you, I not only nominated him unto the Patriarchship, but I myself made choice of him, and preferred him before many other right worthy and most famous men, being himself a man grown old in a poor private life, never before preferred, or for any other thing famous: I will not say how often I have holpen him and done him good. But now when he should again have relieved me in my calamity, he joineth hands with mine enemies against me, more cruel upon me than any other bloody handed executioner; not ashamed to ask me how I would be remembered in the church: feigning himself to be ignorant and sorry for mine estate, much like unto the Egyptian crocodile of NILE, which having killed some living beast, lieth upon the dead body and washeth the head thereof with her warm tears, which she afterwards devoureth together with the body. But what to answer him unto this his catching question, I know not: for if I shall say, As an emperor; I shall forthwith be slain by them which for that purpose have me in hold: but if I say, As Anthony the monk; it shall be taken as the frank confession of mine estate, by them which have craftily contrived mine overthrow; as if I had not by compulsion, but even of mine own free will put on this monastical habit, which God knoweth was never in my thought. Having thus said, he sent them away without any other answer unto their demand: but sitting down upon his bed side, said, My soul return again into thy rest, for the Lord hath dealt well with thee: neither spoke any one word more in declaration of his grief, his tongue there stayed by his singular wisdom, or else with the greatness of his grief; and so against his will, in silence passing over his sorrow, his mind with the greatness of his woes overcome, and as it were astonished, before the humours gathered into the brain could be dissolved into tears: For as the Sun sending forth his moderate beams, draweth unto it many exhalations and vapours, but casting the same forth more plentifully, doth with his immoderate heat consume the same before they can be drawn up; so the moderate affections of the mind may have their griefs by words and tears expressed; but such as exceed all measure, and with their vehemency as it were overthrow the mind, commonly make men to stand still mute & silent, or if they speak at all, to speak idly, and nothing to the purpose, as men beside themselves, or in an ecstasy. But for the resolution of the question by the bishops demanded, the devout Patriarch decreed, That in the Church prayers he should be remembered before the emperor his nephew, by the name of, The most religious and zealous monk Anthony: which was done (God wot) for no good zeal to the poor blind man, but the better to colour the matter with the common people, as if he weary of the world, had voluntarily taken upon him that silly profession. Nevertheless, within four days after, Synadenus understanding them in every place to whisper among themselves, and secretly to mutter against the hard dealing with the old emperor, who had long reigned over them, and so by right was again to do, if his nephew should chance to die; and that the ecclesiastical laws enforced no man against his will to enter into religious orders: he therewith enraged, sent unto him certain of his own confederacy, to exact of him an oath in writing, That he should never more after that time seek after the empire, or yet accept of the same if it were offered him, neither to substitute any other: which if he should refuse to do, to put him in fear of his life. And the more to terrify him, set a guard of insolent barbarous soldiers over him; for fear of whom, he yielded to do whatsoever they required: and so his oath being solemnly conceived into writing (another man leading his hand, because he was blind) he signed the same with a red cross above, and a black cross beneath, after the manner of the religious. Having thus lived in darkness, disgraced, shut up in his chamber as a man forsaken of the world, with an unsure guard ever to attend him, by the space of two years, it fortuned that the twelft of February towards night, (a day in the Greek Church dedicated to the vigil of S. Anthony, The death of the o●d emperor. whose name they had given him) certain of his friends that were suffered to have access unto him, going as their manner was, once in three or four days to visit him (amongst whom was his daughter, sometime the prince of SERVIA his wife, but as then a widow, and Nicephorus Gregoras, author of this History) he entered with them, as with his friends, into a familiar discourse of many matters, wherein he so deceived the time, that it was past midnight before they perceived how the time passed. But the cocks crowing, he broke off the talk, and bidding them farewell, gave them leave to depart, pleasantly saying, That to morrow they would make an end of their discourse; who all thereupon took their leave and departed, no sign of any sickness as then appearing upon him. And after they were gone, called for meat and did eat: the meat he eat, was certain shellfish, for it was with them a fasting day, and he had not eaten any thing: after which, when as he should have drunk a cup of wine, for the comforting of his old stomach and digesting of that so hard meat, he drunk cold water, as his manner was, when he felt any inward heat, to drink the same immoderately: which hurtful manner of diet he then using also, began by and by to feel a great pain in his stomach, and so presently after became very sick, falling withal into a great looseness of body, so that in the space of one quarter of an hour he was glad oftentimes to arise, and to go unto an homely house of office in an inner chamber thereby, to discharge nature's burden; where after many evacuations, sitting down upon an homely bed fast by, and not able to recover his own bed, having as then none to help him; there before it was day, died, after he had reigned 43 years. His death was by many strange signs and accidents as it were foretold: first, a great eclipse of the Sun appeared, just so many days before his death as he had lived years: and after that, another eclipse of the Moon; and with it an earthquake, the day before he died at night, being S. Anthony his even, whose name his enemies had thrust upon him: at which time also, the sea with a great tempest rising above the wont bounds, made divers breaches in the walls of the city towards the sea, as if it had been some violent enemy, and overflowed also divers houses in the city. Many crosses and pinnacles were then also from the tops of churches and other high buildings overthrown; and with them a great pillar, sometime one of the ornaments of the city, standing before the church, commonly called The Church of the forty martyrs: which being very high, and below burnt and worn away with time, had put many in fear as they passed by it, lest it should have fallen upon them; insomuch that the Emperor upon a time passing that way, was requested by some of the nobility there present, to ride farther off from it, for fear of falling upon him: who smiling at their vain fear, by chance answered, O would to God I might live so long as this pillar will stand: which now falling out according to his speech, gave many of them that had heard him so say, occasion to marvel. His dead body was honourably buried in the monastery of LIBE, which his mother Theodora the empress had not long before new built, and his obsequies there (after the manner of that time) yearly solemnly kept by the space of nine days. The Turks kingdom founded by Ottoman in Asia, at such time as the Greek emperors were as variance betwixt themselves in Europe. Thus at length having passed through the troubled state of the Greek empire, during the long reign of the old emperor Andronicus, the considerate Reader may easily see the causes of the declining, and ruin also of this famous empire; and how that the Greek emperors, troubled with their tempestuous affairs nearer home in EUROPE, yea in the very imperial city itself, and in their own palaces, were not at leisure to look over the straight into ASIA, but glad to leave their territories there unto the weak defence of themselves. At which time, and even in the midst of the aforesaid troubles, Ottoman, on the one side, with great industry laid the foundation of his empire in PHRIGIA and BYTHINIA, now the greatest terror of the world: and then did those things which we now have of him written. The other princes of the Turks also, the successors of Sultan Aladin, at the same time on the other side, alongst the river MEANDER encroaching on as fast: until that at last amongst them they had thrust the Greek emperors quite out of ASIA, and in fine became themselves, together with the Greek empire, a prey unto the Ottoman kings, as in the process of this history shall more at large appear. Prusa yielded unto the Turks. But again to return unto Ottoman himself, who all this while (that old Andronicus the Greek emperor was thus troubled) had with his son Orcanes sought by all means on every side to enlarge his kingdom: the garrisons by him left in the two late built castles near unto the great city of PRUSA, under the charge of the two valiant captains Actemur & Balebanzuck (as is before declared) having now continued there certain years, had by shutting up the passages, and spoiling of the country, brought the city into such distress and penury, that many of the citizens and other the poor Christians fled into the city, there died of famine. The rest now out of all hope to be relieved by the Greek emperor, not then able to relieve himself, came to composition with Orcanes (for Ottoman was then sick of his old disease the gout) covenanting with him, that they might in safety with life and liberty depart, and so much of their goods as they themselves could carry: and so yielded to him the city. Which conditions (as most write) were on the Turks behalf well and faithfully performed: yet some there be that report them to have been in most part by Orcanes broken. Thus was PRUSA, one of the greatest cities of that part of ASIA, yielded unto the Turks, in the year of our Lord 1327: and was afterwards by Orcanes made the royal seat of the Ottoman kings. About this time, or very shortly after, Ottoman in the eight and twentieth year of his reign died, The death of Ottoman. Ottoman 〈◊〉 at Prusa. at the age of 69, in the year of our Lord 1328, and lieth buried at PRUSA, where his tomb is yet at this day to be seen, in a certain chapel of an old monastery in the castle, standing in the midst of the city; covered with a mantle of green chamlet, & a little Tulipant or Turkish hat (such as he used to wear) lying over his head, far differing from those which the Turks now wear, especially the better sort of them, so great that they can therewith scarcely come in at a door. There is also another monument of him to be seen at SUGUTA, fast by the sepulchre of his father Ertogrull, there made by his sons in remembrance of him; whereof some have reported him to have been there buried. Howbeit the Turks themselves generally suppose the true monument wherein he is interred to be at PRUSA, as is aforesaid. He was wise, politic, valiant, and fortunate, but full of dissimulation, and ambitious above measure; not rash in his attempts, and yet very resolute; what he took in hand, he commonly brought to good effect: to all men he was bountiful and liberal, but especially to his men of war, and the poor, whom he would many times feed and cloth with his own hands. Of a poor lordship he left a great kingdom, having subdued a great part of the lesser ASIA: and is worthily accounted the first founder of the Turks great kingdom and empire. Of him, the Turkish kings and emperors ever since, have been called the Ottoman kings and emperors, as lineally of him descended: and the Turks themselves Osmanidae, as the people or subjects of Ottoman, or Osman, for so he is of the Turks commonly called. NOte, that in the reckoning up of certain of the great Christian Princes and Prelates of the same time, at the end of every the Turkish Kings and Emperors lives, the first and greatest number following their names, showeth the year of our Lord, wherein such an Emperor. King, or Bishop began to reign, or sit: and the number following, how long he reigned or sat. As for example: Andronicus the elder began to reign in the East in the year of grace 1282, and reigned 4● years: and so of the rest. Wherein we seek not the exact computation unto a month or day (as not much material to our History, or any part of our purpose) but only the reasonable view of the great princes of the forepast times, as they lived in ages together. Christian princes of the same time with Ottoman. Emperors Of the East Andronicus Palaeologus the elder. 1282.43. Andronicus Palaeologus the younger. 1325.29. Of the West Albertus of Austria. 1298.10. Henry of Lucelburg. 1308.6. Lewes the fourth, of Bavaria. 1314.32. Kings Of England Edward the first. 1272.34. Edward the second. 1307.20. Edward the third. 1327.50. Of France Philip the fair. 1286.28. Lewes. 1314.2. Philip the long. 1316.5. Charles the fair. 1321.7. Of Scotland john Baliol. 1292. Robert Bruce. 1306.24. Bishops of Rome Boniface the VIII. 1295.8. Benedict the XI. 1304.2. Clement the V. 1306.11. john the XXII. 1317.18. ORCANES. ORCANES' OTHOMANNI FI SECUNDUS TURCARUM REX FLORVIT ANNO 1328 Suscipit Orcanes, defuncti septra, parentis: Major ut ingento, sic magis arte valens. By thynos, Phrygiamque domat, Prusamque: superbam Et populos latè, mart favente premit. Sic laetus tantis Asiam turbasse ruinis: Transit in Europam, Callipolimque capit. Rident interea Graeci sua damna: sed ecce: Dum sua contemnunt, in sua fata ruunt. RICH. KNOLLEUS. His father dead, Orcanes takes his sceptre up in hand: As one of deeper wit and reach, his foes for to withstand. The Phrygians, and Bithynians, he by force of arms brought low: Proud PRUSA, with fair NICOMEDE, and many cities more. And glad in ASIA to have made such havoc and such spoil: His forces into EUROPE sends, the Grecians there to foil. Who mean while laughing at their loss, did make thereof a game: Not thinking what a world of woe was to ensue the same. THE LIFE OF ORCANES, OR VRCHAN, SECOND KING OF THE TURKS. AFTER the death of Ottoman, his two sons Orcanes (whom the Turks call Vrchan) and Aladin his brother, having with great solemnity interred their father at PRUSA, immediately summoned a Parliament, whereunto both the brethren came accompanied with the chief of their nobility. This parliament was called especially, for the establishing of the succession in this new kingdom, and for the division of Othomans treasure and goods, betwixt them two, his sons. But upon view taken, there was no money, plate, or jewels found in the king's coffers, for that he had in his life time most bountifully bestowed it upon his men of war: so that all the wealth he left unto them his sons, The wealth that Ottoman left unto his two sons, Orcanes, and Aladin. was, the honourable remembrance of his life for them to imitate, large dominions for their possessions, store of ready horses, and armour fit for service, with great herds of beasts and cattle for household provision. Whereupon Orcanes demanded of his brother Aladin, what order he thought was best to be taken with those things by their father so left. To whom Aladin answered, That it was most requisite first to establish a king in their father's kingdom; which like a good shepherd might govern and defend his subjects, rule and maintain his men of war, providing all things meet for defence of his kingdom: And that unto him of right belonged all these other things by their father left, as the patrimony of his successor, for the common good and maintenance of his estate. As for mine own part (said Aladin) I claim no interest therein, you being my elder brother, and so unto me in steed of a father▪ by whom also you have been these two years, as it were already put in possession of the kingdom, all things being committed to your government, during the time of his late sickness. This modesty of Aladin was greatly commended of all the ancient counsellors; by means whereof, the kingdom in all peaceable manner descended to Orcanes. In regard of which courtesy, Orcanes would gladly have made Aladin his brother Precedent of his counsel: which honour he would in no wise accept, but requested rather that he would give him the lordship of FODORE in Tekences' country; which Orcanes frankly granted. In which lordship of FODORE, Aladin most part lived a private and quiet life, and afterwards built two Mahometan churches, and an abbey at PRUSA, there yet at this day to be seen. Some Latin Historiographers otherwise report this beginning of Orcanes his reign; When that barbarous manner of murdering their brothers, first began among the Turkish Sultan's. as that Ottoman should have three sons, and that Orcanes the youngest obtained the kingdom by murdering of his other brethren. A practice of late much used amongst the Turkish princes, but not before the time of Bajazet the first of that name, who first of the Turkish monarches imbrued his hands with his brother's blood: where before, they used all brotherly ●oue one to another, as the most probable histories collected out of the Turks own Chronicles affirm. The city of Nice with divers other castles recovered from the Turks after the death of Ottoman. The Christian princes and captains, presently upon the death of Ottoman recovered the city of NICE with divers other castles and forts, out of the hands of the Turks: as it commonly chanceth, that dominions lately won with great peril, are soon again lost, the Conqueror dying before there be a firm government established. Amongst other forts by the Christians repossessed, the castle of TZUPRICHISER, situate upon the passages of the river SANGARIUS, most grieved the Turks, for thereby their passage into that part of BYTHINIA was much impeached. Wherefore Orcanes desirous to recover this castle, disguised himself with a few other of his best soldiers, in the apparel of Christian merchants, and came to the castle, craving leave to pass as merchants: the warders of the castle verily supposing them by their attire to be merchants, opened the gates, and let them into the castle: who presently drew their swords, slew the warders, and so by force possessed the castle, to the great benefit of the Turks, and the hurt of the poor Christians yet left in the country of BYTHINIA. For they now having opened a way over the river SANGARIUS, and as it were broken down the strongest defence of that side of the Greek empire, at their pleasure foraged the country in such sort, as that the great city of NICE (for want of victuals to relieve so great a multitude as for fear of the Turks was fled out of the country into it) was brought to great extremity and want. For the relief whereof, and for the repulsing again of the Turks, Andronicus the young emperor, who then all commanded, with such an army as he was then able to raise, passed himself in person over the straight of CONSTANTINOPLE into ASIA: the greatest strength of his army consisting in two thousand choice horsemen; the rest as well horse as foot, being for the most part artificers taken up in the city, men altogether unacquainted with arms (who in token of their cowardice, and that they were more mindful of flight than of fight, carried over with them almost as many long boats, and such other small vessels, as they were men, to be ready to receive them at such time as they should fly) or else abject rascals, taken up here and there, men of whom no great thing was to be expected, and of all others most unfit for so great a prince (as was the emperor) to commit the defence of his person and honour unto. But Orcanes hearing of his coming, sent certain of his most expert captains, to forelay the strait passages of the country whereby the emperor was to pass; following also himself after with his army, of purpose to encounter the emperor. Who in three days march after his landing in ASIA, being come to PHILOCRENE, a little town in BYTHINIA, and understanding, that Orcanes having before taken the straits, lay not far off encamped with his army; he there at PHILOCRENE pitched his tents, and stayed that night also. But the next morning, the Sun as yet scarcely risen, he seeing divers companies of the Turks coming down from the mountains fast by, put his army into order of battle, and so set forward to meet them. Where to begin the fight, the Turks archers freely bestowed their piercing shot amongst the Christians, still keeping themselves aloof off, so to do the more harm. Which the emperor mistaking, and supposing that their keeping off to have proceeded of fear, encouraged therewith, commanded certain loose companies disorderly to march forward, & to skirmish with them: which his more expert captains not liking, would have otherwise persuaded him, as to have kept his strength together against the danger of the battle. Nevertheless, such was his youthful heat, as that he could by no means be otherwise entreated, but that forward needs they must. But all the forenoon spent in this light and tumultuary kind of skirmishing, and the Sun at the highest now shining very hot, Orcanes from the top of the mountains perceiving the Christians well wearied with the heat of the day and long skirmishing, came down from the hills with a world of men following him; who with a most hideous cry charged the Christians on every side, some a far off with their arrows, and some hand to hand with their swords and other weapons: whose assault the Christians at the first most valiantly received, and a great while right worthily defended themselves, having wounded and slain a number of their enemies. Which hard fight was on both sides courageously maintained, until the approaching of the night, with great slaughter on both sides: at which time, the Christians weary of the long fight, and oppressed with the multitude of their enemies, disorderly retiring toward their trenches, and hardly pursued by the Turks, received there a great loss, as well of their horsemen, as of their foot: but by the coming on of the night, the battle was at length ended with uncertain victory. Amongst others there hurt, the emperor himself was wounded in the foot with an arrow. The emperor wounded. That night happened a woeful mishap, and a manifest token of God his wrath: for Orcanes having to his cost made proof of the strength and valour of the Christians, and doubting they would the next day come on farther into the country, left three hundredth horsemen, as scouts, to attend the enemies removing: and himself with his army retired beforehand to take the advantage of such places as the Christians were to pass by. But the emperor in the evening leaving his camp; and going to PHILOCRENE, a little town fast by, the better to have his wound dressed; the rest of the army understanding of his departure, and supposing him to have fled for fear (as if Orcanes with a great army would that night have slain them all) fled themselves also out of the camp, every mother's son; some to their long boats and other little vessels they had for that purpose brought over the straight; some hasting towards the town gates, were by the multitude of others running headlong after them, overborne, and trodden to death; othersome hanging one at another's tail, like a chain, got some part of them up to the top of the rampires of the town; othersome drawn back by them that hung upon them, falling down together by heaps, and trod upon by others, there perished; some (as is reported) died there for very fear, no man either chase or hurting them; so weak is man's courage when God withdraweth from him his strength. But in the morning the Sun arising, the three hundredth Turks, left for scouts, perceiving the flight of the Christians, entered the forsaken camp, where they found horses, armour, and empty tents, yea the emperors own furniture and his horses ready saddled: of all which, two hundred of these Turks took the spoil at their pleasure; and the other hundred pursuing the dispersed Christians; like heartless men, wandering here and there, slew a great number of them. The emperor himself seeing his army (thus as it were by the hand of God) overthrown and dispersed, took shipping also, and so returned to CONSTANTINOPLE. After whose departure, the Turks seizing upon many sea towns alongst the coast of BYTHINIA, and there seating themselves, laid heavy tributes upon the other country towns and villages; for the benefit whereof, they spared to destroy them, together with the inhabitants, which they might at their pleasure full easily have done. Now lay the great city of NICE in the suds, the enemy commanding all the country about it, living as sick men do by hope, and holding out only upon hope of a thousand horsemen which the emperor (notwithstanding his late discomfiture) had promised forthwith to send, there to lie in garrison for the repressing of the Turks. Of which aid so promised, Orcanes' understanding, furnished eight hundred of his own horsemen, after the manner of the Christians: and fetching a great compass about, came at length into the high way that leadeth from CONSTANTINOPLE to NICE, and so trouped directly towards the city, as if they had come from CONSTANTINOPLE. At the same time he sent three hundred of his other horsemen, in the habit of Turks, to forage and spoil the country, as much as they could within the view of the city (now for want of victuals brought into great extremity) which whilst they were a doing, the other eight hundred horsemen in the attire of Christians, following upon them, as if it had been by chance, charged them, and in the sight of the citizens put them to flight: which done, these counterfeit horsemen returned directly again towards NICE. The citizens which with great pleasure had in the mean time from the walls seen the most part of the skirmish; and how they had put the Turks to flight, supposing them to be the Constantinopolitan horsemen whom they daily expected, with great joy opened the gates of the city to receive them as their friends: But they being entered the gates, The city of Nice surprised by the Turks. presently set upon the Christians, fearing no such matter: and being seconded with the other three hundred, which in dissembling manner had fled before, and were now speedily returned, bringing also with them other companies of Turks, before laid in secret ambush not far off, they won the great and famous city of NICE, which they have ever since until this day possessed: the spoil whereof was given unto the soldiers for a prey, and the citizens all led away into miserable captivity and thraldom▪ Whilst Orcanes was thus busied, his other captains did with great courage and success enlarge his dominions on all sides, daily encroaching upon their weak neighbours the Christians. Cunger-Alpes, one of his warlike captains, subdued the country of MUDURN, or MODRIN, in PHRIGIA; and BOLLI in PAPHIAGONIA: appointing one Abdurachman, a man of great valour to govern the country. And at the same time another of his old captains called Accecozza, brought CANDARA in PAPHIAGONIA, and ERMENIE, a country near unto the mountain HORMINIUS, into the Turkish subjection▪ placing garrisons in all the castles & forts which he had won, of whom some part of those countries was after his name called Cozza Ilini, that is to say, The old man's country. So that Orcanes his kingdom grew daily greater & greater, as well by the industry of his chieftains, as of himself. About this time, it fortuned the captain's son of SCAMANDRIA (a town not far from the ruins of the ancient city of TROY, and about a days journey from the renowned castle of ABYDUS) to depart out of this world: unto whose funerals being kept in the country, whilst his wo●●● father the captain with his friends out of SCAMANDRIA resorted, the old crafty. Turk Accecozza lying always in wait, as a fox for his prey, suddenly set upon those heavy Christians, whereof he slew the most part, and took the rest prisoners. Amongst whom he also took the captain of SCAMANDRIA, with his castle and country: whom he afterwards led prisoner unto the castle of ABYDUS, which is one of the most famous castles situate upon the sea coast of ASIA, over against SESTUS in EUROPE, where the sea of HELLESPONTUS by the narrow strait falleth into the sea AEGEUM: two castles much renowned, by reason of their nigh situation, and yet placed in divers parts of the world; eternised also by the ever living wits o● Poets, for the adventurous passage of Leander over that fret of the sea, to his love Hero: which castles are now called DARDANELLY. Accecozza having brought the captive captain of SCAMANDRIA (lately a man of great account in that country) so near as he could unto the castle of ABYDUS, offered to set him at liberty if they would surrender their castle, otherwise they should see him cruelly slain before their faces. These Turkish threats nothing moved them of ABYDUS, more than to say, That they might if they would cut off his head, seeth him, and eat him, but the castle they intended not to deliver. The same captain was afterward by the commandment of Orcanes proffered to the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, to be redeemed, which he refused. Yet at the last he was ransomed by the governor of NICOMEDIA, and again set at liberty. Accecozza of long time held the castle of SCAMANDRIA: yet so continually molested with the garrison of ABYDUS, and men of war sent from CONSTANTINOPLE, that he with his followers were glad for the most part to live on horseback, to be always in more readiness against the attempt of their enemies. The captain of the castle of ABYDUS had at that time a fair young gentlewoman to his daughter, who (as she said) chanced to dream (what she had happily waking, for the most part wished) That being fallen into a deep miry ditch, out of which she could by no means help herself, a lusty young gallant coming by, did not only help her out, but also in friendly manner, made her clean, and afterwards appareled her in rich and costly attire. The danger of this dream much troubled the tender gentlewoman, but the image of the young gentleman was so well phantizied in her brain, that waking, she thought she still saw him, and sleeping longed sore for what she saw not. Thus whilst this young gentlewoman with great devotion entertained this imaginary man; the old grey headed Turk Accecozza came, and with a strong company besieged her father's castle of ABYDUS. Abydus besieged by the Turks. During which siege, this gentlewoman oftentimes went up into the high turret of the castle, from whence she might at pleasure see the marshal deeds on both sides, and take full view of all the enemy's camp. But see the chance, as Abdurachman with great courage and no less bravery, approached near to the siege of the castle, she thought (upon the first sight of him) that he was the very man whom she had before dreamt of, and whose Idea was in her heart so deeply imprinted: wherefore she fully resolved to perform what she had without witness with herself determined. And waiting another time, when Abdurachman approached the castle, she cast down to his feet a letter written in Greek, and made fast unto a stone: which letter he taking up, delivered the same to the General Accecozza. Wherein after she had discovered her passionate affection, she promised to deliver the castle into Abdurachmen power, if the Turks would raise their siege, and Abdurachman himself with some few would secretly return to the castle in the dead time of the night, and then follow her direction. Accecozza like an old fox, which is seldom taken in the trap, gave small credit to these loving lines, for fear of treason: yet for so much as you are the man (said he to Abdurachman) whom she upon special liking hath made choice of for the purpose, will you adventure your person? And he, armed with a manly courage, a surer defence than any armour of proof, incited also with hope of honour, riches, and beauty, all worthy prizes for marshal minds; said he would undertake the atchieument of that exploit, if it were his pleasure so. Whereupon Accecozza, because nothing should be suspected by his sudden departure, gave a sharp assault to the castle, as if he would have taken it by fine force, yet in the end retired, and presently broke up his siege, as despairing of the winning thereof. The defendants of the castle thinking themselves delivered from a great danger, greatly rejoiced: and as in like case it oftentimes falleth out, in their great jollity surcharged themselves that night with excess both of meat and drink. But Abdurachman at the time in the letter appointed, put himself upon the way, with certain select soldiers, and about midnight came to the appointed place of the castle, where the young gentlewoman was attending his coming: & he by her means was conveyed into the castle, and so by her directed to the porters lodge: where he slew the porter, being fast asleep, and opening the gates, let in his followers: which went directly to the captains lodging, and there took him prisoner, being before their coming overtaken with wine, and fast asleep. Thus was the castle of ABYDUS surprised by the Turks, from whence they had a fair prospect out of ASIA into EUROPE. The captain with his fair daughter and the greatest part of the rich spoil of the castle was delivered to Abdurachman, to be presented to Orcanes at his court, then lying at NEAPOLIS. Who wonderful glad of so good news, gave the fair gentlewoman with the greatest part of the prey in reward to Abdurachman. The posterity of this man (as they say) yet remain among the Turks. Amongst others of the warlike captains, there was also one Cararachman, whose name was so dreadful to them of CONSTANTINOPLE, that when their children cried, they would terrify them to make them hold their peace, by saying Cararachman comes. Not long after the two valiant aforenamed worthy captains Cunger-Alpes and Accecozza died: after whose death, Orcanes made his sons, Solyman and Amurath, lords and governors of those countries and provinces. And intending (by the persuasion of Abdurachman) to besiege NICOMEDIA, he levied a great army, wherewith he took divers small castles and forts as he marched towards the city. NICOMEDIA was at that time governed by an honourable lady, kinswoman unto Andronicus the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE: but she seeing her city besieged by the Turks, and doubting her own forces not to be able to hold out the siege, Nicomedia yielded unto Orcanes. by a trusty messenger offered to yield the city unto Orcanes, upon condition, That she with so many of the citizens as would, might in safety depart with their lives, liberty, and goods: which being granted, she with so many as would follow her, departed out of the city by night, taking shipping for CONSTANTINOPLE. Orcanes' having taken NICOMEDIA, made his son Solyman governor of the same. The churches of the Christians he converted into Turkish Meschitas or temples. The greatest church (being of wonderful beauty) he converted into a college or school, for the learned professors and students of Mahomet's law, which is yet called in NICOMEDIA, Orcanes his school or college. And because the country near unto NICOMEDIA, lying open upon the sea, was ever in danger to be spoiled by the galleys of CONSTANTINOPLE; he placed in those country's divers of his most experienced soldiers to defend the same, appointing to every of them possessions and pensions, according to their degrees and merits. After this, Orcanes by the counsel of his brother Aladin, commanded all his men of war to wear white caps, thereby to be known from others, which commonly wore red. Such manner of caps the janissaries use at this day. The Turks also in Orcanes' reign, & long time after, used not to cut or shave their beards, but did wear them long: so that if the king would disgrace any man, he would in his displeasure command his beard to be cut or shaven. The manner of cutting and shaving their beards, which they now use, they learned of the Italians: of whom they have also borrowed many other fashions, not only differing, but quite contrary to their ancient manners & customs. Orcanes removeth his court to Nice. Orcanes' about this time removed his court to NICE, where he lay long time after. There he built a sumptuous church, appointing a preacher to preach unto the people every friday: he erected in NICE also two fair abbeys, in the one of which, he with own hands served the strangers and poor the first dinner. He was the first that builded abbeys or monasteries among the Turks, whose example most of his successors have imitated, and is amongst them used unto this day. The government of NICOMEDIA, Orcanes committed to his eldest son Solyman (as is beforesaid) a prince of great towardliness, giving him in great charge, to have a vigilant eye unto the towns of TARAXA, GOVINUCA, and MUDURNE, which were nigh unto NICOMEDIA, yet in possession of the Christians: all which towns, with the countries adjoining, Solyman in short time got without force, by composition. This Solyman was of a princely disposition, so tempering justice with clemency in his government, that many Christians (alured with his virtues) became of his religion, and gladly put themselves under his subjection: the politic laws of the country he neither abrogated nor changed, but maintained as they had been of ancient time accustomed, whereby he greatly won the hearts of the people. Amurath his younger son, Orcanes made lord and governor of PRUSA, after he had removed his court to NICE. And the castle of CHARACHIZAR, with the signory thereto belonging, he gave to his cousin Artemu●e, the son of his uncle jundus. Orcanes invadeth the country of Carasi●a. There was at this time in Orcanes' court, a noble young gentleman, called Turson-beg, the son of Charasis, king of CHARASIA; by whose persuasion Orcanes in person himself with a strong army, made an expedition into that country: for that his father's subjects after the death of the king his father, denied their obedience to his elder brother, wishing rather to have Turson for their sovereign. In whose behalf Orcanes taking that journey, surprised by the way many castles and towns to his own use. Orcanes' was no sooner entered the country of CHARASIA, but Tursons elder brother fled to PERGAMUM, whither the Turks shortly pursued him: Where Turson desirous to speak with his brother, unwarily approaching the city, was wounded with an arrow shot from the walls, and there slain. With whose death Orcanes was so greatly offended, that he threatened to destroy the whole country with fire and sword, if they did not by a day prefixed 〈◊〉 submit themselves to his mercy. The people terrified with this proclamation of so 〈…〉 already in arms, The country of Carasina yielded unto Orcanes. yielded themselves unto his subjection. The king's son also 〈…〉 into PERGAMUM, upon reasonable conditions yielded himself unto Orcanes, who 〈◊〉 him to PRUSA, where after he had there lived two years, died of the plague: after whose death, Orcanes made his son Solyman prince of CARASINA. Neither is this taking in of the country of CARASINA to be accounted a small conquest; one of the greatest houses of the Turks the successors of the Iconian Sultan Aladin, now thereby taking end, and their dominions, which were not small (as containing almost all LYDIA, with some good parts of MISIA, TROAS, and the lesser PHRIGIA) now united unto the Ottoman kingdom. Orcanes' upon his return, for the good success of this journey, built a church and monastery at PRUSA, placing therein religious men, with all diligence sought for out of all his kingdom: of which religious, the Turks write many fables, better worth the smiling at than the serious reporting. Hitherto the kingdom of Ottoman and Orcanes his son, was contained within the bounds of the lesser ASIA, which the Turks call ANATOLIA. Now it resteth to be showed, upon what occasion Orcanes, or rather his son Solyman Bass●, as it were fatally, with a small power first passed over HELLESPONTUS into EUROPE; where they and their successors have by little and little so enlarged their dominions, that they have now long ago quite overthrown the Grecian empire, with many other great kingdoms, & are at this present a terror to all Christian princes bordering upon them: to the perpetual infamy of the Greeks, who for want of courage, and busied with civil discord, never sought in time to impeach their greatness. Orcanes' having now so augmented his kingdom, that he might from many parts thereof out of ASIA, take view of the pleasant borders of EUROPE, from whence he was excluded only by the narrow sea of HELLESPONTUS; and continually incited with the unsatiable and restless desire of sovereignty, began to devise how he might possibly pass that straight sea, and set foot into EUROPE, another part of the world. Which his conceit one day he imparted to his son Solyman: who presently answered his father, That if it would please him to give him leave, he would not doubt to pass the straight of HELLESPONTUS, and in time to plant the Mahometan religion in those countries of EUROPE, possessed by the Christians. Which answer of Solyman, much pleased his father, who gave him leave to depart into his country, and in that matter to proceed further, as he thought best, and as occasion should best serve. Solyman taking leave of his father, took his journey into CARASINA, where riding up and down the country, as it had been for his pleasure only, he made his way to the place where it is thought the famous city of TROY sometime stood; where yet (as the Turks and some others say) are to be seen the wonderful ruins of that unfortunate city by the sea side: In this place Solyman stood still a great while as it were in a study, forecasting (as it seemed) some great matter, without speaking one word to any of his followers. When one of his chiefetains called Ezes-beg, to put him out of his deep thoughts boldly said unto him: My lord and great sovereign, what strange thing is this, that you are so deeply drowned in these your melancholy thoughts, undoubtedly it is some great matter that you are studying upon? Truth it is, said Solyman, for I was thinking how it were possible to pass over this sea of HELLESPONTUS into the borders of EUROPE, and to take view of that country, and so to return undiscovered. If this be the matter, said Ezes-beg (joining unto him one Fazil-Beg, a man of no less valour than himself) we two will by the power of God perform ●nto you this enterprise. Then was Solyman desirous to know of them, about what place they would pass over: which they well knowing the sea coast, showed him not far off. Wherefore Solyman giving them leave, they departed: and shortly after making a little boat, or rather as some suppose a raff, passed over HELLESPONTUS by night, and arrived in EUROPE side, near unto ● castle of the Turks, called ZEMENIC or ZEMBENIC, but of the greeks Coiridocastron; that is to say, The hog's castle, not far from SESTUS: where going ashore, they took prisoner a Greek in a vineyard near unto the castle, whom they finding to be a good sensible fellow, without delay put him into their boat or raff, and returning back again, presented him to Solyman. This Christian captive Solyman entertained courteously, giving him great gifts and rich apparel, to discover unto him the estate of his country: and in fine, learned of him a means ●o take the castle of ZEMBENIC, before the Christians should thereof be aware. For achievement whereof, certain boats were speedily made ready by Solyman commandment, and he with eighty chosen soldiers easily passed over in them by night, with their Christian guide the Greek: for in that place, the straight betwixt ASIA and EUROPE is not past an Italian mile over. This guide brought Solyman directly to the aforesaid castle, where was a great dunghill, so high, that from the top thereof Solyman with his soldiers easily got into the castle, which they won without any great resistance; for it was then harvest time, and most part of the people were in the vineyards, or treading out of their corn all night, as the use of those countries is▪ Solyman thus possessed of the castle of ZEMBENIC, used no extremity against the inhabitants thereof, seeking rather by courtesy to gain their good wills, than by extremity to force them to his: yet such gentlemen as he took, with some others also of the better sort, he sent by shipping into ASIA; and by the same ships returned soldiers as fast as he could into EUROPE: so that he had in one day two hundred soldiers more brought over unto him. And manning such small vessels as he had left about the castle, sent Ezes-beg alongst the coast on EUROPE side, to burn such shipping or vessels as he could find, lest the Christians should by them hinder his passage upon the straight of HELLESPONTUS. So in a few days Solyman had transported into EUROPE two thousand good soldiers of the Turks, whom he so governed, that they did not in any violent sort injury the vulgar Christians, by reason whereof the common people began to like reasonable well of the Turks, and to converse with them without fear. This was the first coming over of the Turks into EUROPE, with purpose there to conquer and inhabit, under the fortune of the Ottoman kings. For albeit that some of that nation had at sundry times before come over, as men seeking after spoil, or otherwise sent for, yea sometimes by the Greek emperors themselves; yet never stayed they long, but having done that they came for, or else lost themselves, returned back again into ASIA: until that now conducted by Solyman, and possessed of the little castle of ZEMBENIC (as is aforesaid) they there took so fast footing, as that they and their posterity after them, were never thence to be since that time removed: but still more and more encroaching upon the Christians, have unto their Asian kingdom joined a great part of EUROPE also, to the terror of the rest that yet remaineth, as in the process of this History shall (if God will) at large appear. About two miles from ZEMBENIC in CHERSONESUS was another castle called MAITO, The castle of Maditus taken by the Turks. or more truly MADITUS, which Solyman also took: so that now he had gotten two castles in EUROPE, both which he stongly manned. After which time, the Turks in great numbers came out of ASIA into EUROPE over that narrow strait of HELLESPONTUS, to dwell in CHERSONESUS: and Solyman in stead of them, to make room for his Turks, sent Christians out of EUROPE to be placed amongst the Turks in ASIA. The report of this coming over of the Turks into CHERSONESUS, and of the taking of the castle of ZEMBENIC carried in post to CONSTANTINOPLE, was sufficient to have stirred up any provident or careful men, presently to have taken up arms for the recovery of the lost castle, and the driving out again of the barbarous enemies out of EUROPE, before they had gathered any greater strength, or settled themselves in those places: but such was the careless negligence and great security of the proud greeks, that in stead thereof they to extenuate the greatness of the loss, commonly said, That there was but an hogsty lost; alluding unto the name of the castle: and vainly (as saith a grave Father of their own) jesting at that was not to be jested at, and laughing at that was not to be laughed, but lamented for; as in few years it proved, their foolish laughter being not without good cause converted into most bitter tears. Calipolis taken by the Turks. Solyman his strength so still increasing by the daily coming over of the Turks, he proceeded farther to spoil the country of CHERSONESUS, almost as far as CALLIPOLIS, distant from the castle ZEMBENIC about two and twenty miles: after which pleasant city the proud Turk began now to long. Which the governor thereof perceiving by the Turks continual encroaching upon him, raised what power he was able to make, and so went out against them; all the rest of the greeks in the mean time lying still as if they had been a sleep, or that the matter had not concerned them: but meeting the Turks, he was by them (after a great conflict) overthrown, and for safeguard of his life glad to fly into his city: after whom the Turks following, spoiled the country round about, and in their return by plain force took the city, together with the castle also: which happened in the year of our Lord 1358 Where the madness of the Greeks was again more than before to be wondered at; for the news of the loss of CALIPOLIS being brought to CONSTANTINOPLE, the people there made small account thereof, although it was indeed a right great loss, and much concerned the state: but to extenuate the matter, when they had any talk thereof, in jesting wise commonly said, That the Turks had but taken from them a pottle of wine: but by taking of such hogstyes and pottels of wine (as they termed it) the Turks in a few years after had gone so far in THRACIA, that Amurath (this same Solyman his Nephew which now took from the greeks the city of CALLIPOLIS) even in the heart (as it were) of the Greek empire, placed his royal seat at HADRIANOPLE: and immediately after him Bajazet his son (having subdued all the country, even to the walls of CONSTANTINOPLE) for certain years laid hard siege unto the imperial city itself; and had no doubt than carried it, had not the great expedition of the mighty Tartar prince Tamerlaine (unto Bajazet fatal) in the mean time happened: whereby (God so appointing it) the prosperous succeedings of the Turks were for a space well stayed, that they should not before the time by him prefined, devour the relics of the Greek empire. And it were to be wished that the Christians of our time also (by their example warned) would at length awake out of their dead sleep: who of late have lost unto the same enemy, not the castle of ZEMBENIC, or the city of CALLIPOLIS, but whole kingdoms, as HUNGARY, and CYPRUS and are still fair in the way; I say no more for grief, and foreboding of evil fortune▪ But again to our purpose, Solyman having made this prosperous entrance into EUROPE, and there got strong footing, by speedy messengers certified his father what he had done, and that it was expedient for him with all speed to send unto him a great supply of men of war, as well for the sure defence and keeping of the castles and forts by him already gotten, as for the further invasion of the country. This message was wonderful welcome unto Orcanes, and whereas many families of the Saracens, at that present were come into the country of CARASINA to possess the dwellings and places of them, which in hope to better their estate were before gone over into EUROPE; all these Saracens he commanded to pass over into EUROPE likewise: which they did accordingly, seating themselves for a time in the country near to CALLIPOLIS. In the mean time, Solyman omitted no opportunity to enter further into the country, winning small forts and holds, and still peopling the same with his Turks: And on the other side, they of CARASINA passed over into EUROPE, placing themselves as it were in a new world. For which cause, and for the great desire they had to extend the Turkish dominion and religion, they refused no pains of war: so that all things at that time prospered with the Turks, and went backward with the Christians. In the time of these wars, not far from CALLIPOLIS, was a little castle called CONGERE, the captain whereof was by a Greek name called Calo joannes, a valiant and painful man: this captain continually molested and troubled the Turks which lay on that side of CALLIPOLIS, under the leading of Ezes-beg, many of whom he slew and took prisoners, as he could find them at any advantage. Solyman much angered herewith, by crafty and secret espials learned a certain time when he was gone out of his castle to do some exploit upon the Turks: whereupon he presently so beset the castle with soldiers, that he could by no means return thither, but he must first fall into their hands; and for more assurance placed others also in byways, lest he should by any way escape. The captain ignorant of all this, prosecuted his enterprise, and having taken a Turk prisoner, thinking to return to his castle, was hastily pursued by Fazill-Beg: for which cause, making the more haste, he suddenly fell into the danger of the Turks laid in ambush: where his men were all slain, and he himself taken and brought before his own castle, and had there his head presently struck off: whereupon the castle was forthwith by them that were therein (having now lost their captain) surrendered, and Chazi Ili Beg, a valiant captain of the Turks, placed in the same: who from thence never ceased to trouble the country even to the walls of DIDYMOTICHUM, as did Solyman also out of CALLIPOLIS. Thus in the space of one year the Turks got strong footing in EUROPE, possessing divers castles and towns, with the country about them, which Solyman gave in reward unto his captains and soldiers, as appeareth by the 〈◊〉 and tombs of Ezes-beg and Fazill-beg, the two which first came over into EUROPE, which 〈◊〉 there yet well known. About this time it fortuned, The death of Solyman Bassa, Orcanes his eldest son▪ The death of Orcanes. that as this ma●●all prince Solyman was for his disport hawking in the fields of BOLAYRE, on EUROPE side, galloping in to his falcon, was with his horse overthrown in a ditch, of which fall he being sore bruised, shortly after died. The news of his death being brought to Orcanes his father 〈◊〉 him (then being sick) just occasion of great sorrow: so that within two months after he died also, being fourscore years old, when he had thereof reigned 31 years; and died about the year of our Lord 1359. Some histories report otherwise, both of his death, and of the time wherein he lived: as that he should beslaine in a battle against the Tartars, or as others write, with an arrow at the siege of PRUSA, in the year of our Lord 1349. But joannes L●unclaui●● in his history collected out of the Turks own chronicles whom we follow as most probable reporteth it as before. This Orcanes was wise, courteous, and bountiful, more ingenious than his father in devising warlike engines. He built divers princely Churches, abbeys, Colleges, and Cells, and was in his superstitious religion very zealous: insomuch, that he appointed pensions to all such as could in the church say the book of Mahomet's law by heart▪ and appointed competent maintenance for all judges of his courts, because they should not take any thing in reward of his subjcts, for the perverting of justice. He greatly enlarged his kingdom in ASIA, and not content to be enclosed with the seas of EUXINUM and HELLESPONTUS, set fast footing in EUROPE; which some attribute to his son Amurath. He was unto the Christians always a most mortal enemy, and so 〈◊〉. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Orcanes. Emperors Of the East Andronicus Palaeologus the younger. 1325. 29. john Palaeologus. 1354. 30. Of the West Lewes of Bavaria. 1314. 32. Charles the fourth, son to john, king of Bohemia. 1346. 10. Kings Of England Edward the third. 1327. 50. Of France Philip Valois. 1328. 22. john Valois. 1350. 14. Of Scotland Robert Bruce. 1306. 24. David Bruce. 1341. Bishops of Rome john the XXII. 1317. 18. Benedict the XII. 1335. 7. Clement the VI 1342. 12. Innocent the VI 1354. 10. AMURATH. AMURANTHES PRIMUS TERTIUS TURCARUM REX FLORVIT AN ᵒ 1350 Scau●s Amurathes, animo dum maxima versat: Discords Graecoes, sternere mart parat. Totus & intentus fines extendere regni: Europam penetrans, obuia quaeque rapit. Attoniti trepidant, nimia formidine Thrace's: In medio quorum, sceptra superba locat. Hinc Moesos premit ille feros * Lazarum Seruiae principe●. miserumque Dynasten: Cossovi in campis, obruit, atque necat. Sed non longa fuit sceleris tam dira voluptas A servo caesus, concidit ense ferox. RICH. KNOLLEUS. Whilst Amurath in his deep thoughts, of greatness plots the ground: The wrangling greeks by force of arms he seeks how to confound. And wholly bend for to extend his kingdom, with his power, Piercing the confines of EUROPE, doth what he meets devour. As men dismayed, the Thracians quake, to see their foul disgrace: Amidst whom, the tyrant stout his sceptre proud doth place. The fierce Bulgarians he did meet, and in the field subdue: Lazar●●▪ Despot of 〈◊〉. And in COSSOVAS fatal plains, the woeful Despot slew. But long is not the wickeds joy, which they in mischief take; Stabbed by a Slave, the wretch his end in that same place did make. R. K. THE LIFE OF AMURATH, THE FIRST OF THAT NAME, THIRD KING OF THE TURKS, AND THE GREAT AUGMENTOR OF THEIR KINGDOM. AMurath the younger son of Orcanes succeeded his father in the Turkish kingdom, Amurath succeed his father Orcanes in the Turkish kingdom. his elder brother Solyman being dead a little before his father. This Amurath with greater zeal than any one of the Turkish kings, advanced the Mahometan religion, and had therein wonderful success. In the beginning of his reign, he gathered a great army out of all parts of his kingdom, to PRUSA; purposing to pass over HELLESPONTUS, to invade the Christians in THRACIA. But understanding, that the other Mahometan princes in ASIA, had combined themselves against him, he was thereby enforced to ●eaue his former determination for EUROPE, and to turn his forces upon them. In which wars ●e mightily prevailed against them, and returned with victory to PRUSA. But having so subdued those confederate princes, he the next year after prosecuted his wars before intended against ●he Christians in EUROPE. For which purpose having levied a strong army in ASIA, he passed over to CALLIPOLIS, accompanied with his tutor, whom the Turks call Lala Schahin: whose grave advice and counsel he most followed in all his weighty affairs, being at that time one of his chief counsellors. From CALLIPOLIS he marched to the castle of BENUTUM, which was by composition yielded unto him. From thence he went to TZURULUS, where the Christians gave him a sharp encounter: but in the end he won the town, and carried away the victory. And so proceeding farther, took divers other small castles and towns in that part of THRACIA, which of the ancient Roman Colonies was then called ROMANIA, and now of the Turks RUMILIA, namely MESINE, BURGOS, and others; whereof some he utterly razed, and into the ●est put strong garrisons. At this time also, Chasi-ilbeg, and Eurenoses, two of his most valiant captains, took certain forts standing upon the river MERITZA, in ancient time called HE●●US. Whereby they much troubled the inhabitants of the country thereabouts. Wherewith the captain of DIDYMOTICHUM offended, Didymotichum yielded unto the Turks. gathered his soldiers together, intending to have intercepted the great captain Chasi-ilbeg: in which attempt he lost most of his followers, and was himself there taken prisoner. For whose ransom and certain other conditions, the citizens of DIDYMOTICHUM yielded the city unto the Turks. Shortly after Amurath sent his tutor Lala Schahin to besiege HADRIANOPLE, now called ANDRINOPLE, but in ancient time ORESTIAS: of whose coming the Christians hearing, encountered him upon the way, and fought with him a great battle, wherein many were on both sides lost: Hadrianople yielded unto the Turks. but in the end, the Christians being put to the worst, retired again to the city. Of this victory Schahin sent news unto Amurath, with certain of the heads of the slain Christians: who thereupon sending Chasis and Eurenosis before, he himself with a great army followed after to the siege of HADRIANOPLE: of whose coming, the governor of HADRIANOPLE understanding, fled secretly out of the city by night to AENUS. The citizens seeing themselves so forsaken of their governor, yielded their city unto Amurath, in the year of our Lord 1362. The taking of these strong cities in THRACIA, especially of DIDYMOTICHUM and HADRI●NOPLE is (by some of the Turks own Histories) otherwise reported: which, because it is neither improbable nor disagreeing from the subtle dealings of the Turks, and of themselves also received, I have thought good to set down as their own Historiographers report the same. The Turkish king Amurath had (as they say, and as truth was) in the beginning of his reign concluded a peace with the Christians of THRACIA: during which peace, the Governor of DIDYMOTICHUM intending to fortify his city with new and stronger fortifications against the assaults of the Turks, entertained all the masons, carpenters, and other workmen he could by any means get: which Amurath understanding, secretly caused two hundredth good and lusty workmen and labourers to come out of ASIA, to offer their service unto the governor; who gladly entertained them, using their help in that his great and hasty work. Which thing some of the wiser sort of the citizen's disliking, wished the Governor to beware of those Asian workmen, as by them suspected. But he presuming upon the peace made with Amurath, and considering they were but base workmen, and no soldiers, had the less care of them: nevertheless (using their work all day) he commanded them to lodge without the walls of the city every night. Amurath understanding that these workmen were thus by the Governor entertained, sent for the valiant captain Chasis-Ilbeg, and requested him with thirty other good soldiers disguised as poor labourers to go to DIDYMOTICHUM to seek for work, and in doing thereof to espy if any opportunity might be found for the surprising of the city. Chasis with these thirty according to Amurath his direction, coming as poor men lacking work, found entertainment at DIDYMOTICHUM, where they carried stones, mortar, and such like things, ever showing themselves very diligent in their work: Chasis with vigilant eye still awaiting what might best serve his turn for the surprising of the city. When night was come, the Turkish workmen and labourers after their accustomed manner, and as they were by the governor appointed, went out of the city into the suburbs to their lodgings: from whence Chasis secretly departing in the night, came to Amurath and showed him how one of the gates of the city might upon the sudden be taken, if it would please him to place a sufficient number of Turks in ambush near unto the city, to join with him and the other Turkish labourers when occasion should serve. Which being resolved upon, Amurath sent him back again to put this his devise in execution: so Chasis returning to DIDYMOTICHUM broke the matter to so many of the Asian workmen as he thought convenient, fully instructing them what was to be done. The next day (according to his appointment) the Christians being then at dinner, these Turkish workmen and labourers fell at words among themselves, and from words to feigned blows: in which counterfeit brawl & tumult, they suddenly ran to one of the gates of the city fast by (as was before appointed) and there laying hands upon the warders weapons, as if it had been to defend themselves against their fellows, suddenly set upon those warders, being in number but few, and then at dinner also, and so presently slew them: which done, they opened the gate of the city, and let in the other Turks which lay in wait not far off: who with great celerity entering the city, presently took the same, and there put the chiefest of the citizens to the sword, sparing the rest of the meaner sort. Rh●destum surprised by the Turks. The city of RHODESTUM (of the old writers called RHoeDESTUM) was by Amurath his commandment, in this time of peace, by sudden assault given in the night by the lord Eurenoses, taken also. With this foul dealing and breach of league, yet in force, the Christians hardly charged Amurath; who turned it over to the unruliness of his captains and men of war, whom he threatened with great severity to punish: and to give the better colour that it was done without his privity, he had feigned himself sick all the while these things were in doing. But being requested to restore these cities so wrongfully taken from the Christians, he utterly refused so to do, saying, That it was against the law of his great prophet Mahomet, to deliver again unto the Christians, any town or city wherein the Mahometan religion had been once openly taught. Whereupon wa●s began again to arise on fresh betwixt the Christians and him, wherein sometime the one prevailed, and sometime the other: in such sort as that those wars at length became unto them both very tedious. Wherefore Amurath made peace again with the Christians of HADRIANOPLE, SELYBRIA, and CONSTANTINOPLE: yet desiring nothing more in heart, than to take the city of HADRIANOPLE: which the better to bring to pass, he caused Chasis-Ilbeg▪ as a discontented captain to fly to HADRIANOPLE, pretending himself to have been hardly used by the tyrant his master: where having in his company other such dissembling fugitives as was himself, he oftentimes issued out of the city and valiantly skirmished with the Turks; which so greatly pleased the governor of HADRIANOPLE, that he thereby grew into his great favour. Many other Turks also under pretence of like discontentment, resorted unto Chasis: wherewith finding himself well strengthened, he writ letters secretly unto Amurath, That he would deliver one of the gates of HADRIANOPLE unto him at a certain appointed time, if he would ●gainst the same time be ready to send him present succours. All things being agreed upon, Chasis at the appointed time came in the dawning of the day to one of the gates of the city, accompanied but with ten of his followers, as if he would have gone forth to hunt, as he had before accustomed. But so soon as the gates were opened, he with the other ten well appointed for the purpose, furiously set upon the warders, whom they slew; and being aided by the rest of the fugitive Turks (which with all speed by appointment before made, resorted unto them) they possessed the gate; until a great power of the Turks, whom Amurath the night before had placed in ambush near unto the city, having knowledge what was done, and hearing the alarm, speedily ●ame on, and by that gate entered the city: where was fought a cruel fight all that day, even from morning until night. But in the end the Turks prevailing, took the city, which they have ever since possessed unto this day. These great cities of THRACIA thus taken, Hadrianople the royal sea● of the Turkish kings in Europe. or otherwise as aforesaid (for that I leave for the Reader to think of as he pleaseth) Amurath appointed the seat of his royal Court at HADRIA●OPLE, as a place of all others most fit for the further invasion of the Christians, and enlarging of his kingdom in EUROPE: from whence such a world of mischiefs & woe hath since that time overflowed a great part of Christendom & drowned so many goodly kingdoms in EUROPE, as that both they, and most part of the rest that yet remain (daily in dread of like destruction) might justly accurse and detest the woeful carelessness and degenerate cowardice of the greeks, were not they themselves together with the glory of their church and empire, swallowed up in the same gulf of calamity and woe, and so become of all others most miserable: but what avail vain complaints, but to increase old griefs? wherefore again to that we have in hand. The proud Sultan Amurath (having to his great content thus seated himself at HADRIANOPLE, in the midst of THRACIA) presently sent out his tutor Lala Schahin with a great power to invade the country about PHILIPPOPOLIS with the country of ZAGORA, which lieth ●owards the great mountain HoeMUS, where the best Turkish Scimitars were made; giving like charge unto Eurenoses, for the subduing of the territory of IPSALA: who both notably performed what he had commanded, and in short time brought all those countries under his subjection, wherein he shortly after placed divers sanzacks or governors, for the better assurance thereof being so lately gained. About this time (by the suggestion of Cara Rustemes a doctor of the Mahometan law) Zinderlu Chelil, than Cadilesher or chief justice amongst the Turks, but afterwards better known by the name of Cairadin Bassa; by the commandment of Amurath, took order that every fifth captive of the Christians, being above fifteen years old, should be taken up for the king, as by law due unto him: and if the number were under five, then to pay unto the king for every head 25 aspers, by way of tribute: appointing officers for collecting both of such captives and tribute money, of whom the aforesaid Cara Rustemes himself was chief, as first deviser of the matter. By which means great numbers of Christian youths were brought to the court as the king's captives, which by the counsel of the same Zinderlu Chelil, were distributed amongst the Turkish husbandmen in ASIA, there to learn the Turkish language, religion, and manners: where after they had been brought up in all painful labour and travail by the space of two or three years, they were called unto the court, and choice made of the better sort of them to attend upon the person of the prince, or to serve him in his wars: where they daily practising all feats of activity, are called by the name of janisars (that is to say, new soldiers.) This was the first beginning of the janisars under this Sultan Amurath the first, but had great increase under Amurath the second, in so much that iovius with some other Historiographers, attribute the beginning of this order unto him: which nevertheless (as appeareth by the Turks own histories) had the beginning as is aforesaid: and hath ever since been continued by the Turkish kings and emperors, by the same and some other greater means; so that in process of time they be grown to that greatness as that they are oftentimes right dreadful unto the great Turk himself: after whose death, they have sometimes preferred to the empire such of the emperors sons as they best liked, without respect of prerogative of age, contrary to the will of the great Sultan himself: and are at this day the greatest strength of the Turkish empire, and not unlike in time to be the greatest cause of the ruin thereof: the finger of the highest oftentimes (as we have before said) turning even those helps which were by man's wisdom provided for the establishing of kingdoms, unto their more speedy destruction; and especially these continual garrisons of martial men, no less to be feared than trusted, as in the course of this history may appear. When Amurath had thus a great while continued at HADRIANOPLE, determining now to return unto ASIA, he made Schahin his tutor Beg-Lerbeg or viceroy of ROMANIA; and Eurenoses lord governor of the marches; Zinderlu Chelil he made Vezir Azemes or lord precedent of his counsel, and changing his name called him Cairadin Bassa, that is to say, The Bassa that had well deserved, his name witnessing his good desert. After this he returned into ASIA, where he spent that winter at PRUSA. These two great men Cairadin Bassa & Cara Rustemes before named, sometimes two doctors of the Mahometan law, were (as the Turkish histories report) the first that corrupted the Turkish court with covetousness and bribery, and are therefore of them even yet much blamed. Whilst Amurath thus wintered in ASIA, news was brought unto him, That the Christians of SERVIA and BULGARIA had gathered a great army for the besieging of HADRIANOPLE: which caused him to prepare great forces in ASIA, Boga taken by Amurath, and recovered again and razed by the Christians. to aid his captains in EUROPE. But in returning out of ASIA, he by the way took the town of BOGA; where he put to sword all the Christians that were therein able to bear arms, leading the rest into captivity, and with the spoil rewarded his soldiers. This strong town was not long after again recovered by the Christians, who requited the Turks with like measure, and doubting the keeping thereof, razed it down to the ground: Boga new bu●●● by ●he Turks. yet was it afterwards re-edified by the Turks, as it is at this present to be seen: which was done in the year of our Lord 1365. In the mean time, the Christian army of SERVIA and BULGARIA, in number betwixt forty and fifty thousand, marching towards HADRIANOPLE, and now come very near the same, fell in mutiny among themselves. Whereof the Turks by their espials having intelligence, suddenly in the night set upon them: who blinded with inward hatred, and no less fearing one another, than their enemies, neglected to join their forces against them, but were ready to turn their weapons one upon another; and so by their own discord, more than by the enemy's force, were made a prey unto the Turks, by whom they were put to flight, & slain, with so great a slaughter, that the place wherein they fell, not far from GERMIA, is thereof at this day called Zirf Zindugi, that is to say, the place wherein the Seruians were overthrown. The news of this so notable a victory, with the fifth part of the spoil, & a great number of the heads of the slain Christians, were (after the barbarous manner of the Turks) sent to Amurath into ASIA, being now ready with a great power to have come over CALLIPOLIS: who joyful thereof, & glad to see such a present, the assured witness of the victory, returned again to PRUSA. This was done in the year 1366. In which year also Amurath with wonderful triumph circumcised his two sons, Bajazet, and jacup. At which time he also built a temple, with a monastery, and a college, at BILEZUGA: and another fair church at NEAPOLIS: at PRUSA he also built a stately palace in the castle, with a great church at the gates thereof: in which city he also founded an abbey and a college. Germean Ogli, a great Mahometan prince in ASIA (whose territory for the most part lay in the greater PHRYGIA, and the countries thereabout, bordering upon the Ottoman kingdom) having always envied at the rising of the Ottoman kings (as did all the rest of the Mahometan princes of the Selzuccian family) and fearing that their greatness might after his death grow dangerous unto his son jacup, being now himself very aged; thought good for the more safety of his s●ate, to join in alliance with Amurath. And for that purpose sent Isaad (a learned doctor of the Mahometan law) ambassador unto him, with many rich presents, and to offer his daughter, the lady Hatun, in marriage unto his son Bajazet: promising with her in dowry divers great cities and towns, with their territories in PHRYGIA and BYTHINIA, adjoining upon the Ottoman kingdom; namely CUTAIE, SIMAU, EGREGIOS, TAUSANLE, and others. Neither was this a small dowry, but well beseeming so great a prince: the city of CUTAIE being at this day the place whereat the Turkish emperors great lieutenant or viceroy in ASIA, is always resiant, as in the heart of his kingdom in the lesser ASIA. Of which match so offered, Amurath liking well, contracted his son Bajazet unto the said lady: and for solemnisation of the marriage, prepared all things with great magnificence, sending his ambassadors to most of the Mahometan kings and princes, both far and near, to invite them thereunto: commanding also most of the nobility of his kingdom, to honour the same with their presence. The time of this marriage drawing near, ambassadors came to Amurath his court, from all the princes before invited: amongst whom the ambassador from the Egyptian Sultan had the highest place. These ambassadors brought with them many great and rich gifts, such as well beseemed the great princes their masters, which they with all reverence presented unto Amurath. At length amongst the rest of his own nobility came the lord Eurenoses, whom he had before left governor of the frontiers of his kingdom in EUROPE: who besides many other rich gifts, not easily to be valued, presented unto Amurath an hundred goodly boys, with as many beautiful young maidens, all Christian captives, suitably attired in garments richly embroidered with gold and silver, every one of them carrying a cup of gold in the one hand, and a cup of silver in the other; the cups of gold having in them divers precious stones of great value, and the cups of silver being filled with gold. The richness of this present was so great, that all the ambassadors of the foreign princes much wondered thereat. All which rich gift, Amurath most bountifully bestowed upon the strange ambassadors: and the presents which were sent unto him from other princes, he liberally gave to Eurenoses. The learned and religious which came to that marriage, he so bountifully rewarded also, that none came to the same poor, but he went away rich. He had before sent divers of his nobility, with an hundred ladies and gentlemen, and a guard of three thousand horsemen, to attend the coming of the bride. On the other side, the old prince Germean-Ogli meeting this honourable company upon the way, saluted every man of account, according to his degree: and bringing them to one of his cities, in most royal manner feasted them, bestowing upon them many rich and princely gifts: all which things with great solemnity performed, he delivered his daughter the bride to two of the most ancient ladies▪ whereof the one had been Bajazet his nurse; and so taking leave of his daughter, sent her away, accompanied with his wife jenses, and other of his courtiers: who conveying her to PRUSA, she was there in most royal manner married to Bajazet. The cities and towns promised in dowry, were accordingly delivered into the possession of Amurath, who shortly after took possession of the same, and furnished them with his own garrisons. At this marriage Chusen Beg, prince of AMISUM in GALATIA, by his ambassador sold his territory of AMISUM unto Amurath, with many fair cities and towns: doubting as it was thought, how to be able to keep them, now that Amurath was come so near him, whom he saw not to let slip any occasion offered unto him for the enlarging of his kingdom. When Amurath had in this sort spent great time in ASIA, he gathered a strong army to return into EUROPE: but before his departure, he committed the government of his kingdom in ASIA (which the Turks call ANATOLIA) unto his son Bajazet, joining with him Temurtases, a valiant man of great experience: and having set all things in order in ASIA, passed over HELLESPONTUS to CALLIPOLIS, from whence he marched towards HADRIANOPLE; and because he would take some thing in his way, he besieged MAGALGARA, which he in short time won: where Lala Schahin and Eurenoses with all their forces came to him: which two captains he sent to besiege the city PHERoe, which was by them after a few days siege taken. Bu●●e himself to be revenged upon Lazarus the Despot, Amurath in●●deth Servia. Nissa taken by the Turks. led his army into SERVIA: where after he had without resistance foraged the country fourteen days, understanding by his captains, that the strong city of NISSA, being the metropolitical city of SERVIA, was as it were the key of that kingdom, he presently marched thither, and laid siege to the same, and by the advice of jaxis Beg, the son of Temurtases, in short time won it. Which thing so daunted Lazarus, Despot or lord of SERVIA, that he despairing in his own forces, having so soon lost one of his strongest cities, forthwith sent ambassadors to Amurath, to entreat a peace: offering to pay him a yearly tribute of fifty thousand pounds, and to aid him with a thousand men in his wars, whensoever he should require: upon which conditions Amurath granted him peace, and so departed out of SERVIA. Appolonia won by the Turks. In this expedition he also with much ado won the great city of APPOLONIA, near unto the mount ATHOS, and gave leave unto most of the Christians with their wives and children to depart, and such part of their goods as was not in the taking thereof spoiled by the soldiers. This done, he returned back to HADRIANOPLE, leaving Eurenoses upon the marches, who shortly after took BERRHEA, with divers other towns. At which time also, Lala Schahin won ZICHNE and SERES, in the confines of MACEDONIA, with many other strong towns upon the frontiers of THESSALIA and THRACE. In the city SERES Eurenoses made his abode as in a chief frontier town: and because the Christians for fear of the Turks were all fled out of the country about SERES, great numbers of people were sent for out of ASIA, to inhabit that country by the Christians forsaken in the confines of MACEDONIA. Amurath had not long continued at HADRIANOPLE, but that he was advertised out of ASIA, that Aladin his son in law, king of CARAMANIA, did with fire and sword invade his dominions in ASIA: with which news he was exceedingly troubled. And for that cause sending for his counsellors and nobility to the court, told them, how that Aladin forgetting all the bonds of religion, faith, peace, and alliance, with all hostility invaded his provinces in ASIA, whilst he with the great danger of his person, and greater terror of his enemies, sought with honour the increase of the Mahometan sincere religion (as he termed it) in EUROPE: from which godly wars (said he) I am against my will enforced to turn my sword, in just defence of myself, against men joined with us both in religion & alliance. And having thus declared his mind, he appointed Chairadin Bassa his lieutenant general in EUROPE, and also made his son Alis Bassa, one of his counsel, although he were by some thought too young for so great a place. And so having set all things in order according to his mind in EUROPE, took passage from CALLIPOLIS into ASIA, and so to his court at PRUSA, where he spent that winter. In which time ambassadors came unto him from the Sultan of EGYPT, for the renewing of their former amity and friendship, which Amurath took very thankfully, and sent them back again laden with kind letters and princely rewards. Amurath and Aladin prepare themselves for wa●●e. When the Spring was come in the year 1387, he levied a mighty army to make war upon the Caramanian king, his son in law. Whereof Aladin certainly informed, prepared no less power to meet him, associating unto him all the other less Mahometan princes of ASIA, which were not under Amurath his obeisance, to whom the Ottoman kings were now grown terrible; which princes brought with them great supplies to join with Aladin. Aladin thus aided by his friends, thinking himself now strong enough for Amurath his father in law, sent an ambassador unto him, certifying him, That he was nothing in power inferior to him, and therefore did nothing fear him: yet if it pleased him to have peace, that he could for his part be content to hearken unto the same upon reasonable conditions: but if he had rather have war, he should find him ready to dare him battle in the field, whensoever he should come. For answer of which embassage, Amurath willed the ambassador to tell the perjured king his master, That he had of late contrary to his faith before given, in most cruel manner invaded his dominions, whilst he was busied in most godly wars (as he termed it) against the misbelieving Christians: from prosecuting whereof, he was by his violence (as he said) withdrawn, contrary to the law of their great prophet: for which outrages and wrongs, he would shortly come and take of him sharp revenge; and that therefore he was to expect nothing at his hands but war, for which he willed him so to provide, as that at his coming he might not find him wanting to himself. Aladin by his ambassador having received this answer from Amurath, assembled all the confederate princes, his allies, with great persuasions and greater promises encouraging them to this war: and they again kissing the ground at his feet, as the manner of that nation is before great princes, promised with solemn oaths never to forsake him, but to to do all things which princes desirous of honour and fame, ought by their oath to do for their sovereign, to whom they ought homage and duty. The death of Chairadin Bassa. In this great preparation for wars in ASIA, Chairadin Bassa, general governor in EUROPE died: which Amurath understanding, appointed Alis Bassa his son to go into EUROPE, there to be governor in his father's stead. But he was stayed in his journey by urgent occasions, which Amurath understanding, sent for him back again in post. Aladin forecasting the great dangers like to ensue of this war, sent another ambassador to Amurath, with reasonable conditions of peace: to whom Amurath answered, That if Aladin had made that offer one month before, he would perhaps have accepted thereof: but for so much as he had done him great wrong, and that he had now to his infinite charge drawn him into the field so far from home, he would not make any other end, than such as the chance of war should appoint: And whereas he in disgrace had called me a herdsman or shepherd (said he) if he be not such a one himself, as he saith me to be, let him meet me in the field, and there try his valour. Hereunto the ambassador replied, saying, That the king his master made this offer of peace not for any fear, but to save the effusion of innocent blood; which consideration set apart, he should find him not inferior to himself, either in number of most expert soldiers, or other warlike provision: and that therefore, if he rejected this offer of peace, he needed not to doubt but to meet with men of courage, which would bear themselves so valiantly in the field against his Turks, as that he should have no great cause to rejoice of his coming thither. Which words of the ambassador so nettled Amurath, that in great rage he commanded him to depart, and to will his master, if he were a man of such courage and valour as he said, to show himself in the field with all his forces, there to make an end of all quarrels; where he doubted not but in short time to chastise him according to his due deserts. So after the ambassador was departed, marching forward three days, Alis Beg came unto him, of whose coming he not a little rejoiced: for why, he loved him dear, and although he was yet of years but young, relied much upon his counsel. The Ambassador returning, recounted unto Aladin all that Amurath had said, not omitting his hard speeches and proud threats, and how that he hoped shortly to take from him ICONIUM and LARENDA (the principal cities of CARAMANIA) with many things more, leaving nothing untold. Which Aladin hearing, said unto the confederate princes that were with him, Verily Amurath threateneth to take from us our cities of ICONIUM and LARENDA▪ but let him take heed that we take not from him his fair city of PRUSA. Then demanding of the ambassador, of what strength Amurath might be? It was answered by him, that he deemed him to be about seventy thousand strong. Whereat Aladin not a little rejoicing said: Assuredly when he shall see our army, he will not dare to give us battle; or if he do, he shall fight upon great disadvantage, his men being both fewer in number than we, and sore wearied with long and painful travail. In the mean time Amurath held on his way towards CARAMANIA, daily encouraging his soldiers with persuasions and gifts bountifully bestowed upon them, filling their heads with promises of greater, the wars once happily ended. At length he came to the great plains in CARAMANIA called the French plains, because in former time the Christians (whom the Turks for most part call Frankes) in those places encamped their great armies, as they went to the winning of JERUSALEM (as in the former part of this history is declared:) into these plains also came Aladin with his army, and was now encamped within one days march of Amurath, and so rested that night. The next morning Amurath put his army in order of battle, appointing the leading of the right wing, to his youngest son jacup, with whom he joined Cutluzes Beg, Eine Beg Subbassa, Egridum Subbassa, Seraze, and Custendil, two Christian princes; all captains of great experience: the left wing was led by Bajazet his eldest son, with Ferize and Hozze, both valiant captains: in which wings were also placed the Christian soldiers sent by Lazarus out of SERVIA, according to the late convention of peace: in the main battle he stood himself: the vanguard was conducted by Temurtases: and the rearward by the Sabbassa of OXYLLITHUS (called also Temurtases) and Achmetes. Aladin on the other side, with no less care and diligence set his men likewise in order of battle, placing himself in the main battle as did Amurath; and the princes his Allies, with his other expert captains, some in the right wing and some in the left, as he thought most convenient: in such sort, as that in all men's judgement he was in force nothing inferior to his father in law. These great enemies thus ranged, The great battle in the plains of Caramania betwixt Amurath and Aladin. with ensigns displayed came on courageously, one directly upon the other: where approaching together, the confused noise of trumpets, drums, mischiefs, with other instruments of war, the neighing of horses, and clattering of armour, was so great; that whilst warlike minds thereat rejoiced▪ cowards thought heaven fell. But the sign of battle on both sides given, Samagazes, one of the confederate princes, with exceeding courage first charged Temurtases in the vanguard, and broke his ranks: at which time Teberruses, a Tartar prince, and Varsacides, another of the confederates, delivered their arrows also upon the vanguard, as if it had been a shower of hail. Which Bajazet seeing, and how hardly Temurtases was charged, having before obtained leave of his father, broke in upon the enemy with such violence, as if it had been the lightning: whereof he was ever after surnamed Gilderun, which is to say, the Lightning▪ Ferizes and Hozza, with the other valiant captains in that wing; following Bajazet, with invincible courage entered the battle; where for a great space was made a most dreadful and doubtful fight. A man would have thought two wrought seas had met together, swaying one against the other, doubtful which way the current would at length fall. In this conflict many thousands were on both sides slain, so that the field lay covered with the dead bodies of worthy men and valiant soldiers: yet at length these confederate princes, finding themselves overmatched by Bajazet and his soldiers, reserving themselves to their better fortunes, turned their backs and fled; Aladin flieth to Iconium. when Aladin seeing a great part of his army thus overthrown, and himself now ready to be charged with Amurath his whole power, despairing of victory, sped himself in all haste to ICONIUM, his strong city. The spoil which Amurath got in this battle was great, most part whereof he gave in reward to Temortases and his soldiers, which had endured the greatest fury of that battle. Iconium besieged by Amurath. Amurath after this victory with all speed marched to ICONIUM, and there besieged Aladin the Caramanian king, in his strongest city, giving out proclamation in the mean time, That none of his soldiers upon pain of death should use any violence to any of the country people, or take any thing from them: to the intent it might appear unto the world, that he made that war against that Mahometan king, rather to propulse injury and wrong, than for desire of sovereignty or spoil. Which his so strait a proclamation, the Christians sent by Lazarus, amongst others▪ transgressed; and therefore by his commandment suffered (many of them) exemplary punishment; which was the cause of the Se●●ian wa● which not long after ensued▪ fatal both unto Amurath and Lazarus the Despot, as hereafter shall appear. Aladin now on every side besieged in ICONIUM, and without all hope of escape, sent unto the queen his wife, Amurath's daughter, bewailing unto her his desperate estate, and requesting her by all the love that so honourable a minded lady might bear to her miserable husband, to adventure herself to go to her angry father, and to crave pardon for his great trespass and offence. The queen forthwith attiring herself, as was fittest for her husband's present estate, came unto her father: where falling down at his feet upon her knees, with words wisely placed, and tears distilling down her fair cheeks from her fairer eyes, as if it had been from two fountains; in most sorrowful manner, craved her husband's pardon, imputing unto the heat of youth whatsoever he had done: and would not be comforted or taken up, until she had obtained grace. Amurath most entirely loved this his daughter; and therefore for her sake not only granted unto her, her husband's life (which in short time was like to have been in his power to have spilled) but also his kingdom, which he as a victorious conqueror might by law of arms have of right detained. She now assured of her father's promise, sent unto her husband Aladin, willing him the next day without fear to come out of the city, and in humble sort to acknowledge his fault before her father. Who the next morning accordingly came out, and prostrating himself before Amurath, acknowledged his undutifulness: of whom (for his wives sake) he obtained pardon, and restitution to his kingdom, with many other great gifts, contrary to his evil desert. The Latin histories mistaking the man, report that this Caramanian war, to have been fought against the king of CARAMANIA, Amurath his own grandfather by the mother's side; and that he was by Amurath then spoiled of a great part of his kingdom: but it agreeth not with the Turkish histories, which make Amurath to be the son of Orcanes and Lulufer, the daughter of the governor of the castle of JARCHISER, as is before declared in the life of Ottoman; which Lulu●er lieth buried by her husband Orcanes, in PRUSA. This great victory gotten by Amurath against the Caramanian king, and the other confederate princes, was the true beginning of the greatness of the Ottoman kingdom in ASIA: wherewith the other Mahometan princes of the Selzuccian family were so discouraged, that they were glad to submit themselves thus first unto Amurath, and after that unto his son Bajazet: until that Tamerlan the great Tartarian prince, some few years after, taking Bajazet prisoner in a great battle at mount STELLA, abated the Othomon pride, and restored the other oppressed Mahometan princes to their old possessions and kingdoms. Amurath returning homewards, by the way took the city of DESPOTOPOLIS, and coming to CUTAIE broke up his army, and so in triumph returned to his court at PRUSA. Lazarus, Despot of SERVIA (in old time called MYSIA) had sent a thousand armed men to Amurath in this the late Caramanian war, according to the convention of the peace not long before made betwixt them: some of which soldiers, were with great severity (to the terror of others) executed in CARAMANIA, for transgressing Amurath his commandment. This great war being ended, and the army broken up at CUTAI●, they with others were licenced to depart into their own country. Whose General (whom they call the Vayvod) returning home, reported unto Lazarus the Despot, the success of that war, and withal in what cruel and tyrannical manner the men he had sent were in that service used by the commandment of Amurath. With whom (said this General) you without cause have made a most dishonourable peace: first by giving your faith to such a miscreant, and then in sending your loyal subjects in recompense of their good service, to be so butchered at his pleasure; beside the shameful tribute which you yearly pay unto him. Whereas if it would please you in the depth of your wisdom, but to know your own strength, you should find yourself in warlike force and power, nothing inferior to the tyrant: for we your servants being in number but a handful, were in these his late wars a terror unto his enemies, and by our valour and not his own, he got the victory over them. What cause is there then, that you should subject yourself unto your inferior? I know he cannot of himself bring into the field above fifty thousand fight men: but admit he were able to bring a hundredth thousand, are not you (if you so please) able to levy a far greater power? and for all other warlike provision, you are ten fold better provided than he. Besides that, the mighty Christian princes will send you such aid against this hateful and common enemy, that being united with yours, his Barbarian forces will be nothing in comparison of those which you shall then be able to bring into the field against him: which no doubt the Christian princes will the rather do, as men desirous to quench this devouring fire, in another man's house rather than in their own. These words of the Vayvod so much moved Lazarus, Lazarus the Despot by his ambassador craveth aid of the king of Bozna. that he determined in himself, to break that servile league which he before had made with Amurath. And for that cause sent his ambassador with secret instructions to the king of BOSNA (in time passed called ILLYRIA) his neighbour: whereof the chief point was, to crave his aid against the Turk their common enemy. By whom the king of BOSNA returned answer, That it had been much better such consideration had been thought upon, before the foul contract (full of disgrace both to himself, and all other Christian princes) was upon a vain fear, by him rashly made with the Turkish tyrant: Yet for so much as things done, could not be undone, letting that pass which was remediless, he promised to join with him his whole forces, against so dangerous an enemy. And thereupon appointing a place for an interview, met accordingly, and there fully concluded all the articles of their confederation. There was in the confines of BOSNA a castle called ALEXANDRIA, the captain whereof being a Christian, was yet tributary unto the Turk; wishing unto him such good, as men oppressed use to do to them by whom they are so wronged. This captain under the colour of friendship went to Amurath, and in great secrecy opened unto him the whole state of the kingdom of BOSNA; and withal, that the king thereof intended some great matter against him: for preventing whereof, he offered his own service, and showed some probable means, how that kingdom might be brought into his subjection, if he would but send some worthy General with a convenient power for the undertaking thereof. This wonderfully pleased the ambitious old tyrant, who therefore commanded a rich garment to be cast upon the captain (which amongst the Turks is taken for a sure token of the kings great favour) and forthwith appointed his tutor Lala Schahin, according to this captain's direction, to invade the kingdom of BOSNA. Who joining himself with this deceitful captain of ALEXANDRIA, with an army of twenty thousand men entered into BOSNA; where overrunning a side of the country, he without resistance took great booties: and seeing no apparent cause of fear, to do the more harm, by the advice of the same captain, divided his army, which he sent into divers parts of the country, the more to burn and spoil the same. Of all whose proceedings, the king of BOSNA by secret messengers from the captain advertised, had in convenient places laid strong ambushes for the intercepting of his enemies. So that as Schahin was returning homeward with a rich booty, having then with him but a thousand men, suddenly appeared in his way thirty thousand Christians well armed: which Schahin seeing, thinking it folly to oppose so few against so many, would have presently fled; but the rest of the gallants that were with him, presuming of their good fortune, and loath to lose their rich prey, would needs first skirmish with the Christians: in which desperate conflict they were almost all slain, and the spoil they had taken, all recovered by the Christians. As for Schahin, he was glad by shameful flight to save himself. The like mishap befell the other Turks in the other parts of BOSNA, who for the most part were likewise intercepted and slain: so that of twenty thousand scarce five thousand returned home. Amurath married the emperor of Constantinople his daughter. Whilst these things were doing in EUROPE, Amurath with great triumph at NEAPOLIS married the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE his daughter: whose two sisters were also given in marriage to his two sons: at which time he with great solemnity circumcised three of Bajazet his sons. At this time also returned jazigi Ogli, whom he had before sent ambassador to the Sultan of EGYPT, in requital of the honourable embassage before to him sent from the said Sultan. Now Amurath understanding of the loss of his men in BOSNA, with the revolt of Lazarus Despot of SERVIA, was therewith much disquieted. Wherefore he commanded Al●●●Bassa his chief counsellor, with all speed to send forth commissions into all parts of his kingdom, for the levying of a royal army: which was done in such post hast, that it was thought he would have taken the field before the beginning of the Spring. At which time also the other Mahometan kings and princes of ASIA, Caraman Ogli, Teke Ogli, and the rest, bound unto him by homage, with divers others of smaller power, were sent for, to aid him in this war: who partly for fear, and partly moved with the zeal of their Mahometan superstition, brought their forces with great devotion. Unto this war against the Christians, came also great numbers of the mahometans from far countries, as voluntary soldiers. Bajazet his son also, then governor of CUTAIE, with a great part of GALATIA, gathering all his forces, came to aid his father in this religious war (as it was by them termed.) The Christian tributary princes were not then forgotten: of whom two came, namely, Custendyll and Seratzill: other two forsaking Amurath▪ came not, which was Sasmenos prince of BULGARIA, and the prince of VARNA and DOERITZA: with whom Amurath was highly offended. In the time of this so great a preparation, old Lala Schahin, Amurath his tutor and faithful servitor, died, being a man of great years: and Temurtases was appointed governor in his place. The revolting of the two Christian princes, Sasmenos and the prince of VARNA, much grieved Amurath: wherefore he commanded Alis Bassa, with an army of thirty thousand, to invade and spoil Sasmenos his country, now called BULGARIA, and in ancient time the lower MYSIA. Alis Bassa according to that was given him in charge, calling unto him jaxis Beg, the son of Temurtases, Vlu Beg, Suratze Bassa, with other captains and commanders of the Turks provinces in EUROPE, assembled an army of thirty thousand, for the invasion of BULGARIA. With this army the Bassa took many strong towns and castles in BULGARIA, as PIRAVADE, VENUZINA, MADRA, SUNI, with others. In the mean time, whilst Alis Bassa had thus begun the wars against the Christians in BULGARIA, Amurath having gathered a great army in ASIA, determined in the beginning of the Spring, to pass over with the same into EUROPE: commending the government of his countries in ASIA to Temurtases Bassa, Ferices Beg, Temurtaces Subbassa, Cutlu Beg, and Haza Beg: and so all things set in order in ASIA, he drew down his Asian forces towards HELLESPONTUS, where he was a while stayed with contrary winds, but was afterwards transported to CALLIPOLIS by jenitze Beg, Sanzacke there. This was the third time that Amurath brought his army out of ASIA into EUROPE. But whilst he stayed at CALLIPOLIS, Bajazet his son with a great power came unto him thither: Alis Bassa also understanding of Amurath his arrival in EUROPE, retired out of BULGARIA and came to him at CALCIDE, recounting unto him the whole success of his expedition into BULGARIA. Sasmenos prince of BULGARIA, seeing his country spoiled, his strong cities and castles taken by the Turks, and withal hearing of their great preparations for war; by the advice of his nobility, thought it best betimes again to submit himself unto Amurath: wherefore tying a winding sheet about his neck, in token that he had deserved death (after the manner of the Barbarians) he came to Amurath at CALCIDE, where falling flat upon the ground, at the horses feet whereon Amurath sat, he in most humble wise craved pardon: offering by a certain day to deliver SILISTRIA the chief city of his dominion into Amurath his possession, as a pledge of his fidelity: who thereupon granted him pardon, and to assure him of his favour, commanded a rich garment to be cast upon him, after the manner of the Turks, sending Alis Bassa at the time appointed to take possession of SILISTRIA. But Sasmenos repenting himself of that he had so largely promised, would not deliver his city, but in strongest manner he could presently fortified the same. Wherewith Amurath more offended than before, commanded the Bassa with fire and sword again to spoil and waste his country: who according to his commandment entered again into BULGARIA, and struck such a terror of his coming into the hearts of the people, that many strong places were voluntarily yielded into his power, namely, DIRITZE, COSSOVA, with the city TERNOVA, the seat of the prince's court; TZERNEVI, NOVAKESTRI, ZISTOVA, with divers others: and proceeding farther, he laid siege to NICOPOLIS, the strongest city of BULGARIA, upon the side of the great river DANUBIUS, whither Sasmenos was for fear himself fled. Who finding himself unable to hold out the siege, once again (with shame enough) tying a winding sheet about his neck, as he had done before, and taking his son with him, went out of the city, and in most abject manner falling down at the Bassa his feet, craved pardon: which the Bassa, moved with compassion to see the misery of so great a man, and having already taken from him the greatest part of his dominion, and now out of fear of further resistance, easily granted. And having thus ended the Bulgarian war, returned to Amurath, of whom he was right joyfully received. Amurath had now made great preparation for the invading of SERVIA, for which purpose he had drawn over into EUROPE the greatest forces he possibly could out of ASIA: sending also for his youngest son jacup, governor of CARASIA, who understanding his father's pleasure, repaired unto him with all the power he could make. This army by Amurath thus assembled, was the greatest that ever was before that brought by the Turks into EUROPE. Lazarus not ignorant of this great preparation made by Amurath, had drawn into the society of this war, the king of BOSNA (as is aforesaid) with Vulcus prince of MACEDONIA, his son in law; who both brought unto him great aid: he had also by his ambassadors procured great supplies from other Christian kings and princes, out of VALACHIA, HUNGARIA, CROATIA, SCLAVONIA, ALBANIA, BULGARIA, and ITALY, besides great numbers of other voluntary devout Christians, which all assembled and met together, did in number far exceed the great army of the Turks. With this army Lazarus the Despot encamped upon the side of the river Morova the greater, The castle of Sarkiu● with the city joining unto it, taken by the Christians, and razed. not far from whence stood the strong castle of SARKIVE, which Alis Bassa had of late taken from Sasmenos the Bulgarian prince, standing as it were betwixt BULGARIA and SERVIA: this castle being now possessed of the Turks, was thought by Lazarus dangerous to his country; who therefore sent one Demetrius, a right valiant captain, with certain companies of select men to take in the same. The name of this captain Demetrius, was a general terror unto the Turks, for the harm he had done them: so that they in the castle hearing that he was come, without further resistance yielded the same unto him. Whereof Amurath understanding, sent Eine and Sarutze Bassa to recover the same: but Lazarus doubting that the castle would hardly be kept in that dangerous war, sent Vulcus his son in law with twenty thousand men, to bring away all that was therein, and in the city near unto it, lest it should become a prey unto the greedy Turks; which he accordingly did, and at the same time razed both the castle and the city, before the coming of jaxis Beg, sent from Amurath to have done the same exploit; which he coming thither, found already done to his hand by Vulcus. As Amurath was marching towards SERVIA, Seratze and Custendyl, two Christian princes his tributaries, met him with their forces, whom he caused to march before him as his guides: and passing through Custendyl his country, was there refreshed with plenty of all things necessary: until at length passing the river of Morova the less, he drew so near to the plains of COSSOVA (where the Christian army lay) that he with his son Bajazet from a little hill took full view of the Christian camp; which was so great, that it covered all those large plains from side to side, and so daunted Amurath, as that returning to his army he presently entered into a great consultation with his greatest captains and commanders, What course to take against such a puissant enemy. These great armies being now come so nigh together, as that they might the one well descry the other, Amurath had purposed the same day to have given the Christians battle: but being dissuaded by Eurenoses, both for that it was extreme hot, and his soldiers wearied with travel, he rested that night. The next morning as soon as it was day, he put his army in order of battle, placing his son Bajazet with Eurenoses and Eine Beg Subbassa, in the right wing; his youngest son jacup, with Sarutze Bassa in the left wing; the main battle he led himself. Lazarus in the mean time had also set his army in good order: giving the charge of the right wing to Vulcus his son in law; the left wing was led by the king of BOSNA, and his son; in the main battle stood Lazarus himself; the Italians, Null, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Bulgarians, he placed in both wings. It is thought, greater armies than these two had seldom before met in EUROPE, Lazarus as the Turkish histories report (but how truly I know not) having in his army five hundred thousand men; and Amurath scarce half so many. To begin the battle, Amurath had drawn a thousand of his best archers, under the leading of Malcozzeus, out of the right wing of his army; and the like number of archers out of the left, under the conduct of one Mustapha: which so placed on both sides of the army, as he thought best, Eurenoses a man of great experience, told Amurath, That the Christians were for the most part well and strongly armed, and shouldering close together in their charge, would be like a rock of iron, unable to be pierced: but if in joining the battle, he would a little retire, the Christians following upon good hope, would so lose their close standing (the chief part of their strength) and leave an entrance for his men. Upon which resolution, Amurath commanded the archers to give the first charge: which they courageously performed. At which time, the Turks army gave ground a little: which the Christians perceiving, with great force assailed the left wing of their army, and after a hard and cruel fight put the same to flight: which Bajazet seeing, with such fury renewed the battle, that the Turks which before as men discouraged fled in the left wing, began now to turn again upon their enemies; and the Christians having as they thought already got the victory, were to begin a new battle. In which bloody fight many thousands fell on both sides: the brightness of the armour and weapons, was as it had been the lightning: the multitude of lances and other horsemen's staves shadowed the light of the sun: arrows and darts fell so fast, that a man would have thought they had powered down from heaven, the noise of the instruments of war, with the neighing of horses, and outcries of men was so terrible and great, that the wild beasts in the mountains stood astonished therewith: and the Turkish histories, to express the terror of the day (vainly say) that the Angels in heaven amazed with that hideous noise, for that time forgot the heavenly hymns wherewith they always glorify God. About noon time of the day, the fortune of the Turks prevailing, the Christians began to give ground, and at length betook themselves to plain flight; whom the Turks with all their force pursued and slew them down right, without number or mercy. In which battle Lazarus the Despot himself was also slain. Lazarus slain. Howbeit some histories report otherwise, as that he with his son were taken prisoner, and by and by afterwards (in revenge of Amurath his death) cruelly slain: othersome also reporting that he died in prison. Amurath after this great victory, with some few of his chief captains taking view of the dead bodies, which without number lay on heaps in the field like mountains; a Christian soldier, sore wounded and all bloody, seeing him, in staggering manner arose (as if it had been from death) out of a heap of slain men, and making towards him, for want of strength fell down divers times by the way as he came, as if he had been a drunken man: at length drawing nigh unto him, when they which guarded the king's person would have stayed him, he was by Amurath himself commanded to come nearer: supposing, that he would have craved his life of him. Thus this half dead Christian pressing near unto him, as if he would for honour sake have kissed his feet, suddenly stabbed him in the bottom of his belly with a short dagger, Amurath slain. which he had under his soldiers coat: of which wound that great king and conqueror presently died. The name of this man (for his courage worthy of eternal memory) was Miles Cobelitz: who before sore wounded, was shortly after in the presence of Bajazet cut into small pieces. The Turks in their Annals somewhat otherwise report of the death of Amurath: as that this Cobelitz, one of the Despot his servants, in time of the battle, coming to Amurath as a fugitive, offering him his service, and admitted to his presence, in humbling himself to have kissed his feet (as the barbarous manner of the Turks is) stabbed him into the belly and so slew him: being himself therefore shortly after (as is aforesaid) in the presence of Bajazet most cruelly hewn into small pieces. Whereupon ever since that time, the manner of the Turks hath been, and yet is, that when any ambassador or stranger is to come to kiss the Sultan his hand, or otherwise to approach his person, he is as it were for honour's sake, lead by the arms unto his presence, betwixt two of the great courtiers: but indeed by so entangling him, to be sure that he shall not offer him the like violence, that did this Cobelitz unto Amurath. The dead body of Amurath was presently with all secrecy conveyed into his tent by the Bassas and captains present at his death: whether Bajazet was also brought with an ensign before him, as the successor in his father's kingdom. His younger brother jacup surnamed Zelebi (or the noble) yet ignorant of that had happened, was by the great Bassas sent for, as from his father: who casting no peril, but coming into his father's tent, was there presently by them strangled, by the commandment of Bajazet, as most histories report: howbeit the Turks annals charge him not therewith. This was the beginning of the most unnatural and inhuman custom, ever since holden for a most wholesome and good policy amongst the Turkish kings and emperors, in the beginning of their reign most cruelly to massacre their brethren and nearest kinsmen, so at once to rid themselves of all fear of their competitors. This Amurath was in his superstition more zealous than any other of the Turkish kings; a man of great courage, and in all his attempts fortunate: he made greater slaughter of his enemies, than both his father and grandfather: his kingdom in ASIA he greatly enlarged by the sword, marriage, and purchase: and using the discord and cowardice of the Grecian princes, to his profit, subdued a great part of THRACIA, called ROMANIA, with the territories thereto adjoining, leaving unto the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, little or nothing more in THRACIA than the imperial city itself, with the bare name of an emperor, almost without an empire: he won a great part of BULGARIA, and entered into SERVIA, BOSNA, and MACEDONIA: he was liberal, and withal severe: of his subjects both beloved & feared: a man of very few words, and one that could dissemble deeply. He was slain when he was threescore eight years old; and had thereof reigned thirty one, Amurath bur●●ed at Prusa. in the year of our Lord 1390. His dead body was by Bajazet conveyed into ASIA, and there royally buried at PRUSA, in a fair chapel at the West end of the city, near unto the Baths there: where, upon his tomb lieth his soldiers cloak, with a little Turkish tulipant, much differing from those great turbans which the Turks now wear. near unto the same tomb are placed three lances, with three horse tails fastened at the upper end of them, which he used as guidons in his wars: a thing in ancient time not strange. There standeth a castle with a tomb, made in remembrance of him, in the plains of COSSOVA, where he was slain and his entrails buried: which giveth occasion for some to report that he was there also himself interred. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Amurath the first. Emperors Of the East john Palaeologus. 1354. 30. Andronicus Palaeologus. 1384. 3. Emanuel Palaeologus. 1387. 30. Of the West Charles the fourth. 1346. 32. Wenceslaus, son to Charles king of Bohemia. 1378. 22. Kings Of England Edward the third. 1327. 50. Richard the second. 1377. 23. Of France john Valois. 1350. 14. Charles the fifth. 1364. 16. Charles the sixth, surnamed, The well-beloved. 1381. 42. Of Scotland David Bruce. 1341. 29. Robert Stuart. 1370. Bishops of Rome Innocent the VI 1354. 10. Vrban the V. 1364. 8. Gregory the II. 1372. 7. Vrban the VI 1378. 11. BAJAZET. BAIAZETTHES PRIMUS QVARTVA TURCORUM REX ANNO 1390 Phi. Lonicer. Hist. Tur. li. 1. Fulminis in morem celeri rapit agmina motu Baizethes, fidei pacis & impatiens. Regni Hadrianopolim sedes sibi legit ut esset. Posset ut Europae iungere regna suis. Constantinopolim gemina obsidione fatigat: jam Graetas vana spe sibi spondet opes, Cum Tamburlano praebet sua terga, catenis Vinctus, & in cavea probra pudenda subit. Proud Bajazet most false of faith, and loathing blessed peace: His warlike troops like lightning, to shake he doth not cease. Of HADRIANOPLE he makes choice, for his imperial seat, That EUROPE'S kingdoms he might join unto his empire great. CONSTANTINOPLE he distressed, twice with strait siege and long: And vainly thought to have possessed the Grecians wealth by wrong. But overcome by Tamberlane, fast bound in fetters sure, Trod under foot, and closed in cage, great shame did there endure. THE LIFE OF BAJAZET, THE FIRST OF THAT NAME, THE FOURTH AND MOST UNFORTUNATE KING OF THE TURKS. BAiazet, or as the Turks call him, Baiasit, of his violent and fierce nature surnamed Gilderun, or lightning; succeeded his father Amurath in the Turkish kingdom, his younger brother jacup being strangled immediately after his father's death, as is before declared. He in the first year of his reign invaded SERVIA, Bajazet i●●adeth Servia. and there besieged CRATOVA, a city of the Despots: whereunto the silver mines of SERVIA (not the least cause of that war) belonged. Which city was yielded unto him, upon condition, That the Christian inhabitants might with life and liberty depart. Who were no sooner gone out of the city, but that by his commandment they were all most cruelly slain by his men of war, for that purpose sent out after them. At this time he also won VSCUPIA, with divers other castles in the country near unto CRATOVA. Sigismond at the same time king of HUNGARY (a young prince of great hope, and brother to Wenceslaus, than emperor of the West) advertised from the Seruians his allies and confederates, of these proud proceedings of Bajazet: by his ambassadors sent of purpose, requested him, That as he was a just prince, and wished to live in quiet with his own, to desist from doing of such open wrong, and from invading of such countries of his friends and confederates, as he had no right in. Which ambassadors so sent, Bajazet detained without answer, until such time as he had overrun a great part of the Despot his country, and therein done what he thought good. Then calling the said ambassadors unto him into one of the strong towns, which he had in every corner filled with his own soldiers, told them that they might there see, that his right both unto that town and the rest by him taken, was good enough, for as much as the very walls acknowledged the same: and so giving them leave to depart, willed them so to tell their master. Which his proud answer, by the same ambassadors reported unto the young king, no less troubled him, than if open war had by them been denounced unto him, seeing the tyrant (as should seem) pretending right unto whatsoever he could by force get: nevertheless, being himself not yet well settled in his kingdom, and in doubt of the contrary faction (that altogether liked not of his election into HUNGARY for their king) he was glad at that time to put it up, and so to hold himself content. The next year, Servia the second time invaded by Bajazet. Bajazet by Ferises Beg, took the city of VIDINA, with many other strong towns and castles in SERVIA, and afterwards returned to HADRIANOPLE. But whilst that he thus raged in EUROPE, the Caramanian king invaded and spoiled the frontiers of his countries in ASIA: which although he was not then at leisure, he forgot not afterwards to revenge to the full. At the same time Eurenoses, lord governor of the marches of his kingdom in EUROPE towards GRECIA, departing from SERES (where he then lay) took the city of SITROS in THESSALIA. And Ferises Beg, not content to have taken VIDINA (as is aforesaid) passed over the great river of DANUBIUS, and grievously spoiled VALACHIA: from whence he returned loaden with a great prey. This was the first time (that I read of) that the Turks ever passed over the river DANUBIUS. At this time also jegides Bassa entered the kingdom of BOSNA, from whence he carried a great number of captives to HADRIANOPLE, where Bajazet spent that Winter. In the beginning of the next Spring Bajazet passed over HELLESPONTUS to PRUSA, where he built a fair Mahometan temple, with a college, and an alms-house: which works finished, he returned again into EUROPE, and built a monastery at HADRIANOPLE: and so returned again into ASIA, leaving Temurtases, Begler-Beg (or his viceroy) in HADRIANOPLE. After he was come into ASIA, ●●●ladel●hia 〈◊〉 by Bajazet. he laid siege to the strong city of PHILADELPHIA in LYDIA, which was at that time the only city in the lesser ASIA, yet holden by the Christians in the midst of the Mahometan princes: for now was the Greek emperor by the Ottoman kings and the other Turks quite driven out of the lesser ASIA. In the beginning of this siege, Bajazet gave strait commandment to his soldiers, That they should not spoil or hurt any thing in the country belonging to the citizens: hoping by such feigned courtesy to make them the more willing to yield themselves unto his obedience. But disappointed of his expectation, and finding them resolved to hold it out unto the last, he forthwith gave out contrary commandment not to spare any thing they could waste or destroy: which was accordingly by his greedy soldiers performed. After long siege, the citizens seeing the country about them utterly wasted, & themselves unable longer to endure, and out of all hope of relief, yielded their city unto the pleasure of Bajazet. It is written by some, that this famous city was not besieged without the consent of the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE: and that the greeks themselves, moved with envy to see that city so long hold out, did help the Turks in the winning thereof. In time of this siege Aiden Ogli prince of CARIA, a Mahometan, came to Bajazet, and yielded himself into his power as his vassal: unto whom Bajazet restored certain places which he had in this expedition a little before taken from him: yet upon such condition, as that he should not from that time coin any money in his own name, either be remembered in public prayers as a prince in their Mahometan temples, as he had before been: but that all such things should be done in the name of Bajazet, as his dread lord and sovereign. With which disgrace the poor prince was glad to content himself, and to live as his vassal. From PHILADELPHIA he led his army into the country of SARUCHANIA, in ancient time called JONIA MARITIMA, which he subdued unto himself upon like conditions. After that he passed farther, to MENTESIA, or MENTZ, sometime called MYNDOS in CARIA; the prince whereof for fear fled to Cutrum Bajazet, prince of CASTAMONA and part of PONTUS, leaving his country to the pleasure of the tyrant. And for as much as the young king of CARAMANIA had invaded his countries whilst he was busied in EUROPE, Bajazet in revenge thereof entered with his army into CARAMANIA, and took CESARIA, with divers other places there: so that the young king discouraged with the loss of his towns, and fearing Bajazet his greatness, was glad to hold himself content with his loss, and to make peace with him as it pleased him to grant it. As Bajazet was making this expedition into CARAMANIA, another young Mahometan prince, the son of prince Germian, came unto him with one of his chief counsellors, and were both by him sent prisoners over the straight to the castle of IPSALA, where they lay in durance many years after. Thus Bajazet having oppressed and wronged most of the Mahometan princes, the successors of Sultan Aladin in the lesser ASIA, at last returned again himself in triumph to PRUSA. The prince of MENTESIA, who for fear of Bajazet was fled out of his country, as is aforesaid, had now incited Cutrun Bajazet, prince of CASTAMONA, with a great power to invade that side of Bajazet his kingdom which bordered upon him. Which Bajazet understanding, gathered a great army to go against this Mahometan prince. At which very time the Vayvod of VALACHIA, hearing of Bajazet his troubles in ASIA, with a strong army passed over DANVEIUS into those parts of SERVIA and BULGARIA that were by the Turks as then possessed; where he spoilt the country, and slew great numbers of the Turks, making Mahometan saints and martyrs by heaps: for so the Turks account all them whom the Christians kill in their war: which done, he retired back again into VALACHIA, carrying with him also many of the Turks prisoners. Bajazet thus at once invaded both in ASIA and EUROPE, deferred his wars purposed against the prince of PONTUS, until a more convenient time, converting his forces against the Null. Wherefore passing over the straight to HADRIANOPLE, he sent his army from thence to NICOPOLIS, and there passing the river of Danubius, entered into VALACHIA, burning and spoiling the country before him as he went. Where the Vayvod to repress his fury, met him in the field, and gave him battle, but was therein overthrown and many of his people slain; so that at last he was glad to sue for peace, which he obtained, by submitting himself to Bajazet, and yielding to pay him a yearly tribute. Whilst Bajazet was thus busied in VALACHIA, Thessa●●a invaded by Baia●et. news was brought unto him that the Christians of the West with a fleet of galleys did great harm alongst the coasts of his dominions in ASIA. In revenge whereof he entered with his army into THESALIE, destroying all the country unto THESSALONICA: in which expedition he took the city of NEAPOLIS in GREECE, and JOANNINA in Aetolia, and after that returned into ASIA where he spent that Winter. In the beginning of the next Spring, he with a great power passed the straight of CALLIPOLIS to HADRIANOPLE, intending to have invaded HUNGARY. But as he was upon the way, it chanced that a Constantinopolitan spy was by the Turks intercepted, with letters from the Greek emperor to the king of HUNGARY, giving him warning both of the Turks preparation and coming. By which spy Bajazet also understood of another messenger before sent into HUNGARY, for like purpose. Whereupon Temurtases (than his great lieutenant in EUROPE) persuaded him to desist from his intended wars in HUNGARY, and to besiege the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, as a thing of more honour and less danger; the city being already (as he said, and as in truth it was) surrounded with the Turkish provinces: bringing in PHILADELPHIA (but a few years before won) for example of the like exploit. Of whose counsel Bajazet liking well, returned with his army, and shortly after came and sat down therewith before CONSANTINOPLE: laying hard siege thereunto, first by land and after by sea, with his galleys sent from CALLIPOLIS. Constantinople eight years besieged by Baiaze● Which hard siege continued (as most histories report) the space of eight years: in which long time, he drove the emperor Emanuel Palaelogus to that strait, that he was glad to leave his city, and himself in person to crave aid of Wenceslaus the German emperor, and Charles the sixth the French king, and other Christian princes also. At which time the citizens were at length brought to such extremity, that they were even at the point to have yielded up the city: and happily had so done, had not Sigismond king of HUNGARY (assisted with a great army of the French and other voluntary Christians, almost out of every part of Christendom, to the number of an hundredth and thirty thousand, under the l●ading of john, county of NIVERS, & after duke of BURGUNDY) for the relief of the besieged emperor, passed over Danubius into the Turkish dominions; and there having recovered VIDINA, with certain other strong holds in BULGARIA, laid siege to NICOPOLIS: out of which city the Turks oftentimes sallied, and gave him many an hot skirmish. It is reported that the young king Sigismond beholding the greatness of his army, in his great jollity hearing of the coming of the Turk, should proudly say: What need we to fear the Turk, who need not at all to fear the falling of the heavens; which if they should fall, yet were we able with our spears and halberds to hold them up for falling upon us. But Bajazet understanding what spoil the Hungarian king had made in his late gained countries, and of the siege of NICOPOLIS; commanded the ladders and other great provision now in readiness for the scaling and assaulting of the city of CONSTANTINOPLE to be burn●, because they should not come into the hands of the Christians: and so raising his siege, marched with a right puissant army to NICOPOLIS, sending Eurenoses before of purpose to intercept some of the Christians, thereby to learn the state of their camp and army. But they hearing of his coming, so well looked to themselves, that he with shame returned to his master as he came, without any one prisoner taken. Which thing much troubled Bajazet, as fearing he should have to do with a wary enemy. Sigismond understanding of the approach of Bajazet, leaving a sufficient power for the continuing of the siege, rose himself, and with the rest of his army went to meet his proud enemy. Of whose coming and approach Bajazet understanding, divided his army into two parts: & being now come within the sight of the Christian army, made show but of the one half, keeping himself close in secret ambush not far off with the other. The Christians deeming themselves (as they were) far more in number than the Turks which they saw, divided their army also into two parts, purposing betwixt them to have enclosed the Turks. Of all the Christians that were there present, the French desired to have the honour of the first charge to be given upon the Turks, and in their heat upon good hope set forward (the Hungarians with a great part of the army, not yet set in order) and so began the battle: where betwixt them and the Turks was fought a right cruel fight, and in a little time many thousands slain. But this fight had not long endured, when Bajazet with the other half of his army suddenly arising, came on with such violence, as well became his surname of Gilderun or lightning; and so hardly charged the French, that they amazed at the suddenness of the danger, and oppressed with the fury and multitude of the unexpected enemy, stood at the first as men dismayed: but seeing no remedy, encouraging one another, valiantly fought it out until they were almost all either slain or taken prisoners; still in hope to have been relieved by the Hungarians and the rest. In this hard conflict divers of the French horsemen having forsaken their horses, fought on foot as their manner was: which horses running back without their riders, upon the Hungarians, caused them to doubt that the French were quite overthrown; wherewith dismayed, they without further coming on all turned their backs and fled, in so great haste as that it booted not the king or any other great commander to go about to sta●e their flight. The French thus by their too much hast overthrown, the Turks pursuing the Hungarians and the rest of the Christians, made of them a great slaughter: of whom also many were drowned in the great river DANUBIUS. At which time also the Turks took so many prisoners, that it was thought every several Turk had his prisoner. King Sigismond himself, who but a little before had despised even the falling of the heavens, had then also undoubtedly fallen into the enemy's hands, had he not in a little boat by good hap got over DANUBIUS: not unlike another Xerxes, who having covered the seas with his ships, and with a world of men passed over into GRECIA, was afterwards by the strange change of fortune, himself alone in a small fisher boat glad to get back again into ASIA. Sigismond being thus got over Danubius, and fearing the violence of the Hungarians for the loss of the battle, fled by sea into THRACIA unto CONSTANTINOPLE; from whence he ●ailed unto the Island of the RHODES, and from thence sailing through the Aegean and Ionian sea, landed at length in DALMATIA: and so having wandered from place to place, tossed with many fortunes, after eighteen months long and painful travail, returned again into HUNGARY. Where he found the state of his kingdom in his absence much troubled, the contrary faction in the mean time having made choice of Lad●slaus king of NAPLES for their king; who was even then with a great army going to have taken possession of the kingdom, had not Sigismond in good time by the help of certain of the chief of the Hungarian nobility prevented him. In this battle, called the battle of NICOPOLIS, were of the Christians twenty thousand slain, and of the Turks threescore thousand. The county of NIVIERS, the French kings near kinsman, was there taken prisoner, with three hundred great commanders more: where after he had endured great contumely and reproach in the presence of Bajazet, he was commanded to make choice of five other of the captives, such as he liked best, all the rest being presently cut in pieces before his face, and he with the other five left alive, sent prisoners to PRUSA: from whence they were afterwards ransomed for two hundred thousand ducats. This bloody battle of NICOPOLIS was fought in the year of our lord 1396. Constantinople the second time besieged by Bajazet. Bajazet after this great victory, having worthily relieved his besieged city, returned again to the siege of CONSTANTINOPLE, laying more hardly unto it than before, building forts and bulwarks against it on the one side towards the land: and passing over the straight of BOSPHORUS, built a strong castle upon that straight over against CONSTANTINOPLE, to impeach so much as was possible all passage thereunto by sea. This strait siege (as most write) continued also two years, which I suppose by the circumstance of the history to have been part of the aforesaid eight years. Emanuel the besieged emperor wearied with these long wars, sent an ambassador to Bajazet to entreat with him a peace: which Bajazet was the more willing to harken unto, for that he heard news that Tamerlane the great Tartarian prince intended shortly to war upon him. Yet could this peace not be obtained, but upon condition that the emperor should grant free liberty for the Turks to dwell together in one street of CONSTANTINOPLE, with free exercise of their own religion, and laws, under a judge of their own nation; and further, to pay unto the Turkish king a yearly tribute of ten thousand ducats. Which dishonourable conditions the distressed emperor was glad to accept of. So was this long siege broken up, and presently a great sort of Turks with their families were sent out of BYTHINIA to dwell in CONSTANTINOPLE, and a church there built for them: which not long after was by the emperor pulled down to the ground, and the Turks again driven out of the city, at such time as Bajazet was by the mighty Tamerlane overthrown and taken prisoner. Bajazet in the beginning of his reign, Bajazet 〈◊〉 Despina the fair daughter of Lazarus the Despot. presently after the death of Lazarus the Despot slain in the battle of COSSOVA, wan part of SERVIA (as is aforesaid) the other part being still holden by Lazarus his son, called Stephen the Despot; who about this time sent an honourable ambassador to Bajazet with loving letters, and royal presents: by which ambassador also the old princess, Lazarus his widow, offered her fair daughter Despina (Stephen his sister) a lady of incomparable beauty, in marriage to him, if it should please him to vouchsafe his handmaid (as she termed her) so high a place. This lady was long before promised unto him, whilst his father Amurath yet lived. Of this ambassador Bajazet was very glad, but especially for the fair lady's sake: which being known unto the princess her mother, and the Despot her brother, she was forthwith honourably sent to Bajazet, and so to him with great solemnity and triumph shortly after married. Of all his wives, he held her dearest, and for her sake restored unto her brother Stephen the city and castle of SEMENDRE (otherwise called S. ANDREW) and COLUMBARIUM in SERVIA: she alured him to drink wine, forbidden the Turks by their law; and caused him to delight in sumptuous banquets, which his predecessors Ottoman, Orcanes, and Amurath never used. As the Turkish kingdom grew in greatness, so corruption the canker of great states and common weals increased likewise: but especially in the men of law and judges of his courts. Wherewith Bajazet grievously offended, commanded divers of the same judges to be apprehended, determining (to the terror of others) to have executed them; whose dangerous estate was much pitied, and also favoured of Alis Bassa, and other the king his great counsellors: yet for so much as Bajazet was of a furious nature, and in his anger dangerous to be spoken unto, none of them durst adventure to entreat him in their behalf; no not Alis Bassa, Charadyn Bassa his son, sometime judge of PRUSA, although he was a man in such special favour with him that he was therefore of the common people not only reverenced, but as the king himself honoured. There was at that time in the court an Aethiopion jester, who under some covert pleasant jest, would many times bolt out that to the king in his greatest heat, which his gravest counsellors durst not once speak to him of in secret: this jester, Alis Bassa requested to devise some means to entreat with the angry king in the behalf of these judges, promising to give him what he would reasonably desire, if he could appease the king's displeasure. The Aethiopian without fear undertook the matter: and presently putting upon his head a rich hat all wrought over with gold after the manner of the Turks ambassadors, and fitting himself with other appparell better beseeming an ambassador than a jester; thus attired presented himself before the king with a great counterfeit gravity. Whereat Bajazet marveling, asked him the cause why he was so gay. I have a request unto your majesty, (said he) and wish to find favour in your sight. Bajazet more desirous than before to know the matter, asked what his request was. If it stand with your pleasure (said the jester) I would feign go as your ambassador to the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, in hope whereof, I have put myself in this readiness. To what purpose wouldst thou go, said Bajazet? To crave of the emperor (said he) some forty or fifty of his old grave monks and friars, to bring with me hither to the court. And what should they do here, said Bajazet? I would have them placed (said the jester) in the rooms of the old doting judges, whom you intent (as I hear) to put to death. Why (said Bajazet) I can place others of my own people in their rooms. True (said the Aethiopian) for gravity of look and countenance, and so would the old monks and friars serve as well; but not so learned in your laws and customs of your kingdom, as are those in your displeasure. If they be learned (said Bajazet) why do they then contrary to their learning pervert justice and take bribes? There is a good reason for that too, said the jester. What reason said the king? That can he that there standeth by tell better than I (said the jester) pointing to Alis Bassa: who forthwith commanded by Bajazet to give the reason, with great reverence before done, showed that those judges so in displeasure, were not conveniently provided for, and were therefore enforced many times for their necessary maintenance to take rewards, to the staying of the due course of justice. Which Bajazet understanding to be true, commanded Alis Bassa to appoint them convenient stipends for their maintenance, and forthwith granted their pardon. Whereupon the Bassa set down order, That of every matter in suit exceeding one thousand aspers, the judge should have twenty aspers fee for judgement; and for every writing and instrument out of the court, twelve aspers: which fees they yet take in those courts at this day. Not long after, Bajazet in his fury sent for certain of his captains and commanders of his men of war, with whom he was for some small occasion grievously offended, intending in his rage to have put them all to death; which was with him no great matter. These captains being brought before him, the councillors seeing him all in choler, sat looking upon the ground, hanging down their heads (as the manner of the Turks is) not daring to look him in the face, nor to speak a good word for them. When suddenly the aforesaid Aethiopian jester stepped forth, earnestly requesting the king, not to show them any favour, but to execute them presently as villains and traitors; railing upon them, as if he had known some great fault by them. Bajazet (thinking he could have accused them of some great crime, because of his earnestness) asked what reason he had so to exclaim against them. Reason (quoth the jester) because the knaves be good for nothing, and they say that Tamerlan is with a great army coming against us: if you will but take up an ensign in your hand, and I go before you with a drum, I will strike up such a terrible march, and you make such a dreadful show, that we shall need none of these bad fellows or their soldiers in the field to get the victory over our enemies. This conceit of the jester struck such a melancholy imagination into Bajazet his head, that he stood musing a great while as it were in a deep study: at last having well considered the drift of the jeasters speech, and his fury now somewhat assuaged, granted them pardon which they looked not for. This Aethiopian jester, Bajazet upon a time sent unto the old queen his mother to bring her news of the good success of his wars against the Christians, for that she had so desired: who coming unto her, and by her commanded to sit down, she began to demand of him, how the king her son did, and of the success of his wars. Whereunto he answered, that he did very well, and had won from the Christians a great country, and greatly enriched his soldiers. But after a little more talk, the queen mother desirous to hear again the good news (or else after the manner of some which think nothing sufficiently told except it be told an hundredth times) asked him again how the king her son did, and how he sped in his wars. Whereunto he answered every word as before: but ask him the third time the very same question, how her son did? Dost thou ask me so often (said the Aethiopian) how he doth? Bre Cachpe (O whore, said he) thou hast brought forth a son like a devil, who roaming up and down doth nothing but burn and destroy the world where he cometh. Whereat the queen crying out; up start the Aethiopian, and betaking himself to his heels was never more afterwards seen. Temurtase●, Bajazet his great 〈◊〉 ●enant in Asia taken prisoner by Ala●●● the young 〈◊〉 of Ca●amani● In the wars which Bajazet had against Sigismond, the Vayvod of VALACHIA had given aid unto the Hungarian king; wherewith Bajazet being offended, determined now at length to be revenged: and therefore intending to make war upon the Valachian prince, left Temurtases his great lieutenant at ANCYRA in ASIA, & so passed over HELLESPONTUS himself against the Valachian. Upon whose departure, Aladin his sister's son, the young king of CARAMANIA, with a great power came suddenly in the night to ANCYRA, and took Temurtases prisoner: who then feared nothing less, than in time of peace to have been so surprised, and carried away in bonds into CARAMANIA. But when he understood that Bajazet had ended his wars in VALACHIA, and was with victory returned to PRUSA, he fearing his heavy indignation for so great an outrage, presently released Temurtases out of prison, appareled him richly after the manner of that nation, craved pardon for the wrong he had done him, and set him at liberty to go whither he would, and withal sent one of his noblemen with great gifts and presents to Bajazet to make his excuse in best manner he could: unto which ambassador Bajazet (yet in choler) would not give audience, or suffer him to come in his sight: but at the same time levied a great army to invade CARAMANIA. Which Aladin understanding, and now out of all hope to appease this mighty enemy, levied all the forces he could in his own kingdom, and withal entertained all the mercenary soldiers he could get, intending to try his fortune in the filled, as a man of valour, rather than to be thrust out of his kingdom like a coward: & so in readiness, hearing of the coming of Bajazet, met him upon the way, & at a place called ACZAC gave him battle: but being too weak, he was overcome & put to flight; in which flight his horse stumbling, & he so falling to the ground, was there before he could recover himself, taken by his enemies which had him in chase, & so brought bound to Bajazet: his two sons, Muhamet Beg & Alis Beg, being taken in that battle also, were sent prisoners to PRUSA. Aladin himself was by Bajazet his commandment delivered to his enemy Temurtases: who in revenge of the wrong he had before done him, presently caused him to be hanged: which when Bajazet understood, he seemed very sorry that he had so put him to death, for that he was his own sister's son. Bajazet following the course of his victory, won ICONIUM, LARENDA, NIGDE, with all the rest of Aladin his kingdom. About this time also, AMASIA the great metropolitical city of CAPADOCIA was by the prince thereof delivered unto Bajazet, Amasia yielded unto Bajazet. being too weak himself to defend the same against the force of Casi-Burchanidin, prince of the great and strong city of SEBASTIA, his enemy; now grown to be a man of great power in that part of ASIA, and had solicited the Sultan of EGYPT to aid him against Bajazet. Whereupon Bajazet returning from the conquest of CARAMANIA, led his army towards SEBASTIA, where the citizens had a little before deprived Casi-Burchanidin of his government; for his cruelty, and placed his son in his stead: but in short time no less weary of the son than before of the father, they with like inconstancy sent word to Bajazet, that if he would come that way, they would yield unto him the city: upon whose approach, Casis (his son) for fear fled out of the city to prince Nasradin, his brother in law. After whose departure, the citizens according to their promise delivered the city unto Bajazet at his coming, wherein he left Solyman his eldest son governor. And so having in this notable expedition conquered the kingdom of CARAMANIA, Sebastia delivered to Bajazet. and taken the great cities of AMASIA and SEBASTIA, with most part of CAPPADOCIA, and all that part of ASIA which the Turks call RUMILIA ASIATICA, he returned to PRUSA, and there wintered. The next Spring Bajazet (hearing that his old enemy Cutrun Bajazet prince of CASTAMONA and PONTUS, was dead) came to CASTAMONA with a great army: of whose coming, Isfendiar (Cutrun Bajazet his son, Bajazet invadeth Isfendiar▪ prince of Castamona. and then prince of that country) hearing, fled out of the city to SYNOPE, a little city upon the coast of the Euxine: from whence he sent an ambassador unto Bajazet, humbly requesting him, to suffer him to have that little city, as his servant to live in, (which he was sure he would otherwise bestow upon some other of his servants) & not to seek the innocent blood of the son for the father's offence. Which his request, Bajazet moved with pity, granted: yet nevertheless took from him CASTAMONA, with the greatest part of his dominion in PONTUS, which he gave to his son Solyman. At the same time he violently oppressed the prince Germean, and took from him the cities of DESPOTOPOLIS and HIERAPOLIS, with all the rest of his dominion. The prince of MENTESIA long before driven out of his country by Bajazet (as is before declared) and having all this while made his abode at CASTAMONA, doubting now of his own safety after the death of his good friend Cutrun Bajazet, in the habit of an hermit fled to the great Tartarian prince Tamerlane. Bajazet returning to PRUSA, there built a magnificent Mahometan temple; during which work, he with great superstition forbore drinking of wine, reposing himself with the company of grave and learned men, and the administration of justice: whereby he greatly won the hearts of his subjects, and had now so enlarged his kingdom, that all kings and princes bordering upon him stood in great fear of him. It fortuned about this time, that Achmetes king of BAGDAT (or new BABYLON) & EIRACUM, with josephus Niger king of COLCHIS, enforced with the violent incursions of Tamerlane and his Tartars, for safeguard of their lives were glad to fly into SYRIA: where they being discovered, were both cast in prison by the commandment of the Egyptian Sultan, who then commanded over SYRIA: from whence they afterwards hardly escaping, fled to Bajazet his court. Where after Achmetes had stayed two months, he by the aid of Bajazet recovered the possession of EIRACUM, part of his own inheritance. josephus the other Mahometan king, having tarried in Bajazet his court eight months, at length procured him to invade the dominions of the Egyptian Sultan, in which expedition he mightily prevailed: and having slain the Egyptian Sultan's general, and discomfited his forces, took the city of MALATIE or MELETINE in ARMENIA, with DIORIGE, DERENDE, and BEXENE, taken from the Turcomans, and spoiled all the country thereabouts. From thence marching with his army towards ERZNITZANE, the prince thereof, called Tachretin, met him upon the way, yielding his city and country into his power; which Bajazet presently gave to josephus Niger: who after he had six days enjoyed this new government, finding the people unwilling to be governed by him a stranger, surrendered the same again into the hands of him that gave it. Whereupon the citizens of ERZNITZANE humbly requested of Bajazet, That they might be again governed by their old prince Tachretin, now his vassal. Which thing he at their earnest request granted: but taking his wife and children as a pledge of his loyalty, sent them away to PRUSA, where they were all not long after made away. The Mahometan princes of Asia oppressed by Bajazet, disguised fly unto Tamerlane for aid. When Bajazet had now many years thus mightily prevailed against the Christian princes in ROMANIA, BULGARIA, BOZNA, THESALIA, VALACHIA, and other places of EUROPE, as is before declared; and inflamed with insatiable ambition, had in worse manner oppressed the Mahometan kings and princes of ASIA, of whom some were by him slain, some driven out of their dominions into exile, some imprisoned, and othersome brought into such subjection that they lived as it were but at his devotion; and was now grown to that greatness, that in the pride of his heart he stood in fear of no man; but was (as he thought) a terror unto the world, having under his obeisance great and large dominions in EUROPE, but far greater in ASIA: It fortuned divers of these miserable oppressed and discontented Mahometan princes, by great fortune as if it had been by appointment, to meet together at the court of the great Tartarian prince Tamerlane, whether they were fled for relief and succour. The prince German Ogli, after long imprisonment in the castle of IPSA●A in EUROPE, broke prison, and with Hissar-beg his great councillor and prison-fellow, consorted themselves with a company of loitering companions, roaming from place to place, delighting the country people with their apish toys: in which company he passed HELLESPONTUS, as a bearward, and at length with much ado came to Tamerlane his court: whether the prince of MENTESIA was come before, in the habit of an Hermit (as is aforesaid) with his head and beard shaven: Aidin Ogli passing through the country as a peddler, with a pack at his back▪ came thither also: The prince Tachretin as a servingman, came attending upon the prince Isfendiar: who came also (but in some better sort than the rest) as an ambassador from some other prince. All these poor princes, with divers others in like misery, in short time arrived at SAMARCAND (great Tamerlane his court;) every one particularly complaining of his own private grief, and all together earnestly requesting that mighty prince, to take upon him their defence, and to revenge the wrong done unto them by the Turkish tyrant Bajazet. Whose pitiful complaints much moved the noble Tartarian: but especially the long and wrongful imprisonment of Germian Ogli: and the pitiful complaint and moan of Tachretin, who had of late lost his wife and children, by the cruelty of Bajazet. Yet in this matter of so great and important consequence, Tamerlane made no great show of his forwardness (although he was by nature in nothing more delighted, than in the relieving of the distressed, and chastising of the proud) but coldly answered those princes, That he could not tell, whether all were so as they had reported of Bajazet, or not, but that he well knew him to be a very zealous king in setting forth of the Mahometan religion; and that he had therefore made great wars upon the Christians, in which godly cause (he said) perhaps they had refused to assist him, or else had given him some other greater occasion of offence, to him unknown: For I can hardly believe (said he) that so great and religious a prince as he, would without just and sufficient cause, offer such violence as you complain of, especially unto you his neighbour princes, and of the same religion with himself: nevertheless, whatsoever I intent concerning your request (said Tamerlane) I will send first an ambassador unto him, to understand more of him and his proceedings before I resolve upon any thing: with which answer he willed them until then to hold themselves contented. But as Tamerlane was about to have dispatched his ambassador to Bajazet, he was advertised that Achmetes late king of new BABYLON, and josephus king of COLCHIS, both by him driven out of their kingdoms, having broken out of prison from the Sultan of EGYPT, were now come to Bajazet his court, to crave his aid and assistance: wherefore he deferred to send his ambassador, suspecting that Bajazet, incited by these two exiled kings, would first in their quarrel begin to make war upon him. But not long after understanding, that they were both again departed from his court (as is before declared) he then dispatched his ambassador to Bajazet, with many rich gifts and presents, courteously requesting him, the rather for his sake, to deal kindly with these poor Mahometan princes, his friends; as also with the Greek emperor Emanuel his ally, for whom he was now become an intercessor unto him. Some report also, that he beside this, requested to have the two aforesaid Mahometan kings of BAGDAT and COLCHIS delivered unto him; and withal seemed not a little to dislike of Bajazet his proceeding against the Turcomans his friends. But Bajazet being a prince of a great and haughty spirit, and unaccustomed to hear of any thing which fitted not his humour, highly offended with this embassage, in great scorn rejected the presents by Tamerlane sent unto him, and especially certain garments which Tamerlane after the manner of those Eastern nations, had in kindness amongst other things sent him: willing the ambassador to bid his master meddle with his own matters, and to prescribe laws unto his own subjects, and not unto him, with whom he had nought to do; and to send his rags for presents unto his inferiors, and not unto princes of greater power and state than himself. Adding thereunto many other words full of despite and disdain, affording him no better style than the plain name of Tamerlane: calling him the husband of an whore, if he met him not in the field▪ and wishing unto himself again, to take unto him his thrice divorced wife, after she had been polluted by another man (as the greatest dishonour that might be) if he failed to meet him wheresoever he durst to dare him battle. Which proud answer of the Turks, by the ambassador reported unto Tamerlane, and aggravated by Axalla (a Christian of the race of the Genoese, borne at CAPHA, and then one of the greatest counsellors about him; and the Greek emperors great friend) was so evil taken by him, that all other things set apart, he resolved to go against the Turk, and to take in hand that war, as of all other the fittest for the increase of his honour and glory. Besides that, he thought it not in reason fit for the greatness of the Tartarian empire, to suffer such an unquiet neighbour to grow great; as still encroaching upon other the weak princes confining unto him, and adding conquests unto conquests; and yet never the more contented, might in the end prove dangerous unto his own estate and sovereignty: a common care to such as be themselves great, and mounted up unto the highest degrees of worldly honour, to have in jealousy and distrust the sudden rising of others near or farther off, as perilous or disgraceful to themselves, or their estate: whose growing greatness they therefore seek by all means to hinder; as did now the mighty Tamerlane the proceedings and increasing of the great Ottoman king, Bajazet: & the rather being continually pricked forward so to do, by the solicitation of the Greek emperor Emanuel, the other oppressed Mahometan princes, and by the great captain Axalla, (as is aforesaid) a Christian: of whom for all that Tamerlane himself, a Mahometan, for the great fidelity, valour, and virtue he found in him, made no small reckoning, but was contented even in his greatest and most weighty affairs to be by him advised; disliking of no man for his religion whatsoever, so as he did worship but one only God, creator of heaven & earth, and of all that therein is. Being himself of opinion, Tamerlane his opinion concerning the diversity of religions. That God in essence one, & in himself immutable, without change or diversity: yet for the manifesting of his omnipotency & power, as he had created in the world sundry kinds of people, much differing both in nature, manners, and condition, and yet all framed to the image of himself: so was he also contented to be of them diversly served, according to the diversity of their natures and manners; so that they worshipped none other strange gods, but him alone, the maker and creator of all things. Which was the cause that he permitted the use of all religions within the country's subject to his obedience, were they not mere Atheists, idolaters, or worshippers of strange and vain gods. Neither was proud Bajazet as one ignorant of the power or purpose of Tamerlane, in the mean time idle, but still prosecuted his good fortune for the enlarging of his empire, & increasing of his strength: wisely deeming (as the truth was) whatsoever messages were sent unto him from Tamerlane, to be no other than mere threatenings and forewarnings of his more dangerous purposes and designs against him and his state: which he was so far from fearing, as that to provoke him the more, he spared no intemperate speech, which might move him to wrath; wishing (as should seem) for nothing more than to meet him in the field, there to try the fortune of a battle with him. So weak is our foresight of our fortunes to come, and the reach of our understanding for the apprehension or declining of the fatal doom even presently hanging over our heads; as that we oftentimes through ignorance most desirously wish for those things which are unto us the chief occasions of our utter ruin and destruction. But here before we enter into farther discourse of the mortal war betwixt these two so puissant princes, it shall not be much from our purpose to step a little out of the way, to see what this mighty Tamerlane (of whom so many princes craved aid) was: who living, held the East in such awe, The base opinion some have, concerning the birth and rising of Tamerlane. as that he was commonly called, The wrath of God, and Terror of the World▪ which he then filled with the glory of his name. Most Historiographers report him to have been poorly borne, of base and obscure parents: and so himself also in his youth to have lived as a poor shepherd or herdsman in the mountains; where consorting himself with other sturdy companions of like quality and disposition, such as there lived by robbing of merchants and other passengers, he became a masterfull thief amongst them: unto whom other such lewd mates daily still more and more resorting, he in short time grew (as they say) to that greatness, that he is reported to have been of such power, as never man but he ever yet came unto▪ A matter almost incredible. For albeit, that the Roman empire, yea and this great empire of the Turks also, with some others, had their beginnings not much better or greater, the one under Romulus, and the other under Ottoman: yet grew they not as upon the sudden, in their times, to any great lustre (neither was it possible for them of so small beginnings so to do) but by many degrees, and that in long time; every of the succeeding princes, according to their fortunes, adding something to their state, before it could be made great: whereas he (by their report) contrary to the course of things both natural and civil (which from their small beginnings grow to no notable perfection or greatness, but by degrees, and that in the long revolution of time) taking his beginning of nothing, grew upon the sudden to be a burden & terror unto the world. Wherein our late Historiographers seem too much to have followed the report of the Turks, who by him brought low, and their kingdom almost in one battle subverted, report nothing simply of him; but in what they may, detracting from his worthy praises, wrongfully charge him with many untruths, not concerning his parentage only, but even in the course of his whole life also: making him (as they would have the world to believe) first to have been a very abject amongst men; and then for his inhuman cruelty a very monster in nature, or (as it was long before, but more truly said of another great one much like himself) a lump of earth tempered with blood. Which incredible reports concerning so great a monarch, I list not to follow, as too full of dishonour: especially whereas others of no less credit than they, with far more modesty and greater probability report of him the greatest honour that may be. He was (as they and the others also say) borne at SAMERCAND, Tamerlane honourably descended. the chief city of the Zagataian Tartars, pleasantly situated upon the river JAXARTES: his father was called Zaincham, or as some others will, Og, prince of the Zagataian Tartars, and of the country of SACHETAY (sometime part of the famous kingdom of PARTHIA) third in descent from Zingis, the great and fortunate leader of the Tartars, before in the former part of this history remembered. Which Og, as a prince of a peaceable nature (accounting it no less honour quietly to keep the countries left him by his father, than with much trouble and no less danger to seek how to enlarge the same) long lived in most happy rest with his subjects, no less happy than himself: not so much seeking after the hoarding up of gold and silver (things of that nation not regarded) as contenting himself with the increase and profit of his flocks of sheep, and herds of cattle; then, and yet also, the principal revenues of the Tartar kings and princes: The cause why some have reported him to have been a shepherd or herdsman. which happily gave occasion unto some, ignorant of the manner and custom of those Northern nations and countries, to account them all for shepherds and herdsmen; and so also to have reported of this mighty prince, as of a shepherds son, or herdsman himself: vainly measuring his nobility by the homely manner of his people and subjects, and not by the honour of his house, & heroical virtues, such as were hardly to be found greater in any prince of that or other former ages. His peaceable father now well stricken in years, and weary of the world, delivered up unto him (not yet past fifteen years old) the government of his kingdom, joining unto him two of his most faithful counsellors, Odmar and Aly, to assist him in the government of his state (retiring himself unto a solitary life, the more at quiet to serve God, and so to end his days in peace:) which two his trusty servants and grave counsellors he dearly loved whilst they lived, and much honoured the remembrance of them, being dead. The first proof of his fortune and valour, was against the Moscovit, for spoiling of a city which had put itself under his protection; and for entering of his country; and for proclaiming of war against him: whom he in a great battle overthrew, having slain five and twenty thousand of the Moscovites footmen, and between fifteen and sixteen thousand horsemen, with the loss of scarce eight thousand horsemen and four thousand footmen of his own. After which battle he beholding so many thousands of men there dead upon the ground, was so far from rejoicing thereat, that turning himself unto one of his familiars, he lamented the condition of such as commanded over great armies, commending his father's quiet course of life, accounting him happy in seeking for rest, and the other most unhappy, which by the destruction of their own kind, sought to procure their own glory; protesting himself even from his heart to be grieved to see such sorrowful tokens of his victory. With this overthrow the Moscovit discouraged, sent ambassadors to him for peace, which upon such honourable conditions as pleased him to set down, was by him granted; and so the peace concluded. Now the Great Cham of TARTARY (his father's brother) being grown old, and out of hope of any more children, moved with the fame of his nephew, after this victory sent unto him divers presents, and withal offering him his only daughter in marriage, and with her to proclaim him heir apparent unto his empire; as in right he was, being his brother's son, and the daughters not at all succeeding in those empires. Which so great an offer Tamerlane gladly accepted, and so the marriage was afterwards with great triumph at the old emperors court solemnised; Tamerlane marrieth the daughter and heir of the great Chae●● of Tartari●. and he proclaimed heir apparent unto that great empire. Thus was Tamerlane indeed made great, being ever after this marriage by the old emperor his uncle, and now his father in law, so long as he lived, notably supported, and after his death succeeding him also in that so mighty an empire. Yet in the mean time wanted not this worthy prince the envious competitors of these his so great honours: insomuch, that whilst by the advise and persuasion of the old emperor, he was taking in hand to make war against the great king of CHINA (who had as then gone far beyond his bounds) and so was now well onwards on his way, he was by the conspiracy of Calix (a man of greatest power and authority in the Great Cham his court) almost thrust out of his new empire: Calix with a right puissant army having already ceized upon the great city of CAMBALU, and the citizens also generally favouring those his traitorous proceedings, as disdaining to be governed by the Zagataian Tartar. For redress whereof, Tamerlane was enforced with the greatest part of his army to return, and meeting with the rebel (who then had in his army fourscore thousand horse, and an hundred thousand foot) in a great and mortal battle (wherein of the one side and of the other were more than fifty thousand men slain) overthrew him (though not without the great danger of his own person, as being there himself beaten down to the ground) took him prisoner, and afterwards beheaded him. Which so dangerous a rebellion, with the death of the traitor, and the chief of the conspirators repressed, and his state in the newness thereof by this victory well confirmed, he proceeded in his intended war against the great king of CHINA; broke down the strong wall, which the Chinoys had made four hundred leagues long betwixt the mountains, for the repressing of the incursions of the Tartars, entered their country; and meeting with the king, leading after him three hundred and fifty thousand men (whereof there were an hundred and fifty thousand horsemen, and the rest on foot) in a great and dreadful battle, with the slaughter of 60000 of his men, overcame him, and took him prisoner: whom for all that he (in the course of so great a victory wisely moderating his fortune) shortly after set again at liberty; yet so, as that having before taken from him the one half of his kingdom, and therein left Odmar his trusty lieutenant, with a sufficient power for the restraining of the proud king, if he should again begin to raise any new stirs; and withal, imposed such other conditions as pleased himself, with the yearly tribute of three hundred thousand crowns, he well provided for the assuring of those his new conquests: and so in triumph returned with victory unto the old emperor his father in law at CAMBALU, not a little glad to see both him and his daughter, who had in all those wars still accompanied him. But leaving him, now thus by birth great, by his fortune greater, but by his virtue greatest of all (as able now to draw after him almost the whole power of the East) let us again return thither from whence we have for the better knowledge of him, thus with him digressed. The war against the Turkish Sultan Bajazet (as is aforesaid) by Tamerlane resolved upon, he sent Axalla the great captain to his country of SACHETAY (called of some ZAGATAI) to give beginning to the assembling of his forces from all parts; to the end, that with the first of the Spring he might set forward for the relief of so many distressed princes, and the abating of the pride of so great and mighty a tyrant as was Bajazet. Now had Tamerlane procured from the great Tartarian emperor, his uncle and father in law, an hundred thousand footmen, and fourscore thousand horsemen; hoping to have as many more from SACHETAY his own country, besides the lords that for honour's sake would accompany him in that his so honourable an expedition, from whom he made account also of fifty thousand men more which they would bring unto him, and divers other great supplies which he expected from other places also: wherewith he doubted not well to perform what he had so honourably determined to take in hand, for the abating of the Ottoman pride: for which and other such like, he was (as he would often times say) by God himself appointed. So taking his leave of the old emperor his father in law, and of the princess his wife (then left behind him for the comfort of her aged father, he departed from CAMBALU towards SAMARCAND, the place of his birth and seat of his empire; leaving behind him the forces brought from the great emperor his uncle, t● come after him to OZARA, where he had appointed the general meeting of his army. At which time amongst other princes that thither brought or sent their supplies, the great Muscovite being requested so to do, promised to send him fifteen thousand horse, with a certain sum of money, and leave for his army to pass through so much of his territories as should be necessary: all which he afterwards performed unto Tamerlane, being glad that he did set upon others, rather than on himself; and that so great a preparation, should fall upon them, whose greatness was as dreadful and dangerous unto him as to any other. All the earth almost at that time being astonished at the sudden greatness of this Ottoman king, and the happy success he had in all his wars; not the least cause that moved Tamerlane to oppose himself against him, deeming it much better to go and set upon him in his new conquests, than to stay until he therein settled, were come nearer unto him, and so should debate the quarrel within his own empire, to his damage. A good and sound resolution: first in that it tended to the destruction of the enemy's country; and then, that if any thing should fall out otherwise with him than well, his country should not thereby receive any such astonishment as if the danger were nearer or within the bowels of the same. Now in the mean time that Tamerlane lay at SAMARCAND, Axalla the great captain and Tamerlane his lieutenant general, had assembled all the army at OZARA. Prince Axalla in great credit with Tamerlane. Whereof Tamerlane understanding, sent for him to SAMARCAND to confer with him about the setting forward of his army. For although he were still accompanied with great renowned princes, yet were they no body in comparison of Axalla, whose sound counsel had won him such credit with his lord & master, as by his advice he did all things, and without him nothing: which his so great authority and favour with his prince, wanted not the envy of the court; but that his great virtues, and rare found courtesy (in so great fortune) together with so many worthy services as he had done, supported him against the malice of the same. He by the commandment of Tamerlane, leaving the charge of the army at OZARA, with the prince of THANAIS, another of Tamerlane his great captains, came himself to SAMARCAND, and there at large discoursed with him, about the estate and order of his army. And shortly after, departing with Axalla and the rest from SAMARCAND, for to go to OZAZA the place where all his army met: being come thither, entered into a great consultation with his most expert captains, about the taking of his journey, and conducting of his army; as whether it were better to lead the same by the coasts of the Muscovite directly towards CAPHA, or else on the other side of the Caspian sea by the skirts of PERSIA. Where after long discourse and sundry opinions with their reasons delivered, it was in the end resolved (although the way were the longer) to pass by the Muscovit, so to come unto the Georgians, and to TREBIZONDA, and from thence to enter into the Ottoman king his country. And so setting forward from OZARA, he came at length to MARANIS, where he stayed three days looking for the forces which prince Odmar should send him from CHINA, not long before by him conquered: whereof he there received news, and there caused his army to be paid, and a general muster thereof to be taken. He had there also news of the aid the Muscovite did send him: and caused an infinite quantity of victuals, and most part of his furniture to be conveyed by the Caspian sea; being a great commodity and ease unto his army, which marching by land, was of necessity to pass some twenty leagues through places destitute both of victuals and water. Tamerlane all the way coasting alongst the sea shore, passed the time in hunting, his army not coming near him by ten leagues; which was so great, that it extended itself full twenty leagues. Coming to the river of EDEL, he stayed at ZARAZICH whilst his army passed the river at MECHET, and two other bridges which he had caused to be made for that purpose. Now the Circassians, and Georgians, hearing of the approach of Tamerlane with his huge army, by their ambassadors offered him all the help and assistance they could, in his journey as he passed that way. These Georgians were (and yet are) Christians, a great and warlike people, of long time tributaries unto the Greek emperors: and afterwards sometimes tributaries, and sometimes confederates unto the Persians: but always enemies unto the Turks, by whom (of late and in our remembrance) but especially by Amurath the third, they together with some part of the Persian kingdom, have been grievously oppressed, as in the process of this history may appear. Of these warlike people glad of Tamerlane his coming, for the repressing of the Turk, Axalla drew great numbers unto the service of his prince: who not a little esteemed of them, being all tall men, very beautiful, of great strength and courage, and withal most expert soldiers; as having oftentimes resisted the power of the Ottoman kings, by reason of the advantage their country affordeth them, being very rough and hard to come into. By these kind people, Tamerlane was in every place honourably entertained, and his great army with all necessaries plentifully relieved. In passing through which country and the rest as he marched, he took such order with his soldiers, that none of the people whereby he passed, were any thing by them injured; insomuch that if a soldier had taken but an apple, or other thing of like valour from any man, he died therefore, so severe were his commands. It is reported that one of his soldiers, having taken a little milk from a country woman, and she thereof complaining, he caused the said soldier to be presently killed, and his stomach to be ripped; where the milk that he had of late drunk being found, he contented the woman & so sent her away, who had otherwise undoubtedly died for her false accusation had it not so appeared. Which his so great severity, and in other like cases, was of many accounted for extreme cruelty: yet was it indeed the wholesome preservation of his army, being so great, as that it was thought almost impossible to have found sufficient victuals for the relief thereof; whereof for all that, there was no want, either of any thing else necessary for the use of man, his camp being still as a most populous and well governed city, stored with all manner of things: whereunto both artificers and merchants, from far countries resorted with their commodities and merchandise, as unto some famous mart; and the country people, without fear from every place brought in their country commodities, for which they received present money, and so in safety again departed. The number of Tamerlane his great army. So marching on, he at length came to BACHICHICH, where he stayed to refresh his army eight days, and there again took a general muster thereof, wherein were found (as most write) four hundredth thousand horse, and six hundredth thousand foot; or as some others that were there present affirm, three hundredth thousand horsemen, and five hundredth thousand foot, of all nations. Unto whom he there gave a general pay, and as his manner was, made unto them an oration, informing them of such orders as he would have kept, to the end they might the better observe the same: with much other military discipline, whereof he was very curious with his captains. At which time also, it was lawful for every common soldier to behold him with more boldness than on other days, forasmuch as he did for that time, and such like, lay aside his imperial majesty, and show himself more familiar unto them. Now could he hardly be persuaded, that Bajazet having subdued the most part of GRECIA, distressed the Greek emperor, and so great means to recover whatsoever he should lose in ASIA, would be so adventurous as to come over the straits out of EUROPE, to try the fortune of a battle with him; but rather warily protract the time, to weary him at length with wants, that in a strange country drew such a world of people after him: wherein he found himself much deceived, for having passed the Georgian country, and being come to BUYSABUICH, Axalla (whom he had not seen in eight days before, because he led the head of the army) came unto him with such news as he knew would be right welcome unto him: which was, that Bajazet had raised his siege of CONSTANTINOPLE (as indeed he had) for to come and defend his new conquests in ASIA; and that he was certainly resolved, to come to a day of battle, not so much trusting unto the multitude of his army as to the valour and experience of his soldiers, being all men of long well trained up in the wars. At which unexpected news Tamerlane greatly rejoiced: yet without insolency or vaunting, but rather with the countenance of such an one as judged the events of battles to be (as they are) always doubtful: saying sometimes, That a small 〈…〉 conducted, did oftentimes carry away the victory, from the confused multitude. Three days he stayed at BUYSABUICH, and caused his soldiers continually to march forward, which at GARGA and CHIUSERIG passed over the river EUPHRATES: which he did the rather to maintain his army upon the spoil of the enemy, in attending his coming, than upon himself, or his allies. All the cities that yielded unto him by the way as he marched, he favourably received; the other that refused to submit themselves to his obedience, he used with all extremity: especially the great and strong city of SEBASTIA, where certain of the forerunners of his army were by the Turks there in garrison cut off, and slain, and the gates of the city as it were in contempt of him, set wide open. Wherewith Tamerlane offended, sent out certain of his Tartarian horsemen, commanding them upon pain of his displeasure so to bear themselves against their enemies, as that he might at his coming either find the city taken, or the gates thereof shut against him: for he had his men at so great command, that no danger was unto them more dreadful than his displeasure, neither did he punish any thing so severely, as cowardice: insomuch, that if in his disport of hunting the wild beast, any did for fear give way to the Lion or Bear, and slew him not, was sure to die therefore himself: and to turn his back upon the enemy, was no less danger than to run upon his own death. Now the Turks in garrison at SEBASTIA, seeing these Tartarian horsemen marching towards the city, making little account of them, for that they were not in number many, issued out for to meet them; where they were so furiously charged by these few horsemen, that they were glad to retire, and for haste to shut part of their own men out of the city, lest the enemy following them at their heels, should have entered the gates together with them. Which Turks so shut out, Sebastia besieged by Tamerlane. were by the Tartarians slain at the gates of the city. Shortly after came Tamerlane with all his army, and sat down before the city, where he lay still seven days, not making show of any violence at all, the defendants because the city was of great strength, all that while thinking that he had intended by long siege to distress the same, and the more because of his long lying still. But about the eight day, the walls and towers of the city in many places undermined, were suddenly overthrown, leaving large breaches for the enemy to enter. Wherewith the Turks in the city dismayed, forthwith yielded the city to Tamerlane, in hope so to have saved their lives: Sebastia yielded to Tamerlane. but he (as the Turks report) being entered the city, commanded a great number of deep pits to be digged, and all the people of the city, without respect of age, sex, or condition, to be thrown into the same, and there buried quick. Which done, the city was by his commandment utterly razed also. After that, calling unto him Malcozzius, the governor of the city, whom he had for that purpose only spared, he commanded him to go and tell his master what was happened to his strong city of SEBASTIA, and what he had there himself seen. Of which tragical action, Malcozzius having made true relation unto Bajazet, was by him demanded, whether of the two armies he thought bigger or stronger: for now Bajazet had assembled a mighty army of three hundred thousand men, or as some report of three hundred thousand horsemen, and two hundred thousand foot. Whereunto Malcozzius having before craved pardon, answered, That it could not be, but that Tamerlane might in reason have the greater number, for that he was a commander of far greater countries. Wherewith proud Bajazet offended, in great choler replied: Out of doubt, the sight of the Tartarian hath made this coward so afraid, that he thinketh every enemy to be two. Most of the Latin histories report, that when Tamerlane had taken SEBASTIA, he put all the men to the sword, and bringing the women and children into the fields without the city there ouer-ran them with his horsemen, excepting some few which were reserved for prisoners. As also that Bajazet there lost his eldest son Erthogrul (of some called Orthobules) whose death with the loss of the city, so much grieved him (as is reported) that marching with his great army against Tamerlane, A shepherd more happy than Bajazet. and by the way hearing a country shepherd merrily reposing himself with his homely pipe, as he sat upon the side of a mountain feeding his poor flock; standing still a great while listening unto him, to the great admiration of many▪ at last fetching a deep sigh, broke forth into these words: O happy shepherd, which hadst neither Orthobules nor SEBASTIA to lose: bewraying therein his own discontentment, and yet withal showing, That worldly bliss consisteth not so much in possessing of much, subject unto danger, as in joying in a little contentment, devoid of fear. Howbeit the Turks themselves reporting the taking of SEBASTIA, speak not 〈…〉 at all, but give him lost six years before in the wars against Casi Burchani●●n▪ and ●eth buried by his father at PRUSA. In this city of SEBASTIA was lost twelve thousand Turks, men, women, and children, as their histories report. The rest of the cities all the way as Tamerlane marched, warned by the destruction of SEBASTIA, yielded themselves for fear of like danger: the citizens whereof he courteously used, especially the Christians, whom he set at liberty, in respect of Emanuel the Greek emperor, whom he seemed wholly therein to gratify. But he had not gone far into the Turks dominion, but that he was certainly advertised, how that Bajazet, with a great army was coming against him, and now within thirty leagues of him: which caused him after that time, to march with his army more closely. Axalla leading the vanguard sent forth Ghianson prince of CIARCAN, with four thousand Parthian horsemen, to get knowledge of the Turks army, and where Bajazet lay, as also what country that was beyond SENNAS'; and if he could learn any thing thereof, to make relation of it unto him. This prince of CIARCAN was Tamerlane his kinsman, a man of great reputation, and next unto Axalla, whose absence he had the commanding of the avantgard, his charge; who also sent before him another Parthian captain with 500 horsemen. So he had not ridden ten leagues, but that he heard news of Bajazet his coming, & having surprised SENNAS', understood there the certain estate of the Turks army, which was then at TATAIA, & so marching forward. Whereof Tamerlane certified, commanded him not to retire from that place, until he did see the arrival of the enemy, and thereof to give him advertisement every hour; being himself resolved to pass on no farther, as come to a fair large plain, and a country of advantage for the order of his battle: for he knew that his army was far greater than Baiazet's, and therefore made choice of those great plains. Yet for that his army consisted of divers nations, and withal considering that he was not to fight against the Chinois, a soft effeminate people (as of late) but against the Turks, a most warlike nation, and well acquainted with all manner of fights and martial stratagems, he thought it good to be well advised how he proceeded against them. Wherefore he presently sent for Axalla, with him to view the said place, and to have his opinion, Whether it would be for his advantage or not, there to stay? who not misliking of the choice of the place, yet advised him also to keep SENNAS' so long as he possibly could: and so sent word unto them that were therein, upon the approach of the enemy to set fire upon the same, and so to withdraw themselves from thence, to the end, that the enemy should not have any desire to encamp there, but come still forward near unto those plains where Tamerlane desired to fight, especially for that he was stronger in horse than Bajazet. Thus the Turks still marching on, thought to have surprised some of their enemies in SENNAS', who as soon as they drew near, retired all, excepting some hundred, left of purpose to fire the town: who having performed the same, retired of purpose in great disorder. The prince of Ciarcan dealeth politicly with the forerunners of the Turks army. Now the prince of CIARCAN had divided his forces into two parts, and given commandment to the first, that as soon as they perceived the enemies to pursue the hundred horse, that so disorderly of purpose fled, they should receive them, and so retire all altogether. He in the mean time with the rest of his power stood close in a valley, near unto a wood side, unseen at all. Where having suffered two thousand of the enemy's horse (the avauntcourriers of the Turks army) to pass by him, he following them in the tail, charged them home; the other which before retired, now turning upon them also: so that the Turks seeing themselves thus beset, and hardly laid unto both before and behind, as men discouraged fled: in which flight most of them were slain, and the rest taken prisoners. This was the first encounter betwixt the Turks and the Parthians: all the prisoners there taken, were by the prince as a present sent to Tamerlane, and amongst the rest the Bassa of ANATOLIA, who led these troops: of whom Tamerlane earnestly demanded, what caused Bajazet so little to esteem of him, as to show so great contempt of his army, which he should find strong enough to abate his pride. Whereunto the Bassa answered, That his lord was the Sun upon earth, which could not endure any equal: and that he rather was astonished to see, how he from so far, had enterprised so dangerous a journey, to hinder the fortune of his lord, in whose favour the heavens (as he said) did bend themselves, to further his greatness, and unto whom all the world subjected itself; and that he committed great folly in going about to resist the same. Unto which so proud a speech Tamerlane replied, That he was sent from heaven to punish his rashness, and to teach him, that the proud are hated of God, whose promise is to pluck down the mighty, and raise up the lowly. As for thyself (said he) thou hast already felt (although I pity thy mishap) what the valour of my Parthian horse is against thy Turkish: and thy master I have already caused to raise his siege of CONSTANTINOPLE, and to look to his own things here in ASIA. Furthermore, Tamerlane changing his speech, demanded of him, If his master did come resolved to bid him battle? Assure yourself (said he) there is nothing he more desireth: and would to God I might acknowledge your greatness, in giving me leave to assist my lord at that battle. Good leave have thou, said Tamerlane, go thy ways, and tell thy lord, that thou hast seen me, and that he shall in the battle find me on horseback, where he shall see a green ensign displayed. The Bassa thanking him, swore that next unto his lord, he vowed unto him his service. And so returning, declared unto Bajazet, how that he had seen Tamerlane: and truly reported unto him all that he had willed him to say; not forgetting over all to publish his courtesy and bounty: who besides that he had frankly set him at liberty, had also given him a very fair horse well furnished, although he well knew he was to serve against himself. Whereunto Bajazet answered no more, but that he would shortly make trial of him, and that he well hoped, before the match were ended, to make him acknowledge his own folly. The next day the two armies drew near together, and encamped within a league the one of the other: where all the night long you might have heard such noise of horses, as that it seemed the heavens were full of voices, the air did so resound, & every man thought the night long, to come to the trial of his valour, and the gaining of his desires. The Scythians (a people no less greedy than needy) talked of nothing but the spoil, the proud Parthians of their honour, and the poor Christians of their deliverance, all to be gained by the next days victory: every man during the night time speaking according to his own humour. All which Tamerlane walking this night up and down in his camp, heard, and much rejoiced to see the hope that his soldiers had already in general conceived of the victory. Who after the second watch returned unto his pavilion, and there casting himself upon a carpet, had thought to have slept a while. But his cares not suffering him so to do, he then (as his manner was) called for a book, wherein was contained the lives of his fathers and ancestors, and of other valiant worthies, the which he used ordinarily to read, as he then did: not as therewith vainly to deceive the time, but to make use thereof, by the imitation of that which was by them worthily done, and declining of such dangers, as they by their rashness or oversight fell into. And afterwards having a little slumbered, he commanded Axalla to be sent for, who forthwith came unto him with divers other great lords and captains, the chief commanders of his army: with whom after he had a while consulted of the order of the battle, he mounted on horseback himself, and sent every one of them unto their own charges, to put the same in readiness. At the which very instant he received news, that the enemy marched forward, and came to take his ground for the battle: whose order of march Tamerlane was desirous to see, that so accordingly he might marshal his own. And having caused three thousand horsemen to advance forward, with charge to begin the skirmish, himself followed after to lodge every part of his forces in such places, as he had foreseen to be fittest for his advantage. Now seeing the janissaries march in a square battle in the midst, and upon the two fronts, two great squadrons of horsemen, which seemed to be thirty thousand horse; and another which advanced and covered the battailion of the janissaries: he thought this their order to be very good, and hard to be broken; and thereupon turning himself unto Axalla, who was near unto him, said: I had thought this day to have fought on foot, but I see that it behoveth me now to sight on horseback, to give courage unto my soldiers to open the great battalion of our enemies. And my will is, that my men come forward unto me as soon as they may, for I will advance forward with an hundred thousand footmen, fifty thousand upon each of my two wings, and in the midst of them forty thousand of my best horsemen. My pleasure is, that after they have tried the force of these men, that they come unto my avauntguard, of whom I will dispose, and fifty thousand horse more, in three bodies, whom thou shalt command: which I will assist with fourscore thousand horse, wherein shall be mine own person; having an hundred thousand footmen behind me, who shall march in two squadrons: & for my arereward I appoint 40000 horse, & 50000 footmen, who shall not march but to my aid. And I will make choice of 10000 of my best horse, whom I will send into every place where I shall think needful within mine army, for to impart my commands. Over the first forty thousand horse the prince Ciarcan commanded: over the foremost footmen was the lord Synopes a Genovois, kinsman to Axalla, and his lieutenant over the footmen, a captain of great estimation: The great and mortal battle betwixt Bajazet and Tamerlane. the prince Axalla his own charge consisted of five squadrons of horsemen. Bajazet his army being also both fair, and great, came bravely still on forward towards their enemies, who stirred not one whit from the place they had taken for the battle: except certain light horsemen Scythians, Parthians, and Muscovites, who sent out as loose men, hotly skirmished betwixt the two armies. Now was Tamerlane by an espy advertised, that Bajazet, having before given order for the disposing of his army, was on foot in the midst of thirty thousand janissaries, his principal men of war and greatest strength, wherein he meant that day to fight, and in whom he had reposed his greatest hope. His battle of horse was very fair, amounting to the number of an hundredth and forty thousand horse, all old soldiers. The Sultan of EGYPT having also sent unto his aid thirty thousand Mamalukes, all very good horsemen, with thirty thousand foot. So that his army marching all in one front, in form of an half Moon (but not so well knit together as was Tamerlanes', whose squadrons directly followed one another) seemed almost as great as his. And so with infinite numbers of most horrible outcries, still advanced forward: Tamerlane his soldiers all the while standing fast, with great silence. There was not possible to be seen a more furious charge, than was by the Turks given upon the prince of CIARCAN, who had commandment not to fight before the enemy came unto him: neither could have been chosen a fairer plain, and where the skilful choice of the place, was of less advantage for the one or the other; but that Tamerlane had the river on the left hand of his army, serving him to some small advantage. Now this young prince of CIARCAN with his forty thousand horse, was in this first encounter almost wholly overthrown: yet having fought right valiantly, and entered even into the midst of the janissaries (where the person of Bajazet was) putting them in disorder, The prince of Ciarcan s●a●ne. was himself there slain. About which time, Axalla set upon them with the avauntgard, but not with like danger: for having overthrown one of the enemy's wings, and cut it all to pieces, and his footmen coming to join with him as they had been commanded, he faced the battalion of the janissaries, who right valiantly behaved themselves for the safety of their prince. This hard fight continued one hour, and yet you could not have seen any scattered, but the one still resolutely fight against the other. You might there have seen the horsemen like mountains rush together, and infinite numbers of men die, cry, lament, and threaten all at one instant. Tamerlane had patience all this while, to see the event of this so mortal a fight: but perceiving his men at length to give ground, he sent ten thousand of his horse to join again with the ten thousand appointed for the areareward, and commanded them to assist him at such time as he should have need of them: and at the very same time, charged himself, and made them give him room; causing the footmen to charge also, over whom the prince of THANAIS commanded, who gave a furious onset upon the battalion of the janissaries, wherein was yet the person of Bajazet, who had sustained a great burden. Now Bajazet had in his army, a great number of mercenary Tartarians, called Destenses, with many thousands of other soldiers taken up in the countries of the poor exiled Mahometan princes; in whose just quarrel, and the Greek emperors, Tamerlane had chiefly undertaken that war: these Tartarians and other soldiers, seeing some their friends, and othersome their natural and loving princes in the army of Tamerlane; strooken with the terror of disloyalty, and abhorring the cruelty of the proud tyrant, in the heat of the battle revolted from Bajazet to their own princes: which their revolt, much weakened Bajazet his forces. Who nevertheless with his own men of war, especially the janissaries, and the help of the Christian soldiers brought to his aid from SERVIA, and other places of EUROPE, with great courage maintained the fight; but the multitude, and not true valour, prevailed: for, as much as might be done by valiant and courageous men, was by the janissaries and the rest performed, both for the preservation of the person of their prince, and the gaining of the victory. But in the end, the horsemen with whom Tamerlane himself was giving a fresh charge, The Turks overthrown. and his avauntgard wholly knit again unto him, reenforcing the charge, he with much ado obtained the victory. Bajazet himself wounded, and now mounted on horseback thinking to have scaped by flight, fell into the hands of Axalla. Unto whom he yielded himself (thinking it had been Tamerlane) who for a space knew him not, but took him for some other great commander of the Turks. Bajazet and his son Musa taken prisoners. Musa (surnamed Zelebi or, The noble) one of Bajazet his sons, with divers other of Bajazet his great captains, were there taken also: and amongst the rest, George the Despot of SERVIA, who notwithstanding this misfortune had that day gained unto himself the reputation of a great and worthy captain; insomuch that Tamerlane even in the heat of the battle, marveling to see him, and the Scruians with the other Christians which he had brought to the aid of Bajazet, so valiantly to fight, said unto some of the captains that were near unto him, See how courageously yonder religious fight: supposing them by their strange attire, to have been some of the Turks superstitious votaries. But being now taken, and afterwards brought to Tamerlane, he was by him courteously welcomed: but yet withal reproved, for that he had fought for Bajazet against him, who was come in favour of the Christian emperor, and the other poor oppressed princes, such as the Despot himself was. Who thereunto boldly answered, That indeed it was not according to his duty, but according to the prosperity of Bajazet, unto whom it seemed that all the world did bend: and that his own safety had caused him, though against his will, to take part with him. Whereupon Tamerlane held him excused: and so without more ado gave him leave at his own pleasure to depart. Bajazet brought before Tamerlane with his pride. Bajazet also himself, being afterwards brought unto Tamerlane as a prisoner, and by him courteously entertained, never showed any token of submission at all, but according to his proud nature, without respect of his present state, presumptuously answered him unto whatsoever he demanded. Wherewith Tamerlane moved, told him, that it was now in his power to make him to lose his life. Whereunto he answered no more, but, Do it: for that, that loss should be his greatest happiness. Tamerlane afterwards demanding of him, what made him so proud as to enterprise to bring into his subjection so noble a prince as was the Greek emperor? he answered, Even the same thing that hath moved thee to invade me, namely the desire of glory and sovereignty. But wherefore then (said Tamerlane) dost thou use so great cruelty towards them thou hast overcome, without respect of age or sex? That did I (said he) to give the greater terror unto mine enemies. And what wouldst thou have done with me (said Tamerlane) if it had been my fortune to have fallen into thy hands, as thou art now in mine? I would (said Bajazet) have enclosed thee in a cage of iron, and so in triumph have carried thee up and down my kingdom. Even so (said Tamerlane) shalt thou be served. And so causing him to be taken out of his presence, turning unto his followers said: Behold a proud and cruel man, he deserveth to be chastised accordingly, and to be made an example unto all the proud and cruel of the world, of the just wrath of God against them. I acknowledge that God hath this day delivered into my hands, a great enemy, to whom we must therefore give thanks: which he performed the same day. For the battle was won at four of the clock, and there was yet five hours of day light. The next day Tamerlane commanded the dead to be buried, where amongst the rest, they found the body of the prince of CIARCAN dead, in the midst of the janissaries, where he lay enclosed with their dead bodies, in token he died not unrevenged: whose untimely death Tamerlane for all that greatly lamented; for he was his kinsman, and like enough one day to have done him great service. Whose dead body Tamerlane caused to be embalmed, and with two thousand horse, (and divers of the Turks prisoners, chained and tied together) to be conveyed to SAMERCAND, until his coming thither. All the other dead bodies were with all honour that might be, buried at SENNAS'. This great bloody battle fought in the year of our lord 1397 not far from the mount STELLA (where sometime the great king Mithrydates, was by Pompey the Great, in a great battle overthrown) was fought from seven a clock in the morning, until four in the after noon: victory all that while as it were with doubtful wings, hovering over both armies, as uncertain where to light; until at length the fortune of Tamerlane prevailed. Whose wisdom (next unto God) gave that days victory unto his soldiers: for that the politic tiring of the strong forces of Bajazet, was the safeguard of his own; whereas if he had gone unto the battle in one front, assuredly the multitude finding such strong resistance, had put itself into confusion: whereas this successive manner of aiding of his men, made them all unto him profitable. The number of them that were in this battle slain is of divers, diversly reported: the Turks themselves reporting that Bajazet there lost the noble Mustapha his son, with two hundredth thousand of his men, and Tamerlane not many fewer: and some other speaking of a far less number, as that there should be slain of the Turks about threescore thousand, and of Tamerlane his army not past twenty thousand. But leaving the certainty of the number unto the credit of the reporters, like enough it is that the slaughter was exceeding great in so long a fight, betwixt two such armies, as never before (as I suppose) met in field together. By this one days event, is plainly to be seen the uncertainty of worldly things, and what small assurance even the greatest have in them. Behold Bajazet the terror of the world, and as he thought, superior to fortune, in an instant with his state in one battle overthrown into the bottom of misery and despair: and that at such time as he thought least, even in the midst of his greatest strength. It was three days (as they report) before he could be pacified, but as a desperate man, still seeking after death, and calling for it: neither did Tamerlane after he had once spoken with him, at all afterwards courteously use him, but as of a proud man caused small account to be made of him. And to manifest that he knew how to punish the haughty, made him to be shackled in fetters and chains of gold, Bajazet like a beast shut up in an iron cage. and so to be shut up in an iron cage made like a grate, in such sort, as that he might on every side be seen; and so carried him up and down as he passed through ASIA, to be of his own people scorned and derided. And to his farther disgrace, upon festival days used him for a footstool to tread upon, when he mounted to horse: and at other times scornfully fed him like a dog with crumbs fallen from his table. A ra●e example of the uncertainty of worldly honour, that he unto whose ambitious mind, ASIA, and EUROPE, two great parts of the world were to little, should be now carried up and down cooped up in a little iron cage, like some perilous wild beast. All which Tamerlane did, not so much for the hatred to the man, as to manifest the just judgement of God against the arrogant folly of the proud. It is reported that Tamerlane being requested by one of his noble men that might be bold to speak unto him, to remit some part of his severity against the person of so great a prince▪ answered▪ That he did not use that rigour against him as a king, but rather did punish him as a proud ambitious tyrant▪ polluted with the blood of his own brother. Now this so great an overthrow, brought such a fear upon all the countries possessed by Bajazet in ASIA, that Axalla sent before by Tamerlane with forty thousand horse, and ●n hundredth thousand foot, without carriages, to prosecute the victory, came without resistance to PR●SA; whether all the remainder of Bajazet his army was retired, with the Bassa Mustapha▪ the country as he went, still yielding unto him. Yea the great Bassa, with the rest, hearing of his coming, and thinking themselves not now in any safety in ASIA, fled over the straight of HELLESPONTUS to CALLIPOLIS, & so to HADRIANOPLE▪ carrying with them out of the battle Solyman, Bajazet his eldest son, whom they set up in his father's place; Mahomet his younger brother presently upon the overthrow being fled to AMASIA: of whom, and the rest of Bajazet his children, Solyman set ●p in his father's s●ead. Prusa taken by Axalla. more shall be said hereafter. Axalla coming to PRUSA, had the city without resistance yielded unto him, which he rifled: and there with other of Bajazet his wives & concubines, took prisoner the fair Despina, Bajazet his best beloved wife, to the doubling of his grief. Emanuel the Greek emperor now hearing of Tamerlane his coming to PRUSA, sent his ambassadors (the most honourable of his court) thither before to Axalla: by whom they were there stayed, until the coming of Tamerlane; who received them with all the honour that might be, showing unto them all his magnificence, and the order of his camp, to their great admiration. For it resembled a most populous and well governed city, for the order that was therein, which brought unto it plenty of all kind of victuals, and other merchandise, aswell for pleasure as for use. By these ambassadors, the Greek emperor submitted all his empire together with his person, unto Tamerlane the great conqueror, as his most faithful subject and vassal: which he was bound (as he said) to do, for that he was by him delivered from the most cruel tyrant in the world: as also for that the long journey he had passed, and the discommodities he had endured, with the loss of his people, and the danger of his person, could not be recompensed, but by the offer of his own life, and his subjects; which he did for ever dedicated to his service, with all the fidelity and loyalty that so great a benefit might deserve: besides that his so many virtues, and rare accomplishments, which made him famous throughout the world, did bind him so to do. And that therefore he would attend him in his chief city, to deliver it into his hands as his own, with all the empire of GREECE. Now the Greek ambassadors looked for no less than to fall into bondage to Tamerlane, thinking that which they offered to be so great and delicate a morsel, as that it would not be refused, especially of such a conquering prince as was Tamerlane; and that the acceptance thereof in kindness, and friendship, was the best bargain they could make therein. But they received answer from this worthy prince, far beyond their expectatation. For he with a mild countenance beholding them, answered them, That he was not come from so far a country, or undertaken so much pains for the enlargement of his dominions already large enough, (too base a thing for him to put himself into so great danger and travail for) but rather to win honour, and thereby to make his name famous unto all posterity for ever: And that therefore it should well appear unto the world, that he was come to aid him, being requested as his friend and ally: And that his upright meaning therein, was the greatest cause, That God from above had beheld his power, and thereby bruised the head of the greatest and fiercest enemy of mankind that was under heaven: And now to get him an immortal name, would make free so great and flourishing a city as was CONSTANTINOPLE, governed by so noble and ancient an house as the emperors: That unto his courage, he had always faith joined, such as should never suffer him to make so great a breach in his reputation, as that it should be reported of him, That in the colour of a friend, he came to invade the dominions of his allies: That he desired no more, but that the service he had done for the Greek emperor, might for ever be engraven in the memory of his posterity, to the end they might for ever wish well unto him and his successors, by remembering the good he had done them; That long might the noble emperor live, happily to govern his estate. And that before his return he would so well consider for the establishing of the same, as that he should not lightly fall again into the like jeopardy, always assuring himself of his good will and favour towards him. easy it is to judge, what joy these Greek ambassadors received, to hear this so kind an answer from the mouth of Tamerlane himself: who rather than he would seem to break his faith, refused an empire offered unto him, with one of the most stately and magnificent cities of the world. Few princes (I suppose) would perform such a part: but so there be likewise but few Tamerlanes' in the world. These ambassadors by the commandment of Tamerlane, were by Axalla royally feasted, and all the honour done them that might be. One of them being sent back to carry these unexpected news unto the Greek emperor, filled both him and all the city of CONSTANTINOPLE with exceeding joy and gladness, which both he and his subjects in general spared not with bonfires and all other signs of joy and pleasure to manifest. And the more to show his thankfulness, shortly after by the advice of his grave counsellors, passed over the straight into ASIA to see Tamerlane at PRUSA, and in person himself to give him thanks: who hearing of his coming, and very glad thereof, presently upon the first days journey sent the prince Axalla to meet him, and to certify him of the joy that he conceived, to have the good hap for to see him, as also to conduct him to PRUSA: where those two great princes, with the greatest magnificence that might be, met, and so spent one whole day together. The Greek emperor the next day taking his leave, was by Tamerlane with much honour conducted out of the city. Now had Tamerlane himself conceived a secret desire to see this so famous a city as was CONSTANTINOPLE, Tamerlane goeth to Constantinople. from which he was not now far, yet would he not go thither as a conqueror, but as a private person: which by the means of Axalla was accomplished, and he thereinto by the Greek emperor privately received, and with all familiarity possible, entertained: the emperor showing unto him all the rare and excellent things that were therein to be seen: and the other Greek princes devising all the means they could to do him pleasure, and them which did accompany him; who were in a manner all appareled after the Greek fashion. At which time the Greek emperor himself was curious to show unto him all the fair gardens alongst the sea coast, a league or two from CONSTANTINOPLE, and so privately conducting him, Tamerlan much delighted with the pleasures of Constantinople. spent five or six days, with all the mirth that might be possible: Tamerlane by the way oftentimes saying, That he had never seen a fairer city: and that it was indeed the city (considering the fair and rich situation thereof) of right, worthy to command all the world. He wondered at the costly buildings of the temples, the fair engraven pillars, the high pyramids, and the making of the fair gardens, and oftentimes afterwards said, That he nothing repent him of his so long and dangerous a voyage, if it had been only but to have preserved from fire and sword so noble a city as that was. In the Greek emperor he commended greatly his mild nature and courtesy: who knowing him above all things to take pleasure in fair serviceable horses, gave unto him thirty of the fairest, strongest, and readiest, that were possible to be gotten, all most richly furnished; and sent likewise fair presents unto all the princes and great commanders of the army, and bountifully caused to be delivered unto them all things which he thought to be necessary for the army. So after many great kindnesses in short time passed, and a straight bond of friendship made, and by solemn oath confirmed betwixt the two great princes, Tamerlane with great contentment took his leave of the emperor, and returned again to his army at PRUSA. Wherewith he now at his pleasure without resistance wasted and spoiled all Bajazet his dominion in ASIA, no man daring to make head against him. The year being now well spent, and Winter drawing on, Tamerlane dispersed his army into divers of the provinces of the lesser ASIA, expecting still when some of Bajazet his sons or other friends should make suit or means unto him for his deliverance, but none came: some fearing Tamerlane his heavy indignation, and others no less dreading the fierce nature of Bajazet himself, who if he had been delivered, was like enough (as was thought) to have taken sharp revenge upon all them which forsook him in the late battle, and therefore never made intercession for him. Whereupon Tamerlane one day passing by him, said unto him: I marvel that none of thy sons or friends either come to see thee or to entreat for thee, it must needs be that thou hast evil deserved of them, as thou hast of others: yet how thinkest thou, If I should set thee at liberty, would they again receive thee as their lord and sovereign, or not? To whom Bajazet boldly answered: Were I at liberty, thou shouldest well see, how that I want neither courage nor means to revenge all my wrongs, and to make those disobedient & forgetful, to know their duties better. Which his proud answer made Tamerlane to keep a straighter hand over him. In this great and bloody war, wherein the Ottoman empire had almost taken end, the Sultan of EGYPT had (as is aforesaid) given aid unto Bajazet: which Tamerlane took in so evil part, as that he resolved to be thereof revenged. For as he was unto his friends of all others most kind and courteous, so was he to his enemies no less terrible and dreadful. Yet thinking it good before his departure out of the lesser ASIA, to take some good order with these his new conquests: and finding nothing more honourable to resolve upon, he restored unto the poor Mahometan princes (Tachretin, Isfendiar, Germian, and the rest before fled unto him for refuge) all their ancient inheritance, with something more; as he did also divers cities and countries of ANATOLIA unto the Greek emperor, for the yearly tribute of four hundred thousand ducats of gold, and eight hundred thousand franks of silver, which the emperor promised to pay unto him yearly. And so having enriched his army with the spoils of the Ottoman empire in ASIA, he turned his forces against the Egyptian Sultan, A great battle fought betwixt the Sultan of Egypt and Tamberlane. and so passing through CARAMANIA, entered into SYRIA, than part of the Sultan's kingdom: where near unto ALEPPO (being before yielded unto him) was fought betwixt them a great and mortal battle, the Sultan having in his army an hundred thousand foot, and seventy four thousand horse: whereof there were thirty thousand Mamelukes, accounted the best horsemen of the world. In which battle, Axalla the great captain, with the avauntguard of Tamerlane his army, was hardly distressed, and Axalla himself taken: but forthwith again rescued by Tamerlane: who had he not by his coming on with new forces, speedily restored the battle, cunningly protracted by Axalla, that day was like enough to have made an end of his good fortune. But the victory after a long and cruel fight (wherein were fourscore thousand men on both sides slain) inclining to Tamerlane, the Sultan fled, Tamerlane pursuing him by the space of three leagues. After which victory, Tamerlane dividing his army, sent Axalla with forty thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, to pursue the Sultan alongst the coast of ARABIA: who oftentimes showed himself, with some four thousand horse to have hindered Axalla, who having the smallest forces, followed him the nearest. Tamerlane himself in the mean time with threescore thousand horse, & an hundred thousand foot, marching alongst the sea coast, had all the cities as he went yielded unto him, as MAGATA, AMAN, Damascus won by Tamerlane. otherwise called APAMEA, TORTOSA, BARRUTO, & NEPHTHALIN: only the strong city of DAMASCUS refused to receive him, whereinto the Sultan had put the prince Zamadzen, with a strong garrison, who did what he might to have defended the same. But all in vain, for Tamerlane having by battery overthrown a great part of the wall, by assault won the city, only the castle yet remaining, as being of a wonderful strength, and almost impregnable: whereinto such a multitude had at the taking of the city retired themselves, as was not possible therein long to live: who in short time pinched with hunger, and many of them dead, the rest upon safeguard of their lives offered to yield: whom for all that Tamerlane would not receive to mercy, to make them feel what it was to hold out against him: so that most of them dying of famine, the rest yielded without condition, and were for their obstinacy almost all slain. Which his severity towards them of DAMASCUS, caused, that thirty leagues off they brought the keys of their cities unto him, in token of their submission; whom he no way molested, more than in contributing unto the charge of his army. From DAMASCUS he turned directly towards JERUSALEM, at which time they of the city had driven out the Sultan's garrison, as had almost all they of JUDEA, submitting themselves unto Tamerlane. At CHORAZNI the Sultan had left six thousand men in garrison for the defence of the place, who at the first seemed to stand upon their guard: but afterward dismayed to see so great an army before it, and that Tamerlane having approached the walls, was set down to have it, they submitted themselves and found mercy. In which city Tamerlane left certain of his men in garrison, for the better repressing of the Mamalukes, who with often incursions troubled his army. So marching on, he himself with certain horsemen for his guard, Tamerlane cometh to jerusalem. rode to JERUSALEM to visit the sepulchre so much reverenced of all nations, and there to make his oblations: where he was of the inhabitants joyfully received, and having sought out all the antiquities of that ancient city, would be conducted unto all the places thereabouts, where jesus Christ had preached, even as the pilgrims do: and coming to the sepulchre, gave thereunto, and the devout there, many rich and precious gifts, to the great contentment of all men (to see him honour those holy places) but of the jews only, who greatly blamed him for so doing: of whom of all others Tamerlane made no reckoning, but called them the accursed of God. There had he news that the Sultan had gathered all his forces, and being come into EGYPT, was there fortifying of his cities, especially the great cities of ALEXANDRIA and CAIER. Tamerlane his army in the mean time by his commandment came towards EGYPT to DAMIATA: which strong city he thought not good to leave behind him, although he was by some persuaded so to do, for that it was thought impregnable, as well in respect of the castle, as of the strong garrison that the Sultan had put thereinto. But he whose fortune nothing could hinder, would needs go thither; and so having commanded Axalla to set upon it, Damiata taken by Axalla. followed himself after with the rest of his army. Now Axalla having summoned the city, and declared unto the inhabitants (who were most of them Christians) the mildness and courtesy of Tamerlane, as also who himself was, and what religion he held: causing many of the Greek captains to speak unto them, and to tell them of the misery they endured under the Moors and Mamalukes: so far prevailed with them, that they all determined to adventure their lives, to put the Mamalukes out of the city, with all them that favoured the Sultan▪ And so in the night taking up arms, made themselves masters of one quarter of the city, and delivered one of the gates to Axalla: whereby he entering, put all the Mamalukes to the sword, or took them prisoners, and so gained the city. Whereof Tamerlane hearing, being as yet upon his march, was in good hope of so prosperous a beginning, to find an happy end also of his designs in EGYPT. For besides the good fortune thereof, he knew that this haven of DAMIATA, might serve him with victuals out of all the parts of GREECE, as the emperor Emanuel had promised him, and wherein he nothing failed him. Into which port Tamerlane having made his entry, left there in garrison two thousand of the emperor Emanuel his soldiers, with a governor, of whom he took an oath for their obedience. So having stayed a space at DAMIATA, he caused his vanguard to march towards ALEXANDRIA: and having passed over the river, Tamerlane marches towards Ca●er. even in an instant turned directly unto CAIER: to the great astonishment of the Sultan, who made provision for the defence of ALEXANDRIA, as the nearest unto danger. But understanding of these news, used such diligence, that he entered into the city with forty thousand horse, and threescore thousand foot, even as Tamerlane his army aproached, purposing in person himself to defend it. By whose coming, the great city ready before to have revolted, was again in his obedience confirmed, to the great hindrance of Tamerlane his affairs: for to remain long before it, was impossible, for want of victuals for so great an army in the enemy's country. Yet notwithstanding all this, did not Tamerlane forbear to draw near unto it, and with all his army to encamp near unto the same, having caused a great trench to be made for to cover his horsemen, Caler besieged by Tamerlane. and thereby to lodge his army more safely: during which time he caused divers onsets to be given, as well to try what confidence the enemy had in himself, as to see how the people of the city, especially the slaves (which in that populous city are infinite) were affected towards him: who certainly informed him of the state of the city, and the army; as glad to see the same by him shut up, and the proud Mamalukes still put to the worst. But thus lying still at the siege, one day he thought it good to show his army before the city, for to try whether the enemy had a desire to come to a day of battle or not: as also to view what forces he had, and so indeed to seek occasion to fight: In hope also, that if the Sultan did come forth with all his army into the field, some revolt might happen within the city, as well by the slaves (unto whom liberty was by him promised) as by the citizens themselves (discontented with the insolency of the Mamalukes entered of late into the city with the Sultan) unto whom he had made it known by certain slaves (for that purpose fled as fugitives out of his army into the city) how that he was not come to hurt them, but only for the destruction of the Mamalukes, both his and their enemies. But betimes standing so in battle array, no man came forth, neither was there any tumult or stir raised in the city, as he had expected. For the Sultan in so great a city well provided of all things, was resolved to weary him out with lying still, and not to put all to the hazard of a battle. Which Tamerlane perceiving, and set down not to depart thence, but victorious, resolved likewise to force him even in his greatest strength, in the heart of his greatest city; although it were not to be done, but with great adventure: such confidence he had in the strength and multitude of his army. Now his purpose was, first to take one of the cities (for CAIRO is divided into three) & therein encamping himself, by little & little to advance forward as he might, still fight with the enemy. Upon which resolution, he commanded an assault to be given, Caier assaulted by Tamerlane. and having brought his footmen unto the place where he would have them to give the onset (for the city was not walled, but only fortified with ditches and trenches) he commanded the prince of THANAIS with fifty thousand footmen, to begin the assault, even in the face of the enemy: which he most valiantly performed, and there began a most terrible and cruel fight. Axalla in the mean time, deeming (as the truth was) that the Sultan had drawn his greatest forces unto the place where the prince of THANAIS sought to enter, as unto a place of greatest danger; fet a compass about, and upon another quarter of the city, with small resistance passed the trenches; where he presently left thirty thousand men to fill up the ditches, and to make way for the horsemen to enter: advancing forward himself, against twenty thousand sent by the Sultan to have stopped his further passage: the prince of THANAIS being at the same time almost beaten back by the Mamelukes. But the way being made plain, by them that were for that purpose left by Axalla, and ten thousand horse entered, which charged upon the backs of the Mamelukes, where the Sultan himself was; and they seconded by ten thousand more sent in by Tamerlane, following himself after, with all his power: the Sultan retired unto a second strength, which he had made in the next city. The fight endured full the space of seven hours, wherein were slain of the Sultan his men above sixteen thousand: and of Tamerlanes' betwixt seven and eight thousand. Who contented to have dislodged the enemy, and gained a third part of the city, caused a retreat to be sounded, in hope the next day to win all the rest, as indeed he did. For the prince of THANAIS the next day forcing the enemy's trenches in one place, and Axalla in another, the Sultan after a great fight finding himself hardly pressed by the obstinate enemy, and too weak long to hold out, retired, and so forthwith abandoned the city, and encamped himself along the side of the river NILUS, with purpose to pass the same, and to fly to ALEXANDRIA his second strength and refuge. Which Tamerlane suspecting, followed after him with his horsemen (who only were in order) and some few foot, hardly drawn from the city, which their fellows were in spoiling; so as he was glad to promise them especially, to regard and reward their good service. Against whom the Sultan upon a narrow causey, had opposed twelve or fifteen thousand men, whom he called his slaves (to favour his passage) but were indeed his best soldiers, and stood fast, the place serving greatly for their advantage: who for all that at length forced by their enemies, still increasing upon them, (though not without great loss) cast themselves into the great river, and made a most honourable retreat: every man having his weapon in the one hand, and swimming with the other to the farther bank. The Sultan flying with some eighteen thousand horse (for the rest were sundry ways fled or else drowned) is reported in his flight, to have comforted his men, by telling of them, That they were not men that had vanquished them, but gods there appeared in them so great wisdom, force, and valour: divers of the Mamelukes taken in the late fight, being brought before Tamerlane, and by him courteously used, were of him demanded, if they could be content to serve him, now that their master was fled and gone? which they all utterly refused. Whom notwithstanding, for their fidelity, Tamerlane set at liberty to go again unto the Sultan: as no less desirous to be admired of his enemies for his bounty and courtesy, than feared for his force and valour. The wonderful wealth of this so great and famous a city became a prey unto his soldiers: who for the space of four and twenty hours had the spoil thereof, being then by open proclamation commanded every man to repair to his quarter. The citizens he set all at liberty, not suffering any of them to be taken prisoners. And so leaving ten thousand good soldiers with a great number of others (whereof he carried a great multitude in his army, planting every where as he passed as it were new colonies) and carrying away with him such of the inhabitants as he thought might hurt him, and taking order for all things necessary for the keeping of such a city, he caused his army to pass over the river for to follow the Sultan unto ALEXANDRIA, to the end not to leave his victory unperfect: Axalla hasting before with the avauntgard, for to hinder the Sultan for joining his forces again together; and the rest of his army conducted by the prince of THANAIS. He himself with an infinite number of boats, and soldiers to attend upon him, going by water; taking great pleasure to behold the fair river, and his swift course sometimes, and in an instant to become so calm as if it scarce moved. The citizens of ALEXANDRIA hearing of his coming, and fearing what might betide them, besought the Sultan to have compassion of their estate, and to withdraw himself into LIBYA, whether Tamerlane for the barrenness of the country could not with any great power follow him; resolved for their parts to give place unto fortune, and to do as the time required, and no more to resist so great a force, whereof they had already made sufficient trial: promising yet to remain in heart still his, and upon the first occasion offered, to make the same to him appear▪ Whereupon the Sultan seeing all things desperate, The Sultan flieth from Alexandria. determined for a time to retire, in hope, that time would bring some change: as also that Tamerlane his populous army would not long remain there. And so departing out of ALEXANDRIA with tears standing in his eyes, oftentimes said, That God was angry with him and his people, and that he must of necessity suffer the fatal overthrow of his estate, himself having done as much as in him lay, according to his charge, and the expectation the world had of him: and yet that he hoped at length to return again, and deliver his people from the bondage, whereunto they must now needs submit themselves. Tamerlane coming to ALEXANDRIA (before yielded to Axalla) there stayed a great while, sending Axalla to pursue the Sultan, exceedingly grieved that he could not get him into his hands: and therefore still fearing some innovation to be by him raised, which caused him to deal the more hardly with them whom he suspected to favour him. Now the bruit of these victories having with Axalla passed beyond ALEXANDRIA into LYBIA, had brought such a fear, not only upon the people adjoining unto these conquests, but also upon all AFRICA (they supposing that Tamerlane did follow,) that two and twenty of the Moor kings sent their ambassadors unto him, to offer unto him their obedience: the Sultan as a man forsaken of fortune, still flying before him. Of the nearest of which kings, Tamerlane took hostages: as for the other farther off, he contented himself with their faith given, and with the other outward signs of their good wills. Tamerlane desirous to return into his country. Now after this long travail and pains taken, was Tamerlane more desirous than he had before used, to see the pleasures of his own native country: the rather thereunto moved by the request of his wife, then longing for his return; and the news he heard of the sickness of the old Tartarian emperor his father in law; besides that, age itself began to bring unto him a desire of rest: with whom also, the desires of his soldiers well agreed, as men now weary ●o have run so many and divers fortunes. The only stay was, that he expected the coming of Calibes, an old and faithful servant of his, whom he for his good desert had of his own accord appointed governor of all his new conquests in EGYPT and SYRIA: A great honour no doubt, but not too great for him that had so well deserved. So mindful was he of the good deserts of his faithful servants, as that he needed not by others to be of them put in remembrance, were they never so far off, as was now Calibes, who at this time was with the third part of his army making way for him along the great river EUPHRATES, for the conquest of MESOPOTAMIA and PERSIA: whose coming was now with great devotion looked for of the whole army, desirous to return. Which their expectation he long delayed not, but being sent for, came to ALEXANDRIA, whither the whole army was now by the commandment of Tamerlane again assembled. Upon whose coming, Tamerlane departed from ALEXANDRIA, having there left the prince Zamalzan (a man of great reputation) with six thousand horsemen and ten thousand foot, as governor of that place, and lieutenant general under Calibes: whom Tamerlane (as I have said) had now appointed to command over all EGYPT and SYRIA, together with the countries newly conquered in LYBIA and BARBARY: and now conducting him unto the great city of CAIRO, and there taking the best order he could for the preservation of his new conquest, left him with forty thousand horse and fifty thousand foot. And so having sufficiently instructed him, how he would have those kingdoms governed, dismissed him, not like a master, but as a companion, seeming very sor●ie to leave him destitute of his presence. So setting forward with his army, conducted by the prince of THANAIS, Tamerlane himself, with a few to guard him, by the way turned aside unto IERUSAL●M: where he remained eleven days, daily visiting the Sepulchre of Christ jesus (whom he called the God of the Christians) and the ruins of Solomon his temple: much wondering thereat, and at JERUSALEM, the seat of David's kingdom, and of that great Solomon; but grieved that he could not see them fully in their former beauty. He only despised the jews, which had committed so cruel a murder against him that came to save them. And to show his devotion towards the holy city, commanded it to be free from all subsidies and garrisons of men of war: and gave great gifts unto the monasteries, and honoured them so long as he remained there. Departing from JERUSALEM, he came to DAMASCUS: which great city, as well for that it was infected with the opinion of jezides (accounted an arch heretic among the mahometans) as also evil affected to his proceedings, he caused to be razed, and the bones of jezides the false prophet to be digged up and burnt, and his grave before much honoured, in despite to be filled with dung. So marching on, and blasting the world before him as he went (for long it were, and from our purpose to recount all his victories) he passed over the river EUPHRATES, and having conquered MESOPOTAMIA, with the great city of BABYLON, and all the kingdom of PERSIA, loaded with the spoil of the world, and eternised for ever, he returned at length to SAMERCAND, the famous place of his birth, and glorious seat of his empire. Now had Bajazet (but a little before one of the greatest princes on earth, and now the scorn of fortune, The mis●rabl● death o● Bajazet. and a byword to the world) with great impatiency lain two years in most miserable thraldom, for most part shut up in an iron cage, as some dangerous wild beast: and having no better means to end his loathed life, did violently beat out his brains against the bars of the iron grate wherein he was enclosed, and so died about the year of our Lord 1399. Yet of his death are divers other reports: some saying, That he died of an ague, proceeding of sorrow and grief: others, that he poisoned himself: and the Turks affirming, that he was set at liberty by Tamerlane, being by him beforehand poisoned, whereof he died three days after he was enlarged (a report not like to be true:) but howsoever it was, his end appeareth to have been right miserable. His dead body at the request of his son Mahomet, was by Tamerlane sent to ASPRAPOLIS, from whence it was afterwards conveyed to PRUSA, and there lieth buried in a chapel near unto the great Mahometan temple without the city Eastward: where also lieth his beloved wife Despina, with his eldest son Erthogrul. And fast by in a little chapel lieth buried his brother jacup, whom he in the beginning of his reign murdered. These two great and mighty princes, A comparison betwixt Bajazet and Tamerlane. Tamerlane and Bajazet (both of them whilst they lived, a bur●hen unto the world) as they took their beginning from the Scytheses or Tartars, so were they of like honourable progenitors descended: Bajazet being the fourth in descent from the warlike Ottoman, the raiser of his family; and Tamerlane in like degree from the great Zingis, the first and most fortunate leader of the Tartars (his countrymen) unto the pleasures of the East: both princes of great power and like spirit, wise, hardy, painful, resolute, and most skilful in martial affairs; but ambitious above measure, the ground of all the former troubles by them raised, to the astonishment of the world. Howbeit, the great virtues and other the honourable qualities of Bajazet, were in him by his choleric and wayward nature much obscured: which made him to exceed both in cruelty and pride: being also much more handfast than were his honourable predecessors. For which causes he was much feared and less beloved of his soldiers and men of war in general, and of them at his most need forsaken. He used commonly to say, That his treasures were his children's meat, and not his soldiers pay: which by way of reproach was by a common soldier cast in his teeth, when he raged to see himself by them forsaken in the great battle against Tamerlane, telling him as he fled, That he ran not away, but went to seek his pay, wherewith to provide his children bread. Whereas all the aforesaid virtues in Tamerlane were graced with divers others of like nature, no man being unto his friends more courteous or kind, either unto his enemies more dreadful or terrible. The good service of his servants he never forgot, either left the same long unrewarded: being thereof so mindful, as that he needed not by them or others in their behalf, to be put in remembrance thereof, having always by him a catalogue both of their names and good deserts, which he daily perused. Oftentimes saying that day to be lost, wherein he had not given them something: and yet never bestowing his preferments upon such as ambitiously sought the same (as deeming them in so doing, unworthy thereof) but upon such, as whose modesty or desert he thought worthy those his great favours; so tempering the severity of his commands with the greatness of his bounty, as that it is hard to say, whether he was of his nobility and men of war, for the one more feared, or for the other beloved; both, the great stays of princes states: fear keeping the obstinate in their obedience, and love, the dutiful in their devotion. But with Bajazet it was not so, who deeming all done for him, but duty, and by nature choleric and proud (after the manner of tyrants) desired above all to be of his subjects feared, not much regarding how little he was of them beloved: not the least cause of his great fall and misery, Bajazet in his posterity more fortunate than Tamerlane. and that therein he was of his own so smally regarded: wherein for all that he is to be accounted more fortunate than the other great conqueror his enemy, having ever since in the lineal descent of himself, had one of the greatest Monarches of the world to succeed still in his kingdom and empire: as he hath even at this day, the great Sultan Mahomet, the third of that name, who now in great majesty reigneth in CONSTANTINOPLE: Whereas the glory of Tamerlane his empire, even in his own time grown to the height thereof, and labouring with the greatness of itself, and by him divided amongst his sons, shortly after his death decayed, rend in sunder by ambition and civil discord; and not long after, together with his posterity, rooted out by Vsun-Cassanes the Persian king, to the world's wonder took end: nothing of the huge greatness thereof now or since then remaining, more than the fame thereof: as doth also the misery of the other so brought low. But leaving this mirror of mishap (Bajazet) unto his rest, and Tamerlane for a while to triumph in SAMERCAND; let us now proceed in the course of our History, yet not forgetting by the way to remember such Christian princes as then lived together with these two great Monarches. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Bajazet the first. Emperors Of the East Emanuel Palaeologus. 1387. 30. Of the West Wenceslaus, son to Charles king of Bohemia. 1378. 22. Rupertus duke of Bavaria. 1400. 10. Kings Of England Richard the second. 1377. 23. Henry the fourth. 1399. 12. Of France Charles the sixth, surnamed, The well-beloved. 1381. 42. Of Scotland john Stuart, otherwise called Robert the third. 1390. 16. Bishops of Rome Vrban the VI 1380. 11. Boniface the IX. 1390. 14. MAHOMET. I. MAHOMETHES PRIMUS QVINTUS TURCARUM REX FLORVIT ANNO 1405 Phil. Lonicer. Hist. Turc. lib. 1. Vindicibus Mahomet patrium sibi vendicat armis Imperium, & fractas feruidus auget opes. Quod patri abstulerat violentia Tamberlani, Imperio reddit mart favente suo. Ille sagittiferosque Dacas, validosque Triballos Contudit, & populos Ister amoene tuos. Turcica sic rursus sublata potentia, stragem Attulit imperio Romule magne tuo. By force of arms stout Mahomet his father's kingdom gains, And doth the broken state thereof repair with restless pains. What so the force of Tamerlane had from his father ta'en, He by his fortune and his force restored the same again. The Dacians he vanquished, and Seruians in field, And forced the people near to thee fair ISTER, for to yield. So once again the Turkish state (by him raised up on high) Hath to thine empire, Romulus, brought great calamity. THE LIFE OF MAHOMET, THE FIRST OF THAT NAME, FIFTH KING OF THE TURKS, AND RESTORER OF THEIR SORE SHAKEN KINGDOM. HOw wonderfully the Turkish kingdom was by the violence of Tamerlane shaken, divers opinions concerning the successors of Bajazet. and the majesty thereof defaced, it well appeareth, in that the Histories of that time, as well those of the greeks, as of the Turks, in nothing more differ, than in the successors of Bajazet, their late unfortunate king. Some writing, that he had two sons, Orcanes, (otherwise called Calepinus) and Mahomet: and that Calepinus in the second year of his reign was slain, and his kingdom possessed by Mahomet his brother. Others reporting, That Bajazet had two sons, namely, Calepinus and Mustapha: and that Calepinus succeeding his father in the Turkish kingdom, when he had reigned six years, died, leaving behind him two sons, Orcanes and Mahomet: and that Orcanes being young, was slain by his uncle: whom Mahomet in revenge of his brother's death, afterwards slew, & possessed the kingdom himself. Others reckon up seven sons of Bajazet: josua, Musulmanes', Moses, Calepinus, josua the younger, Mustapha, and Halis; with an uncertain succession amongst them also. This diversity of opinions, full of no less uncertainty; as I mean not to follow in report of this history, so will I not spend any time in refuting the same (although much might be said in the matter) but leave these reports, together with the history following, to such credit, as they shall hap to find with the considerate readers. The Greek Historiographers (best like to know the Turkish succession, as well by reason of their nearness, as in that they were by them as their bad neighbours, so much troubled) make no mention at all either of Calepinus or of Orcanes: In like manner, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, diligently gathered out of the Turks own histories by Io. Leunclavius (a learned physician; and himself a great travailer amongst them, and therefore deserving the more credit) do not so much as name the succession of Calepinus or Orcanes, after the captivity of Bajazet, but rejecteth them both as counterfeits. But in mine opinion (without prejudice to any, that upon better reason may deem otherwise) the great confusion of the Turkish kingdom, in short time wrought by the mighty Tamerlane and his Tartarians, with the civil discord and war afterwards arising among the sons of Bajazet, striving (all as it were at once) for the restless room of sovereignty, which suffereth no partners; and every one of them, according to his hap or power, laying hand upon some one part or other thereof, and bea●ing himself therein for a time as a king, in countries so far distant; never leaving, until they had like the earthborn brethren, wrought one another's destruction; might give just occasion of such diversity of reports as is before spoken of, concerning the succession of that time, in that troubled and rend kingdom: some reckoning one, some another: and some, such as never were, to have succeeded in the government, and so untruly augmenting the number of the Turkish kings. Wherefore leaving Calepinus & Orcanes unto them that first found them, with that little, which without any good ground and less probability is written of their supposed reign; I (following the authority of the Turkish history) reckon this Mahomet, one of the youngest sons of Bajazet (of whom we are now to entreat) fifth king of the Turks: who after great and dangerous wars, as well against his own brethren, as his foreign enemies, was at length solely invested in the Turkish kingdom, about ten years after the captivity of his father Bajazet, as shall hereafter be declared. The true posterity of Bajazet. Bajazet after the manner of the Turkish kings, having laid up the hope of his posterity in the common treasure house of nature, rather than in the body of one lawful wife, had by divers wives and concubines seven sons, Erthogrul, otherwise called Orthobules, Emer-Soliman, Mustapha-Zelebi (that is to say, the noble) Isa-Zelebi, Musa-Zelebi, Sultan Mahomet, and Casan-Zelebi. Of whom, Erthogrul the eldest was lost in the wars against Casi Burchaniden, as is beforesaid in the life of Bajazet. Mustapha was slain in the great battle against Tamerlane, and there buried in the bed of fame. Casan the youngest was a child in Bajazet his court, when his father was taken, and afterwards with his sister Fatime delivered as hostages, by their brother Solyman, unto Emanuel the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, where they both happily became Christians, and so shortly after died. Solyman was by Alis Bassa precedent of Bajazet his counsel, and other great captains, conveyed out of the battle against Tamerlane, into EUROPE: and so by them at HADRIANOPLE saluted Sultan. Mahomet fled out of the same battle to AMASIA in CAPADOCIA, where he was in his father's time governor. Isa hearing of his father's captivity, after the departure of Tamerlane with his Tartars, seized upon PRUSA, a city of BYTHINIA, the ancient seat of the Turkish kings, with the country adjoining, and there reigned as king. Musa-Zelebi was taken prisoner with Bajazet his father, and afterwards set at liberty by Tamerlane. But of their fortunes more shall be said in this history following. Mahomet Governor of Amasia. Mahomet was but fifteen years old, when his father Bajazet in the unfortunate battle at mount STELLA was taken prisoner, and was at the same time by his appointment governor of AMASIA, with a great part of CAPADOCIA adjoining: which places became so troublesome after the great victory of Tamerlane, that the Turks in that country were glad day and night for the safeguard of themselves, their wives, and children, to keep continual watch and ward: insomuch, that many of them, wearied with those troubles, and despairing of better times, went into voluntary exile, because they would not see so great miseries: which thing much grieved young Mahomet. Wherefore calling unto him his most faithful counsellors, to consult what course to take in the midst of so many dangers, it was by general consent thought best (for so much as they could not without apparent danger continue near unto Tamerlane his forces) to get themselves farther off into places of more strength: and from thence to expect the departure of their enemies, and in the mean time to content themselves with such advantages as occasion and chance of war might minister; cutting them short by policy, whom they were not able to meet in the plain field: and so by little and little to weaken or weary their mighty straggling enemies: For albeit that Tamerlane himself was not near him, as then lying in CARIA; yet did the captains of his great and victorious army, at their pleasure spoil and forage the countries far and near all over the lesser ASIA. Upon this resolution, he with all his forces departed from AMASIA, to DERBY in PAPHLAGONIA: where by the way he encountered with Cara jabia, a nigh kinsman to the prince Isfendiar of CASTAMONA, his enemy; whom he put to flight, with great slaughter of his men. This was the beginning of Mahomet his good fortune. From thence he went to KEREDEN, Mahomet sendeth spies into Tamerlane his camp. and there staying certain days, sent a spy into Tamerlane his camp, to see how all things went there: and afterwards entered again into counsel with his captains concerning his farther proceedings. In which consultation, some were of opinion, That it was best for him to withdraw himself into the mountains of the lesser ASIA, as a place of good safety, until the departure of Tamerlan, which was shortly hoped for: for that it was not to be thought that Tamerlane would with his huge army pursue him in that mountain country, flying from hill to hill, and as it were from strength to strength. Others better advised, thought those mountains to be no places to trust unto, and therefore that it were more honourable and as free from danger, for him to return again to AMASIA, and there to live amongst his subjects, protecting them in such sort as he might, and not to leave them for a prey to every straggling company of the rude Tartarians. Which counsel he followed, as most reasonable: & being ready to set forward, the spy before by him sent into Tamerlanes' camp, returned, certifying him, That he had seen his father Bajazet in good health in the Tartars camp, but could not by any means speak with him by reason of the strait guard set over him: and that all that part of ASIA was by Tamerlane possessed, who then with his army wintered in CARIA and LYSIA: whereupon Mahomet returned back again to AMASIA: where he had not long stayed, but that news was brought unto him, That one of the Tartarian princes called Cara Duletschach (that is to say, the fortunate black king) was with an army of twenty thousand coming to spoil his country, being given him by Tamerlane. With which news he was exceedingly troubled. Wherefore with all speed calling together his forces, for the safeguard of his country, he sent before a spy to discover the enemies doings. This diligent spy returning in all haste, told Mahomet, That Cara Dulet lay at the town of AEGIOLUS in GALATIA, in great security, ●auing about him but a small power; for that he fearing no danger, had at that time dispersed his army, to seek after pillage abroad in the country Mahomet taking hold of this opportunity, marched thither with great celerity, and suddenly setting upon Cara Dulet, Cara Dulet slain. overcame him. In which conflict Cara Dulet himself was shot through the head with an arrow and slain, and his army utterly discomfited. Mahomet returning back to AMASIA with victory, refreshed and rewarded his soldiers, yet no less careful for the safety of his kingdom than before. Shortly after, he was advertised that Cubad Ogli with a great army laid hard siege to the city of CaeSARIA in CAPADOCIA, and was like in short time to take it, if it were not speedily relieved. By taking of which city, that Tartar prince was like to make a great entrance, to the hazarding of the whole country. Wherefore Mahomet having his army always in readiness, marched day and night with such speed to CaeSARIA, as that he was upon Cubad Ogli before he was aware of his coming, and there slew most of his soldiers, and put him with the rest to flight. After that, he entered into Cubad Ogli his country in PONTUS, and grievously spoiled and destroyed the same: at which time, he also by force won the strong castle PELTae in the confines of PHRIGIA. Immediately after that, Inall Ogli another of Tamerlanes' captains (which at their pleasure without let, foraged all the countries of the lesser ASIA, during the time that Tamerlane made his abode within the Turks dominions) upon the sudden entered into CAPADOCIA with an army of twenty thousand fight men, killing the inhabitants, and spoiling the country before him: so that the people for fear left their dwellings, and fled into the woods and mountains to hide themselves from his fury. Whereof Mahomet hearing, was therewith exceedingly grieved, and wrote unto him as followeth: Sultan Mahomet unto the Prince Inall Ogli. Whereas without any just or lawful cause, or any war proclaimed, you have invaded our kingdom, and cease not cruelly to kill our subjects, Mahomet his letters to Inall Ogli the Tartar pince. by God committed to our protection; and to spoil their wealth and labours, to the great disturbance of the Mahometan common weal; and make no end of your malice and cruelty: you do therein quite digress from the manners and laws of the true Mahometans or right believers. For if thou wouldst not only be accounted, but indeed be a true Musul-man, thou shouldest forthwith depart out of my kingdom with thine army; thou shouldest not thus shed the innocent blood, or without cause thus wrong my people: but forasmuch as thou knowest not what beseemeth thee, neither wilt listen unto good counsel, but wilfully proceed in thy wicked purpose, falsely persuading thyself, this my kingdom to be destitute of a lawful inheritor; and therefore dost so great wrong and injury unto the defenders of the true Mahometan religion: I would thou shouldest know, that I with my so often victorious army, will shortly by the power of God come against thee, and in plain field according to thy deserts chastise thee. Therefore whilst thou yet mayest, reclaim thyself, and proceed not too far in thine obstinacy: too late repentance did never man yet good. Thus much we thought good to advertise thee, that thou shouldest not be ignorant of our purpose, but mightest so better consider and dispose both of thyself and thine affairs. In the year after the departure of the great Prophet Mahomet 806. Unto which letters Inall Ogli returned this answer in writing. Prince Inall Ogli to Mahomet. Why dost thou Mahomet with such letters provoke me? Inall Ogli his answer to Mahomet. why dost thou so uncivilly taunt me? being thyself but a boy, and in truth a very child. It beseemeth thee not to have entered into these countries, or to lay hands thereon, wrongfully gracing thyself with the title of a Sultan. Neither is there any cause, why thou shouldest complain that I should lie in weight or seek after thy life, thy kingdom, or any thing that thine is. I challenge unto myself this kingdom, but none of thine: out of which it is reason for thee, as a wrongful intruder of thyself, to depart; whom otherwise I will forthwith thrust out, and join the same unto the rest of my territories. Wherefore except thou without delay get thee packing, and cease to oppose thyself against my designs. I denounce unto thee all the calamities of war: and wish thee with speed to prepare thyself to battle, for that I mean shortly to meet with thee. This year of our great Prophet, 806. Inall Ogli overthrown by Mahomet. Shortly after, Mahomet according to his promise meeting with this Tartar prince, by plain force overthrew him, and had of him a notable victory. The like good hap he had also not long after, against Coster Ogli, and Kiupeck Ogli, two other Tartarian captains, at the castle of CHARACHIZAR and the plain of ARTUCK-OVA. And hearing that one Mesites, a Turk, had fortified himself in the ruins of SEBASTIA, and from thence spoiled the country round about, he sent Bajazet one of his Bassas against him; who in short time took him and brought him bound unto him: by whom he was adjudged to die. But seeing in the man an invincible courage, and contempt of death, at such time as he should have been executed; moved therewith, he gave him his pardon: for which he ever after continued unto him faithful, and did him great service. Mahomet having many times thus vanquished the straggling Tartarian princes, which had sought the spoil of his country, became thereby famous amongst the great commanders of Tamerlane his army: in so much that the bruit of his name came at length to Tamerlanes' ear, yet lying in the lesser ASIA: who as he thought it not worth his greatness and labour, himself in person to go against so weak an enemy; so he thought it not good or convenient quite to neglect him, but by some other means (if he could) to overtake him. For which purpose he began to speak many times very honourably of him, highly commending his great valour and forwardness in so tender years. And calling for Bajazet, told him what great commendation he had heard of his son Mahomet, and that he was therefore very desirous to see him: where if he found that true which was reported of his great virtues, he would bestow one of his daughters upon him in marriage, with many other great preferments: and therefore willed Bajazet to write unto him, Not to doubt to come unto him, to the great good both of himself, and his father. Which thing Bajazet at the first doubting the worst, requested Tamerlane not to believe of his son, being yet very young and not worthy of so great a favour. Nevertheless partly persuaded by Tamerlane his protestations, and importuned by him that might now command him: he with an evil will wrote to his son Mahomet to such effect as Tamerlane required. With which letters, and others of like purport from himself, with many rich presents, Tamerlane sent Hozza Mahomet, (one of his secret councillors) ambassador to Mahomet, of whom he was right honourably received, and likewise entertained. But having read the aforesaid letters, and thereby understood the cause of his coming; he entered into counsel with the great Bassas about him, whether he were best to go to Tamerlane or not. Where his councillors were all clear of one opinion, That it was not good for him to adventure his person to the danger of such a journey, or the mercy of so mighty an enemy, of whose faith he had no assurance. And if so be (said they) he therewith offended, will by force seek to have you, we at his coming will take the refuge of the woods and mountains, and there shroud ourselves until he be departed again: for that he with his huge army cannot here long stay in this bare country, for want of necessaries. Nevertheless Mahomet hoping his journey might be both for the good of his father, and his own advancement; contrary to the mind of all his councillors, resolved to go: and so having prepared all things needful for the honour and safety of his journey, set forforward. But as he was upon the way in the marches of PONTUS, Cara jahia whom he had before overthrown, understanding of his coming that way, thinking now to be revenged; and having got unto him some of the prince Isfendiars forces, set upon him by the way: but with as evil success as before, most of his men being there by Mahomet slain, and himself glad shamefully to fly. So travailing on further, he understood that Alis Beg, a great lord in those countries, went about to intercept him also: which caused him in such haste to go on, that he was upon Alis, before he was aware of his coming, or well provided for him: so that for fear he was glad to betake himself to flight. Mahomet considering the danger he had escaped in that journey, and that the nearer he came to Tamerlane, the more like he was to fall into greater, although happily without Tamerlane his knowledge: by the advice of his grave and faithful councillors, resolved to go no further. Wherefore calling unto him Tamerlanes' ambassador he thus spoke unto him: You see the dangers and injuries I endure in this my journey, and my mind forbodeth greater to ensue: for which causes I may not go any further, Mahomet his speech to Tamerlans ambassador. but here return. Commend me therefore I pray you unto the most mighty Tamerlane, with my father▪ and tell them what dangers have happened unto me upon the way. Which considered, I hope they will have me excused. For which purpose I will also send in your company an ambassador of mine own. Mahomet at that time had with him a grave, wise, and learned man, called Sophis Bajazet, sometime his schoolmaster: whom he sent ambassador to Tamerlane and his father, to have him unto them both excused: and so departed, he homewards, leaving the way he came (for fear of further danger;) and they towards Tamerlane, who honourably received Mahomet's ambassadors and letters. But taking pleasure in the man sent unto him, gave him honourable entertainment, but would never after suffer him to return again unto his master. It was not long after, but that old Bajazet died of impatiency (as is aforesaid:) whose dead body Tamerlane left at APROPOLIS with the prince Germean, to be delivered unto his son Mahomet; with Musa his elder brother (who all this while had been kept prisoner with Tamerlane) if Mahomet should require them. And so the mighty prince Tamerlane, after he had long time wasted PHRIGIA, CARIA, LYDIA, with the most part of the lesser ASIA; and conquered all SYRIA, JUDEA, EGYPT, and PERSIA, with many other great countries and provinces; returned at last into his own kingdom, unto the great city of SAMARCAND, which he wonderfully enlarged, and beautified with the spoils of a great part of the world, before by him wasted: where he afterwards in great peace and glory reigned, no less honoured than feared of all the princes of the East. To the terror of whom, and for the assuring of his estate, he kept always a standing army of forty thousand horse, and threescore thousand foot ready at all assays: beside other his great garrisons which he kept in SYRIA, The great power Tamerlane continually kept. EGYPT, CHINA, and CAMEALV; as also against the Muscovit, and Turks; being commonly in every place threescore thousand strong, though not still in field, but as occasion required. Until that at length hearing of the rising again of the Turkish kingdom, under the Ottoman princes, the sons of Bajazet; with whom the oppressed Mamalukes of EGYPT, and the Greek emperor (as doubtful of his estate) had now also for fear of him combined themselves: he by the persuasion of Axalla (than General of his imperial army) made great preparation for a second expedition to be made for the utter rooting out of the Ottoman family, and the conquest of the Greek empire. But having now all things in readiness, and also given a good beginning unto these his intended conquests, (one of the Turks great Bassas being by Axalla his lieutenant in a great battle overthrown, and thirty thousand of the Turks slain) he in the midst of these his great hopes, as also of his greatest power, The death of Tamerlane. died of an Ague the 27 day of januarie, in the year of our lord 1402. A little before whose death, appeared a great and terrible blazing star, portending as it were unto the world the death of so great a prince. The description of Tamerlane. He was a man of the middle stature, somewhat narrow in the shoulders, otherwise well limmed, and of a great strength. In his eyes sat such a rare majesty, as a man could hardly endure to behold them without closing of his own: and many in talking with him, and often beholding of him became dumb; which caused him oftentimes with a comely modesty to abstain from looking too earnestly upon such as spoke unto him, or discoursed with him. All the rest of his visage was amiable and well proportioned: he had but little hair on his chin; and ware the hair of his head long and curled, contrary to the manner of the Tartars, who shave their heads, having the same always covered: whereas he contrariwise was for the most part bareheaded, commanding his son also to be so by his tutors brought up: his hair was of a dark colour, somewhat drawing toward a violet right beautiful to behold: which his mother coming of the race of Samson (as he gave it out) willed him to nourish, in token of his descent: the cause that made him to be the more respected of his men of war; most part of them believing that in those hairs was some rare virtue, or rather some fatal destiny: an old practice of many great commanders of former ages, to fill the heads of their soldiers with some strange opinion conceived of them, to be the more of them honoured; as if in them had been some one thing or other more than in other men. His lively counterfeit, as I find it expressed by them that write the best of him, you may here behold, with the testimony of his greatness following: TAMERLANE. Paulus iovius Illust. virorum, Elog. lib. 1. pag. 97. Ille nows Xerxes, orientis victor, & ingens Quacunque permearet, horror gentium: Complevit totos Scythico qui milite campos, Hoc se ferebat ore trux Tamerlanes'. Cuius in adventum tutae altis moenibus urbes Ipsumque terrae contremiscebat solum; Ipsi adeo montes, ipsae per devia valles, Vim Barbarorum non ferebant agminum. Quare ab caucaseis Asiam convallibus omnem, Ad usque Nili flumina armis subdidit; Eufratem, & Tigrim, & rapidum tranavit Orontem, Vi, vastitate, caede, cuncta proterens. Vtque olim foeda cum tempestate coorta Erumpit atra nube fulmen igneum: Obuia quaeque cadens perrumpit, & alta sonanti Templa atque solidas strage turres disijcit. Subsidit vasto Tellus labefacta fragori, Humilisque mentes sternit humanas pavor: Haud secus ille viam ferro molitus, & igni, Euertit arces, opida aequavit solo. Regem Asiae horribili captum impete Baiazetem Caveaque clausum ferrea circuntulit. Haec agitantem illum, & spirantem immania jussa Quae cunctus undique orbis expavesceret; Exiguo caecae domitum molimine febris Fatalis uno soluit hora triduo. Deque tot insanis opibus, de tot modo regnis, Reliqua una parvo gleba texit pulvere. In English thus, Of Tamerlane a Xerxes new, which did the East subdue, And in all places where he came, the nations overthrew; That filled the fields with Scythian troops, brought from those climates cold, This was the feature and the shape which thou dost here behold. At whose approach, the strongest towns could small resistance make, The earth itself under his feet seeming for fear to quake. The mountains high, mating the sky, and uncouth valleys low, Unable were the force to bear, where he did come or go. All ASIA from mount CAUCASUS, unto the banks of NILE, With valiant hand he vanquished and made his force to feel. EUPHRATES, TIGRIS, and the swift ORONTES gave him way, With force, waist, and destruction great, on what he list to pray. And as in tempests great oft times, when all things go to wrack, The fiery lightning flashing forth, out of the clouds so black, Doth break down what it lights upon, and with a dreadful fall Overthrows the temples, with their towers, and stately buildings all, So that the earth dismayed therewith, doth lower down descend, And fearful wights wrapped up in woe, are brought to their wit's end: In like sort he with fire and sword seeking all to confound, The strongest castles, towers, and towns, laid equal with the ground. And like an whirlwind taking up great Bajazet away, Cooped up in cage, so carried him, for his disport and play. But whilst he rageth thus about, and plotteth in his head Such hard commands and heavy dooms, as all the world should dread: A little fever in three sits, oppressed him with woe, And cloasing up his vital spirits, did lay his head full low. So that for all the world of wealth and kingdoms he possessed, The small remainder of himself in simple grave doth rest. His great empire by himself divided betwixt his sons, Mahomet goeth against his brother Isa. was by their discord, and the ambition of some of their disloyal subjects, in short time after brought to great confusion, and his posterity utterly rooted out by Vsun-Cassanes, the Armenian prince, as in the process of this history may appear. But to return again unto our purpose, Mahomet delivered of his greatest fear, by the departure of Tamerlane out of those countries, determined to go to PRUSA in BYTHINIA, where his brother Isa as then reigned: But understanding that Isa had before taken the straits whereby he should pass the mount HORMINIUS, he took another way about, & came to PALaeO-CASTRON, where the valiant captain Eine-beg Subbassa than remained: who with all honour and gladness received him, and there for certain days refreshed both him and his army. Afterwards greater forces still repairing unto him, he marched thence to VLA●AD, called in ancient time LOPADIUM. Of whose coming Isa before understanding, and having assembled his army, marched thither also, and encamped on the other side of the town towards PRUSA, ready to give him battle. But Mahomet seeing his brother so forward, consulted with his captains what were best to be done: where Eine Subbassa a man of great experience, and of late one of Bajazet his great councillors and captains, told him, That it was not for their honours being brethren, to pollute their hands one in the others blood; but to assay if the quarrel might by some other good means be composed, and they made friends. For which purpose Mahomet presently sent letters unto his brother Isa, concerning the partition of their father's kingdom in ASIA betwixt them: offering unto him the provinces of AIDINIA, SARUCHANIA, GERMEANIA, C●ARASIA, CHARAMANIA, with other countries to them belonging: so that he might have PRUSA with all the other provinces about the same. Which letters, when Isa had read, and saw that Mahomet offered him but titles for kingdoms, and such countries as were rather sometimes tributaries unto their father Bajazet, than any part of his kingdom, and now of late by Tamerlane again restored unto their ancient liberty and governors; sharing out the best, and strongest part thereof unto himself, he broke forth into choler and said: What? doth not my father's kingdom of right belong unto me being the elder brother? Mahomet is yet but a youth, The answer of Isa to Mahomet his o●●ers. and scarce crept out of the shell: by what right then can he claim my father's kingdom as his inheritance? If he can by the sword win it, let him take it, and so hold it. Mahomet having received this answer, prepared himself to the field, where his brother as ready as himself, stood expecting his coming: and having set his army in order of battle, gave the first charge: which was the beginning of a most cruel and bloody fight, wherein as it commonly falleth out in doubtful battles, many were on both sides slain. At last the fortune of Mahomet prevailing, Isa his army began to retire: which he seeing, left nothing undone for the encouraging of his fainting soldiers, which belonged to a politic General, or valiant soldier to do; but pressing into the thickest of his enemies, there with his own hand slew the ancient and valiant captain Eine Subbassa, who had many times been General of the footmen in old Bajazet his wars. But what prevaileth courage against evil fortune? Isa must either fly or die. And therefore having done what he could in so desperate a case, being himself on every side forsaken, in the end was glad himself to fly to the sea side: where finding a ship ready bound for CONSTANTINOPLE, he passed over thither in safety, and there yielded himself unto the protection of the Greek emperor Emanuel. In this chase Mahomet his soldiers took the valiant captain Temurtases prisoner, another of Bajazet his great commanders, and brought him to Mahomet: who in revenge of the death of Eine, commanded his head presently to be smitten off, and his body to be hanged upon a tree by the high way side. Of this victory, Mahomet certified his brother Solyman at HADRIANOPLE, and in token thereof sent him Temurtases his head. This battle was much spoken of, both for that it was fought betwixt two brethren; and also for the death of the two famous old captains Eine and Temurtases, who both together as loving friends, had fortunately fought many great battles under Bajazet his ensigns; and now as it were by destiny, and against their wills, without any private grudge, were both drawn into contrary factions and slain: both whilst they lived wishing a good peace betwixt the ambitious brethren. But as the Turks use to say, What is by God written in a man's forehead before his birth, cannot in his life be avoided. After this victory, Mahomet thinking himself now in sure possession of all his father's dominions in ASIA, led his army to PRUSA, where he was of the citizens joyfully received as their Sultan: and for his great bounty, of all men highly commended and honoured. From thence he went to NICE, and so to NEAPOLIS and there in both places was likewise received. Thither resorted unto him all the garrisons of CARASINA, SARUCHANIA, and AIDINIA, with other the inhabitants of those countries, with all loyalty submitting themselves unto him, with such honour and reverence as belonged to their king. All things thus sorting according to his desire in ASIA, he sent to the prince Germean for the body of his father Bajazet, The body of Bajazet honourably 〈◊〉 at Prusa. and for his brother Musa, which were there left by Tamerlane, as is before declared. This dead body was by the same prince at the request of Mahomet, with great solemnity sent to PRUSA, and there sumptuously buried, with all the Turkish obsequies and ceremonies: the Turkish Alcoran or book of their law, being read seven days upon his tomb. All which time great cheer was kept for all comers, and much given to the poor (upon the Turkish devotion) for Bajazet his soul: but above all others, exceeding bounty was extended to the posterity of their prophet Mahomet; which are known from others amongst the Mahometans, by the colour of their apparel, which is all green, and not lawful to be worn of any but of them: so that they were by the bounty of Mahomet at that time greatly enriched. He also endowed the Abbey which his father had there lately built, with great lands and possessions for the maintenance thereof. All which things done, and the solemnity past, he went in progress to all parts of his kingdom, and was in every place joyfully received, and so afterward returned to AMASIA: and there in great pleasure spent that summer. Where we will for a while leave him to see what Solyman his eldest brother in the mean time doth at HADRIANOPLE: whose lively countenance is by the skilful workman's hand thus expressed. Non malus es nisi te eneruet male suada voluptas Quaeque minus bello convenit inglwies. Hospitio Mirxi fruitur iam Musa Valachi: Ille tuum vigilat pronus in exitium. IAC. BOISARDUS. Evil art thou not, except lewd lust do hasten on thy fall: Or riot, which beseemeth not a martial man at all. Thy brother Musa entertained by Mark to thine annoy, Doth take no rest, but waiteth still how he may thee destroy. Soliman the eldest son of Bajazet (who kept his court at HADRIANOPLE, there peaceably reigning all this while over the countries which his father Bajazet sometime possessed in EUROPE) hearing what his brother Mahomet had done, and how violently against all right he had driven Isa out of PRUSA, and made him glad to fly to CONSTANTINOPLE: was with this his outrageous dealing much offended, and thereupon calling unto him his Bassas & faithful counsellors, declared unto them the unnatural proceedings of Mahomet against his brother Isa. Wherein (said he) he doth me also great wrong in taking upon him the sovereignty over those great dominions and countries in ASIA, which of right belong to me his eldest brother, and not to him the youngest of six. In revenge of which injury and wrong, I intent in mine own right, to pass over into ASIA with a strong army, and by force of arms to recover mine inheritance there, if I may not otherwise come by it. Good counsel. Unto which speech one of his grave counsellors replied: That in his opinion it was not the best course for himself to go in person into those wars. For although (said he) your brother Mahomet be but young, and therefore by your greatness less accounted of, yet is his fortune great, and his experience above his years. None have yet had to do with him, but they have had enough of him: yea, it is worth the noting, how politicly he hath borne himself for his own safety, and the safeguard of the countries which he governed all the while that the great and mighty Tamerlane with his innumerable forces covered the face of the countries fast by him: most part whereof, Mahomet hath now since his departure, again recovered. Wherefore it were best for you to send for your angry brother Isa, to CONSTANTINOPLE, and to make him general of the army you intent to send into ASIA against Mahomet. In which wars, it is not unlike, but that one of your brethren will be lost, whereby you shall have one competitor of your kingdom the less. So shall you afterwards with less trouble subdue him that is left, or at leastwise please him with some part of that which they have so mightily striven for. This counsel was of Soliman and all the rest well liked of, Isa with a great army sent by his brother Solyman into Asia against Mahomet. and approved. So was Isa presently sent for unto CONSTANTINOPLE, and a great army levied. Who being come to HADRIANOPLE, was by Soliman courteously welcomed, and made general of his army: and therewith shipped over the straight of HELLESPONTUS into ASIA. Where at his first coming, he possessed the whole country of CARASIA or LYDIA: and passing further, in all places where he came, was received of the people with great reverence, they all promising him their obedience, if it were his fortune to prevail against his younger brother Mahomet: wherewith he held himself well contented. So coming to the city of BEG-BAZER, otherwise called DESPO●●POLIS, he there wintered with his army. In which time, he with many kind and loving letters still directed to Mahomet as his younger brother, seemed to be glad that he was so well obeyed and liked of by his subjects: and that presuming of his love and favour, he was as his loving brother, and not as an enemy come into ASIA, to entreat with him of such matters as much concerned the good of them both. Whereunto Mahomet with like dissimulation answered, That he was right glad of his coming, for which he needed not (as he said) to make any excuse, for that he was entered into a kingdom, in part his own, and the rest open before him: in token whereof, he commanded a rich garment to be cast upon the messenger as a favour, sending also divers rich presents unto his brother, with great provision of victuals, and other necessaries for his soldiers. But Winter past, and the Spring come, Isa marched with his army to PRUSA, and ●here showed unto the citizens the loving letters he had at sundry times before received from Mahomet: and telling them that he was in good hope that they should in short time right well agree; requested to have the castle delivered unto him, sometime their sovereign: whereinto the better sort of the citizens had retired themselves, and made fast the gates against him: but when he saw that he could by no fair words or policy gain the possession of the castle, enraged with that repulse, Prusa burnt by Isa. he set fire upon that goodly city, and burned it down to the ground. Mahomet not ignorant how his brother Isa rome up and down his kingdom, using all kindness to such as yielded unto him; and exercising no less cruelty upon such as refused his obedience: and how that he had razed the royal city of PRUSA: having gathered a strong army, marched in ten days from AMASIA to PRUSA, and by the way meeting with his brother Isa, in a great battle overthrew him with all his forces. Isa himself, accompanied with no more but ten persons, fled unto CASTAMONA, prince Isfendiar his city: who hearing of his arrival there, entertained him with all the honour he could, in recompense of the great friendship he had before found at his hands, at what time he was an humble suitor in his father Bajazet his court. Mahomet coming to PRUSA, grieved exceedingly to see that fair city so destroyed: yet to comfort the poor citizens, he gave exceeding sums of money to be bestowed amongst them, and took order for the new building of the city, and there continued certain days himself to see the work begun. Isa in the mean time, having incited the prince Isfendiar in his quarrel to invade his brother Mahomet, and going thither himself in person, was by him now the third time overthrown and put to flight. Nevertheless he with some small forces, twice afterwards entered into Mahomet's dominion, but finding few or none willing to follow his evil fortune, was glad at last to fly to the prince of SMIRNA, by whom he was both honourably entertained and comforted. This prince of SMIRNA moved with Isa his pitiful complaints, in so manifest a wrong, did not only promise him what help he could of himself, but also by his ambassadors solicited the princes of AIDINIA, SARUCHANIA, and MENTESIA, to give him aid in so just a quarrel, for the relief of Isa against his usurping brother: These princes pitying the case of the distressed prince, and moved with the request of the prince of SMIRNA, and fearing also the ambitious spirit of Mahomet; amongst them sent such aid, that being all assembled together, Isa had now twenty thousand men in arms. Mahomet understanding of this great preparation made against him, and having raised a strong army, thought it not best to expect his brothers coming into his country (where perhaps many might join themselves unto him, being so strong in field) but entered the prince of SMIRNA his country, with such speed, that he was upon him and the rest of his enemies before he was looked for; where after a great & bloody fight, he obtained of them a notable victory. Isa having lost the battle, and therewith his hope also, fled into CARAMANIA, and there in such obscurity ended his days, that no man can tell where nor how he died. Isa flieth into Caramania; and there dieth in obscurity. This was the end of this noble prince, always of greater courage than fortune. The prince of SMIRNA the chief author of this war, humbling himself to Mahomet, obtained his favour. The other confederate princes which gave aid to Isa, were shortly after by Mahomet for most part spoiled of their dominions. Which done he returned with victory to the building of PRUSA, hoping now to live at more quiet. But whilst Mahomet after this victory, dreading no danger, was in the midst of his pleasures at PRUSA, he was certainly advertised, That his eldest brother Solyman had raised a great army in EUROPE, to invade him in ASIA. Upon which advertisement, he furnished the castle of PRUSA with a strong garrison, and all things needful for the enduring of a long siege, and placed jacup-beg (the son of Firoses) captain therein; and afterwards departed himself, because that city lately before burnt by Isa, was not as yet to be defended, much less to be accounted of as a place to retire unto, if need should so require. From PRUSA he came to ANCYRA, & from thence directed commissions for the taking up of soldiers in all parts of his kingdom. At which time he writ letters also to Doioran a Tartar prince (whom he had many times greatly pleasured) for aid: who presently came unto him with certain troops of brave horse, promising him his faithful service. Not long after, hearing that his brother Solyman was with a puissant army now come over HELLESPONTUS, he consulted with his best leaders, what course first to take; being himself of opinion, without delay to meet his brother in the field, deeming it great shame not to offer him present battle. But he was by his more expert captains advised, to consider that he was to fight against his eldest brother, of whose good or bad fortune he had as yet no experience: and that many secretly favoured his quarrel, and claim, as the eldest son and right heir of his father Bajazet: and that therefore it were better for him to retire farther off into the strength of his kingdom, and so temporising, to await all good opportunities which might chance, as it doth in nothing more than in martial affairs; rather than to commit all to the hazard of one battle, wherein if fortune failed him, all were then utterly lost. Upon which resolution he retired from ANCYRA towards AMASIA. At which time Doioran the false Tartarian, marching out at the other side of the city, fell to robbing and spoiling of Mahomet's subjects as an enemy, burning the country villages as they went: which thing when Mahomet understood, he with his horsemen pursued him; and overtaking him before he was looked for, slew most part of his men, and recovered all the spoil which he had before taken; all which Mahomet gave to his soldiers. Doioran himself hardly escaping by flight. And so Mahomet having revenged himself upon his dissembling friend, held on his way towards AMASIA. The castle of ●rusa besieged 〈◊〉 Solyman. Solyman being come into ASIA, led his army towards PRUSA: where the citizens understanding of his coming, went out of the city to meet him, and having done unto him such honour and reverence as belonged to their Sultan, brought him peaceably into the city. But jacup-beg stood upon his guard, and would by no means deliver unto him the castle which was before by Mahomet committed to his charge: for which cause Solyman laid hard siege unto it, and gave thereunto divers sharp assaults, whereby the defendants were greatly weakened, many of them being slain, and the rest for the most part wounded. Whereupon jacup by letters sent by one Eine Hozze, certified Mahomet how things stood, and that the castle could not long be holden against the furious assaults of Solyman, except it were with speed relieved: upon which news, he in all hast made towards PRUSA, returning the same messenger before him with letters to the captain of the castle, if happily he could find means to deliver the same: Wherein he highly commended him for his faithful service, and promised him speedy relief. This messenger with his letters, chanced by Solyman his soldiers to be intercepted, and brought to Alis Bassa, Solyman his chief councillor (a man of a sharp conceit) who of nothing could make something, but having any thing to work upon, could do wonders: He having straightly examined the messenger, and perused the letters, suppressed the same, and presently writ others in the name of Mahomet, commending the captain for that he had already done in his service; but yet for as much as he could not possibly in time relieve him, he willed him therefore to deliver up the castle, and to provide for the safety of himself and his garrison, by such conditions as he could best obtain. These counterfeit letters Alis Bassa found means to be as cunningly delivered unto the captain, as they were craftily indited: who having read the same, and now out of all hope of relief, expecting also every hour to be assaulted by the furious enemy; upon reasonable conditions yielded the castle to Solyman. The news whereof being brought unto Mahomet, now come within one days march of PRUSA, exceedingly grieved him: but seeing no remedy, he returned back again to AMASIA; whither Solyman (now possessed of the city and castle of PRUSA, and having thereby got a great name in ASIA) shortly after came with his army, and hardly besieged his brother in AMASIA: but seeing no hope to win the city, he retired back again to PRUSA, and there after his wont manner spent his time in riot and excess, whereunto he was ex●eedingly given. jacup Beg for yielding of the castle, was afterward by Mahomet straightly imprisoned, and in danger to have been put to death, had not the great Bassas become earnest intercessors for him. Mahomet lying at AMASIA, was by his secret espials advertised, That his brother Solyman having dispersed his army, lay in great security at PRUSA, guarded but with a small power, passing his time in all voluptuous pleasure, his common exercise. Whereupon he in all hast marched with his army thitherwards, to have surprised him, before he should be able to call together his dispersed forces. But when he was come to the river SANGARIUS, he was discovered by Solyman Subbassa, a great captain, whom Sultan Solyman had sent, for the taking up of men in that side of the country. Who returning in all haste, gave Solyman knowledge of his brothers coming: with which sudden news he was so dismayed, being now of small strength, that for the avoiding of the imminent danger, he would presently have fled into EUROPE, had not Alis Bassa otherwise persuaded him: telling him, That if he should so cowardly fly away, it would not only blemish and defame his honour, but discourage his friends also in ASIA, and encourage his enemies to pursue him perhaps unto the gates of HADRIANOPLE: and that therefore it were better, with such forces as he had, to take the straits about NEAPOLIS, and so to stay his brothers further passage into that country, until such time as he might assemble the rest of his army. According to which good counsel, he first took the beforenamed straits and passages, whereby Mahomet was of necessity to pass, and there strongly fortified himself. Mahomet coming thither, with great force entered those straits, but was still valiantly by Solyman repulsed. The like attempt he many times valiantly gave, for that he knew himself to be at that time too strong for his brother: but Solyman having the advantage of the place, with little danger or loss frustrated those his brothers brave attempts, although he were then a great deal the weaker. Alis Bassa, whose wily head, fraught with long experience, could (with nothing) effect great matters, in the mean time was not idle, but (making Solyman before acquainted with his doings) sent a secret messenger (one of his own trusty servants) to Mahomet with letters, certifying him, That most of his nobility and great captains had secretly conspired to betray him into the hands of his elder brother Solyman, as the undoubted heir of his father Bajazet; and so with the price of his head, to make their own peace and atonement with him: and that for the performance thereof, they had bound themselves first unto Solyman, and afterwards one to another, by solemn oath. Which treason he discovered unto him, with great protestation of his love and good will, as he that had of long time eaten bread and salt (as the Turks use to say) in his father's court; and therefore could not but wish well unto him, being one of his lord and masters sons. These letters something troubled Mahomet, breeding in his head many a jealous conceit: for all that, he ceased not for six or seven days space, to give many a hot skirmish for the gaining of those strait passages, but all in vain. In which time, it chanced one of his servants near about his person, to fly unto the enemy; which caused him the more to suspect all that to be true, whereof Alis Bassa had forewarned him. Which considered, and that by lying there he prevailed nothing, but lost and wearied his men (for it was all that while exceeding foul weather) and withal doubting to be betrayed, returned as he came, to AMASIA. And Solyman glad also of his departure retired to PRUSA, giving order into all parts of his kingdom, for the assembling of a great army: but understanding that the king of CARAMANIA had made a league with his brother Mahomet, and that they were agreed to join their forces against him for the driving of him out of ASIA, he forthwith drew all his forces to ANCYRA, as a place of more safety. Whilst Solyman thus lay at ANCYRA, it fortuned that Musa (which had all this while remained with his brother Mahomet, since he was set at liberty by Tamerlane) though not altogether well pleased with his own estate, one day by way of talk, thus spoke unto his brother: You see (said he) how our elder brother Solyman ceaseth not to vex and molest us daily, and is not unlike in the end to prevail against us, to our utter destruction: Now if it might please you to give me leave, I would go to Isfendiar prince of CASTAMONA and PONTUS, our brother's enemy, and of him procure shipping to pass over the Euxine sea into EUROPE: where I doubt not to find opportunity to make some great innovation in that kingdom, now in my brother's absence: by reason whereof, Solyman shall of necessity be driven to leave ASIA, to be again by you solely possessed: or else be brought in danger, there to lose his kingdom in EUROPE. Which if it shall be my good hap to gain out of his hands by your supportation, I promise you faithfully to hold the same of you, as of my lord and sovereign. This greatly pleased Mahomet, and thereupon not long after they concluded betwixt themselves, one to stand fast unto another, and the one to help the other in what they could, during life; confirming the same with great solemnity of their Turkish faith given, and taken. Whereupon Mahomet furnished his brother Musa with great sums of money and other needful things, for the taking in hand of so great an enterprise. Musa thus furnished, taking his leave of his brother, set forwards towards the prince Isfendiar: who hearing of his coming met him on the way, and entertained him as a great prince. But after that Musa had made him acquainted with his purpose for passing into EUROPE, and had obtained grant of his help therein, he took his leave of him for a time, and went to visit the king of CARAMANIA; who also most honourably entertained him, and the rather in despite of Solyman. But whilst Musa was thus passing the time in CARAMANIA, it fortuned that Mark (of some called Mirxes) prince of VALACHIA, having his country much spoiled by Solyman his garrisons; and hearing that Musa one of Bajazet his sons, was with the prince Isfendiar; he writ unto him, promising to bestow his daughter and heir in marriage upon Musa, if he would come over into EUROPE, Musa marrieth the prince of Valachia his daughter. and revenge the wrong done unto him by Solyman: whereof Musa advertised by the prince Isfendiar, gladly returned out of CARAMANIA, and was by him transported over the EUXINE or black sea, into EUROPE: where the prince of VALACHIA glad of his coming, received him with great honour, and according to his promise gave him his daughter in marriage. The fame of Musa his coming into EUROPE, Musa in the absence of Solyman received at Hadrianople as king and of his marriage, was in short time bruited through all Solyman his kingdom in EUROPE, and wrought such effect in the minds of the mutable vulgar people (always desirous of novelty) that they all as it were with one consent, submitted themselves unto him, as unto their lord and sovereign. In so much that coming to the royal city of HADRIANOPLE, in the absence of his brother Solyman, he was there received as their king. Solyman now lying at ANCYRA in ASIA, understanding of these proceedings of Musa in EUROPE, and that he was possessed of a great part of his kingdom there, was therewith exceedingly troubled. Wherefore leaving his deputy in ANCYRA, he with all his army came to the straight of BOSPHORUS, and there of Emanuel the Greek emperor obtained passage, promising for the same to restore unto him certain places before taken from him in ASIA: for Musa had so provided, that he could have no help of the Turkish shipping, which was by his commandment all before brought over unto EUROPE side. Musa hearing of Solyman his arrival in EUROPE, made towards him with a great power: but after that both their armies were come the one within view of the other, and now ready to join battle, many of Musa his captains forsook, him and fled to Solyman the elder brother and their undoubted king: which Musa beholding, was glad to fly, and to take the safeguard of the woods and mountains for his refuge. After which victory, Solyman returning to HADRIANOPLE, took again possession of his kingdom, and there without measure gave himself to riot and excess, according to his wonted manner. After the departure of Solyman out of ASIA, jacup-beg (but lately before again received into Mahomet his favour, and now left as Solyman his deputy) delivered ANCYRA with the castle of PRUSA, and all the rest that Solyman had gained in ASIA, to Mahomet; who shortly after led his army through the countries of CARASIA, AYDINIA, SARUCANIA, TEKENSIS, and GERMEANIA, reducing them once again unto his obeisance: and afterwards returned to PRUSA, where he now the second time took possession of his father's kingdom in ASIA. Musa goeth against So●yman. Musa still aided by the Valachian prince his father in law, gave many great attempts against his brother Solyman: but was still put to the worse. At length having gathered some good strength, and diligently attending the least smile of better fortune, drew near unto the place where Solyman lay, who at that time was (as his manner was) banqueting with great pleasure in his camp, and full of wine. In so much that when news was brought unto him, That his brother Musa was at hand with a great power; he in his drunkenness caused the messenger that brought the news to be beaten: and when he with greater earnestness than was to his liking, affirmed that his report to be true, he commanded him to be slain for troubling his mirth. But not long after, Musa was come so near, that the vauntcourrours of his army did skirmish with some of Solyman his soldiers: when as Chasis Eurenoses one of his father's old captains, pressing in, told him that Musa was at hand, and had skirmished with part of his army. Whereof Solyman (now far in wine) had no regard, but said: Good tutor do not trouble me no more, my brother Musa dare not come so nigh me, if I do but hold up my cap, he is gone. With which answer the old captain going out discontented, sent in Chasan, Aga of the janissaries: who boldly coming unto him, told him plainly of the imenent danger, and sharply reproved him for his intemperance and security. With whose free speech, Solyman moved, in great rage commanded his beard to be cut off (than no small disgrace amongst the Turks.) Chasan presently coming forth thus disgraced, said to them that stood waiting without: This is the honour wherewith Sultan Solyman in his excess, rewardeth his most faithful servants. Wherefore be it known to you all, I will from henceforth (and not without cause) serve Musa, a prince of greater temperance and discretion: who so will follow me, come and welcome, So mounting to horse, and accompanied with a number of his janissaries, of whom he was greatly beloved, went over to Musa: as did many other great captains also with their companies, moved by his example so to do. But when Solyman understood that Chasan with most part of the janissaries, and many other worthy captains with the greatest strength of his army, were revolted to Musa, then fast by, and ready to set upon him; it than repented him too late of his dissolute folly: and finding no other remedy now to escape, hid himself until it was dark night; then taking horse, accompanied only with Caratze Beg and Cara Muchill, Solyman flieth. two of his noblemen, and one country Turk (whom they had retained for their guide) thought to have fled to CONSTANTINOPLE. This malicious clown, having of purpose led them by unknown ways all that night too and fro, as it were in a maze, oftentimes misnaming unto them the places they passed by, as if they had been in the right way; brought them in the morning to a village not far from the place from whence they departed the evening before: and there riding a little before them, of purpose, gave warning to a sturdy peasant or two of his acquaintance, That Solyman was coming after: willing them to make stay of him. These rude country churls, with some others of like breed, running out with bats and staves, and such other homely tools as first came to hand, slew Caratze, and Cara Muchill, which would not yield unto them but stood upon their guard, and took Solyman alive: where, as it commonly falleth out in the vulgar people's fury, some cried out to kill him, and so to end the wars; some likewise to burn him; and some to hang him; and some few to save him: every one as his rude affection lead him. In the heat of this country uproar came Musa, who glad to see his brother Solyman so hardly beset, Solyman strangled by his brother Musa. This Solyman is that same whom some call Celebinus, and othersome Calepinus, and reckon him for the fifth king of the Turks. caused him presently to be there strangled, when he had reigned in HADRIANOPLE six years and ten months. This was the miserable end of Solyman, the eldest son that Bajazet left alive. A man much given to excess, otherwise endued with many great virtues, being both of great valour and exceeding bountiful. In his time lived the learned doctor Achmetes which wrote the history of Alexander the Great, in Turkish verse, and published it in the name of Solyman himself: for which he was by him bounteously rewarded. The dead body of Solyman himself, was by the commandment of Musa conveyed to PRUSA, and there lieth buried fast by the body of his grandfather Amurath. So now of these Cadmeian brethren, remained none but Mahomet and Musa, the one reigning in ASIA, and the other in EUROPE, divers parts of world, and well bounded with the surest bounds of nature: yet not sufficient to content or contain their ambitious minds, until that the younger had most unnaturally devoured the elder: whose lively counterfeit, as it is by the skilful workman expressed, you may here behold. Quid properas insane tuum pessundare fratrem? Nam sceleris tanti, Praemia digna feres. Quicquid enim fratri malefeceris, hoc tibi frater. Mox referet, nimis haec in tua fata ruis. RICH. KNOLLEUS. What hastest thou mad fool, thy brother to confound? The guerdon of such villainy, shall to thyself redound. For look what mischief thou hast wrought shall turn to thee again: Why dost thou therefore foolish man so hasten on thy pain? Musa presently after the death of his brother Solyman, took upon him the Turkish kingdom in EUROPE: who in the beginning of his reign displaced most of them which had born great offices before in the time of his brother Solyman, and had now of late revolted to him▪ fearing to be by them betrayed or forsaken, as his brother was▪ and in their rooms placed other his own creatures. And not so content, proceeded farther, upon small causes most unkindly to imprison and put to death many of them that had of him well deserved. Which cruel dealing so alienated the minds of his nobility, that many of them kept themselves out of the way; doubtfully expecting the event of such his tyrannical government: Chasis Eurenoses, that old and renowned captain, to escape his hands, was glad to feign himself blind, so to absent himself from court. At this time he also by his ambassadors demanded of divers Christian princes his neighbours, such tribute as they had in times past either paid or promised to pay unto his father Bajazet: and in that quarrel invaded divers of them, namely, the princes of SERVIA and BULGARIA. Amongst others he sent Ibrahim Bassa, a learned man of great experience, and sometimes one of his father's grave counsellors, unto Emanuel Paleologus, the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, to demand the like tribute of him. Who so soon as he was come to CONSTANTINOPLE, from thence by letters advertised Mahomet of the undiscreet government of his brother Musa in his new got kingdom; and what untimely stirs he began to make, before he was therein well settled, losing the love both of his subjects and neighbour princes: with much other matter concerning his misgovernment. Which things when Mahomet understood, he sent a messenger with letters back again to CONSTANTINOPLE, requesting the Bassa to come over unto him into ASIA, and in token of his great favour sent him divers rich garments, with many great and princely promises: wherewith the Bassa moved, and detesting the cruel government of Musa, went over unto him to PRUSA, and there was of him honourably entertained, and sworn one of his privy counsel: in which place of honour he long time afterwards served him faithfully, and after him his son Amurath also. Mahomet thinking, upon the advantage of his brothers evil government, to find means to thrust him out of his kingdom, and so to draw the whole government of the Turkish empire unto himself, as well in EUROPE as in ASIA; assembled an army of fifteen thousand choice soldiers to invade his brother in EUROPE, before he were there well established in his kingdom. And so shocking down towards the straits of BOSPHORUS, by his ambassador concluded a league with Emanuel the Greek emperor, That one of them should never wrong or damnify the other: and that if Mahomet should hap to obtain the Turkish kingdom in EUROPE, he should always honour and reverence the emperor as his especial good friend; but if it should chance him to be distressed or overthrown by his brother Musa, that then the emperor should presently transport him and his army back again into ASIA. This league was with great solemnity of words on both parts confirmed. And shortly after Mahomet with all his army was by the emperors shipping at the straight of BOSPHORUS near unto CONSTANTINOPLE, transported over into EUROPE: for Musa possessed of GALLIPOLIS, had stopped all the other passages. Musa having before knowledge of his brothers coming, was forthwith in readiness to meet him with a strong army. The battle betwixt the two brethren, Mahomet and Musa. So that Mahomet had not marched far from the sea side, but that the vauntcourriers of his army met with his brothers, at a place called INTZUGE, and there began a light skirmish: wherein Musa his forerunners were by Mahomet's put to flight, and chased unto Musa his camp. Whereof such a sudden fear arose in the army, that they were almost ready to fly, thinking Mahomet had been upon them with all his power: but understanding the truth of the matter, both armies rested that night, which as then drew fast on. The next day these two brethren, armed with equal hope, brought their armies into the field, & gave the signal of battle, whereupon began a mortal and bloody fight: in the fury whereof, Michael Ogli, Bassa of ROMANIA, and certain other of Musa his great captains, upon secret discontentment revolted to Mahomet: wherewith many of Musa his soldiers discouraged, fled. Which Mahomet his soldiers seeing, pursued the chase with such earnestness and fury, that few were left with himself: yet with such as were left, in hope of good hap, he set upon his brother: who although he was half discomfited with the flight of the greater part of his army, whom the enemies had yet in chase, yet stood he fast himself with seven thousand janissaries, his best soldiers; so taking the unexpected good hap, presented unto him by his brother's forwardness, valiantly received his charge. But Mahomet finding there a greater strength than he had before supposed, and himself too weak to withstand the fury of the janissaries, because most of his men also were following the chase, was now for safeguard of his life glad to fly himself to CONSTANTINOPLE: whether he came accompanied scarcely with two hundred men: and was from thence; according to the agreement before made betwixt him and the emperor, speedily shipped over into ASIA. Musa having thus put his brother to flight, with great slaughter of his men, presently took his tents with all that was therein, and there encamped himself. They of Mahomet's army, which followed the chase of such as had fled in the beginning of the battle, not knowing what had happened to Mahomet, returning to the camp, doubting no peril, and finding it at their return possessed by their enemies, stood as men amazed and utterly discouraged: at which time Musa would not suffer his soldiers to put them to the sword, as they would feign have done, but commanded them to be despoiled of their arms and such other things as they had, and so with life suffered them to depart. After this overthrow, whilst Mahomet lay still at PRUSA, the prince of SMYRNA forcibly entered into AIDINIA, purposing to pass through into SARUCANIA: which thing Mahomet hearing, gathered a great army, and entering into the prince's country, made such spoil as he went, and so distressed the prince himself, that he was glad to submit himself unto him, and from thenceforth to hold his dominion of him, as of his lord and sovereign, and so returned unto AMASIA. Mahomet could not well digest the loss he had so lately received in EUROPE, and therefore levied an army of choice soldiers out of all parts of his kingdom, once again to try his fortune against his elder brother Musa. For the better success wherein, he by his letters craved aid of the prince Duldager Ogli, written to this effect: Sultan Mahomet unto the prince Dulgader Ogli, his father in law. My purpose is to lead mine army into ROMANIA in EUROPE, Mahomet his letters unto the prince Dulgader Ogli, his father in law. and there again to try my quarrel with my brother Musa. My hope is, that you will not with your aid be wanting unto me your son in law, in my so great affairs, neither for want of good will to hinder this my purpose. Fare you well, in the year of our great Prophet Mahomet 814. From AMASIA. Whereunto the prince returned this kind answer: Prince Dulgader Ogli unto the great Sultan Mahomet. I doubt not most mighty Monarch, but that whither so ever your desires shall draw you for the undertaking of any great exploit, The answer of prince D●lgader Ogli to Mahomet. he that ruleth above in heaven, will be always your aid, prosper your attempts, minister unto you fit occasions, and bring all your actions unto most happy end, with most assured victory. Wherefore seeing (God so disposing our affairs) I cannot myself in person come unto you with my power, and give you my trusty help in this your intended war: yet will I in no case fail with all speed to send my son your servant, to aid you with our forces, in this war. Fare you well this same year of our Prophet 814. And so shortly after, the prince sent unto him his son, according to his promise, with a company of brave soldiers, excellently furnished: for the welcoming of whom, Mahomet his brother in law made a great and royal feast: and there in his mirth gave unto the young prince the rich apparel he wore himself, with the horse he road upon, and all the rich plate of gold and silver wherein they were served at that feast, a matter of great value. And to every one of his noblemen he gave a rich garment, made for that purpose, with some other gift, as a favour: and afterwards gave them all to understand, That he intended forthwith to pass over into EUROPE, and there to recover all his father's kingdom, or else there to end his days: As for the spoil and prey (said he) shall be theirs that can win it: one horse, one sword, one horseman's mace shall content myself. So having furnished his army with all things needful for so great an enterprise, he set forward, and came to the straight of BOSPHORUS; and from thence gave knowledge of his coming to the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE: who glad thereof (for the displeasure he bore to Musa) transported him and all his army over that straight into EUROPE▪ and there in one of his country palaces royally feasted him. At which time Mahomet requested the emperor to join with him in that war against their common enemy: but he excused himself by reason of his great age; yet nevertheless, assisted him with certain companies of valiant Christians, whose service afterward stood the Turk in great stead. So Mahomet taking his leave of the emperor, marched with his army to the river WYZEN in THRACIA, where by the way he received letters from the ancient captain Chasis Eurenoses, advising him to be very circumspect in his marching, and not to make too much hast to join battle with his brother: counseling him also (if he could by any means) to allure jegides Bassa, Barac Beg, and Sinan Beg, to forsake his brother, and to follow his ensigns; for that in those men consisted Musa his greatest strength: and promised in good time to come unto him himself also, if he were not too hasty. This messenger that brought this news, Mahomet bountifully rewarded, and so sent him away. Shortly after, as he was marching towards HADRIANOPLE, part of the enemy's army, began to show itself under the leading of Cara Calile, and was presently charged by Michael Ogli, Hadrianople besieged by Mahomet. and put to flight. So holding on his way to HADRIANOPLE, he laid siege to the city: where the citizens sent out unto him certain of their gravest and most substantial burgesses, to certify him, That by reason of the garrison there left by Musa, they could not as then deliver the city unto him; but if it should please him to go and try his fortune in the field against his brother, who should be the commander thereof, he should find them ready to follow his good fortune, and to yield themselves, the city, and all therein, to his pleasure, if it were his good hap to carry away the victory. With which answer Mahomet contenting himself, raised his siege, and took the way towards ZAGORA. In that place Musa is reported to have come secretly disguised into Mahomet his camp, and to have taken full view thereof, but perceiving himself too weak to encounter his brother, withdrew his army into the safeguard of the great woods and strong places: and so from thence retired with his army towards PHILIPPOPOLIS, and so marched along the river MERITZE, called in ancient time HEBKUS: Where jegides Bassa, with Hamza Beg, and Ismir Ogli (three of Musa his great captains) set upon the rearward of Mahomet's army, and were by Michael Ogli repulsed. Mahomet holding on his way, came to SOPHIA: where as he went, Musa divers times from the mountains made show of his army, but durst not come down into the plain to give him battle. Mahomet having refreshed his army at SOPHIA, marched to SARKIVE, where he received letters from jegides Bassa, Barac Beg, and Sinan Beg, all secretly persuaded by old Eurenoses to revolt unto him: the tenor whereof in brief was this. jegides Bassa, Barac Beg, and Sinan Beg, unto the great Sultan Mahomet. We are three young men (most mighty Monarch) and have with us three thousand choice soldiers, men of incomparable valour, such as the world hath scarce the like: draw your forces near unto us with as much speed as you can, and you shall find us ready to come over unto you. Fare you well. Musa his chief captains revolt to Mahomet. Whereupon he marched all the next night after, until he came to the river MORAVA, and there encamped: where the three aforenamed captains, according to their promise joined themselves unto him with all their soldiers. Thither came also old Eurenoses, of all others the most famous captain amongst the Turks, and now no longer blind, bringing with him a great company of most expert soldiers. Mark the Despot of SERVIA (for the displeasure he bore unto Musa) sent him aid thither also. By which supplies, Mahomet's army was greatly increased: who after he had courteously welcomed all these new come captains, he began again to march farther until he came to COSSOVA, the unfortunate plain; where Hamza Beg the prince of SMYRNA his son, having forsaken Musa, came unto him with five hundredth horse, certifying him that all the nobility had forsaken his father: so, as he marched from place to place, his forces still increased by the revolt of his brothers. Musa seeing his soldiers thus daily fall from him, insomuch that he had almost none now left, but the souldious of the court (which were indeed his best men of war, and always unto him faithful, because he had been ever unto them exceeding bountiful) thought it best to attempt something, before he were left himself alone. Wherefore having yet with him seven thousand of those expert soldiers, he drew nearer unto his brother, seeking to have taken him at some advantage. But Mahomet having knowledge of his purpose, and contented to be advised by his old expert captains, had ever a vigilant eye unto him. Yet at last, whether it were upon good hope, or else pricked forward with despair, Musa upon the sudden, valiantly set upon his brother's army: but his soldiers oppressed with multitude, rather than overcome with true valour, after a hard and bloody fight were put to the worst: which he seeing, desperately broke into the midst of his enemies, seeking there for death amongst the thickest of them. But being known by Bajazet Bassa, Mahomet his lieutenant general, desirous to take him alive, he was beset on every side: where seeing himself in more danger to be taken than slain, he with great courage broke from amongst the midst of them, and fled. In which flight his horse falling into a deep muddy ditch (or as some others say, hoxed by Sarutzes his own servant, and himself wounded) overthrew him, and there before he could again recover himself was taken by Bajazet Bassa (the great lieutenant) Michael Ogli, Musa taken. and Barac Beg, which had hardly pursued him out of the battle: and so was with his hands bound, by them brought through the midst of the army. Which pitiful sight, grieved not a little the hearts of many; to see him but even now so great a king, and one of the sons of great Bajazet, by the strange change of fortune, bound like a captive slave led forth to execution: yet were most part glad thereof, hoping this long civil wars would now in him take end. Shortly after came unto him a noble man called Balta Ogly, Musa strangled. sent (as was thought) from Mahomet himself▪ who after he had in few words bitterly reproved him, for the cruelty by him before showed unto his brother Solyman in like case, caused him presently to be strangled with a bow string. His dead body was by and by after, presented to his brother Mahomet: who seeing it, shed a few Crocodiles tears over it. He reigned three years and seven months, and was afterwards conveyed to PRUSA, and there lieth buried by the body of his brother Solyman, in the same chapel with his grandfather Amurath. Mahomet after the death of Musa, now free from all competetours, took upon him the sole government of the Turkish kingdom, as well in EUROPE as in ASIA. And here the Turkish histories begin the reign of this Mahomet fifth king of the Turks: accounting the troublesome time from the captivity of Bajazet, unto the death of Musa, as a time of vacancy or Anarchy, wherein the Turkish kingdom was not at any time wholly possessed by any one of Bajazet his sons. Isa possessing one part, whereof he was by Mahomet dispossessed: who afterwards usurped all that part of the Turkish kingdom in ASIA, being the right of his eldest brother Solyman: Who at that time reigning in EUROPE, was deposed and strangled by his brother Musa: who was in like manner served by his youngest brother Mahomet, the only son of Bajazet then left, as is before at large declared. Which divers mutations, and interrupted successions, was the cause that the Historiographers do so greatly descent upon the successor of Bajazet: some reckoning one, some another; and some more, some fewer; and some, such as never were. But forasmuch as Mahomet held all or most part of the Turkish kingdom in ASIA, during this troublesome time; and in the end possessed the other part thereof in EUROPE also; I reckon him for the fifth king of the Turks, and successor to his father Bajazet: including also in this History of his life, all that intestine and serpentine-like tragedy, wherein he himself was the principal actor. Whilst Mahomet was (as is aforesaid) thus busied in his wars in EUROPE, 1415. against his brother Musa: the king of CARAMANIA taking the advantage of his troubles there, with a great army invaded his kingdom joining upon him in ASIA, Prusa burnt by the Caramanian king. burning and spoiling all before him as he went: Eivases Bassa, Mahomet his lieutenant, then lying at PRUSA, not able to withstand him; and fearing his coming thither, because it was the seat of the Ottoman kings in ASIA, caused the citizens to bring the greatest part of their wealth into the castle: whereinto he also received so many of the citizens as he conveniently could, willing the rest to shift for themselves as they might, in such case of extremity. Shortly after, the king of CARAMANIA (according to his expectation) came to PRUSA, and without resistance took the city, not as yet fully fortified; which he without delay caused the second time to be burnt down to the ground: and afterwards laid siege to the castle, giving many great assaults thereto by the space of thirty days; but was always valiantly repulsed by Eivases the Bassa, who ceased not continually to encourage his soldiers, still putting them in comfort, That Mahomet having now overcome his enemies in EUROPE, would in few days undoubtedly come to their relief. It chanced at the same time, that the dead body of Musa, sent to PRUSA to be buried, was honourably conveyed upon the way, with much people following it. The Caramanian king hearing of the coming of such a multitude, and fearing it to have been Mahomet with his power, raised his siege and with speed departed: whereat the Turks long time after jested, saying, If the Caramanian king run away for fear of the dead body of the Ottoman king; what would he do if he had come against him alive? but the truth was, he feared Mahomet and his power. Orcanes' the son of Solyman (yet a boy) having lived at CONSTANTINOPLE ever since the death of his father, about this time departed thence, because of the league but lately made between the emperor and his uncle Mahomet, purposing to have gone into VALACHIA: but by the way as he was traveling, the Turkish voluntary soldiers understanding that he was the son of their late king Solyman, resorted unto him in great numbers, offering in his quarrel to spend their lives. Of which insurrection Mahomet hearing, marched thither in all haste, with a great power to suppress the same: of whose coming the soldiers with Orcanes' understanding, dispersed themselves and fled. As for Orcanes himself, he was by his unfaithful tutor Zaganos' betrayed unto his uncle Mahomet: who presently caused his eyes to be put out, and so sent him to PRUSA: allowing him great revenues to live upon, and ever after used him with great honour. The sister of this Orcanes he gave in marriage to one of his noblemen, with a great dowry. This is that Orcanes, whom some historiographers reckon up among the Turkish kings, as one of the successors of Bajazet; and that he was betrayed to his uncle Moses: erring as I suppose, both in the succession and the name, mistaking Moses for Mahomet. Now Mahomet calling to remembrance the injury which the Caramanian king had done to him in his absence, returning to PRUSA, assembled a great army to revenge himself of that wrong. 1416 At which time, he sent to the prince Isfendiar for aid, who sent him his son Cassumes. He commanded also the prince Germian Ogli, Mahomet invadeth the Caramanian king. to make provision for the victualling of his camp, as he should pass by his country: which was accordingly done. And so provided of all things necessary, he with his army entered into the Caramanian country: Where he took the city's ASPROPOLIS, DESPOTOPOLIS, HIEROPOLIS, and besieged ICONIUM: but by reason of the imoderate rain which at that time fell, he was glad to make peace with the Caramanian king, called also Mahomet. And so raising his siege, departed towards PONTUS, where he had not long stayed, but that news was brought unto him, That the Caramanian king renouncing his league, was again up in arms. Wherefore returning into CARAMANIA, and so to ICONIUM, he there overthrew the king in battle, and took both him and his son Mustapha prisoners: who redeemed themselves by delivering divers of their strong cities and castles into his hands: and afterward concluded a peace, they receiving from him an ensign (as the Turkish manner is) in token they were now become his vassals. The Caramanian war thus happily ended, he went over into EUROPE, and passing over DANUBIUS, 1417 foraged the country of VALACHIA TRANSALPINA, making there great spoil: for redress whereof, Valachia tributary to the Turk. the Valachian prince by his ambassadors sent him such tribute as he demanded, and his son also to serve him in his court. About which time happened a great earthquake in PRUSA, and other places of ASIA, whereby many houses & towers were overthrown; after which ensued great troubles in most parts of ASIA: howbeit Mahomet going thither, by his presence kept all his dominions in peace and quietness. Isfendiar prince of CASTAMONA and part of PONTUS, reserving unto himself CASTAMONA, with a little part more of his dominion, gave the rest unto Mahomet, upon condition that he should restore no part thereof again unto his son Cassumes: who having long time served in Mahomet his court and wars, could not be persuaded to return again unto his father; and therefore was by him thus disinherited. Which great gift, Mahomet thankfully accepted, and in am thereof assigned unto Cassumes other great and large possessions within his own kingdom. Mahomet after the death of his brother Musa, had sent Scheiches Bedredin (his brothers Cadelescher) to NICE in ASIA, as unto a place of exile, allowing him nevertheless a great pension whereon to live. This Bedredin had in his house one Burgluzes, Mustapha his steward: these two laid their heads together, how to raise some tumult or rebellion to trouble the peaceable government of Mahomet. For which purpose, Burgluzes (according to the plot by them laid) took his way into AYDINIA (sometime called CARIA) & there pretending a great zeal of reformed religion, with a wonderful gravity began to broach divers new and strange opinions, far differing from the Turkish ancient superstition, yet very plausible and well fitting the humour of the vulgar people. By which means he was in short time reputed for a famous learned devout man, and had many followers, drawing after him much people, fit to begin some great innovation. Bedredin glad of his man's success, fled from NICE into the prince Isfendiar his country, from whence he took shipping over the Euxine into VALACHIA, and there withdrawing himself into a great forest, as if he had been some devout and religious man, alured unto him a great number of outlaws and thieves which there lived. Whom when he had sufficiently instructed and framed to his purpose, he sent them in the habit of religious men into the country of ZAGORA, and other places in the frontiers of Mahomet his dominions, near unto him, as his disciples: who with great boldness and confidency, published Bedredin his doctrine and authority▪ and how that he was by God appointed to be the king of justice, and commander of all the world: whose doctrine and manner of government was (as they said) already received (as they gave it out) in ASIA, being set forth but by one of his scholars, Burgluzes; whose fame was now dispersed throughout all the Turks dominion: and that therefore, if any were desirous of preferment, they should repair to Bedredin, who would in short time show himself unto the world, and promote his followers according to their deserts. Many of the country people deluded with this fantasy and practice of these seditious seed-men, resorted to Bedredin in hope of preferment, and with them some of good calling also. At last, out of the forest cometh this great prophet, with banner displayed, attended upon with a great multitude of the seditious vulgar people, which daily resorted unto him more and more. Mahomet for the repressing of these dangerous tumults, sent his son Amurath, and Bajazet the great Bassa, with two thousand men to apprehend Burgluzes in AYDINIA: but when they came thither, they found him guarded with three thousand men well appointed, ready to adventure their lives in defence of their foolish prophet. Nevertheless, Amurath and Bajazet not dismayed with the multitude of those uplandish people, set upon them: where was fought a right bloody battle, for the number, and many slain on both sides: Burgluzes slain. yet at last the rebels fled; in which flight Burgluzes himself was slain, and hewn all to pieces. After which victory Bajazet from thence hasted to MAGNESIA, and there executed Torlac Kemal, another seditious Turkish monk, which with two thousand, by him seduced, did much harm in the country thereabout. At the same time also Mahomet sent another power against Bedredin: but most of his followers seeing in him no such matter, as was by his disciples and himself promised, and as they hoped for, were already fallen from him; so that of that great multitude which before followed him, few or none were left with him, whereby he was easily apprehended by them that Mahomet had sent against him: and so being brought to Mahomet to SERRAS, Bedredin hanged was there in the market place before a tavern door, fair hanged, without any farther harm. Mahomet in the short time of his reign finished the great Mahometan temple at HADRIANOPLE, before begun by his brethren Solyman and Musa. Where he also built a princely palace, the seat of the Turkish kings in EUROPE, until the taking of CONSTANTINOPLE. He also built another temple, with a most sumptuous abbey, and a public school thereto adjoining, endowing the same with great revenues, such as had by him and those his brethren of late been taken from the Christians. He gave also great sums of money, yearly to be paid at MEDINA and MECHA, for the relief of poor pilgrims traveling from far to the sepulchre of their great prophet Mahomet, at MEDINA, or his temple at MECHA. Shortly after Mahomet fell sick at HADRIANOPLE, Mahomet dieth at Hadrianople. and perceiving himself in danger of death, by his last will appointed his eldest son Amurath to succeed him in his kingdom; and sent Eluan-beg (a man in great favour with him) in post to AMASIA, to will him with all speed to repair to the court at HADRIANOPLE. But feeling death to approach, and that he could not possibly live until the coming of his son, he straightly charged his Bassas with all secrecy to conceal his death, until his coming, for fear lest any trouble should arise upon the bruit thereof, before his coming thither. And so having set all things in order, he departed out of this world unto his prophet Mahomet, about the year of our Saviour Christ 1422, when he had reigned seventeen years: accounting in his reign that troublesome ten years next after the captivity of Bajazet, in which time the Turks kingdom was by his ambitious sons rend in sunder (as is aforesaid) until it was at length again by this Mahomet restored unto the former integrity, about 7 years before his death, which the Turks account for the whole time of his reign: and the other troublesome 10 years as a vacancy or Anarchy of their kingdom, as is aforesaid. The death of Mahomet cunningly concealed from the janissaries, by the t●ree great Bassaes. Mahomet being dead, the three great Bassas, Eivases, Bajazet, and Ibrahim (to rid themselves of the fear they had of the janissaries, and other soldiers of the court) called a Divano or counsel for the wars, as if the king had been alive: wherein it was pretended, That Mahomet had determined to make war upon the prince of SMYRNA: and that for that service it was his pleasure, That the janissaries should forthwith pass over into ASIA, to the castle of BAGA. Whereupon press money was presently given them, and they sent over with letters directed to the viceroy of ANATOLIA, for the assembling of an army for BAGA. In the mean time, the great Bassas of the court sat daily in counsel, placing and displacing, promoting and disgracing whom they thought good, as if the king had so commanded: The king's physicians also, to countenance the matter, were commanded continually to go too and fro with their potions and receipts, after their wont manner, as if they had had the king still in cure: And letters were sent in post to Eluan Beg, for speedy dispatch of the business for which he was sent into ASIA. Yet for all this cunning dissimulation, the pensioners, and other soldiers of the court, wont to be near unto the king's person, and some of them always of the privy chamber, began to suspect the matter: and coming to the Bassas, said they marveled that the king in so long time did never show himself as he had always before done. Whereunto the Bassas answered, That he had been dangerously sick, and was as yet but a little recovered, and that therefore the physicians would not suffer him to look abroad, or take the air, for fear of casting him down again. Then will we ourselves said the pensioners go in and see his majesty, and with that were ready to force in upon the Bassaes. Eivases seeing their importunity, desired them to hold themselves contented, and not as then to trouble the king, for that he had that day, as he said, taken physic; but to morrow (said he) we will request his majesty, if he so please to show himself, that you may see him: wherewith they for that time held themselves content. Now amongst the king's physicians there was one Geordiron, a Persian, a man of a quick spirit and subtle devise, which found means to deceive the pensioners: he devised, that the dead body of the king being appareled in royal large robes, should be brought betwixt two, as if he had been led into an high open gallery; and being there set, to have a boy so neatly placed behind him under his large robes, as that he unperceived, might move the king's hand up to his head, as if he should struck his face or beard, as his manner was. The next day the dead king being accordingly brought forth by the Bassas in his rich robes, and wrapped with clothes about his head, as if it had been for fear of the air, or of taking cold, and so placed in an high open gallery, as was before devised: suddenly the physician came running in fuming and raging, as if he had been half mad, ready to tear his clothes for anger; and in great choler casting his cap against the ground, asked the Bassas, if they meant to kill the king, by bringing him into the open air? We (said he) have with great pains, in long time, a little recovered him, and will you thus foolishly cast him down again? Pardon us good doctor (said Eivases) for these gentlemen (pointing to the pensioners) were so importunate to see his majesty, that to satisfy their desires, he was content to be led forth of his chamber: whereof we hope shall ensue no harm. The pensioners seeing the king many times moving his hand to his face, and as it were stroking his beard, held themselves well contented, supposing him to have been alive, although but weak, and therefore not willing to speak unto them. The physicians taking him up amongst them, carried him into his lodging again, which was but fast by, making as if they had carried an extreme sick man. Thus was his death cunningly concealed one and forty days, until the coming of Amurath his son. This Mahomet was both wise and valiant, and withal exceeding bountiful, but ambitious above measure: and may of right be accounted the restorer of the Turks kingdom; for he recovered again all those countries in ASIA which Tamerlane had taken away and given unto other Mahometan princes, after the overthrow of Bajazet. And when as the kingdom of the Turks was rend in pieces and almost brought to nought by civil wars, and the ambition of himself and his brethren; he at length got possession of the whole, and so left it to his son Amurath an entire kingdom, in the former greatness, although not much by him augmented. His body lieth buried in a fair tomb made of artificial stone, very beautiful to behold, in a chapel at the East side of PRUSA, where we leave him at his rest. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Mahomet the first. Emperors Of the East Emanuel Palaeologus. 1387. 30. Of the West Rupertus duke of Bavaria. 1400. 10. Sigismond king of Hungary. 1411. 28. Kings Of England Henry the fourth. 1399. 13. Henry the fifth. 1413. 9 Of France Charles the sixth, surnamed, The well-beloved. 1381. 42. Of Scotland john Stuart, otherwise called Robert. 1390. 16. james the first. 1424. 13. Bishops of Rome Boniface the IX. 1391. 14. Innocent the VII. 1405. 2. Gregory the XII. 1407. 2. Alexander the V. 1410. 1. john the XXIII. 1411. 5. Martin the V. 1417. 13. AMURATH. II. AMURANTHES SECUNDUS SEXTVS TURCARUM REX FLORVIT ANNO 1422 Phil. Lonicer. Hist. Turc lib. 1. Europam luctu & funestis cladibus implens Saews Amurathes totus in arma ruit. Mayor at Huniades virtute & fortibus ausis, Cogit eum trepida vertere terga fuga. Consilia Eugenij bellum furialia suadent, Sacrorum antistes Martia ad arma ruit: (Arma viri tractent, curet sua templa sacerdos) Europae exitium res tulit ista grave. Fierce Amurath doth EUROPE fill with blood and woeful cries: And wholly given to martial deeds, doth whole in arms arise. But yet Huniades (than he, of greater strength and might) Enforced him right fearfully to turn his back in flight. Eugenius his infernal spells, stirs up a fatal jar: Who having charge of sacred rites, runs headlong into war. (Leave martial deeds to martial men, and let the priest go pray) Such devilish council, worse received, wrought EUROPA'S great decay. THE LIFE OF AMURATH, THE SECOND OF THAT NAME, sixth KING OF THE TURKS, AND THE GREAT ESTABLISHER OF THEIR KINGDOM. AFter that the death of Mahomet had been politicly concealed one and forty days by the three great Bassas, Murat is the same that we ca●● Desiderius. Bajazet, Eivases, and Ibrahim: Amurath or Murat (as the Turks call him) his eldest son; at that time coming to PRUSA, was by them placed in his father's seat, and the death of Mahomet at the same time published: whereupon great troubles began on every side to arise. The princes of SMYRNA and MENTESIA rose up in arms: Mustapha the supposed son of Bajazet raiseth rebellion against Amurath. and at THESSALONICA an obscure fellow, crept as it were out of a attorneys corner, took upon him the name and person of Mustapha, the son of Bajazet, which was slain many years before, in the great battle against Tamerlane at mount STELLA, as is before declared in the life of the unfortunate Sultan Bajazet. This counterfeit Mustapha animated by the Grecian princes, and going from THESSALONICA to VARDARIUM, set so good a countenance upon the matter, with such a grace and majesty, that not only the country people (apt to believe any thing) but men of greater place and calling also, as Tzunites Beg, the prince of SMYRNA his son, with the sons of old Eurenoses Bassa, persuaded that he was the very son of the great Bajazet, repaired unto him, as unto their natural prince and sovereign. From VARDARIUM he went to SERRae, and from thence to HADRIANOPLE, (Amurath being as then at PRUSA) where he was received as if it had been that noble prince Mustapha, whom he feigned himself to be: so that in short time he was honoured as a king in all parts of the Turkish kingdom in EUROPE. Amurath to repress this so great and dangerous a rebellion, sent Bajazet Bassa, a man of great authority in his court, with a strong army into EUROPE. This great Bassa passing over HELLESPONTUS, found all the country revolted unto their new found king Mustapha: but marching on towards HADRIANOPLE, with purpose to have given him battle, he was first forsaken of the Europeian soldiers, which he brought out of ASIA, and afterwards of all the rest also: and so being left post alone, with his brother Hamze Beg, was for safeguard of his life glad to yield himself to Mustapha; of whom he was graciously entertained, and upon promise of his loyalty, sworn one of his privy counsel. Mustapha thus now possessed of the Turkish kingdom in EUROPE, and entertaining great thoughts, the better to maintain his credit, levied a great army to make war upon Amurath in ASIA. And as he was upon his way, at a place which the Turks call SASLIDERE, or the place of Willows, his other counsellors repining at the great honour he gave to Bajazet Bassa, advised him to beware that he trusted him not too far, of whose small faith he had sufficient trial already, and was like enough when occasion should serve, to revolt from him to Amurath, and to draw after him some great part of his army, to the great peril both of himself and all them his faithful servants and followers. Upon which jealous conceit, this great Bassa Bajazet was there forthwith as a traitor apprehended, and without further trial executed: at which time his brother Hamze was with much ado spared. This done, Mustapha proceeded on his journey, and passed over with his army at CALLIPOLIS into ASIA. Amurath understanding of the proceedings of Mustapha in EUROPE, and of his preparation made for his invasion of ASIA, created three new Bassas, Omer, Vruge, and Alis, all three the sons of Temurtases; these he joined with his old Bassas, Ibrahim and Eivases. All these five he used as councillors for the wars, by whose advice he sent for Mahomet Beg, surnamed Michael Ogli, who in the time that Musa reigned, was viceroy in EUROPE, and therefore a man well known to most principal men in Mustapha his army, but had been kept prisoner in the castle of AMASIA, from the time that Musa was deposed and put to death by his brother Mahomet, until now that he was after eight years imprisonment, for this special purpose enlarged and received into favour. About the same time that Mustapha set footing in ASIA, Amurath having gathered his army, set forward from PRUSA to meet him; yet with such distrust in his forces, which were thought to be much inferior to the Europian soldiers which followed Mustapha, that he was glad upon a superstitious opinion or zeal, to prostrate himself at the feet of an Emir (one of the false prophet Mahomet's posterity) to receive at his hipocritall hands a graceless blessing for his better speed: by whom he was made to believe, that after two repulses, he had with much ado, at the th●rd time, obtained grant of the great prophet Mahomet, that he should prevail in that war: and thereupon had his sword girt unto him with the Emir his holy hands, with many other vain and superstitious ceremonies. Yet for all these charms, he marched on with his army in fear enough, until he came to the river of VLIBAD, (otherwise called RINDACUS:) where having intelligence of the approach of Mustapha, he for fear caused the bridge over the river there to be broken down, and encamped himself on that side the river. Not long after came Mustapha, and finding the bridge broken, encamped at the foot thereof on the other side: so that nothing parted the two armies but the breadth of the river only. Whilst they lay thus near encamped together, that the soldiers might on both sides take the full view one of another, and also talk together: Mahomet-beg surnamed Michael Ogli, but lately delivered out of his long imprisonment (as is aforesaid) came to the river side, and with a loud voice called by name upon the great captains, and old soldiers that were in Mustapha his army; ask by name for many of his old friends and acquaintance: many of them being there present, rejoicing to see that honourable man (whom they supposed to have been dead in prison many years before) came gladly to the side of the river to hear what he could say. Then with a loud voice he began to persuade them, that the man whom they followed was not the honourable Mustapha, but some base high minded fellow, set up by the Grecians, abusing the obscurity of his birth, as the vail under the covert whereof, he went craftily about to intrude himself into the honourable descent of Bajazet; and so masking in the counterfeit titles of stolen honour, had misled them from their duty to their natural king and sovereign, to follow him a mere deceiver. And further assured them, that Mustapha, Bajazet his son, was dead and buried in the bed of fame, two and twenty years before; honourably ending his days in de●ence of his country, in the great battle of mount STELLA, against Tamerlane: Wherefore they should do well, to forsake that supposed Mustapha, and again to yield their dutiful obedience unto their undoubted sovereign Amurath. These words delivered unto them by Mahomet, whom they generally both reverenced, and trusted; wrought such effect in their minds, that some presently adventured to swim over the river, and joined themselves unto him: and many others that stayed still, began now to doubt, lest they had worshipped a wrong saint. At the same time also, Eivases Bassa, to terrify Mustapha, sent unto him letters as in great secret, advertising him, That Amurath had the next night purposed with his army to pass over the river above the broken bridge; at which time the chief captains of his army being (as he said) corrupted, had promised to deliver Mustapha into his hands, and with his head to pay the ransom of them all. This he coloured with such fair glosses; that Mustapha partly believed the same. So when the dead time of the night was come, Eivases with certain troops of horsemen, passed over the river, at the very same place he had in his letters named; and that with such a noise and tumult, as Amurath with his whole army had been coming. Mustapha seeing things begin thus to work, according as Eivases Bassa had before written: and with this, doubting also to be presently betrayed, Mustapha ●lyet●. and carrying about him a guilty conscience, the mother of fear and distrust, took horse (slenderly accompanied, but with ten persons of his whole army) and fled in haste, no man pursuing them, until he came to the river of BOGA, and there with a great sum of money obtained passage, by corrupting the captain that dwelled in the castle upon the passage of the river: and the third day after passing over the straight of HELLESPONTUS, landed at CALLIPOLIS. The flight of Mustapha once known in his army, they all yielded themselves to Eivases Bassa: who taking possession of Mustapha his tent, caused the broken bridge to be repaired; whereby Amurath passing with his army, joined himself with Eivases. The other Bassa (Ibrahim) counseled Amurath to put to sword all those rebels that had followed Mustapha: but by the mediation of Eivases, to whom they had yielded themselves, they were generally pardoned. Amurath departing from VLIBAD or LOPADIUM, came to BOGA, and there hanged up the captain that had given Mustapha passage. From thence he held on his way to LAMPSACUM, intending to pursue Mustapha into EUROPE: but being come to the sea side, he could find no passage, for that Mustapha had caused all the shipping on that side, to be brought over into EUROE. Yet at last Amurath by good fortune chanced upon a great Genua ship, which he hired for four thousand ducats to transport his army, and so with much ado, at length landed in EUROPE. Mustapha seeing that Amurath was now come over, fled to HADRIANOPLE, where he found such cold welcome, that fearing to be betrayed he was glad to speed himself thence, thinking all the world to little to hide himself in: and so came to an obscure place in the country of the Turks called KISUL-AGATZ-GENITZE: where, the soldiers sent to pursue him, overtook him, and brought him bound to Amurath then being at HADRIANOPLE: by whose commandment he was shamefully hanged, Mustapha h●●ged. from the battlements of one of the highest towers of the city, and there left to the world's wonder. This Mustapha, is of some writers reported to have been indeed the son of the great Sultan Bajazet, and that he was kept in prison all that long time, and thus at length set up by the Greeks to trouble the state of the Turkish kingdom: but the Turkish histories report as before, call him Dusme or counterfeit Mustapha. And it is very likely, that if he had been one of the sons of Bajazet, he would have found some means to have made some great stir long before that, as all the rest of the unquiet brood of Bajazet did, which never rested until they had like the earth borne brethren one destroyed the other: besides that, their bloody natures considered, it is very like that Mahomet his younger brother, who reigned in HADRIANOPLE almost eight years, and was in league all that time with the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, would for his more safety have got him into his own power, if he had been in prison with the emperor; or else have dispatched him, if he had been in prison with himself. All which I am the rather persuaded to think, for that Orcanes (a child, the son of Solyman) could find no safe place of abode at CONSTANTINOPLE in the reign of Mahomet; but flying, was apprehended and his eyes put out, as is before declared in the life of Mahomet: much less is it like that Mustapha, being a warlike prince, and his elder brother, could have been so long preserved and kept in prison from his fury. It fortuned in these late broils (as oftentimes it doth with others in like case) divers of the rebels Asapi, Two Asapi sold by a janissary for a sheeps head. or common soldiers (whom he for his greater countenance had appareled and armed like the janissaries) to fall into the hands of the true janissaries, Amurath his faithful guard; whose lives indeed they spared, but using them with all the despite and indignities possible. Amongst the rest, one of the janissaries being an hungered, brought two of these Asapi his prisoners unto a cook's shop, offering to sell them unto him for a little victual: which the cook refused to give him, as having no use for such unnecessary servants. Wherewith the proud janissary enraged, swore many a great oath, presently to cut off their heads, & to give them him for nought, if he would not for a thing of nought redeem them. And like enough he was to have so done, had not the cook, moved with pity, offered him for them both a sheeps head: which the janissary took for them, swearing, That the cook had given for them more than indeed they were worth. Which disgrace, so long since done unto these Asapi, is yet oftentimes by way of reproach in great contempt, by the masterfull and insolent janissaries, objected unto the whole body of the Asapi (the greatest part of the Turks huge armies) of whom for all that the proud janissaries make small reckoning, accounting them scarcely for men, & in their rage oftentimes telling them, That two of them are not worth a sodden sheeps head. Amurath having at length with much ado thus pacified the dangerous rebellion raised by the counterfeit Mustapha, Constantinople in vain besieged by Amurath. both in EUROPE and ASIA; was yet not a little grieved, to think how the same had to the great hazard of his estate, been first plotted by the greeks, and afterwards countenanced by the Greek emperor, of whom he thought now to be revenged. And therefore sending before him Michael Ogli, his lieutenant general in EUROPE, with his Europeian soldiers to invade the country about CONSTANTINOPLE, followed himself after with the janissaries and his Asian forces: and encamping before the city, filled all that neck of land which lieth before it, from sea to sea. And so encamped, began right furiously to batter the walls, in hope so to have made a breach, and by the same to have entered the city: but finding the walls of greater strength than he had before supposed, and the defendants still repairing whatsoever the fury of his artillery had beaten down or shaken, he ceased his battery, and coming on with all his forces, desperately attempted by assault to have gained the city: wherein his 〈◊〉 was not answerable to his desire. For approaching the city, with arrows, as showers falling 〈◊〉 the defendants, and scaling ladders in the mean time clapped up to the walls, and the janissaries with others of his best soldiers courageously mounting the same; they were by the defendants notably repulsed and beaten down, losing some their hands, some their arms, some their heads, but most their lives, no shot falling in vain from the walls. Which Amurath beholding, and grieved to see (though unwilling) commanded a retreat to be sounded, and the assault ●●uen over: and shortly after seeing no hope to prevail, in great rage raised his siege and departed. Unto whom for all that the Greek emperor not long after sent his ambassadors, to entreat with him for peace; whereof he would by no means hear, but proudly threatened to be ere long of all his wrongs revenged, Which caused the Greek emperor to devise what he might for the troubling of his estate, so to keep him otherwise busied: as he did shortly after with the Caramanian king, by countenancing another Mustapha (surnamed Cutzug or the little) Amurath his younger brother, against him, to the raising of new stirs, and Amurath his no small trouble. Mahomet the late king had five sons and seven daughters, whereof Amurath was the eldest, and succeeded in his father's kingdom; Mustapha the second, surnamed the little; Achmetes the third, who died before his father: the other two, josephus & Machmutes, both died of the plague, being but children, after the death of their father. Three of their sisters were married to the three sons of the king of CARAMANIA, Ibrahim, Aladin, and Isa: other two were bestowed upon the sons of the prince Isfendiar, Ibrahim, and Casimes: the sixth was given in marriage to Cozza-Beg, viceroy in ANATOLIA; and the seventh to the son of Ibrahim Bassa, who died at M●CHA, whither she went upon superstitious devotion on pilgrimage. At such time as Amurath was busied in his wars in EUROPE against Mustapha, the supposed son of Bajazet: the younger son of Mahomet (called also Mustapha) being but thirteen years old, and Amurath his brother indeed, was set up to raise new troubles, by the king of CARAMANIA, and other princes, as well Mahometans, as the Christian princes of GRECIA; who thought it good policy, by that means to impeach the greatness of Amurath. This young prince Mustapha, strengthened with the forces of his friends, entered into his brother's dominions in ASIA, and besieged NICE, which was at length yielded unto him. Amurath advertised of this new rebellion, by great gifts and large promises corrupted Ilias' Beg, the young prince's tutor, to betray the prince into his hands. Whereupon Amurath with great celerity set forward with his army from HADRIANOPLE, and in nine days came to NICE, where he entered the city with small resistance, as was to him before promised, where Mustapha was by his false tutor to him presented: who because he would not spill one drop of the sacred Ottoman blood (as the Turks call it) commanded the executioner presently to strangle him with a bow string; Mustapha betrayed & strangled. which was done accordingly, and his body afterwards buried by his father at PRUSA. Amurath having suppressed these two rebellions, and now out of all fear of any competitor, thought his five counsellors too many by three, and therefore removed the three Bassas, Om●re, Vrutzi, and Alis (the sons of Temurtases) into honourable places; retaining of his counsel, only the two old Bassas, Ibrahim and Eivases. But shortly after, Eivases was secretly accused to Amurath, That he sought by his favourits, the soldiers of the court, to aspire unto the kingdom himself, and to depose the king; and that intending some such matter, he did usually wear a privy coat. This suspicious report troubled the jealous tyrant: wherefore on a time as he rid accompanied with Eivases, he cast his arm about him, as if it had been in kindness: but finding him secretly armed, would needs know the cause thereof: Eivases-bassa 〈◊〉 put out. whereunto Eivases answered, That it was for fear of some enemies he had in the court: but this excuse could by no means serve his turn: wherefore he was forthwith apprehended by the commandment of Amurath, and both his eyes burnt out with a hot steel glass. Whilst Amurath was thus busied in subduing rebellions at home, Muhamethes the Caramanian king besieged ATTALIA, a great city in PAMPHILIA, by the space of six months, which was valiantly defended by Hamza-beg, Amurath his lieutenant there: at which siege the unfortunate king himself, The king of Caramania slain. as he was taking view of the city, was slain with a great shot out of the city: whereupon Ibrahim, which succeeded him in the kingdom, broke up the siege, & returned home to bury his father. At this time also, Dracula prince of VALACAIA, passing over DANUBIUS, did the Turks much harm about SILISTRA, but was afterwards enforced to submit himself to Amurath, and become his tributary. About this time also Tzunites, the prince of SMYRNA, which had before aided the rebel Mustapha, did by all means he could vex and molest jaxis-beg, (Amurath his lieutenant in AIDINIA) & having by chance taken his brother prisoner, put him to death. This prince of SMYRNA was descended of the ancient princes of AIDINIA, and therefore pretended an interest in that signory: which his claim the people of the country secretly favoured, so far as they durst for fear of the Turks. Amurath hearing of the harms that this prince of SMYRNA did, commanded Hamze-beg, viceroy of ANATOLIA, with all his power to make war upon him. The viceroy without delay assembled a great army, and invaded the prince's country: and the prince being well provided for his coming, meeting him upon the way, gave him battle: wherein Hasan the prince's son, leading a great part of his father's army, had put one part of the Turks army to flight: and pursuing them with too much fury, left his father at the same time so hardly beset by the viceroy, that he was glad to fly to his castle of HIPSILY fast by. Hasan returning from the chase of the enemy, not knowing what had happened to his father, was by the Turks in his return overcome and taken prisoner. After which victory the viceroy presently laid siege to the castle wherein the prince was. This siege continued a great while: at length, the prince brought to extremity, was content to yield himself unto the viceroy, upon condition he should use no violence against the person of himself or his son, but to send them prisoners unto Amurath: which thing the viceroy by solemn oath promised, whereupon the prince came out of the castle, and yielded himself prisoner to the viceroy. jaxis-beg, whose brother the prince had before put to death, attended the going of Hamze the viceroy to his tent, where finding Hasan the prince's son sitting upon the ground, as the manner of the Turks is, took him by the choler with great fury, and drawing him along to the feet of the prince his father, there most cruelly struck off his head: and in the same rage laying his bloody hands upon the aged prince, struck off his head also; to the great dishonour of the viceroy, who had before given his faith for their safety. The heads of the prince and his son were set upon two lances, within the sight of the castle; which the defendants seeing, and now despairing of all rescue, yielded themselves, with the castle. This infortunate Tzunites was the last prince of SMYRNA, after whose death all his territory was united to the Ottoman kingdom. After all these troubles, Amurath with great triumph married the daughter of the prince Isfendiar. Amurath having laid up in the depth of his thoughts the remembrance of that the Grecian princes had done, in giving aid to the rebels aforesaid, thought it now high time to take revenge of that wrong: Thessalonica besieged. and for that purpose gathered a great army, wherewith he ranged at his pleasure through MACEDONIA, until he came to THESSALONICA, surprising by the way divers cities and castles, at that time belonging to the Constantinopolitan empire. This famous city of THESSALONICA, now called SALONICHI, for beauty and wealth sometime not inferior to any of the greatest and most renowned cities of GRECIA, is situate upon the borders of MACEDONIA, close unto a bay of the ARCHIPELAGO or the sea AEGBUM: which bay was in ancient time called THERMAICUS-SINUS, and now the bay of SALONICHI. To the Christian congregation there dwelling, S. Paul wrote two Epistles, in the latter whereof, he forewarneth them of a great defection to come before the latter day. Before this Christian city, then in the protection of the Venetians, Amurath encamped his great army of misbelieving Turks; and laid hard siege to it, with most terrible battery: at which time he by secret means corrupted certain of the wicked citizens, to have betrayed the city by a secret mine, and to have let him in: which treason was by the Venetian governors perceived, and the plotters thereof for safeguard of their lives glad to leap over the walls, and to fly into the Turks camp. Amurath having greatly battered the walls of the city, the more to encourage his soldiers, promised to give them all the spoil thereof, if they could by force win it. The greedy desire of this rich prey, wherein every common soldier promised unto himself whatsoever his foolish fancy or unbridled affection could desire, so inflamed the minds of these barbarous soldiers, and especially of the janissaries, that giving a most terrible assault to the city, they by force entered the same, and won it. The Venetian soldiers fled to their galleys, lying at anchor in the haven, and so got to sea: but the infinite miseries which the poor Christian citizens endured in the fury of that barbarous nation, no tongue is able to express, or pen describe: Death was less pain than the ignominious outrages and unspeakable villainies which many good Christians there suffered, heartily wishing to die, and could not; and yet the furious enemy's sword devoured all the people without respect of age or sex, except such as for strength of body, or comeliness of person, were reserved for painful labour or beastly lust; which poor souls were afterwards dispersed into most miserable servitude and slavery, through all parts of the Turkish kingdom. The infinite riches of that famous city, became a spoil unto the barbarous soldiers; the goodly houses were left desolate, void of inhabitants. Thus the beautiful city of THESSALONICA, sometime one of the most glorious ornaments of GRaeCIA, the late pleasant dwelling place of many rich Christians, was by the tyrant given for an habitation to such base Turks, as at their pleasure repaired thither to seat themselves, and so is by them at this day possessed. This calamity happened to THESALONICA in the year of our Lord 1432. Thessalonica taken by Amurath. THESALONICA being thus taken, Amurath returned to HADRIANOPLE himself, and at the same time sent Caratze with the greatest part of his army into AETOLIA. Charles prince of that country, dying a little before the coming of Amurath to THESALONICA, and having no lawful issue, had divided the country of ACHARNANIA amongst his three base sons, Memnon, Turnus, and Hercules, leaving all the rest of his dominion to his brother's son, called also Charles. But shortly after, such discord fell among these brethren, that Amurath sending his Turks to aid one of them against the other, as he was by them requested, in fine brought all that country of AETOLIA into subjection to himself, leaving nothing for the foolish brethren to strive for, more than the bare titles of imaginative honour. The other Grecian princes of ATHENS, PHOCIS, BOETIA, and all the rest of GRaeCIA, unto the straight of CORINTH, terrified by their neighbour's harms, were glad to submit themselves to the barbarian yoke, and to become tributaries unto the Turkish tyrant; under which slavery they of long time most miserably lived, if intolerable slavery joined with infidelity may be accounted a life. Thus the Grecians lost their liberty, (which their ancestors had many times before, to their immortal praise, worthily defended against the greatest monarches of the world) and are now so degenerate, by the means of the Turkish oppression, that in all GRaeCIA is hardly to be found any small remembrance of the ancient glory thereof: insomuch that whereas they were wont to account all other nations barbarous in comparison of themselves, they are now become no less barbarous than those rude nations whom they before scorned. Which misery with a thousand more, they may justly impute to their own ambition and discord. At this time amongst the distressed princes of MACEDONIA, and GRaeCIA, one john Castrio● reigned in EPIRUS: who seeing how mightily the Turk prevailed against the princes his neighbours, and considering that he was not able by any means to withstand so puissant an enemy; to obtain peace, he was glad to deliver into Amurath his possession, his four sons, Stanisius, Reposius, Constantine, and George, for hostages: whom Amurath faithfully promised, well and honourably to entreat. But assoon as he had got them within his reach, he falsified his faith, and caused them to be circumcised after the Turkish manner, and to be instructed in the Turkish superstition, to the great grief of their Christian parents: and afterwards, when he understood of the death of john Castriot their father, he poisoned all the three elder brethren: And by Sebalie (one of his great captains) ceized upon CROIA, his chief city, and all the rest of his territories, as if they had by good right devolved unto him. But George the youngest, whom the Turks named Scander-beg or lord Alexander, for his excellent feature, and pregnant wit, he always entirely loved, and as some thought, more passionately than he should have loved a boy. Him he caused to be diligently instructed in all kind of activity, and feats of war, wherein he excelled all other his equals in Amurath his court; and rising by many degrees of honour, came at last (being yet but very young) to be a great Sanzack or governor of a province, and was many times appointed by Amurath to be general of his armies; in which service he so behaved himself, that he got the love of all that knew him, and increased his credit with Amurath: until at last he found opportunity by great policy and courage, to deliver both himself and his native country, from the horrible slavery of the Turkish tyranny, as shall be afterwards declared. Shortly after that Amurath had thus daunted the princes of GRECIA, he turned his forces into SERVIA: but the prince of SERVIA unable to withstand so mighty an enemy, to procure his favour, sent ambassadors, offering to pay him a yearly tribute, and to do further what he should reasonably demand. Amurath beside the yearly tribute, required to have Marie (this princes fair daughter) in marriage; and that he should not suffer the Hungarians to pass through his country to invade him; and further, not at any time to deny passage unto the Turkish army, when he should send forth the same for the invasion of the kingdom of BOSNA. All which unreasonable conditions the prince was glad to agree unto, and sent his fair daughter by Saratze, who was afterwards married to Amurath. About this time, Plague among the Turks. josephus and Machmutes, Amurath his brethren, and Orcanes the son of Solyman, who had his eyes put out by his uncle Mahomet, with many other men of great account among the Turks, died of the plague at PRUSA. Whilst Amurath was thus busied in his wars in EUROPE, the king of CARAMANIA his brother in law, invaded his dominions in ASIA: for so it was agreed between the Christian princes of EUROPE, and the Mahometan princes of ASIA, to whom the greatness of the Ottoman kingdom was now become dreadful, That whensoever he invaded the Christians in EUROPE, the Mahometan princes should invade his countries in ASIA; and that whensoever he should turn his forces into ASIA, the Christian princes should spoil his countries in EUROPE. Against this Caramanian king, Amurath transported his army into ASIA: and as he went, seized upon the countries of SARUCHANIA, MENTESIA, and other provinces, which were before but tributaries unto him, driving out the poor princes before him: and so entered into CARAMANIA, and enforced the king so far, that he was glad to agree to such conditions of peace as it pleased him to propound unto him, and to send his son to wait at his court. And at the same time picking a quarrel with Isfendiar prince of CASTAMONA, caused him to become his tributary, and to send his son to his court also. By which means the name of Amurath became terrible to all the Mahometan princes. When Amurath had thus quieted all his troubles in ASIA, he returned to HADRIANOPLE: and understanding that the Hungarians passing over DANUBIUS, had in his absence made divers incursions into his dominions, he was therewith greatly offended, and in revenge thereof first sent Alis Bassa the son of Eurenosis, with an army to invade HUNGARIA; which he performed accordingly by the space of a month, and returned from thence with rich booty. Not long after, Hungary spoiled by Amurath. he himself in person made another road into HUNGARY, commanding the prince of SERVIA his father in law, to give his army free passage through his country, and charging Dracula prince of VALACHIA to aid him with his forces in that expedition: which his commandment both the Christian princes (more for fear, than of good will) diligently performed. So Amurath having enriched his soldiers with the spoil taken in HUNGARY, returned home and wintered at his court at HADRIANOPLE. The secret confederation between the Hungarians and the Mahometan king of CARAMANIA, was not unsuspected of Amurath; which he was the rather induced to believe, for that whensoever he invaded the one he was presently set upon by the other, either in EUROPE or in ASIA: of which plot he doubted not but that George prince of SERVIA (his father in law) was chief author, although in show he was therein the least actor. Wherefore Amurath intending to spill the play, sent for the prince his father in law to come to the court at HADRIANOPLE: but he doubting some Turkish tragedy, pretended great occasions that he could not come; and fearing that which afterwards fell out, fortified and manned all his strong cities and castles by all means he could possibly, especially his chief city SEMENDRE (otherwise called S●ENDEROVIA) and left therein his son Gregory (or as some call him, George) as governor; for his other son Stephan was long before in Amurath his court, with the queen his sister. The prince of SERVIA himself went into HUNGARY to procure from thence some aid, having there also himself certain territories, which he had in exchange of Sigismundus (late emperor and king of HUNGARY) for the city of BELGRADE. It was not long after, but Amurath forgetting both the affinity and league he had with the prince his father in law, entered with a great army into SERVIA, destroying all before him, and hardly besieged SEMENDRE: where, after long siege, the young governor (the prince's son) doubting to fall into his enemy's hands by sudden assault, Amurath contrary to his faith invadeth Servia and subdueth it. yielded himself, with the city. Which thing so discouraged the rest of the Seruians, that in short time SOPHIA, NOVOMONT, with all the rest of the cities of SERVIA were yielded into the power of Amurath. After which conquest he returned to HADRIANOPLE, and hearing that the prince of SERVIA with the Hungarians, were making head against him; and that the two young Seruian princes, Gregory and Stephen his wives brethren, had intelligence with their father, he commanded them both to be cast in prison at DIDYMOTICHUM, and their eyes cruelly to be burnt out with a brazen basin made red hot, a common unmerciful practice among the Turks: About this time Albertus' duke of AUSTRIA having before married Elizabeth the only daughter of Sigismond the emperor, and succeeding his father in law both in the empire and kingdom of HUNGARY (unto which type of highest honour nothing more furthered him than the remembrance of Sigismond;) in the second year of his reign, before he was well settled in those new achieved honours, died of the flux, as he was making great preparation against Amurath the Turkish king: who having lately driven George prince of SERVIA and RASCIA out of his dominions, had now extended the Turkish kingdom even unto the borders of HUNGARY. This Albertus dying, left his wife great with child. The Hungarians, in whose minds the remembrance of Sigismond was yet fresh, could have been contented to have lived under the government of the queen his daughter, the widow of Albertus (then great with child;) but that the Turkish king was now grown so great, and come so nigh, that it was thought more than needful by john Huniades, and other of the Hungarian nobility, for the defence of that kingdom, not wholly to rest upon the devotion of the people toward the queen, and the expectation of her issue, whereby they should be nothing strengthened: but to make choice of some great prince, by whose power they might the better defend themselves and the kingdom against their dangerous enemies. Whereupon with consent of the queen it was resolved upon, to make choice of Vladislaus, the young king of POLONIA, than a prince of great power, but of far greater fame and expectation: and by ambassadors to offer unto him the marriage of the queen, & with her the kingdom also. This embassage being sent unto Vladislaus, the matter was too and fro debated in the Polonian court, Whether it were to be accepted of or not? Some began to speak of the inequality of the match, considering that the king was but in the prime of his youth, and the queen well stepped into years; urging farther, that nothing was offered in that match but wars; and that the Hungarians therein sought for nothing more, than by the Polonian forces to defend themselves against the Turks. Others of contrary opinion, said, That the uniting of those two mighty kingdoms would be to the great good of them both, and to the great honour of the king, whose very name would thereby become terrible unto the Turks: and that it were greater policy, by the forces of both the kingdoms, to keep the Turkish king from entering into HUNGARY, than to leave that kingdom to him for a prey, and afterward be enforced to fight with the same enemy in the heart of POLONIA: and as for inequality of years betwixt the king and the queen, it was not so great a matter, that in regard thereof so honourable and commodious alliance should be rejected; for as much as princes do more regard the virtues of their choice, with the increase of their honour, and wealth of their kingdoms, than the Summer fruit of youth and beauty, which of itself in short time doth rot and perish, although it be never so carefully kept and preserved: and that for as much as there can be but one king in a kingdom, such choice was to be preferred of kings as had not therein the greatest hope of many children. Vladislaus accepteth of the kingdom offered. After long deliberation, Vladislaus gave answer unto the ambassadors, That he would accept of the offers by them made▪ whereupon some of them returned to make relation thereof unto the queen, and some of them stayed behind to hasten the king forward. But whilst these things was a doing, the queen in the mean time was delivered of a fair son, whom she caused to be baptised and named Ladislaus. After the birth of this child, the queen moved with a motherly affection, began to repent herself, that she had given her consent for the calling in of the Polonian king, to the prejudice of her son▪ And being animated by some of the Hungarian nobility (who presuming of the good grace they were in with the queen, hoped to grow great themselves, if they might first draw the government of that kingdom to the queen and her young son) determined now by all possible means to ex●l●de the Polonian king: but the greater part of the nobility better considering what was most expedient for the present estate, and that they could neither with honour nor safety fly from that which was before (for the common good) by the ambassadors concluded; continued firm in their former resolution, for the bringing in of Vladislaus: so that by this means, some taking part with the queen and her young son, and others standing fast for Vladislaus, the kingdom of HUNGARY was divided into two factions, and as it were rend in pieces, and so grew to civil wars. The queen with such as favoured her claim, the more to gain the minds of the common people (which are many times no less carried away with shows than matter) caused her son Ladislaus being then but three months old, to be solemnly crowned king at ALBA-REGALIS, the usual place for the coronation of the Hungarian kings. But after that the Polonian king had entered into HUNGARY with a goodly army, and joined his forces with his friends, most part of them which before followed the queen and her son, revolted unto Vladislaus. So that when she had done what she could, she was glad at last to commit the tuition of her son, together with the crown of HUNGARY, unto Frederick the third, than emperor: never ceasing for all that, to the uttermost of her power, to trouble the government of Vladislaus, continually stirring up great wars against him both at home and abroad, until that at the last by her death her quarrel took end, together with her life. In the midst of these civil wars, Amurath thought a fair opportunity presented unto him, to make an entrance unto the conquest of HUNGARY, which kingdom he had in his ambitious mind already devoured. And therefore gathering a great army, he marched along the river DANUBIUS, Belgrade besieged of the Turk●. until he came to the strong city of BELGRADE, called in ancient time. TAURUNUM, and of some ALBA GRaeCA, but now commonly GREICS WEISENBURG. This city is environed on the East side with the famous river DANUBIUS, and on the South with the great river of SAUS or saw, which there falleth into DANUBIUS; and on the other two sides is defended with strong walls, with deep and large ditches; and was then accounted the gate or entrance into HUNGARY. Unto this city Amurath at his first coming gave two terrible assaults, Belgrade in vain assaulted. & was in good hope so to have won the same, but yet was both times valiantly repulsed, with great slaughter of his men. Wherefore finding it to be a matter of more difficulty than was by him at the first supposed, he began to raise mounts against the city, and high towers of wood to annoy the defendants, and furiously battered the walls. At this time also he caused great numbers of galleys and small pinnaces to be brought into both the rivers of DANUBIUS and saw to assault the city on those parts where was least feared, and by that means also to keep them of the city from all succours to be sent that way out of HUNGARY. Yet for all he could do or devise, the city was still valiantly defended by the Christian soldiers, which under the leading and conduct of joannes Uranus, a Florentine, governor thereof, with often sallies and continual shot slew great numbers of the Turks. At the time of this siege, Vladislaus, king of POLONIA, and lately elect king of HUNGARY, was sore troubled by the queen and her faction in HUNGARY: which thing the Turkish king knew right well, and thereupon continued his siege, although famine began greatly to increase in his camp; hoping in nothing more, than that the defendants despairing of help from the king, would in short time yield up the city. Vlad●slaus being so entangled with civil wars, as is aforesaid, that he could not possibly prepare such force as might relieve the besieged city: yet for as much as the Turkish king had not long before by his ambassador required to join with him in league & amity, he thought good now to assay if he could raise the siege, by sending unto him the like embassage. Whereupon he sent Dobrogosius, Ostrorogeus, and Lucas Gorsensis, three of the Polonian nobility, ambassadors unto Amurath: declaring unto him, That for so much as he had first offered by his ambassadors, to join with him in league before he came out of POLONIA, the remembrance thereof had taken such deep impression in his mind, that he would not take up arms against him, although it were in his own just defence, before he had offered unto him reasonable conditions of peace: wherefore if he would desist from invading of HUNGARY, whereof Vladislaus was now by God his permission, and consent of the people, chosen king, and so raise his siege, that then they should afterwards easily agree upon the desired peace: in concluding whereof, he should not find Vladislaus inferior to himself in any manner of princely courtesy: but if he had rather to proceed in arms, & to make proof of his strength, he would then do the best that he could, to make him know, that he was of sufficient power, in so just a quarrel, to withstand his greatest forces, and to revenge the wrongs to him done. When Amurath had received this embassage, he appointed the ambassadors to withdraw themselves for a while to SYNDEROVIA (a city of SERVIA, not far off) until he might better consider of their demands: pretending, that he did it for their safety; but as appeared afterward, secretly resolving with himself, presently to do his uttermost devoir for the gaining of the city, and upon the success thereof to shape them answer accordingly. Wherefore so soon as the ambassadors were departed to SINDEROVIA, he first by his messengers aslaied the minds of the citizens and soldiers with magnifical promises of large liberties, and infinite rewards and preferments, if they would yield up the city: and many arrows with letters made fast unto them, full of like promises, were at the same time shot into the city. But when he saw no hope to prevail by that means, he called together the captains and commanders of his army, and there in the presence of them all spoke unto them as followeth: The notable speech of Amurath●●●ncourage 〈◊〉 soldiers to the assault of Belgrade. Although I know it is in mine own power, to grant, or not to grant, the peace whereof our enemies have made a motion: yet it is my pleasure (worthy soldiers) to know your minds also. For so much as we have that war in hand, wherein with worldly felicity, (whereof amongst you I hold the chief place) is also endangered our religion, and purity of life; the defence and care whereof equally belongeth unto us all: for although we differ much one from another in the manner of our vocation and living here, yet after death we all hope for one and the selfsame felicity. And therefore I would have you to understand, all that I shall say, as proceeding not of any regard of mine own private, but upon the consideration of the common good of you all. For as concerning mine own estate, I possess so large countries in ASIA, such great dominions in EUROPE, that either part thereof (in good time be it said) might seem a sufficient kingdom: so that perhaps it might better stand with my estate, to take more care for keeping of that I have, than to travel for the gaining of more: but you are to consider with yourselves, whether you have every man sufficient to suffice himself or not, and how long you think yourselves assured of the same; and moreover, that together with these worldly things we shall be driven at length to forsake our profession and religion, if we shall now lay down arms. For our enemies require, that we should first cease from war, and then afterwards they think it meet to talk of peace. I will not speak of the indignity, that men besieged, and in evil plight, should propound conditions of peace to them that besiege them, and are well furnished of all things; that feeble and cowardly men should promise peace unto courageous and expert soldiers: I omit what labour and pains we have taken in laying our siege, in raising of mounts, in making of shipping; all which our enemies command us to forsake, as if they had us already bound or couped up in hold, as we have them. All BULGARIA, and the greater part of RASCIA is now by us conquered, and most part of SERVIA is at our command: all which places are either by us to be kept, or else all the rest of that we possess in EUROPE, is with them to be quite lost and forsaken. Whosoever shall have in their power this city which we besiege (and that our enemies know right well) shall have not only as it were a fortress and bulwark of defence for his own, but also a castle and entrance for the subduing of others. The kingdom of HUNGARY is now divided in itself, and full of domestical sedition: neither is it so much strengthened by the uniting of the kingdom of POLONIA, as it is by civil dissension weakened: and in this motion of peace nothing is sought for, but to gain time for the pacifying of their private quarrels, that they may afterwards with their doubled forces set upon us. For if we shall break up our siege before we have won the city, they will easily find delays so long to protract the conclusion of peace, until that either Vladislaus his good fortune, or else the Hungarians being of themselves better advised, shall make an end of their civil wars. What manner and conditions of peace will they then require of us, when they are at unity amongst themselves, and in arms against us; seeing that now being in danger with mutual discord, and almost by us vanquished, do think it reasonable (as if they had won the field) that we should first raise our siege, and then entreat of peace? Their proud demands for the restitution of BULGARIA and RASCIA, with other countries and cities won by our travel and danger; already sound in mine ears: Which if we shall refuse to grant, not only the Hungarian being then at unity among themselves, but also the Polonians, joined unto them, will bring those wars home to our doors which we now at great advantage make upon them, troubled with discord and civil broils. And if for desire of peace we could be content to yield unto such shameful and miserable conditions, and restore unto them all they should or in reason could desire; do you think the prince of SERVIA would rest contented with his own? whose haughty mind (I am sure) being inflate with the combining of two such mighty kingdoms, thinketh not only of the recovery of that he hath lost, but even now gapeth at all that is ours in EUROPE. He will not think himself satisfied, before he (having brought the Hungarian and Polonian forces against us) shall see the same havoc and spoil made in our kingdom with fire and sword, which he hath before seen made by us in his own. Where if his fortune should answer his designs (which God forbid, but yet it may chance) beside all the miserable and intolerable outrages, which are to be feared of an angry conqueror, it is accounted with them for a godly and religious work, to use all cruel and unspeakable villainies against our nation, except we will forsake the faith and religion delivered unto us by our ancestors, and follow their new and incredible ceremonies. Neither do they think they can more easily and effectually procure the favour of God with any other kind of sacrifice or service, than by overthrowing and profaning our temples, by scoffing at our most sacred and secret rites and ceremonies, by scorning our religion, and priests: and that you may know all the fury wherewith they rage against us and our religion, they account all them for holy saints which die in fight against us. There is no cause (valiant soldiers) that upon the vain hope of peace, we should expect whilst the enemy doth gather and unite his forces and arms against us, especially such an enemy as propoundeth not spoil and worldly honours, but immortality itself, as a reward of his victory. We have already taken much more labour than we have to take, we have filled the ditches with restless labour, we have cast up bulwarks equal with the walls, and part of the walls we have beaten even with the ground, so that you see the town half opened: and that town, by gaining whereof, all that ours is, may be made safe and quiet; and that which our enemy possesseth, subject to our spoil and prey. If you will but a little enforce yourselves as men mindful of our good fortune and forwardness, you shall find our temples, our sacrifices, our religion, all worldly and heavenly felicity to be then assured unto us, when as you shall to morrow overthrow the very foundation of the enemy's wall. Then (courageous soldiers) we may cry victory, not for the present, but for ever. If this war should bring unto us nothing else but an assured security of our estate, it were sufficient reward: for which we ought cheerfully to adventure ourselves to all dangers, and to challenge in combat even death itself. But as this victory doth defend all our things as with a deep trench or sure wall, so doth it lay open and expose all our enemies dominions unto danger & spoil. Hitherto we have striven with nature herself in the rough and abrupt mountains of BULGARIA & RASCIA, where we were to strive with hunger, thirst, labour, & desperation: all them we have overcome, alured with no other reward, but that at length we might attain unto the wealth of fruitful HUNGARY, from whence we must fetch the guerdon of our victory, and the ground of our glory. We are come to the gates, which being laid open, we are not to pass over inaccessible rocks, or uncouth deserts, but we shall go through most pleasant places, decked both by nature herself, and the industry of man; where the temperateness of the air, and lively springs, with the fruitfulness of the soil, doth every where yield plenty of all manner of food both for man and beast, not only to serve for nature's necessity, but even to glut our wanton desires. What thing soever curious endeavour hardly bringeth forth in other places, that the fertility of this soil yieldeth plentifully of itself: so that it is to be thought, that nature adorned HUNGARY with a certain extraordinary care, when as she would set forth a pattern of good husbandry, for other countries to imitate. Neither hath she in any place been more bountiful in bestowing her rich gifts: for gold, which other men most painfully dig up, & that in few places, the Hungarians gather at their ease, as if it were a growing plant. It is in your power (worthy soldiers) whether you will to morrow open a way to all these good things for yourselves for ever, or else leave the way open for your enemies unto all that you hold. I would that you would remember when you go unto the breach, that all the store of happy fortune is laid open unto you for a prey, without any other defence, without any other garrison, without any other keeper; and that behind you are your wives, children, your houses, your temples, and religion, together with the rewards of all your former victories: over whom (except you win this city) the fury and insolency of the victorious enemy, will most cruelly and shamefully insult. ay, according as I shall see you fight at the breach to morrow, shall easily perceive how you are set down to command as conquerors, or else as slaves to be commanded; and also what to answer to the most insolent demands of the proud ambassadors. In the mean time make much of ourselves, and together with your armour have all things in readiness, that to morrow with the dawning of the day we may assault the breach▪ The Turkish captains for that time joyfully departed, as if they had been already assured of the victory, and of all those good things which Amurath had so lively set before their eyes. The next morning very early, Amurath commanded the assault to be given unto a great breach which he had made in the wall with continual battery: the soldiers with great courage assailed the breach, especially the janissaries, who under the leading of Haly-Bassa valiantly won the same, and were entering the city with assured hope of victory. The Christians seeing all in danger to be lost, running to the breach from all parts of the city, so forcibly charged the proud janissaries on every side, that they were glad to retire with more haste than they before entered▪ in which retreat, many of them were slain, Belgrade notably defended by the Christians. and the rest flying out at the breach, were either slain or burnt to death in the town ditch with wild fire; whereof the defendants had cast great store upon the Turks at the breach, which having taken hold upon the faggots, hurdles, and other light matter, wherewith the Turks had upon the sudden made their way over the town ditch, did so terribly burn, that the janissaries which had entered the breach, being again repulsed, were in that fiery lake consumed, or else with smoke strangled. In this assault Amurath is reported to have lost eight thousand of his best men, beside seven thousand others overwhelmed or strangled in the mines, by the countermines of the Christians. The other part of the Turks which at the same time assaulted the city by water, out of their galleys and small ships, had as evil or rather worse success: many of them were sunk with great shot, and some burnt by the fire cast from the walls, and so fired one another; and divers of them in that sudden fear, for avoiding of that present danger, ran a ground upon the shelves in the river, and so split. Amurath wonderfully discouraged with the slaughter of his men, and shamefully beaten from the assault, returned to his camp with his Turks, much like men which had lately escaped from some great shipwreck. And thus partly by famine, and partly by the defendants force, having lost the greatest part of his army, he determined now after seven months siege to return home. Yet because he would not encourage his enemies, by showing his fear, he sent for the ambassadors into the camp, and with stern countenance answered them in this sort. Amurath his answers to the ambassadors. We will (said he) then talk of peace, when Vladislaus shall deliver unto us all that part of RASCIA which he yet holdeth, and also this city of BELGRADE, as a pledge of the league. And for this time I will raise my siege, to give Vladislaus time to advise himself: yet I would wish him, rather to accept of my friendship upon these conditions, than by denying that little which is demanded, to hazard the state of both his kingdoms. I ask but that which is mine own by law of arms, before Vladislaus was called into HUNGARY: and the Hungarians cannot transfer unto him that right which they had not themselves. Wherefore if he will proceed rather to strive for that which is other men's, than quietly to possess his own, I will in good time repair hither again, with my God the beholder and revenger of wrong. With this answer he dismissed the ambassadors, and forthwith rise with his army, sore rerepenting his coming thither: yet because he would take something in his way, he left his nephew Isa-beg with certain troops of horsemen at SCOPIA in SERVIA, who so troubled the king of BOSNA, that he was glad to require peace of Amurath, and to promise unto him a yearly tribute of five and twenty thousand ducats. Vladislaus newly elected king of HUNGARY, seeing that part of his kingdom which is called TRANSILVANIA, or PANNODACIA, to be much subject to the incursion of the Turks, (who having got into their possession all the country of MOLDAVIA, and grown insolent by continual victories ceased not to invade and spoil the country of TRANSILVANIA) for remedy of that daily mischief, created john Huniades Vayvod, or his vicegerent in TRANSILVANIA. This Huniades as some write, was Earl of BISTRICE, borne in VALACHIA: others say that he was borne but of mean parents, and called Huniades of the village wherein he was borne, and grew to be great by his virtue and prowess. Whatsoever his parents were, he himself was a most politic, valiant, fortunate, and famous captain, his victories so great, as the like was never before by any Christian prince obtained against the Turks: so that his name became unto them so dreadful, that they used the same to fear their crying children withal. This worthy captain according to the trust reposed in him, began to keep the Turks short, by cutting them off, whensoever they presumed to enter into his country; and also by shutting up the passages whereby they were wont to forage the country of TRANSILVANIA; & when he had put his own charge in good safety, he entered into MOLDAVIA, and never rested till he had won it quite out of the Turks hands. And not contented with this, passed many times over DANUBIUS into the Turks dominions, making havoc of the Turks, and carrying away with him great booty, with many captives. Now were two great and worthy captains met together, in places nigh one to another, Huniades in TRANSILVANIA, and the next part of HUNGARY; and Isa in RASCIA, and the upper part of SERVIA: the one lying at TEMESWAR, and the other at SINDEROVIA; both men of great spirit, and desirous of honour. Of these two, Isa in great favour with Amurath, and by him highly preferred, to increase his credit with the Sultan his uncle, & to enlarge the bounds of the Turkish kingdom committed to his charge, continually foraged the country about BELGRADE, to the intent that having wearied the inhabitants with the harms he daily did them, and brought the city into great wants, he might so at length gain the same, for the most part abandoned of the citizens, which Amurath could not by force obtain, and so to open a way into HUNGARY. Thus was the country by him spoiled, the villages rifled and burnt, and great numbers both of men and cattle daily carried away: yea sometimes not contented to have spoiled the open country, he assailed the very suburbs of the city, and was thence hardly repulsed: and finding Huniades the only man that hindered his further proceedings, to require him, and provoke him the more, he broke sometimes into his country, laying in every corner as he went strong ambushes, so to have circumvented that wary captain, if it had been possible. But he, grieved to see the country thus spoiled, and purposing to be thereof revenged, secretly raised a strong power, both of horse and foot, and with his companion Nicholas Vilach a right valiant captain, passing over DANUBIUS, came and encamped betwixt BELGRADE and SINDEROVIA, being about twenty miles distant. Of whose coming Isa-beg understanding, forthwith set forward with a great army against him, lest he should by longer delay, seem to stand in doubt of his enemy, whom he had by many injuries so often provoked. So marching on with his army ranged in order of battle, he found Huniades as ready for battle as himself, who in both wings had placed his light horsemen, and behind them his men at arms, with certain companies of crossbows on horseback: in the midst stood his armed men with his archers, and other soldiers more lightly armed, ready at all assays, all strongly guarded with men at arms: after whom in the rearward followed also a strong squadron of valiant footmen. The signal of battle being given, there began a great and cruel fight, as amongst men desirous either to overcome, or there honourably to end their days. At the first encounter, the wings of Huniades his battle were by the Turks enforced to retire: but coming to the men at arms, their fury was there stayed, and a cruel battle fought, wherein many fell on both sides, but of the Turks more, who trusting to their agility and nimbleness of body, were not able long to endure the shock and strength of the men at arms, but were there by heaps overthrown, and most miserably slain. Which Isa-beg beholding, and perceiving the Hungarians courageously to fight, as men almost in possession of an assured victory; to save himself turned his back and fled to SINDEROVIA. The rest beholding the flight of their general, betook themselves to flight also: after whom the Hungarians fiercely followed, especially Huniades himself, who by his example to animate the rest, left not the chase until he was come almost to the suburbs of SINDEROVIA: few of the Turks escaped, the rest being either taken or slain. Huniades after so great a victory, with a rich prey and a multitude of prisoners returned to BELGRADE: having now sufficiently revenged himself of the wrongs he had before received: after which time, Isa the Turk was more quiet, as having sufficient proof of his valour. The fame of this victory increased not a little the ●ame of Huniades, the report whereof coming to BUDA, filled the city with joy and gladness▪ but most of all king Vladislaus, who thereupon caused public prayers, with thanksgiving to be made in every Church: and by his letters gratulatory, with many rich presents, encouraged Huniades to the prosecution of the religious war, wherein was propounded unto him not only the increase of his wealth (a base regard in the honourable) but the immortality of his name, 1440 and hope of eternal bliss. Not long after this victory, Transiluania invaded and spoiled by Mesites Bassa. Huniades obtained a far greater in TRANSILVANIA. For Amurath much grieved with the loss he had first by himself, and after by his lieutenant Isa, received at BELGRADE, and in the country thereabout; lest he should seem to yield unto the Hungarian, repaired his broken forces with new supplies, with purpose again to renew his wars in VALACHIA. And so having put all things in a readiness, sent one of his Bassas called M●sites (his Viceroy in ASIA, a man of great wisdom, experience, and valour) with a puissant army upon the sudden by the way of VALACHIA TRANSALPINA, to invade TRANSILVANIA. This worthy captain according to his charge, departing out of SERVIA, and passing over DANVEIUS, suddenly entered into Huniades his country, burning and spoiling whatsoever came in his way, and killing all that he light upon, man, woman, and child, without respect of age, sex, or condition; filling all the country as he went, with tumult and terror. Whereof Huniades (but lately come into the country) understanding, and having as then, no sufficient forces to oppose against the fury of so puissant an enemy, either means to raise any, in so great a confusion and fear; was wonderfully grieved thereat, and perplexed in mind, as not well knowing which way to turn himself. Huniades flieth. At length he took his flight into ALBA JULA, unto his old friend George Lepe, Bishop of that city, a man of great virtue and gravity: but whilst he there stayeth with his friend, about the raising of a tumultuary army, the enemy was now come near unto him; who having overrun the greatest part of the country, had scraped together such a booty, and taken such a multitude of prisoners, that surcharged as it were with the spoil, he was glad to march softlier: yet still burning the country before him. Which Huniades and the good bishop beholding out of the city, so much grieved thereat, that albeit that they both well knew themselves, with an handful of men in haste taken up hand over head, too weak to encounter with their enemies: yet thought it better with such power as they had, to go out, and so in defence of their country honourably to die, than longer to behold the most miserable destruction of the same. Huniades & the bishop of Alba-Iula entrapped by the Turks. But whilst they upon this resolution (carried forth with too hot a desire of revenge) march unadvisedly on headlong, without any scouts or espials sent out before them, they fell before they were aware into such ambushes, both of horse and foot, as the crafty enemy had in the secret woods and valleys whereby they were to pass, laid of purpose to intercept them; which now with great force and horrible outcries breaking out upon them on every side, dismayed them with a great fear. Huniades and the bishop, seeing themselves so entrapped and beset with the multitude of their enemies, as that they must needs perish if they should longer stay, fled incontinently back again; after whom followed all the rest of their army, and at their heels the eager Turks, who spared none of the flying Christians they could overtake, but put them all to the sword: nevertheless, most part of them escaped back again to ALBA JULA. The Bishop thinking to have saved himself by the swiftness of his horse, coming to a river, in taking the same was overthrown, and there by the enemy slain. With whose death the Bassa encouraged, as also with the present victory, began now more at liberty to range abroad, and at his pleasure with fire and sword to waste that part of the country which yet remained unspoiled: leaving in the mean time (as a man out of fear) the rich prey he had taken, together with his baggage and carriages, to be carried all together, as a notable testimony of his victory unto his great lord and master. Huniades in the mean time, with wonderful celerity running about the borders of his country, and out of every town and village taking such soldiers as he could, persuaded also the Sicilians (or people commonly called Siculi) in defence of their wives and children to take up arms: who all, in respect of the present necessity, cheerfully did whatsoever he commanded. With this tumultuary army, he followed the Bassa (who then in great pride was returning, laded with the spoil of the whole country) with purpose to set upon him, as time or place should give him occasion. In the mean time Mesitis being told, that Huniades with a great power was coming after him, and now even at hand: is reported to have made no great reckoning thereof, but to have proudly answered unto him that brought the news, Let him come, and with the spoil of himself enrich our victory. There was present when he thus said, one john, one of Huniades his espials, who discovered unto him many of the Turks designs, concerning the joining of battle with him; but especially, that the Bassa had commanded through his army, That above all things they should in the beginning of the battle assail the person of Huniades himself, for that he being once slain, the rest would easily be put to flight, as all depending on his direction: and that for the performance thereof, he had appointed certain companies of his best soldiers, giving them certain tokens whereby they might know both him and his horse. There was then in the army, one Simon Kemene a right valiant and courageous gentleman, not much unlike unto Huniades, with whom he changed both his horse and armour, appointing unto him a strong troop of his choice horsemen to attend upon him: neither was this counterfeit Huniades unwilling to expose himself unto the danger, accounting it honour enough, if by his death he might save the life of his friend, and preserve so worthy a defender of the common weal. Huniades following fast after the Bassa marching before him, sought by light skirmishes sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, and sometimes in the rearward, to stay him▪ and at some advantage, if any such were given, to fight with him, before he should get out of the country. At length finding such an opportunity as he thought good to lay hold upon, he with all his forces, as if it had been a violent tempest, came upon the Turks so suddenly, as that they had not time to put themselves into order of battle, but were glad confusedly to fight as they might, and without order: in which disordered fight many fell on both sides, but far more of the Turks. But whilst both armies with like obstinacy encounter together, certain troops of the most valiant Turks descrying Simon the counterfeit Huniades, A great battle betwixt Mesites and Huniades. and by the signs before delivered unto them, both of his horse and armour, supposing him to have been Huniades indeed; with all their power made towards him, to have slain him, according as they had in charge: where meeting with right valiant men, of no less courage than themselves, there was fought a most terrible & bloody battle, in such sort, as if in that very place should have been tried the whole fortune of the day. But the Turks still bending their forces more & more thither, for the kill of him, of whom they stood in more dread than of all the rest: at length by plain force made a way unto him, & having slain them that were about him, though not without their own great loss, furiously assailing him, slew him, vainly supposing it to have been the very general himself: who had he there perished (as like enough it was he should, had he not been before warned of the Bassa's purpose) no doubt, but that the whole country had been with him, or shortly after, quite lost. But Huniades in the mean time riding too and fro in the army, encouraged his soldiers not to forsake the victory they were now as it were in possession of, nor leave unrevenged so many slaughters and harms so lately committed by their enemies, but to remember as they were fight, that they carried in their hands their wives and children, and were in that one battle to revenge the wrong by them done both to God and man. Sometime he with new supplies encouraged such as were overcharged and even now ready to fly; othersome he with cheerful words stayed, that had already turned their backs; performing in every place all the parts both of a worthy commander and valiant soldier, as the necessity of the time and place required. In the heat of this battle, fortune yet favouring neither part, but both fight with all their power, the Transiluanian prisoners that in great number were kept in the camp, wishing rather there to die than to be carried away in captivity, and thinking it now or never, time for them to attempt their deliverance; with one consent broke in sunder their bonds, & with such weapons as first came to hand, set upon their keepers, of whom they slew a great number: and so desperately issuing out into the battle, encouraged their countrymen, and discouraged their enemies. Yet was the battle hardly fought, though not altogether with like courage, or for like cause: for why, the Transylvanians fought for their country, their wives, their children, their lives, their liberty, their religion and altars: but the Turks for the rich prey they had before taken, and that they were by victory in hope of. But at length the Turks by the breaking out of the prisoners (who laid about them like desperate men) out of hope of the victory, began by little and little to retire: and the other on the contrary part, by this unexpected aid encouraged, and quickly finding the enemies fainting, fought more fiercely than before. Mesites seeing his army thus in every part wavering, was therewith exceedingly troubled: but presently after, beholding some of his men retiring, as if they had fled, and othersome flying outright, and no means to stay them, for safeguard of his life turned his horse and fled also: after whom the Hungarians followed with most terrible execution, as men desirous of the blood of them that had done them so great harm. In this chase Mesites himself with his son, were both slain: the report of whose death, in the pursuit, added swiftness unto the Hungarians to the increasing of the slaughter of the Turks, whom for the desire of revenge, they ceased not for certain days to pursue, unto the top of the alps. In this battle were slain of the Turks 20000, & of the Hungarians about 3000. Huniades with this victory recovered all the prey the Turks had taken of the spoil of the country, together with their tents & baggage: unto whom at his return into the camp, a wonderful number of the poor captives came, and falling at his feet and kissing them gave God thanks for their deliverance by him: some called him the father, Great rejoicing for the victory. some the defender of his country; the soldiers, their invincible general; the captives, their deliverer; the women, their protector; the young men & children, their most loving father. In all which joyful acclamations, no honourable additions was heard, which in the judgement of all men, worthily agreed not with his deserts. He again with tears standing in his eyes, courteously embraced them, rejoicing at the public good: and himself giving most hearty thanks unto God, commanded the like to be done in all churches of that province. Sometime he commended the soldiers valour, and in general, the people's loyalty. The nobility and worthy captains he extolled by name, according as their deserts had been in that notable battle, not detracting any thing from any man's worthy praises: part of the spoil of the Turks he appointed unto devout uses, and the other part he divided amongst the soldiers▪ and willing as it were with the first fruits thereof to gratify king Vladislaus, and the Despot of SERVIA, then present with him, he sent a great wagon, which ten horses could scarce draw, laded with the Turks ensigns and the chief of their heads, where the heads of the Bassa and his son stood foremost, and above them was placed an old Turk, sometime well known unto the Despot: who in this order presented unto them, is said to have thus delivered his message, as followeth: The speech of an old Turk, in delivering the present unto the king. Huniades your majesties most humble servant, and the most honourable Despots son, sendeth unto you this part of the spoil gained by this late victory, lest he should seem to defraud you of the honour of the battle, happily fought under your good fortune. These heads of the Asian nobility be sendeth you for a present, that you should not want the assured testimony of so notable a victory: these are two princes heads, the one of Mesites Bassa the general, and the other of his son. The rest are the heads of the other great commanders and Sanzacks'. All these witness the greatness of the late slaughter, and exhort you to greater achievements. What your royal majesty for the natural instinct of piety and religion engrafted in you, may hope for; and what an occasion of immortality and glory is offered unto you, Huniades wisheth you hereby to consider: and humbly requesteth, that general supplications may be commanded, and a great army provided, for as much as all men suppose, that the Turk will gauge his whole forces, and leave nothing unattempted, in revenge of so great a slaughter of his people. Having ended his speech, he showed unto them the grisly mortified heads: which the nobility and others there present, earnestly beheld and wondered at, especially the king and the Despot, who by letters farther understanding the whole proceeding of the war, and fortune of the battle, highly commended the discreet valour of Huniades, together with the glorious victory, worthy (as they said) of a Roman triumph: for which, Vladislaus commanded public supplications to be made in all churches through HUNGARY, and by honourable messengers sent of purpose to Huniades, gave him great thanks, according to his deserts, with many rich presents also, commending his faithful and worthy service: and requesting him with like courage and care to prosecute the war so happily begun, promising him, That he should want neither men nor money, or any thing else needful thereunto. Upon this victory, the countries of MOLDAVIA and VALACHIA, before tributaries unto the Turks, now revolted again unto the Hungarians, to the great grief of Amurath: & the fame of Huniades was in short time dispersed through all EUROPE, and a general hope conceived of him, as of one most like to be one of the greatest champions of the Christian commonweal, as in his time undoubtedly he was. The report of this late overthrow, with the death of the Bassa Mesites, and the loss of his army, being brought to HADRIANOPLE, much troubled the Turkish tyrant: but most of all the revolt of the two countries of MOLDAVIA & VALACHIA. So that full of wrathful indignation and desire of revenge, he commanded a great army to be raised against the next Spring, with intent to have gone therewith himself: but afterward upon better advice changing his purpose, he committed the leading thereof unto one Schech Abedin Bassa (corruptly called Sciabedin Bassa) an eunuch, and yet nevertheless a right valiant and expert captain, and his viceroy in EUROPE▪ with charge first to enter into VALACHIA, and there having done what harm he could with fire and sword, to do the like in MOLDAVIA: and after that with all his power to break into TRANSILVANIA, there to revenge unto the full, the losses before received, and with the slaughter of the Hungarians to sacrifice unto the ghosts of their dead friends & companions. The Bassa according to his charge, departing out of MACEDONIA, and marching through MYSIA, and so passing over Danubius, with an army of fourscore thousand fight men, whereof four thousand were of the best janissaries, entered into VALACHIA, filling the country with fear and tumult; the Null now altogether in despair to be able to defend themselves against the fury of the Turks, and sore repenting them of their revolt from them unto the Hungarians. Whom for all that, Valachia grievously spoiled by the Turks. Huniades comforted with cheerful words, willing them betime to retire themselves unto the safest places of their country, and not to expose themselves with their too weak forces against the fury of the Barbarians, promising in good time to come himself to their relief; not doubting by the power of jesus Christ, to dare them battle in the plain field, & to have of them a glorious victory, although they were in number far more than they were reported to be. The Bassa dividing his army into two parts, foraged the country far and near, burning the country towns and villages before them, spoiling whatsoever came in their way, and killing whosoever they light upon, men, women, or children, without respect of age, sex, or condition. But the Null for the most part, had retired themselves, some into the mountains, some into the strong towns, and some into places further off; so that few fell into the enemy's hands, but such as were not able to fly, or not regarding the danger had negligently stayed the enemies coming, and so perished. VALACHIA thus spoiled, the Turks passing over the mountains, descended into TRANSILVANIA, as Amurath had commanded, with purpose there to have done the like or greater harm, if possible it had been to have so done: but there was Huniades with 15000 chosen soldiers ready to encounter them. A small power indeed, in comparison of the multitude the Bassa led: but all men of great experience and resolution, in valour countervailing the great number of their enemies, men resolved rather to die than to fly. Of whose approach the Bassa (unto whom the name and fortune of the man was dreadful) by his espials understanding, stayed his intended fury, and as one well aware with whom he had to do, without farther proceeding, encamped himself with his army, to see what power and courage the enemy had. But certainly informed by his scouts, for that purpose sent out, That he was not in number a quarter so many as the Turks, but lay strongly encamped with his wagons and carriages, as in a sure fort, in such order, as that he could not without great danger be assailed, and yet might at his pleasure come forth, and so if need were retire again, as into a strong hold: he wondered at his courage and skilful manner of encamping; yet presuming of his own multitude and strength, he doubted not to march forward, and to offer him battle. Being come within half a mile the one of the other, although they were on neither side unwilling to fight, yet hoping both for a great victory, they thought it not best to attempt any thing rashly, but betook themselves both unto the highest of their wits, as willing in so great a conflict as well to show the uttermost of their policy and skill, as of their courage and valour. The Turk thought it best not to join battle with his enemies in one front, for fear of confounding so great a multitude, but to divide his army into certain battailions, and so to fight by degrees and in good order, whereby to make all his men profitable: or if he could not do so, then with his multitude to enclose the Christians round, and so to overwhelm them. On the other side, Huniades charged his soldiers, above all things to keep their order, and in no case to suffer themselves to be divided by their enemies. The next day, being come unto a place which they call VASCAPE, both the armies by the break of day began to dislodge, at which time the Bassa spent a good space in the martialling of his great army, as did also Huniades, seeking by provident foresight and policy to match the multitude of his enemies. And so having set all things in order, calling unto him the chief captains and commanders of his army, with cheerful countenance encouraged them as followeth: No courage (believe me) worthy companions, and fellows in arms, could have induced me to encounter so great a multitude, The most Christian speech of Huniades to encourage his soldiers against the Turks. did not necessity itself enforce me, your approved valour persuade me, & the assured hope I have in Christ jesus above all things confirm me: having made choice of us to fight this his sacred battle, and by our right hands to revenge the dishonour of his holy name. In which his especial choice we are to consider how much he hath beloved us: and for the same to praise his infinite goodness and mercy. Three such commodities hath God thereby even this day propounded unto us, if we will be the same men we have been in times past, as that the least thereof were sufficient to encourage men of worth, for the same to lay down their lives, held they them never so dear: First, you are to sight for the health and welfare of your children, wives, and country, joined with your whole estate: then, for eternal glory and renown in this world: and last of all, for immortality and a crown that shall never be taken from you, in the world to come. How many miseries and calamities we have in former times, and of late, received from the Turks, would to God you had rather heard thereof by report, than seen the same with your eyes, and endured them in yourselves. You had long since been bereft of your well-beloved wives and children, whom most miserable servitude had overwhelmed; you had had neither house nor church, wherein to dwell or to serve God, had not the divine power of God, and your rare prowess been at hand for present rescue: your country, your goods, your honour, your liberty, you could not have kept, had not your valour, confirmed by an assured confidence in the highest, preserved all these things unto yourselves: The horrible fury of the Turk had now brought all these things into the power of itself, had they not been by your arms defended: and he by so many bloody overthrows repressed. He could not before be stayed: the Grecians, the Macedonians (both sometimes the greatest commanders) the bold Thracians, the strong Bulgarians, the valiant Epirots, and Dalmatians, could not abide their force: The Athenians, the Thebans, the Lacedæmonians, authors and masters of the ancient discipline of war, willingly gave place unto these. Unto us, is this praise and great glory of this victory by God assigned, who often times with a small power, yea and that sometime against all hope, have with a notable slaughter overthrown them, vanquished them, & put them to flight. Neither is there any men in the world whom they more fear and stand in dread of, than you, whom though in number but few, they have by their daily slaughter and losses, learned no less to fear, than if you were many. And now to try the uttermost of their power, they are come with their innumerable legions: but are not for that of you any thing the more to be feared than before, seeing that we all bear arms under the conduct of the most mighty God; and are by daily victory, long experience and approved valour taught, what we are to dare: besides that, the greatest part of their army is of common soldiers, slaves, or rude country peasants, or men by force by them compelled; more than the janissaries, are no good soldiers among them, the rest as men enforced, serve them for fear, and against their wills, and they by their cowardice brought into that bondage and slavery. What Greeks, Macedonians, or slavonians soever are sent to their aid, forasmuch as they are not yet revolted from the Christian faith, deem them not to stand for them, but for us; they long for us the revengers of their wrongs, and for you as victorious conquerors: in this war they have given unto the Turks their names, but unto us their hearts, and power, and pray heartily for our victory: wherefore you ought so much the more valiantly and courageously to fight, by how much greater you see the victory, the honour, the prey before your eyes. We are not to fight for other men's houses, and altars, but for our own; so our present necessity requireth, in such sort, that if we ourselves deliver not ourselves, and bear ourselves upon our wonted hope and valour, we shall this day be enforced to endure the greatest misery that men may possibly: First, the loss of our goods and substance, the captivity of our children, the deflowering of our daughters, the ravishing of our wives, the slaughter of our parents, the burning of our houses, and churches; and that which worse is than all this, the scorn of our Saviour Christ jesus, and his saints, whose images you shall see in despite broken, or dragged in the dirt, or molten and converted into other prohane uses; all religion trodden down, and God himself (if it were possible) with violence and despair driven out of our hearts, if we stand not manfully unto it as becometh worthy champions. God is able with his little finger, if he so will, forthwith to destroy all the Turks in the world; but seeing he hath committed unto our right hands the defence of his name, he first maketh proof of our courage and valour, that finding the same faithful, and ready, he may strengthen and defend it with his own right hand. He never yet forsook any faithful or devout man, neither will our Saviour Christ be wanting unto you, if you be not wanting unto yourselves: in the power of his name, which is above all names, he shall tread down his rebellious enemies, and exalt the righteous that put their trust in him. Moreover, the causes that we and they combat for, are divers, and our hopes much stronger: They fight for their Prophet, a most profane man, author of all impiety, for spoil and prey, for the destruction of nations and countries, for other men's kingdoms, for the enlarging of their dominions and territories, for worldly praise and glory: But we chose bear arms for the saviour of the world, for our faith and religion, for the Christian commonwealth, for our native country, for our wives and children, for our fortune and state; than which nothing can be more excellent, more commendable, or honourable. What reward is laid up for them in heaven which have worthily protected or delivered their country, or laid down their lives in defence of their faith and religion? Neither, having often proved, are we ignorant, that God will never forsake them that honour, fear, and serve him. Whereby (fellow soldiers) you may plainly perceive, how far your hopes are beyond theirs. Believe our Saviour, promising unto you an eternal reward: and show your fidelity and valour unto God and your country together. Wherefore, seeing without the power of God we can do● nothing, before the signal of battle be given, I beseech you colonels, captains, and lieutenants, by your effectual and Christian exhortations in your regiments and companies, to encourage your soldiers, valiantly to fight the Lords battle, and for the present, every man by taking a little earth in his mouth, to prepare himself according to the necessity of the time, as it were to the receiving of the lords supper: so having cleansed your souls, embrace you one another, plight your mutual faith with your right hand and a kiss; and make a perpetual covenant among yourselves, none of you to forsake one another in this holy battle, but for your religion and country valiantly to fight it out, even unto the last man. And a little refreshing yourselves with a short repast as you stand, upon the signal given, thrice calling aloud upon the mighty name of Christ jesus, fight with the like valour and courage so near as you can, that he in the agony of death fought for your redemption and liberty: which that you will willingly do, I request and charge you this for our saviours sake, for the love of our country, and for the faith you owe both to God and man. I also pray and beseech you, so to fight, as men resolved either to gain a most glorious victory, (whereof I doubt not) or else if it should otherwise chance, this day to purchase unto yourselves a blessed life in the kingdom of heaven: not to sup in Hell with the Turks, but with the blessed wights in heaven: For Christ jesus our Saviour will be always present with us, who (believe me, and so hope) will this day not only deliver us out of the hands of the Turks, but to our immortal glory load us with the rich spoils of our enemies, and so in safety bring all home again with much joy and triumph. The Bassa on the other side likewise encouraged his soldiers, putting them in remembrance of their former victories, exhorting them not to degenerate from their worthy ancestors and themselves, by whose great valour the glory and empire of the Turks had been so mightily increased▪ and unto whom their great prophet Mahomet, the interpreter of the gods, had foretold the empire of the whole world to be by all the gods allotted; and had by divine inspiration prophesied, that ancient and stately nation in time to become the terror of the world, the scourge of the wicked, and commander of all nations. He farther declared unto than what an increase of kingdoms they had got in that short time, since which they first passed over into EUROPE: and filled them with the hope of a great spoil; promising unto them that should in the battle valiantly behave themselves, not only the spoil and prey, but whole villages, towns, and cities, and other great preferments, according as they should deserve. As for the victory, considering the weak power of their enemies, and the great number of themselves, he assured them thereof, if they would but a while valiantly fight it out like men. In conclusion, he told them, that having overcome Huniades, whom only, as he confessed, he had found to be the most valiant and skilful captain of the Christians, nothing should afterward be able to stand in their way, or to hinder their farther conquests: and that if this day they should utterly overthrow him, they should gain the most honourable victory that was ever yet got in EUROPE. Wherefore he willed them above all things, in the battle to seek after him; promising unto him that should kill him, a great reward, with most honourable preferments. Having thus sufficiently, as he thought, encouraged his Turks, he set forward with his army in order of battle. His horsemen and footmen he divided into two great wings, betwixt which marched the janissaries in a square battle, all men of approved valour: after whom followed the rearward: unto the wings he had also joined certain loose companies of light horsemen to begin the battle, and to fly about the enemies, and so as occasion should serve, either to charge or retire. Huniades likewise had placed in both wings two square battailions of men at arms, and with them certain horsemen with crossbows: before these wings he had also placed certain troops of light horsemen, to encounter the enemies: in the midst stood two square battles of men at arms: and betwixt them a strong squadron of armed men, guarded behind with a convenient number of pikemen and archers: both the wings he had compassed about with a multitude of carts and wagons, and they also well manned. So marching forward, and both armies being come within a quarter of a mile together, the signal of battle was on both sides given, A cruel barrel betwixt Huniades and Abedin Bassa. and the battle begun. Huniades seeing the multitude of his enemies, cast his first battle into the form of a wedge, the more easily to divide them: and they on the other side in form of a pair of shears, were ready to receive him: where on both sides they encountered together with such fury and outcry, as never was thing more terrible to be heard or seen. The Turks trusting unto the multitude of their nimble light horsemen, first with their light staves, and afterward with their crooked Scimators fiercely assailed the Christians light horsemen, in which first encounter many fell on both sides. But the wedge battle of the Christians could not of the Turks be broken, as consisting all of valiant expert soldiers, and they also strongly armed; who, do the Turks what they could, with a great slaughter cut their army in sunder, but not without a great fight, and some los●e also unto themselves. In the wings also the light horsemen for a while fought courageously and with like hope: But the Turks with that kind of fight better acquainted than the Christians, & better appointed for that purpose, and exceeding in number also, put the Christian light horsemen to the worst, and enforced them to retire to the men at arms. Here began the fortune of the Turks to stay, where both parts desperately assailing the one the other, was made a most terrible fight, wherein most part of the Turks light horsemen were slain: for why, they were not able to abide the force of the men at arms, although in comparison of them, but few; but were with their lances & arming swords overthrown and slain, no otherwise than if they had been naked men: so that in both wings the Turks began now to faint. But the battle in both the wings yet wavering and the victory doubtful, in the main battle was fought a most cruel fight: the janissaries with a strong power of men at arms, and certain troops of light horsemen, compassed about the men at arms that stood (as we said) in the main battle of the Christians, where the old janissaries with their crooked S●imitaries, with great courage cut in sunder the legs of the horses of the men at arms; of whom many fell down, and lying along upon the ground, were made shorter by the head: as likewise on the other side, the janissaries whilst they seek the destruction of the men at arms, were themselves overborne and trodden under foot. Whereupon such a slaughter was made, that the blood ran like rivers, whilst they desperately fight with furious rage both on the one side and the other. In this cruel fight most part of the janissaries were slain, and many of the Christian men at arms also. The Bassa now perceiving the Hungarians to have the better, both in the wings and in the main battle, and yet in hope that with long fight they would faint (although he saw great slaughter of his men in every place) came on with the rearward, and a number of other fresh soldiers which he had left for the guarding of his baggage, all yet sound men, in good hope so to overwhelm the wearied Hungarians. It was now four hours that this cruel fight had endured, when as the Bassa began it afresh: neither was this by him done without reason; for why, he was afraid lest if his men should turn their backs and fly, the whole army should follow after: and therefore to make use of all the men he had, he brought on his rearward, in hope that his enemies, now spent with long fight, would not longer endure a fresh charge. And the more to encourage his men, he commanded them to compass in the Hungarians round, and to dispatch their wearied enemies, vainly boasting, That it would be the last battle that ever the Hungarians would fight. On the other side, Huniades perceiving the enemy's purpose, suffered his men to be in part environed, and by and by caused the wagoners with the armed carts and wagons to thrust in behind them, and so to compass them in, divided in part from the rest, and afterward with fresh supplies renewed the battle with the enemy. The fight was great, and in every place right terrible: and albeit that the slaughter of the Turks was in many places great, yet by reason of their multitude they felt it not much, but fought yet still most desperately: until that they in the right wing seeing themselves compassed in behind with the wagons, & so from them charged with shot, darts, and other such missive weapons; standing in doubt which way to turn themselves, and beset with danger on every side, began to faint, and fearing the danger behind them, shrunk from the fight. On the other side, the Hungarians, now in good hope of victory, with great and cheerful outcries, as men inspired with fresh spirits, more furiously assailed their fainting enemies affront, than before; encouraging them also that assailed them behind in the wagons, The Turks ●lie. to approach them nearer: with which double danger the Turks hardly beset, fought disorderly, and doubting to be all enclosed round, first retired, and presently after betook themselves to plain flight. But they which were already shut in betwixt the wagons and them that fought before them, perished every mother's son. They which fought in the left wing also, discouraged with the flight of their fellows, fled likewise: after whom the Hungarians fiercely followed. The Bassa himself seeing both the wings of his battle put to flight, & his own battle sore broken also, strucken with despair fled, with certain companies of the janissaries, which he had still kept about him against all events, for the safeguard of his person: after whom followed also so many other of the Turks as could; the rest dispersedly flying through the woods, forests, & mountains, either there perished with hunger, or falling into the hands of the Null, were by them slain. Of so great an army as the Bassa brought into TRANSILVANIA, scarce the one half returned again over Danubius. It is reported by some that were in that battle, that if Huniades having them in chase, had pursued them unto Danubius, scarcely one man of them had escaped over the river. But he contented with so great a victory, & to have driven his enemies out of the field, pursued them not far: but entering into their camp, with the spoil thereof greatly enriched both himself and his soldiers. Beside the great multitude of the Turks here slain, 5000 more were taken prisoners, & 100 of their ensigns. Long it were to rehearse and reckon up the rich spoil there taken, the guilt armour, and goodly furniture, both of men and horses, beside the rich pavilions and tents there standing. In brief, the wealth there found, was so great, as that there was no man in Huniades army, which was not thereby for ever enriched. Huniades for this so great a victory, and for his country, delivered from so great a fear, caused general prayers with thanks giving, for the space of three days, to be made in all churches of those three provinces, unto whom that danger was threatened; and at VASCAPE, where the battle was fought, hanged up certain of the Turks ensigns, as trophies of the victory there gotten. This was the famous battle of VASCAPE, wherein Huniades got the greatest victory that ever any Christian prince before that time obtained against the Turkish kings. The fields thereabouts lay covered with the dead bodies of the slain Turks, whose carrion carcases so infected the air, that many of the better sort of the inhabitants of the country were glad for a season to leave their dwellings, and to get them further off, for fear of infection. Afterwards he in great triumph came to BUDA, and there presented unto king Vladislaus the enemy's ensigns, with such a part of the spoil, as might both well declare the greatness of the victory, and beseem the greatness of so great a prince, which the king thankfully received, highly commending his great valour, the fame whereof had in short time filled every corner of EUROPE. Amurath a little before this great overthrow of his army in TRANSILVANIA, assuring himself of the victory, had sent a proud embassage unto king Vladislaus into HUNGARY, offering him peace, upon condition, That he should deliver unto him the strong city of BELGRADE or else yield to pay him a yearly tribute: unto which, upon the first report of the victory, answer was given by the king, answerable to the proud demand, That according to the issue of matters in TRANSILVANIA, he would shortly in person himself come and give him farther answer. With which short answer the proud ambassadors were dismissed and gone, a little before the coming of Huniades to BUDA. How much this late overthrow grieved the great king Amurath, Vladislaus was not ignorant; either of his power and desire of revenge, as sufficiently warned thereof by the worthy Huniades: for the withstanding whereof, he thought it good not to be unprovided. Wherefore calling together the states of his kingdom, and with them julian the Cardinal of S. Angel, the Pope's Legate; at such time as they were all assembled, he propounded unto them the greatness of the danger threatened by the angry Turk, leaving it unto their grave consideration, to determine how the same were by strong hand and plain force, or otherwise to be averted. In which most honourable assembly, julian the Cardinal, of purpose sent thither by Pope Vrbane to stir up the Hungarians against the Turks, being requested by the king to deliver his opinion first, spoke unto them as followeth: Since the time that the Turkish pestilence began to rage in EUROPE, The effectual speech of julian the Pope's legate in the parl●ment to persuade the war. no n●wes was ever more welcome unto the great Bishop, unto the Apostolical Senate, and other princes of ITALY (most mighty king, and you other most worthy princes) than when it was told them, That Vladislaus, king of POLONIA, was by you also chosen king of HUNGARY. For a fitter governor of the Hungarian state, and leader of their power, could not the Hungarians any where have found: as he in whom justice, religion, wisdom, valour, and martial skill, doth so abound, that he seemeth rather for the good of this kingdom by God sent from heaven, than here in earth chosen by men. By this happy & fortunate choice, the minds also of all the Italians, which before lay heavy and discouraged, were lightened and revived: and therefore, that this choice might be unto the Christian commonweal both glorious and fortunate, they made their solemn vows and prayers. At such time as the most holy Senate understood of the civil discord of this kingdom, and the danger of the Turks fast by, it sent me hither to deal with you for the appeasing of those troubles and repressing of that mischief (as you have oftentimes heard me say.) The kingdom is by your force and valour, by my mediation, and the death of the queen, well pacified: but yet the other remaineth full of honour, full of profit, full of safety, glory, and immortality, best ●itting: Vladislaus conduct and fortune, and the valour of the Hungarians. The Turkish tyranny and their proud command (worthy princes) is to be repressed: yea their servile yoke, hanging even now over our necks, is to be shaken off, and to be driven away. What you are to dare to do, the valour and fortune of Huniades foretelleth you: the fortune said I of Huniades, nay the fortune of the Christian commonweal, and present mercy of our blessed Saviour, which suffereth his people to be up and down tossed, but not quite drowned. If so great an army of the enemies was vanquished and put to flight by the power of one of thy captains, and that but small: what is to be hoped of thee (most mighty king) if thou shalt lead forth thine armies thyself in person, under thine own conduct▪ and the protection of Christ jesu. The eyes of all Christian princes are cast upon thee, upon the Hungarian and Polonian forces; upon thee have they reposed all their hopes, they all expect that thou shouldest be the revenger of the Barbarian cruelty, the defender of the faith, and protector of EUROPE▪ and that is it for which the Pope doth with his letters daily solicit and importune you. And albeit, that the common cause and quarrel of the Christian religion require it, yet doth the necessity of HUNGARY and POLONIA no less enforce it: of which, the one is most miserably and daily vexed with the Turks forces and fury out of SERVIA and DALMATIA; and the other out of MOLDAVIA and VALACHIA. Now if any there he, whom neither the zeal of religion, the necessity of the cause, the hope of immortal fame and glory, can move, let their own safety, the present servitude of their wives and children, the safeguard of their wealth and substance, the lawful revenge of the wrongs done them, sti● them up to take in hand this sacred expedition. So fit an opportunity is now given unto you, that at one and the selfsame time you may set your bodies in perpetual safety and happiness, your souls in quietness and rest, and unto both give eternal glory and happiness. You lack not (worthy captains) money, the sinews of the war, which shall be brought unto you from all parts of the Christian commonwealth, not lusty and courageous soldiers, not policy, not fortune, not the propitious heavenly powers, which have made choice of you for the defence of the true faith and religion: you want nothing (worthy princes) but will. It is an expedition necessary, religious, profitable, and honourable: wherein are propounded most ample rewards both in this life, and in the life to come. Wherefore (most mighty prince, and you right worthy princes all) I pray and beseech you by the faith of Christ jesus, by the love of your children, by the health of your kingdom, and deliverance from your present destruction, with valiant courage, and one consent to take this sacred war in hand, and so thereby to enrol your names in the eternal book of fame. And sith that you are to go, not so much to a worldly as a spiritual war, against the enemies of Christ and his truth, take up your arms with such zeal, courage, and cheerfulness, as the expectation and hope of men, as your valour, the present danger, and the mercies of God towards you▪ seem of right to require. The Legate having made an end, forthwith ensued the miserable supplication and tears of the Despot, The pitiful com●●●●● of the Despot, of t●e cruelty of the Turks, persuad●●● the Hun●●●ians to take the war against them in hand. persuading them, of the necessity of that expedition to be taken in hand, declaring unto them the cruelty of the Turks, their torments and strange tortures, his sons deprived of their sight, and spoiled of their genitoires, many half mangled, and more cut in sunder with saws; some ●laine quick, and other buried alive, with many other strange kinds of death, such as would abhor any Christian ears to hear. And warning the Hungarians, by his example to beware how much they had need to look to themselves, told them, That they were but by the river SAVUS, divided from the Turks; which in Summer was oftentimes to be waded over, and in Winter hard frozen, and so to be passed: that the country beyond DANUBIUS lay all open upon them; and that he, sometime the rich king of SERVIA, was now driven into exile by the power of the Turk, deprived of his kingdom, of his children, shamefully disgraced, spoiled of his wealth and fortune, glad to fly from place to place, and yet not able to find any safe place to rest in. First he fled (as he said) to RAGUSIUM, where by and by he was sought after, and endangered by the Turks: then into HUNGARY, which was also forthwith by them on every side infested; and whereof the Barbarian king now asked tribute, to have some colour for the invasion thereof: which dreadful enemy was not far off from it, but still hovered even over it: as well witnessed VALACHIA and TRANSILVANIA, two of the greatest and richest provinces of the Hungarian kingdom; which had not the valour of Huniades, the fortune of the commonweal, and above all, the mercy of God, delivered out of the hands of this filthy nation, the state of HUNGARY had now been utterly forlorn. The events of war (he said) were divers, fortune uncertain, and that God would not every day be tempted. Wherefore with many tears abundantly running down his aged face, he besought king Vladislaus & the rest, not to let slip this fair occasion, neither by cowardice or negligence to break off the course of their good fortune and victory: but to make choice rather to become revengers of other men's harms than of their own, and to satisfy the good opinion the world had conceived of them. He was (as he said) a sufficient example to all men. Besides that he offered a great sum of money himself towards the defraying of the charges of the war, assuring them also of great supplies both of men & money from divers other Christian princes. Which opinion of the Legate & Despots, being generally liked & approved, a decree was made by the whole court of parliament there assembled, That the king should himself in person with all speed possible entertain that honourable war. So that though it were now upon the approach of winter, yet were men taken up in every place, and ambassadors sent unto the Emperor, and the other neighbour princes, to pray of them aid against the common enemy. Who for the most part excused themselves by their own particular affairs, but sent no aid at all. Nevertheless many devout Christians both out of FRANCE and GERMANY, for the zeal they bore unto Christ and the Christian religion, forsaking wife and children, and whatsoever they had else, came and worthily served upon their own charge. The Spring being come, and supplications made in all places for the prosperous success of that religious war, king Vladislaus the first of May set forward from BUDA, where passing the river DANUBIUS and marching fair and softly, and coming to the river TIBISCUS, he there stayed three days for the coming of his army. Departing thence, and marching on alongst the side of DANUBIUS, until he came within the sight of BULGARIA, he there at a place called COBIS, overagainst SYNDEROVIA, passed over DANUBIUS with his army, which was now grown very great: and so marched directly to SOPHIA situate about six days march from DANUBIUS, in the frontiers of BULGARIA, so called of a most sumptuous and magnificent temple there built by justinian the great emperor. Which city being then old and ruinous, and but badly fortified, was easily taken; Sophia taken. and afterward for that it was not well to be holden, was by the king's commandment burnt, as were all the other country towns and villages thereabouts, to the terror of the rest. Marching thence he came unto the river MORAVA and there encamped: where the plain country, easily riseth and falleth in manner of the sea when it is moved with a little wind. Here five hundredth light horsemen, being sent over the river, not so much to seek after prey, as to view the country which way the army might most safely and easily pass, happened upon the Turks scouts, of whom they took four: and understanding by them, that two thousand of the Turks were coming at hand, knowing themselves to weak to encounter them, they retired back again with all speed they could unto the river: where many of them, for fear, leapt headlong from the high and broken banks, and so perished in the deep; the rest terrified with the misfortune of their fellows, stood still doubtfully expecting what should become of themselves. Beyond the river was another hill, upon the top whereof the king with a great number of horsemen were hunting: whom the Turks a far off descrying, and doubting to fall into some ambush, of purpose laid for them betwixt them and the river, without coming on further, retired. Which they that before fearfully stayed on the far side of the river perceiving, and now encouraged by the coming of the king down to the river, followed a while after, so to increase their fear; and so having well feared one another, retired on both sides worse afraid than hurt. The next day the king passed over the river, sending out his scouts to see if all were clear before him: by whom he was advertised that the Turks were at hand, having placed certain ambushes fast by, expecting but a fit time to set upon him. Whereupon entering into counsel with his best and most expert captains, what were best to be done; it was resolved upon, that Huniades the next night with ten thousand choice horsemen, should upon the sudden set upon the enemy, then fearing nothing less. Who conducted by the espials, was in the first watch of the night brought very near unto them. The moon by chance as favouring his great attempt, did then shine out, so that he might well discern how the enemy lay encamped, and which way for to charge them to his most advantage; which was by the same way they were most like no fly, if they should be put to the worst: unto which place he led his men, and there with a most hideous outcry▪ entered the camp, as then for the most part buried in sleep and security: when as the Turks awaked with the sudden noise as it were out of a dead sleep, and dismayed with the horror of the cry, began to betake them some to their weapons, some to their heels. Of whom such as fled, lighting upon the enemy's troops standing in their way, ran as fast back again: the other scarce yet well awake, and overcome with fear, and now scarcely themselves, had much ado to make themselves ready to fight. Huniades with ten thousand horsemen assa●leth the Turks by night. Huniades in the mean time riding up and down amongst his men, cheered them up, still crying out and calling upon them, courageously to assail their sleepy naked and fearful enemies, and not to let slip so fair an occasion and so notable a victory now already in their hands. At the first encounter the Turks rather made a stir than fought; but after that they heard that Huniades was there, as men dismayed with his name, they turned their backs and fled, finding which way soever they took, their fellows half dead or wounded: ye● such a confusion was raised amongst them, with the greatness of the sudden fear, that thustin● together, with an inconsiderate desire of flight, they trod one another under foot, and thru●● themselves upon one another's weapons: the greatest part of them driven headlong into the thickets, and other straits, and not able in time to get out thence, were there by the victorious enemy fiercely pursuing of them, slain. All that night the fearful Turks were with great slaugh●●● held in chase: but as soon as it was day, the rest that remained of them ran also the same for●●e with their fellows. A far greater slaughter was there made, than a man would think that so few men could have made, when as but with ten thousand horse, thirty thousand Turks were in one night slain, and four thousand taken, with a number of their ensigns. Of Huniades his men were not many lost, for the greatness of the slaughter, most report not above five hundredth; for few of them found any enemy to resist them. There was taken all the spoil of a most rich camp, the enemy having carried with them nothing out of it. Huniades having in so short time gained so notable a victory, and enriched his army, returned to the king in great triumph: neither w●● that day more joyful unto these victorious soldiers, than unto the rest of the army, who most joyfully expected their return. The king and the Despot, hearing of the approach of Huniades from the slaughter of the Turks, with the great applause and joyful acclamation of the other legions went to meet him three miles: The meeting of Vladislaus and Huniades after the victory. and at such time as at their first meeting Huniades was about to have lighted to have done him honour, he would in no case suffer him so to do, but taking him by the right hand, joyed with him for the victory, thanking God in the hearing of the whole army, that he of his mercy had given him such a captain, as without envy in all men's judgements was worthy to rule the Roman empire. In brief, he showed how much his country, his kingdom, yea the Christian commonweal was bound and indebted unto him, gave him his due praises, exhorting all others to imitate his glory: the like honour did also all the rest of the nobility unto him. As for the common soldiers, they could not be satisfied with beholding of him, but embracing one another, as if they would have died one in another's arms, welcomed their victorious friends. So with joy joining their forces together, and sending the rich spoil of the enemy, with the prisoners chained together in long ranks, before them; the king and Huniades, in great triumph returned into the camp, where they caused general prayers with thanksgiving unto almighty God, for so great a victory, to be made thoughout the army. The Legate julian, general of the voluntary Christians, which for devotion served of their own charge, after so great a victory most earnestly persuaded the king and the rest of the great commanders of the army to prosecute their good fortune, and in God his so great favour not to loiter, but daily to march forward, and to take in the rest of BULGARIA. Now had Huniades by his espials learned, that from SOPHIA it was but three days journey to PHILIPPOPOLIS, a great city of THRACIA; and the like distance from thence to HADRIANOPLE, the chief seat of the Turkish tyrant; and as much more to CONSTANTINOPLE. The only difficulty was, how to pass the great and rough mountain HEMUS, which running a marvelous way in length, even unto the Euxine sea, and mating almost the sky, divideth the countries of BULGARIA and SERVIA, from MACEDONIA and THRACE: and for the great height and roughness thereof, is not to be passed over but in two places; the one made by the great emperor trajan and the Romans, where as yet is to be seen a mighty strong gate built of great square stone, whereby the passage that way was opened or shut at the pleasure of them that had the keeping thereof: the other near unto a little river, which the Bulgarians now call SALTIZA. By either of these ways if he should find them open, Huniades, unto whom the king had committed both the leading and the conduct of the army, purposed to enter. Wherefore marching forward, they took all such towns of BULGARIA as stood in their way; some by force, some by composition: wherein was no small help, the conformity of the Christian religion, the horrible cruelty of the Turks, and great affinity of language, the most effectual means to win the love of strangers: For the Polonians and the Bulgarians, both descended of the slavonians, and using the same language, the Polonian horsemen came to no town, but it presently yielded. But being come unto the mountain HEMUS, to have entered into THRACIA, the Winter weather being now very cold, they learned by their espials, that the aforesaid passages were both fast shu● up with great stones, timber, and such other like matter, so strongly, as that they were very hardly to be forced. Wherefore Huniades leaving the straighter way made by the hand of man (which beside the former fortification at the great gate, the Turks had in many places, with abundance of water poured down the steep hill in the night, and hard frozen with the coldness of the weather, made so slippery, as that it was not possible either for man or beast there to stand, or to get up that way) upon Christmas even came to the other, by which the river Saltiza runneth, the which he found likewise shut. The Hungarian● enforced with the difficulty of the passage of the mountain Hemus, retire. Here they met with many inconveniences: first, the difficulty of the passage, which old Amurath had not without great reason shut up, and there placed strong garrisons, so at ease and without danger of battle (so often by his Bassas unfortunately proved) to defend his kingdom in MACEDONIA and THRACIA from the invasion of the Hungarians, whom now of all nations he most dreaded. Beside that, in the army was such want of all things, as that the soldiers were ready to forsake their ensigns, and to rise up in a general mutiny: for the country near unto the mountain HEMUS, rising high with broken rocks and inaccessible places, was altogether barren, and victuals failing in the camp, they were glad to live with a little wheat and flesh boiled together, and that so sparingly, as that the soldiers began now generally to grow weak and faint. Besides that, the Winter was exceeding cold, and the frost so great, that many times they could not go out of their tents to seek for forage or water. So that the army enforced with hunger and cold, and the difficulty of the passage, began to retire, & had now undoubtedly been dissolved, had it not been for the often and earnest persuasions of Huniades: for he daily told them, that the greatest difficulties were already past, that that which remained, was with their wont valour and courage to be endured, whereunto nothing was high or difficult: that they should forthwith come into the borders of THRACIA, where they should find plenty of all things: that they were now come so far, that if they would go back again, they should in those waste countries, through which they were to pass, find greater difficulties and dangers than in going forward: that these straits once opened, remained no more travel, but cheerfully to fall to the spoil of a most rich and pleasant country. They were not (as he said) to stay in the midst of their fortunes, for that it was not always permanent: and for that the contempt of God his favours, caused them to be oftentimes taken from us: all that was yet done (he said) was nothing, if they proceeded not farther: for that whatsoever they had already won, was easily by the enemy to be recovered; except that those which yet remained (for that most part of them, as he said, were slain with their houses burnt over their heads) were driven out of THRACIA and MACEDONIA, and so quite out of EUROPE. So whilst the soldiers heard Huniades speak, every man was well encouraged: but when they remembered the miseries wherewith they were environed, they cursed all the rash attempts of ambitious princes. In the mean time news was brought by the scouts, that the Turks were coming after them: but then began they to rejoice, as deeming it much more honour, manfully to die in battle, than to starve with hunger and cold. Against these Turks was Huniades sent, with certain troops of horsemen: who encountering with them, easily enforced them with loss to retire. Eight times he encountered them (as the soldiers there present reported) and as often put them to flight. In retiring back from the impregnable mountain, the king with the greatest part of the army went before; after whom followed Huniades & the Despot, a good days march: when the Turks that kept the passage upon the mountain, understanding of their return, followed them down the hill, in good hope to be of them well revenged, before they should get out of BULGARIA. Carambey the Bassa of ROMANIA, and brother to Caly-Bassa (a man of all others in greatest favour with Amurath, and his brother in law, as having married his sister) was general of this army, and by him appointed for the keeping of these straits; with express charge, upon no occasion whatsoever, although it made show of never so assured a victory, to fight with the enemy: for he thought it victory enough, without any loss to have kept his enemies out of THRACIA. Which the old kings command, Carambey for all that neglected, in good hope by a notable victory easily to answer the contempt of that he was commanded. The Christian army descending down the broken mountains was come to a great mountain, which the Bulgarians call CVNO●IZA, and part of the mountain HEMUS: at whose heels followed Carambey, with his Turks, still hovering over their heads, to take them at some advantage: whom the Christians beholding, could not by their captains be stayed, but that they would many times by companies fly forth upon them, and desperately fight with them in places of great disadvantage, saying, That they had rather die in fight like men, than to starve with hunger and cold. Here Carambey, being himself a man of great courage, and desirous of honour, and by the rashness of his enemies alured to fight; and withal, beside the advantage of the ground, perceiving himself to exceed his enemies both in strength and number of men, could not be stayed but would needs give battle, with such a desire, as if he had been already assured of the victory. Huniades and the Despot had before perceived that the Turks, provoked with the braving of their men, would assuredly fall upon them, and were therefore much troubled with the absence of the king, who (as is beforesaid) was gone a days ma●ch before they saw they could neither shun battle, neither if they could have so done, would their desperate soldiers be stayed, for the desire they had to fight. Yet seeing Carambey coming down upon them, they put themselves (though unwillingly) in best order they could to receive him; persuading their soldiers not rashly in fury to run upon their enemies, as desperate men prodigal of their lives, but to keep their ranks, and orderly to fight, and so like valiant men to carry away the victory, or to leave unto their enemies a bloody remembrance thereof. Now had Carambey sent his horsemen down the hill, A great battle betwixt Huniades & the Bassa Carambey. and the battle was begun, where both the armies met together with great fury, and a cruel fight was made both at the foot of the hill and amongst the hills and valleys also: in which hard encounter many were slain, as well on the one side as the other. The Polonian men at arms (whom the king but a little before had left with Huniades against all events) with the Hungarian light horsemen (of whom the Despot had the leading) fought so that day, as if they had sought for nothing more but how honourably to die. And the Turks for a space stood hard to it, so that many were there slain: yet at length finding themselves hardly laid to, as by desperate men, resolved to sell their lives dear, they began to faint and to give ground: when as Carambey coming in behind them with new supplies, rated the cowardly, stayed them that were flying, and sometime with rough speeches, sometime with fair persuasion, encouraged the wavering, and restored the battle, before almost quite lost. Neither did Huniades and the Despot less bestir them, but as soon as they perceived the enemy a little to faint, by and by cried out Victory; with cheerful speech encouraging their men, still calling upon them, To keep their ranks strong, and to urge their present good fortune, assuring themselves, that they fought against those infidels, under the favour and protection of the Almighty. And forthwith sent certain companies of footmen, who climbing up the hill, amongst the bushes with their half pikes and boarspears paunched the Turks horses as they passed by them. These loose companies did the Turks horsemen much harm, and here began their battle to decline; they which were coming down, for fear of the danger retiring back again unto them that were left above, for the keeping of the straits. And the bolder sort of them, which were come down into the valleys, compassed about with the men at arms, hardly recovered the rising of the hill. Carambey in the mean while crying out behind them, one while called back them that fled, another while relieved them that fainted, and to the uttermost of his power restoring the battle, performed all the parts both of a valiant soldier and worthy captain, courageously fight himself in the thickest of his enemies, and by his own valour stayed for a time the lost battle. At length performing his last endeavour, deceived by the snow, The Turks overthrown, and Carambry taken prisoner. he fell into a bog, where sticking fast with his horse, and not able to help himself, he was taken prisoner by a common soldier. The rest that escaped out of this bloody battle, retired themselves unto them that were left above upon the mountain for the defence of the passage. After whom the Christians followed, through the untract and rough places, until that hindered of their farther pursuit by the approach of the night, and the abruptness of the way, they were glad to sound a retreat, and so retired unto the camp. Many other great men were taken beside Carambey, but many more slain in the battle, and most of all in the flight; few escaped, but such as fled back again up into the mountains. In the retreat Huniades seeing so gallant a man as was Carambey (though to him altogether unknown) unworthily bound, and led prisoner by a common soldier, asked the soldier, if he would sell his prisoner? who said, he would; and asked for him ten ducats (a poor price for so great a man:) unto whom Huniades commanded to be given four hundred, and so sent him to his tent, comforting of him up with cheerful words, and willing that he should be well used. The Despot the same night coming to Huniades his tent, to confer with him about the remainder of the war, and seeing so brave a man standing among the rest by the fire side, began to talk with him in the Turkish language, whereof he had some knowledge, by reason of the nearness of the nation, and such matters as he had sometimes to do with them; and having some guess by his talk what he was, and pitying his estate, asked Huniades, how he would ransom him? who said, that he cost him four hundred ducats, but that he valued him at forty thousand, which the Despot offered to pay him. Thus by the strange change of fortune was Carambey, of late so great a commander, and so near allied unto the great Turk, valued and prized twice in one day by his enemies, as a mirror of the uncertainty of worldly bliss and felicity. The Polonians report somewhat otherwise of this battle, as that Vladislaus should himself therein be present, and the chief that therein commanded: howbeit the Hungarian writers, whose credit herein we follow, report it as before, not to have been fought under the good fortune of the king then absent, but under the leading of Huniades and the Despot. Out of this battle (or as some others report, a little before out of the battle of MORAVA) fled the great captain George Castriot, Scanderbag reu●lteth from the Turks. otherwise of the Turks called Scanderbag, now seeking to deliver both himself, and his native country of EPIRUS out of the thraldom of the Turks, as presently after he did: whose unwonted flight, not a little terrified the rest of the Turks army, and much furthered the Christians victory, whose proceedings he always secretly favoured: having (as it was thought) secret intelligence with the great captain Huniades, who not without instructions from him (as some say) gave that great overthrow unto the Turks at MORAVA. But of him and his worthy acts done for the deliverance and defence of his country, more shall be said hereafter. Shortly after this great overthrow and discomfiture of the Turks, the two great captains Huniades, and the Despot, together with the king, consulted for the removing of the Turks garrisons left above for the keeping of the stait passages of the mountain, and the prosecution of the war. Which Vladislaus (considering the difficulty of the matter, and his soldiers necessity) thought it not good further to prosecute, but forthwith to return. But Huniades and the Despot, the one thirsting after honour, and the other in no less hope, by the good success of this war, to recover again his lost kingdom, said, That the Turks were in any case to be removed, the passage opened, and the sparks that yet remained, for fear of raising a greater fire, extinguished: opposing against the difficulty by the king alleged, the invincible courage of his soldiers, whereunto they said nothing was impossible or difficult. Unto which opinion the king also (lest he should seem to distrust the valour of his captains or soldiers) easily yielded, and so commanded on God his name to set forward. The first that mounted the hill was the king his battle, which by the roughness and abruptness of the mountain hindered, Vladislaus seeks in value to open the passage of the mountain● Hemus. oftentimes stayed. But Huniades still carried with an earnest desire to prosecute the victory, and leaving nothing unattempted, in searching about found a crooked turning way, whereby he with his men more easily and readily got up to the top of the mountain even with their enemies, undescried or molested, by reason of the broken covert of the place: from whence they were in good hope easily to have come unto their enemies. But being come up to the place they desired, they found such a deep and wide gaping of the rock, betwixt them and the enemy, as was neither to be passed, or filled up: yet being come very near, they attempted by crossbow shot, and great stones cast out of slings, and other such engines to have removed the Turks from their places: who were therewith and with their unexpected approach, at the first so greatly both annoyed and discomfited, that they were almost at the point to have forsaken the passage, had not Alis Beg (but the night before chosen for their General in stead of Carambey) encouraged them and taught them, how by shrouding themselves under the broken rocks, and parapets with tumultarie labour cast up, to save themselves from the shot of their enemies. In the mean time also, Huniades by another more high and steep way, whereby the enemy was also to be approached, had sent up other companies of soldiers: who fight at too much disadvantage, were by the Turks easily rejected. So at length seeing the vain attempt given by himself upon the top of the hill: and the desperate danger of the other in climbing the inaccessible mountain, where one might keep down an hundredth, despairing to enforce the enemy, he by the king's command, caused a retreat to be sounded, and so again retired down the mountain, to the great rejoicing of the Turks. The next day the winter cold raging, and wants in the army still more and more increasing, the king with the rest of the great commanders entered into consultation, for the hasting of their return out of that rough and barren country, into places of greater plenty, before the army were brought to any greater extremity. Whereunto Huniades (giving place unto necessity, which always suffereth not to be regarded that is seemly) now easily yielded: only the Despot spoke against it, blaming them, that having taken the General, and put their enemies to flight, and victory now as it were in their hands, they would not prosecute the small remainder of the war, but cowardly turn their backs unto their vanquished enemies: promising that he himself would find money enough for the providing of all things needful for the relief of the army. So said the Pope's Legate also. But forasmuch as the wants in the army were great, and the soldiers presently pinched with hunger and cold, they could with no hope of any profit, were it never so great, be persuaded to stay; openly crying out, that it was not their captains and lieutenants, which wanted nothing, but them the poor soldiers that starved for hunger: as for the Despot, that he in hope of recovering of his kingdom, persuaded things impossible, and no way to be performed, neither to be any thing moved with the death of their men or cattle: Need (they said) could not be vanquished: but that when Winter was past, they would willingly return again unto the sacred war: In the mean time Winter raging, and hunger commanding, let us give over (said they) and depart into more fruitful places, there to refresh our bodies, spent with labour, cold, and hunger. For which reasons, the king sending before his baggage, retired again by the same way he came. Which the Turks from above beholding, and strengthened with new supplies, followed after them, as after men that had fled: oftentimes assailing them in the rearward, and setting upon them sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, with often skirmishes both did and received much harm. Whose manner of fight was, to retire when they were themselves charged, and presently by great troops to charge again their enemies, their backs once turned to them; and so troubled the army, that it was constrained oftentimes to stay; besides that, loaded with the rich spoil of the enemy, and much baggage, it could not of itself make any great haste. Now was it by the way come into a great thick wood, full of deep bogs and watercourses, hard to be passed through: where the rest of the army going before, in the rearward, at the entrance of the wood, were left certain strong companies of men at arms, as a wall against the pursuing enemies; The Hungarians much troubled in passing a thick ●ood. whom the Turks with their ready light horsemen fiercely charged: where betwixt them, in the wood, was fought a great fight, and a great tumult raised: unto the noise whereof, they which marched before hastily returning, in skirmishing, many of them fell into those deep bogs and queachie places, out of which they could hardly rid themselves again. Besides that, there were many crooked and troublesome turnings and windings, with sudden descents, so steep, as that in going down the same, their horses came tumbling heels over head, and there lay overthrown, together with their riders: in such sort, as that to avoid these difficulties, they were oftentimes enforced to fight on foot. In which troublesome skirmish, about fourscore of the men at arms were lost; but of the Turks, beside them which were slain, were taken an hundred and seventy, all whom Huniades caused to be presently slain. In this wood the Christians were more troubled with the difficulties of the place, than the enemies assaults. Wherefore wants daily more and more increasing in the army, which by reason of the multitude of their carriages, abundance of their baggage, and often assaults of the Turks, was able to make no way: the king for fear his army should in so long & slow a march through those troublesome and barren countries, be consumed with hunger and other wants, caused all the carriages and baggage to be brought into the midst of the army, and of it, all such things as served rather for burden than use, to be there burnt: and the arms as well of such soldiers as he had lost, as of the enemy, to be buried in the ground, and all the weak beasts that served for burden, to be killed. So the army well discharged of such unprofitable burdens, marched much more speedily, neither was so much subject unto the assaults of the Turks, as before. And so at length by long journeys, Vladislaus with his army arrived at BELGRADE, where he was of his subjects honourably received. And having there stayed certain days, and well refreshed his army, departing thence, and passing the river SAVUS, came to the royal city of BUDA: where he was of all his subjects joyfully received also. The Legate and Huniades going on his right hand, and the Despot on the left: Vladislaus honourably received at Buda. after whom followed other colonels, captains, and lieutenants, with their companies; who at the first meeting with the citizens, more than a mile out of the city, in token of their mutual joy, gave together such joyful acclamations and outcries, as that the heavens seemed to resound, and the earth to shake with the noise thereof. Before the king, at his coming unto the city, went a long company of the notable Turk's captives; and next before him, Carambey, bound in chains, upon whom all men's eyes were fixed. With them were also carried the enemy's ensigns, and such spoils as had been saved. Behind the king came Huniades in a triumphant rob, in the midst betwixt the Legate on the right hand, and the Despot on the left, as he that next unto the king had best deserved the honour of the triumph. Next unto them followed the devout Christians, that for the zeal of religion had most honourably of their own charges voluntary served in those wars: and on both sides of them the civil magistrates and best of the citizens: behind them came the rest of the legions, and about them both upon the right hand and the left, the promiscuous common people, doubling and redoubling the praises of the king, and Huniades. Before all these went the prelate's and priest's in solemn procession, singing hymns and psalms of thanksgiving unto almighty God: Vladislaus coming unto the gate of the city, acknowledging God to have been the author of so great a victory, alighting from his horse, on foot went first unto the Cathedral church of our lady; and there giving most hearty thanks unto almighty God, hanged up the enemy's ensigns, and part of the spoil, in perpetual remembrance of so notable a victory: which he afterward caused to be most lively depainted in a fair table of most curious work, and there in the same church to be hanged up: as were also the arms of all the noble Christians that served in that most famous expedition, which there long time after remained. Which solemnities ended, he went to his palace in the castle, and there having given unto every man, but especially unto Huniades, his due commendation, gave them leave to depart. Thus the Hungarians, with whom also the Polonians in most part agree, report of this notable expedition of their king Vladislaus: howbeit the Turks (notable dissemblers of their own losses) confessing the great overthrow, call the Bassa so overthrown not by the name of Carambey, but of Cassanes; and the noble prisoner that was taken, by the name of Mechmet Beg, Sanzacke of ANCYRA Amurath his son in law, and brother to Cali-Bassa Amurath his great councillor, of some called Carambey after the name of his father. Out of this late slaughter of the Turks, wherein Carambey was taken, escaped that valiant prince and famous warrior George Castriot (of the Turks called Scanderbag) as is before declared: whose noble mind had long time desired to break out of the golden fetters of the Turkish thraldom, and to be revenged of the intolerable injuries by Amurath done to his country, his parents, his brethren, and himself. Although he had always most warily dissembled the same, for fear of the old tyrant: Scanderbag wisely dissembleth his desire for the deliverse of himself and his country. being often times solicited and animated thereunto by secret letters and messengers from his friends in EPIRUS, knowing right well that the least overture thereof, had been unto him present death. But finding no fit means for the accomplishing thereof, wisely dissembled the same, with all the shows of love and loyalty unto Amurath that might be: until that now in this great overthrow of the Turks army, under the leading of Carambey, and in so great a confusion, he took occasion to put in practice what he had long before in his deep conceit plotted, for the delivery both of himself and his country from the Turkish bondage and slavery. At which time Scanderbag (for so from henceforth we will call him) having a little before imparted the matter unto some of his trusty friends and country men, no less desirous of liberty than himself, but especially unto his nephew Amesa, the son of his brother Reposius, a young man of great courage (in that great confusion of the Turkish army, when every man was glad to shift for himself) had ever in his flight a vigilant eye upon the Bassas principal secretary▪ whom accompanied with a few Turks, he with his nephew Amesa, and other of his faithful friends closely followed, as he fled from the slaughter: but when he had got the secretary with his few followers in place most convenient for his purpose, he set upon the Turks and slew them every one: and carrying the secretary away with him fast bound, when he had brought him whether he thought good, with great threats compelled him (sore against his will) to write counterfeit letters, as from the Bassa his master, unto the governor of CROIA, commanding him in Amurath's name, Forthwith to deliver unto Scanderbag, the new choose Governor, the charge of the city with the garrison there: cunningly interlacing many other things in the same letters, whereby the matter might seem more probable. Which letters so extorted, he presently slew the Secretary, & as many more of the Turks as came in his way, of purpose that his doings might be the longer kept from knowledge of Amurath, who not hearing what was become of him, might reasonably conjecture that he was slain by the Hungarians amongst the rest of the Turks. Whilst the fame of this great overthrow is going to HADRIANOPLE, and there filleth the Turks court with sorrow and heaviness, in the mean time Scanderbag having with him three thousand Epirot soldiers which followed him out of the battle, as men desirous rather to fight for the liberty of themselves and of their country, than in the quarrel of the Turk●, was with incredible celerity come into the upper country of DI●RA, in the borders of EPIRUS, about seventy miles from CROIA: into which country he was most joyfully received, where he stayed but one day, and chose a few of those three hundredth which he brought with him, to wait upon him when he went to CROIA, as if they had been his domestical servants: the rest, with other three hundredth lusty soldiers, which were then come unto him out of DIBRA, he appointed to be led by secret byways through the woods and mountains by perfect guides, until they came so nigh CROIA as was possible for them to come, unperceived; and there to s●aie until he might find opportunity to convey them into the city to oppress the Turkish garrison▪ So he with a small company of his followers, as if they had been his private retinue, took the way towards CROIA. But when he began to draw near to the city, he sent Amesa before with two servitors attending upon him, as if he had been his Secretary, to certify the Governor of his coming. This young gentleman, as he was of a most sharp wit, and well spoken, so had be framed his countenance and attire, that he seemed to be a natural Turk: who assoon as he was come into the city, he went unto the governor, whom after he had saluted according to the Turkish manner, he delivered his message as from Scanderbag his master, with so good grace and words so well placed, that all he said was verily believed for truth. But when Scanderbag himself came, and had delivered the great commanders letters, the Governor made no further question of the matter, but presently delivered unto him the government of the city, and the next day departed out of CROIA with all his household towards HADRIANOPLE. Scanderbag having by this policy got the government of the chief city of EPIRUS, the night following found means in the dead time of the night, to receive into the city the soldiers of DIBRA, who were by this time come according as he had before appointed: most part of them he placed in most convenient places of the city, and for the speedy suppression of the Turkish garrison, he with the rest first set upon the Turks which kept the watch upon the wall and slew them; and afterwards breaking into their private houses, slew many of them in their beds: the Christian citizens also taking up arms at the same time, helped to increase the slaughter of the Turks, so that in the space of a few hours, there was none of the Turkish garrison left alive, except some few which were content to forsake their Mahometan superstition, and to become Christians. Many of the Turks might so have saved their lives, and would not, choosing rather to die, and (as it is reported) also to kill themselves, than to forsake their damnable superstition: so small is the regard of life unto resolute minds, in what quarrel soever. The city of CROIA being thus happily by Scanderbag recovered, wherein appeared both the greatest difficulty, and hope of his good or bad success in so great an attempt; he presently sent Amesa back again into DIBRA, and other speedy messengers likewise into all the parts of EPIRUS, to dispierce the news, and to stir up the people to take up arms for the recovery of their lost liberty: but flying Fame, the speedy post, had prevented the messengers by him sent, and already filled every corner of EPIRUS with report of Scanderbag his coming, and of all that was done at CROIA. And the oppressed Epirots which had long wished to see that happy day, were now up in arms in every place, wanting nothing but leaders; whose coming although they greatly desired, yet they stayed not thereupon, but running together by heaps (as the m●ner of the common people is in all great tumults) they set upon the Turks garrisons which lay abroad in the country, and slew most part of them▪ whereby it came to pass, that no Turk could stir in the country, but that he was snatched up and slain, so that in few days there was not a Turk to be found in EPIRUS, but such as lay in garrisons in strong towns. In this 〈◊〉 of the people, the Governor of CROIA, with all his re●●nue, was by the country people by the way as he went set upon and slain, and all his goods taken as a prey. When Scanderbag had thus recovered CROIA, and scoured the country; yet to remove the garrisons which Amurath had put in every strong city, was thought to be a matter of great importance, and more difficulty. For which purpose he commanded those whom he had appointed for captains, speedily to repair unto CROIA with all the power they could make. 〈◊〉 which time also, divers noble men his nigh kinsmen, resorted unto him with their followers▪ so that within a few days, Scanderbag cometh with his arm●● to Petrel●a. he had together at CROIA twelve thousand soldiers well appointed▪ With this army he marched from CROIA to PETRELLA, a strong city 25 miles distant from CROIA, and encamped before it. This city is strongly situate upon the top of a steep roc●e mountain, as all the rest of the cities of EPIRUS be, and was by the Turks well furnished with men, munition, and others things needful: yet Scanderbag was in good hope, that the Turkish garrison there, terrified with the fortune of the garrison of CROIA, and the slaughter of the Turks in the country round about, would be glad to hearken unto reasonable conditions. Which to make proof of, as soon as he was encamped, he sent one of those soldiers which had followed him out of HUNGARY (a faithful and wise fellow) unto PETRELLA, to offer unto the soldiers, That if they would yield up the city, it should be at their choice, either to continue in service with Scanderbag, with whom they should find most bountiful entertainment; or else to depart in safety with bag and baggage at their pleasure, with an honourable reward to be divided amongst them. The subtle messenger coming thither, and framing his tale according to the present occasion, and necessity of the time; first declared unto them, how that Amurath of late vanquished by the Hungarians in a great battle, and looking every day to be set upon by divers other Christian princes, was so busied that he had no leisure to look into EPIRUS, or to send them any relief: after that, he in the name of Scanderbag, offered them the conditions before rehearsed, setting the same forth with many great words; willing them oftentimes by the way to consider the dreadful misery that but the other day befell to the garrison at CROIA, and other their fellows abroad in the country, whose dead bodies as then lay in every corner of EPIRUS for a prey to the hungry dogs and greedy wolves: which thing was easily believed of them of the garrison, for that divers of the Turks lately fled out of the country into the city, had themselves seen the same to be true. The Governor having a little considered of the matter, was content to give up the city, upon condition that he with the soldiers might in safety depart with such things as they had: not covenanting upon any further reward, because it should not be said that he had sold the city. Which when Scanderbag had faithfully promised to perform, the Turkish Governor coming forth with all his garrison, Petrella yielded unto Scanderbag. yielded up the city: and Scanderbag mindful of his promise, gave unto them both meat and money, and sent them with a sufficient convoy of horsemen in safety out of EPIRUS. When Scanderbag had thus gained PETRELLA, he placed therein a convenient garrison, and set all things in order as he thought good: but suffered none to enter into the city, more than the appointed garrison, although it was then very cold and frosty weather. This done, he presently raised his camp, and following his good fortune, marched towards PETRA-ALBA in such haste, as if the city had been running away from him; well knowing, that though Time be ever more precious, yet never more than in martial affairs, wherein the least moment is often times of such power as to effect or frustrate men's greatest designs. PETRA-ALBA is a city in the country of AEMATHIA distant from PETRELLA thirty miles, strongly scituat upon the top of a mountain, near unto the river AEMATHUS. Scanderbag had scarcely well encamped himself before this city, but that the Governor thereof, terrified with the fortune of CROIA, and PETRELLA, offered to deliver up the city, Petra-Alba yielded. upon the same conditions that were granted at PETRELLA: which being agreed upon, the city was forthwith delivered, and the conditions by Scanderbag faithfully performed. PETRA-ALBA being thus taken, & all things set in order▪ Scanderbag carried with the course of his victory, without delay came to STELLUSA, which is also a strong city of AEMATHIA, fifty miles distant from CROIA, pleasantly (as it were of purpose) built upon the top of an high hill, standing in the midst of a pleasant and fruitful valley, with great plains round about it. There Scanderbag encamped a little before the going down of the sun, and rested that night. In the morning he sent a messenger to the city, Stellusa yielded by the garrison. with like conditions as were accepted at PETRELLA and PETRA-ALBA: which most part of the garrison soldiers of the Turks would gladly have accepted, but that Desdrot the Governor of the city, with some few others, earnestly withstood the rest; whereupon a great contention arose amongst the garrison soldiers. But the greater part desirous to yield up the city, when they could by no means persuade the Governor and those few which took his part, to yield to their desires; they violently set upon him, and delivered him with the rest to Scanderbag, fast bound, and so yielded up the city. For which fact, fearing to return to Amurath, some of them remained with Scanderbag, and afterwards became Christians: the rest were either honestly provided for, or else well rewarded and suffered to depart whether they would. All the other weaker places of EPIRUS wherein any of the Turkish garrisons lay, hearing that the strongest cities were already delivered unto Scanderbag, in short time yielded themselves upon like conditions: only S●ETIGRADE (otherwise called the holy city) remained in the possession of the Turks: which city is placed in the upper country of DIBRA, in the frontiers of EPIRUS, upon the top of an high & steep hill, as if it were an Eagles nest. Unto this city came Scanderbag with all his army: and having placed his tents, he began first to assay if he could gain it by composition, as he had done the rest: and the rather to move them by the examples of others, he caused his ambassadors to declare unto them all that had happened at CROIA, PETRELLA, PETRA-ALBA, and STELLUSA, especially how he had used the garrison of STELLUSA which yielded unto him, with all bounty and courtesy; and how that on the contrary part he had the governor in bands with all his wilful partakers, whom they should presently see executed before their faces, if they forthwith delivered not the city. This message troubled the minds of all the garrison, but especially of the governor, seeing before his eyes in the woeful example of another man, what might by and by happen unto himself. Wherefore fearing to deliver his own opinion and to give answer unto the ambassador, for offending the inconstant multitude and unknown minds of the people, he first entertained the ambassadors honourably, and afterwards turning himself unto the citizens and soldiers, said unto them: Worthy men and most faithful soldiers, what is your pleasure, or what shall we answer to these 〈◊〉 enemies demands? Then one of the soldiers that stood by (a rough bold spirited fellow) unwilling for his own part to give up the city, and deeming the governor to be of the same mind, in that he had termed them worthy and faithful, and Scanderbag by the name of an enemy, drawing out his sword, and with his right hand shaking it on high, answered: A notable speech of a common soldior to the rest of his f●llowes for the holding out of the city against Scanderbag. Most valiant Governor, this same and the like, shall make answer for us. Nothing was to less purpose, than with premeditated words to seek to terrify valiant minds, first with the diverse fortune of CROIA, and then of STELLUSA; for as the faces and countenances of men are divers, so also are their minds and dispositions. Every man wisely directeth his own actions, according to his own proper humour, and by the same plays the fool or bedlam. We prescribe no laws to them of PETRELLA, nor to them of STELLUSA, neither let them prescribe any unto us. Let never so base examples of cowardly slaves ever enter into the thoughts of courageous men: brave minds disdain to imitate other men in their honest actions, much less in their cowardice. And why? for every man liveth after his own fashion. Wherefore let Scanderbag proceed, let him kill the governor of STELLUSA before our faces, let him sacrifice our fellow soldiers, do you therefore think that we shall die in their bodies? shall our living spirits be there extinguished? shall our blood there be spilled? But o happy bodies, ● ghosts of me ever to be reverenced, which in worthy defence of your liberty and faith have indifferently contemned gold, silver, death, and torture, and whatsoever else miserable worldlings hold dear 〈◊〉 dismal! Wherefore carry thou back again unto thy master this answer from a common soldier, ●f he seek to impose these conditions upon us, let him once more bare that arm of his, which men of courage fear not so much as he thinketh. He may peradventure enforce us to these conditions of his, if God forsake us: but assuredly, persuade us unto them, shall he never. And yet for all that, your master Scanderbag is not the man we have long since heard him reported to be, of an honourable mind, easy to forgive, and such a one as will indifferently judge betwixt the enemy and himself: for why then do●th he hold in bonds the governor of STELLUSA, for that he freely, justly, and honourably stood in defence of his king, his faith, and liberty? Why doth he threaten him with death, whereas he hath not deserue● the same, although he hath resolutely offered himself thereunto, for defence of his liberty? All they which were present, listened with great attention to the soldiers speech, neither was he interrupted by any, until he had said what he would. Then the soldiers thronging about him, and beating their swords & targets together, withal gave a great shout, in token that they all approved his speech for answer. So the governor, encouraged with the cheerfulness of his soldiers, returned the ambassador without other answer than that of the common soldiers, and presently appointed every man to his charge, and with great carefulness ordered all things for the better defence of the city. But when Scanderbag had heard the answer that was sent him from the city, delivered by the mouth of a common soldior, Scanderbag his short answer to the soldiers speech. he smiled thereat & said: He is undoubtedly a valiant soldior: if his deeds be answerable to his speeches: but if my force fail me not, I will also make him happy amongst the happy ghosts of them of STELLUSA: and by & by commanded the governor of STELLUSA, with the other captives to be brought before him, & there caused some of them which were content voluntarily to forsake their Mahometan superstition, Desdrot governor of Stellusa, executed. to be presently baptised, to the great grief of the other Turks. Desdrot the Governor, with the rest, to the terror of the defendants, were in their sight put to death: whereupon the garrison soldiers with great indignation gave a great shout from the wall, and bitterly railed upon the Christians. Scanderbag considering the strength of the city, with the time of the year, unfit for soldiers to keep the field, for Winter was now grown on; left Moses Golemus, a most valiant captain, with a garrison of three thousand soldiers, to keep in the Turks garrison at SFETIGRADE, and to defend the borders of EPIRUS, until he might at more convenient time himself return again to the siege: and so with the rest of his army repaired to CROIA, when he had in the space of little more than one month, to his immortal praise, recovered his kingdom, and driven the Turks out of every corner of EPIRUS, excepting only SFETIGRADE: which city also not long after was by composition delivered unto him. During all this time, from his first coming into EPIRUS, he never slept above two hours in a night, but with restless labour prosecuted his affairs. He ever fought against the Turks with his arm bare, and that with such fierceness, that the blood did oftentimes burst out of his lips. It is written, that he with his own hand slew three thousand Turks in the time of his wars against them. But of his great and worthy victories obtained against the two mighty Turkish kings, Amurath, and Mahomet his son, more shall be said hereafter in due time and place. After that Scanderbag had thus by great force and policy wrung his inheritance out of Amurath's hands, Macedonia spotted by Scanderbag. and scoured the Turks out of every corner of EPIRUS; he proceeded further, and overran part of MACEDONIA, making sundry incursions into the heart of that country, being then in the Turks possession, whereby he so enriched his soldiers, that they desired of him no better pay. Which was so usual a thing with this restless prince, as that it began to grow into a proverb in most princes courts, That the spoil of Amurath his dominions, was Scanderbegs revenues. Complaint hereof came daily to Amurath's court, which the crafty aged sire (being then troubled with the Hungarian wars) seemed at the first to make no great account of, but as of that he could easily and at his pleasure remedy; although he was therewith inwardly grieved at the heart. But when the certain report of one mischief as it were in the neck of another, continually sounded in his ears, and that he saw no end to be expected of these miseries; he sent Alis Bassa, Alis Bassa with an army of forty thousand sent against Scanderbag. one of his greatest men of war, with an army of forty thousand select soldiers, at once to subdue the country of EPIRUS, and to bring it again under his obeisance. The setting forth of this great army, under the conduct of so famous a captain, replenished the minds of the Turks with such an assured hope of victory, that a man would have thought Scanderbag had been already taken, and now brought to execution: yea the common soldiers before their setting forth, were oftentimes at vain contention for the division of the spoil they were never like to have: So ready are men to promise wonders to themselves, whilst they confer but with their own desires. And on the other side, Fame, the forerunner of great attempts, had filled all the small country of EPIRUS, with great terror and fear of Alis Bassanes coming. The countrymen with their families fled into the strong cities, and the citizens within their walls fell to fortifying the same, and kept continual watch and ward, as if the enemy had then●lien even fast by them: ●he aged men and women commended themselves and all theirs first unto God by prayers, and then to the courage of the lusty soldiers with tears, as in case of extreme peril and danger. Only Scanderbag was nothing moved either with the terrible report of the Bassas coming, or the vain fear of his subjects; but always kept the same cheerfulness both of countenance and speech, as he was wont, being well acquainted with the tumult of the Turkish wars, and having (as was supposed) certain intelligence before from his secret friends in the Turks court, of all Amurath's designs. So that having set all things in order for the safety of his country, he began to levy an army at CROIA: at which time most part of his subjects of EPIRUS, which were able to bear arms, repaired unto him: the confederate Christian princes also, his neighbours, and for most part his kinsmen, sent unto him great supplies: beside other deuou● and warlike minded Christians, which voluntarily resorted unto him from far in great numbers. Out of which multitude of people he chose only eight thousand horsemen and seven thousand foot, when as he might have raised a far greater army: and placing some few in garrisons in the frontier cities where he thought most convenient, all the rest he sent home again to their dwellings. At which his confidency, his friends, yea and his enemies also much marveled, that when he might have had so many, he would take the field with so few. With which small army of f●teene thousand, he marched from CROIA, fourscore miles to DYBRA: where hearing by his espials, of the approach of his enemies, after he had with cheerful speech encouraged his soldiers, he encamped with his army in the lower country of DYBRA, near unto a wood side, righ● in the way where the Bassa must needs pass. In which wood, he placed Gnee Musachee, and Amesa in ambush with three thousand men: commanding them to stand close, until they saw 〈◊〉 had thoroughly joined battle with the Bassa, and then with all their force to break forth upon his rearward. The Bassa marching forward, came and encamped near unto Scanderbag; a little before the going down of the Sun, and there rested that night, making great show of mir●● and joy, with great fires in every corner of the camp, as the Turkish manner of encamping is. Whereas in Scanderbegs camp, all things were silent, and no show of any fire at all; for so Scanderbag had commanded: which made the Turks the more careless, deeming thereby the Christians as good as already discouraged. The next morning Scanderbag ranged his army in order of battle, placing Tanusius in the left wing, with fifteen hundredth horsemen, and as many foot; and Moses in the right with like number: and leading the main battle himself: The rearward was committed to Vranacontes, a man renowned in those days, both for hi●●rauitie in counsel, and for his valour in arms, fit to command or be commanded; but afterwards, amongst the rest most famous, for the worthy defending of CROIA against Amurath, being then there himself in person. Alis Bassa contemning the small number of Scanderbag his armi● seeing nothing therein to be feared more than the good order thereof, gave the first charge ●ith a small troop of horsemen: who at the first encounter retired, as if they had fled, of purpose that the Christians hastily pursuing their untimely hope, The battle betwixt Alis Bassa and Scanderbag. might disorder their battle, and so give occasion to their own overthrow. But by the commandment of Scanderbag (who easily perceived the Bassa's meaning) their dangerous forwardness was warily weighed, and all with safety kept in good order. So both armies coming on, the wings began the battle a fresh, and Scanderbag with great courage bringing on his main battle in the face of the Bassa, valiantly charged him. But by that time that the battles were thoroughly joined, Musachee and Amesa suddenly issued out of the wood, and fiercely set upon the rearward of the Turks army, where they made great slaughter, and forced many of the Turks for fear to fly. Thus was the Bassas great army driven to fight both before and behind, being hardly beset and laid unto with a small number. The Bassa had placed his best soldiers nearest unto himself in the main battle, as his most assured strength and last refuge: these valiant men stood fast, and renewed the battle, before almost lost. And here Scanderbegs fortune was even at a stand: until that the well advised and valiant captain Vranacontes having received the wearied soldiers into the rearward, and setting all things there in safety, accompanied with certain troops of fresh soldiers which he brought out of the rearward, broke through the Bassa's army with such slaughter of the Turks, that he made way for Scanderbag and all the rest of his army. A great slaughter of the Turks. The Turks discomfited with the invincible courage of these old soldiers, and the slaughter of their fellows, which lay by heaps wallowing in their own blood, betook themselves to flight; whom the Christians fiercely pursued, and slew of them two and twenty thousand: at which time were also two thousand others taken prisoners with four and twenty of the Turks ensigns: whereas of the Christians were slain not past 〈◊〉 hundredth and twenty. The enemy's tents with all their carriages, were at the same time taken also▪ After this great victory, when Scanderbag had made all his seven thousand footmen, horsemen, by giving unto them the horses of the slain Turks, he broke into the enemy's country, and entered far into MACEDONIA, where he filled the desires of his soldiers with the wealth and spoil thereof, sparing nothing that fire and sword could devour: and so with victory returned to CROIA, where he was of his subjects joyfully received. Alis Bassa with the remainder of his discomfited army, returned to HADRIANOPLE, and there by Amurath was hardly charged of cowardice, and want of discretion, for that he had lost so puissant an army to so weak an enemy. Whereof when he had cleared himself by the modest rehearsal of his former victories, and the testimony of all the other captains present with him in that battle, he was pardoned, and so again received into favour, and that great overthrow imputed to the chance of war. Amurath in disp●●e. Amurath having received two so great overthrows, first from Huniades and the Hungarians, and now from Scanderbag; and seeing himself elsewhere beset with so many mischiefs, as that he could not tell which way to turn himself; tormented with despair, and desire of revenge, whereof he saw small possibility, fell into such a melancholy passion, that overcome with the dark conceits thereof, Amurath by th● persuasion of Cali Bassa seeketh for peace of king Vladislaus. he was about to have become the bloody executioner of himself, had not Cali Bassa by his grave advice comforted up his dying spirits: by whose persuasion, contrary to his haughty nature, he yielded by his ambassadors sent for the same purpose, to desire peace of Vladislaus king of HUNGARY, using the exiled Despot of SERVIA (his father in 〈◊〉, then present with the king) as a mean therein. Who at the first gave small credit unto the ambassadors, or unto such things as they told him, until that at length better persuaded of the true meaning of the Turk, he so wrought the matter both with the king and the rest of the nobility, and especially with Huniades, The capitulat●ons of the ten years peace concluded betwixt Vladislaus and Amurath. that there was an honourable peace concluded. The capitulations whereof were, first, That Amurath withdrawing all his forces and garrisons, should clearly depart out of SERVIA, and restore the same unto the possession of George the Despot, the right lord and owner thereof; delivering also freely unto him his two sons, Stephen and George, who bereft of their sight, he had long time kept in strait prison. Also, that from thenceforth he should make no claim unto the kingdom of MOLDAVIA, nor to that part of BULGARIA which he had in the last wars lost. And finally, that he should not invade or molest the Hungarians, or any part of their kingdom, during the whole time of that peace: and to pay 40000 ducats for the ransom of Carambey. Unto which hard conditions, when the Turkish tyrant full sore against his will had condescended, a peace for ten years was forthwith on both parts concluded, and the same by solemn oat● confirmed: king Vladislaus taking his oath upon the holy Evangelists, and Amurath (by his ambassadors) upon their Turkish Alcoran. This was the most honourable peace that ever Christian prince had before that time made with any of the Turkish kings, and most profitable also, had it been with like sincerity kept, as it was with solemnity confirmed. Amurath with this peace delivered of his greatest fear, Amurath inu●deth Caramania. converted all his forces against the Caramanian king, in revenge of the injuries by him done, whilst he was occupied in the Hungarian wars. This king of CARAMANIA knowing himself unable to withstand so great an enemy, durst neither meet him in the field, nor trust himself to the strength of any his cities or strong castles, but fled into the mountains, there fortifying himself more surely 〈◊〉 in any other his strong holds. Amurath entering into CARAMANIA, made great spoil in the country as he went, and took great booties. At last coming to ICONIUM, he laid hard siege to the same. The poor king seeing his kingdom spoiled, and his chief city in danger to be lost, sent ambassadors, and with them his wife also, which was Amurath's sister, to entreat for peace; offering to pay unto him yearly the double tribute which he before paid, and for the performance thereof to give his son in hostage. Upon which conditions Amurath granted him peace, and so returned. In this war, Aladin, Amurath's eldest son, died, to the great grief of his aged father, being slain with a fall from his horse, as he was hawking. Old Amurath thoroughly wearied with continual wars, and other troubles incident unto restless rooms, resolved now to retire himself to a more private and qui●● kind of life: and therefore sent for his son Mahomet, being then but fifteen years old, to whom he voluntarily resigned his kingdom, appointing Caly Bassa his tutor, with one Chosroe, a learned doctor of their 〈◊〉, to be his trusty counsellors and chief directors. And so taking with him Hamze-Beg, one 〈…〉 noblemen in whom he took greatest pleasure, departed to MAGNESIA, and there as a man weary of the world, gave himself to a solitary and monastical kind of life, in the company of certain religious Turkish monks, as they accounted of them. Many great kings and princes, as well mahometans as Christians, glad before of the Hungarian victory, were now no less sorry to hear of the late concluded peace betwixt king Vladislaus and the old Sultan Amurath: as being of opinion, That the prosecution of that war so happily begun, would have been the utter ruin and destruction of the Turkish kingdom. Wherefore they sought by all possible means to induce the young king Vladislaus to break the league he had so lately and so solemnly made with the Turk: especially john Palaeologius the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, did by letters importune the king to remember the confederation he had made with the other Christian princes, for the maintenance of the wars against the common enemy of Christianity: which princes were now priest and ready (as he said) to assist him with their promised aid: adding moreover, That whereas Amurath had diverse times sought to join with him in amity and friendship, he had utterly rejected that offer of peace, preferring the universal profit (like to ensue to all Christendom by that religious war) befo●● 〈◊〉 own proper security and profit, being for his part in readiness to join his forces with the kings, if he would presently enter into arms: which he could never do in better time than now, whilst Amurath, terrified with his late overthrow, and still beset with doubtful wa●, had drawn his greatest forces out of EUROPE into ASIA, in such disordered haste, as that 〈◊〉 should seem he rather fled for fear of his enemies in EUROPE, than marched to encounter hi● enemies in ASIA, and now being weary of all, had betaken himself unto a private kind of 〈◊〉 To conclude, he requested the king not to leave him and the other Christian princes of small p●●wer, as a prey unto the Turk, who would assuredly with all hostility invade them, so soon 〈◊〉 he thought himself safe from the danger of the Hungarians. At the same time also, and upon the departure of the Turks ambassadors, for the performance of such things as they had promised; letters came from Francis the Cardinal of FLORENCE, General of the Christian fleet, declaring how that Amurath having left almost none in EUROPE, was with all the power he could make, gone over into ASIA against the Caramanian king, leaving a most fair occasion for the Christians easily to recover whatsoever they had before lost in EUROPE: and that he was in good time come with his fleet unto the straits of HELLESPONTUS, according unto promise, and there lay ready to embarre the Turks passage back again out of ASIA. Both these letters being read in the Counsel, so much moved the king, with all the re●● of the nobility of HUNGARY there present, as that they were never more sorry or ashamed for any thing they had done in their lives, than for the league so lately with Amurath concluded: for why, they saw that all the plot they had laid, for their immortal glory, was now by this ●astie peace that they had made with the Turk, without the good liking or knowledge of their confederates, brought to nought; and that they had thereby most shamefully deceived the general expectation tha● the Christian commonweal had conceived of them; and that they, of long time called the protectors of the Christian faith, the defenders of true religion, the revengers of Christ his name, and deliverers of the faithful nations; should now be accounted the breakers of the Christian league, men forgetful of their confederation both with the Latins and the Greeks, contemne●s of immortality, and lovers of their own profit only. In this doubtfulness of minds whilst they stood yet thus 〈◊〉, julian the Cardinal and Legate, always an enemy unto the peace, and by reason of his place a man in greatest authority next unto the king, took occasion to dissuade the same as followeth. The ●unning speech wherewith julian the Cardinal persuadeth 〈◊〉 Vladislaus to break the leagu●●e had before made with Amurath. If any of you right worthy (said he) shall happily marvel, that I should speak of breaking the league, and violating our faith, let him first understand, That I at this present am to persuade you to nothing else, but the faithful observing both of the one and the other: led with like repentance with you, repentance I say, and not sorrow, when as I, as from a watchtower foreseeing all these things which were decreed against my will, to sort also contrary to your expectation, am now for the duty of my legation, and the Zeal unto the Christian religion, enforced with you to doubt: and so much the rather, for that at this present 〈◊〉 question is of the loss and hazard of all our honours and credit in common: which except we by common consent, and wont valour, endeavour to amend; o how much it is to be feared, least for shame neither may you go out of HUNGARY, or I return to ROME, where all things are with most deep judgement censured. Consider I pray you into what miseries this hasty resolu●●●● hath cast us. We have entered into league with the Turk, an infidel, to violate our faith with the 〈◊〉, and to break the holy league before made with the great bishop, and the other Christian princes our confederates. And that for what, for what profit I say? Forsooth, that so we might again reco●●● SERVIA, long before destroyed. Verily a small and woeful profit, which may again in short time be 〈◊〉 off, and depriveth us of others far greater, and of much longer continuance. For what can be more fond or inconsiderate, than in our consultations to have regard to our private profit only, and not the public, without respect of religion, honesty, or conscience? It is not demanded of you at this present (right honourable) what you owe unto the perjured Turk: but you are by me julian, the great bishops and the confederate Christian princes Legate, and Agent, before the tribunal seat of your own consciences, accused of breach of faith, breach of league, and breach of promise; and thereof even by your own judgement, rather than by the judgement of God, or other man, I will condemn you. Answer me you noble Worthies: After you had happily six months made wars against the Turks in BULGARIA and the borders of THRACIA, and after that, triumphantly returning into HUNGARY, received you not honourable embassages from almost all ITALY, and from the gre●● emperor, with common rejoicing for your so glorious a victory, and exhortations▪ to conti●●● the war? We received them. Did not you in my presence, and I the author thereof, willingly make a most holy league with the Italians and Greeks, That the one should with their aid and power meet you out of THRACIA; and the other with a great fleet should come into the HELLESPONTUS? We made it. If you made it, why breaking this, made you another with the Turks? or by what right can you keep the same, being made? Wherefore, if the last year you made a league with the great Bishop (God his vicar 〈◊〉 on earth) if you be men, if you be in your wits, if you be Christians, this second league is to be broken, lest you should violate the first, and that a most Christian league: which except you do, I fear lest that as judas betrayed Christ, so you may seem to betray his vicar; or that God, whom hitherto you have always found present, propitious, and favourable, you shall hereafter find him angry, and an enemy to your proceedings. And now I pray you tell me, what will you answer unto the Constantinopolitan emperor; who according to your appointment, hath now with the first taken the field, and in so great an opportunity expecteth but your coming? what will you answer the great Bishop? what the Venetians and Genoese, who have their great fleet ready as was appointed? what the Burgundians, who for their zeal unto the Christian faith & religion, have long since passed the Ocean, and so by many dangers of the sea now float in the HELLESPONT? devise (I pray you) if you can, some excuse and colour, that we may not seem altogether unlike ourselves: if out of your hidden skill you can coin any thing, show it. You promised with the first of the Spring, that you would be in the field: and now your soldiers both the Spring and Summer, play, so great and so wholesome occasion passing away, through your woeful sloth and negligence. O the great blindness of men's minds! O gross cowardice! O detestable league, made to the destruction of the common weal! Some man happily will blame me, and ask, why I suffered it with the rest? I was present I confess: but as much as in me was, I entreated it might not be. I disliked it: and as many of you here present can testify, I utterly condemned it. I was overcome by the wisdom and authority of Huniades, and the compassion of the Despot, least unhappy man, he should by my intercession seem longer to want his kingdom and children: and lest any man should call me a contemner or impugner of your good, I fall of sorrow, and unwillingly, gave way; not ignorant the health of the Christian common weal to be therein weakened, the hope of your immortal glory extinguished, and us all (by your leave may I say it) accounted breakers both of divine and human leagues, forsworn men, and traitors unto all good Christians. Wherefore except before the report of our perfidiousness be further bruited, we deliver ourselves from this infamy, nothing can be greater or more miserable than our shame or villainy: if we will so do, we may not so easily, as justly and religiously do it. Having made restitution again of SERVIA and the captives, what remaineth else for you to do noble worthies, but to repair your army, to prepare what so is needful for war, & to keep your first league with the Christian princes? and to say, That king Vladislaus, after his league made with the Greek and Latin princes, could not without the consent of those his confederates and allies, under whose good fortune that common war was undertaken, conclude any thing, especially with the enemies of the Christian religion? And that therefore, if any thing were agreed upon betwixt him and the Turk, it was frustrate, & the first league to be stood upon. Who is so partial an esteemer of men's actions, that would not easily judge, That in case Faith were given to both, it were rather to be kept with a Christian, than with a Turk; with a believer, than with an infidel? Against a perfidious enemy it is lawful (as they say) 〈◊〉 man to use all cunning, force, and deceit, deluding craft with craft, and fraud with fraud. By craft 〈◊〉 Turk first passed over into EUROPE, by little and little he crept into that kingdom, he never kept 〈◊〉 with any, he grew to this height rather by cunning than by strength: and are you become so blind, as to think it better to keep your promise with the Turk, devoid of all faith and humanity, rather than with the faithful Christians, and especially the most holy Bishop? All great things are done by device and policy: the Romans our ancestors uprightly and religiously always kept their leagues with their confederates, but deluded the deceitful with their cunning. Caesar was of opinion, That for sovereignty the law was sometimes to be broken. And Philip, the father and master of him that conquered ASIA, oftentimes used cunning and deceit for the desire of rule: yet were not these men called traitors. It is sometime lawful for the commonweal sake, neither to stand to our leagues, neither to keep our faith with them that be themselves faithless. Lawful it is to break unlawful oaths, and especially such as are thought to be against right, reason, and equity. Was it lawful for Diomedes, vowing for to sacrifice unto the gods whomsoever he first met at his return into his country, to kill his son by that his vow and oath? verily it was a great impiety. Wherefore a just and lawful oath is in the judgement of all men to be religiously kept, but such an oath as tendeth not only unto private but public destruction, that aught to be vain and frustrate. Wherefore before our faithless dealing be farther spread abroad, I beseech you worthy men, and thee especially most glorious king, not in any point to violate your faith, for the good of the Christian commonweal given unto the most holy father and the other Christian princes. The league you have made with the greeks and the Latins, faithfully and religiously keep; the expedition by common consent taken in hand by the example of your confederates, prosecute; the foundation of immortal glory by you laid, build upon. Deliver the Christian provinces oppressed with the Turkish servitude, satisfy the hope conceived of you, and deceive not the expectant the world hath now conceived of you, than which, nothing can be more dishonourable: make no conscience of the league you have made with the Infidel, but think it a great impiety and wickedness to violate the holy league made with the great bishop, and the other Christian princes: thinking, that if you should do otherwise, God (which he of his mercy forbid) would become of that your falsified faith a most severe and sharp revenger: and that you can do nothing more acceptable unto our Saviour Christ, or more glorious to yourselves, than to deliver the oppressed Christian countries from the cruel slavery and bondage of the Turk. Suffer not this so fit an occasion to slip away▪ than which, a fitter can never be given. EUROPE is unfurnished of the Turks, busied in the Caramanian war; their return is embarred by the Christians fleet, now in the sea of HELLESPONTUS; you need but to go see, and as it were to take a view of THRACIA, MACEDONIA, GRECIA, and EPIRUS, there is no enemy there left to oppose himself against you. Wherefore for God his cause, I request you above all things to continue the Christian league, and with your happy and victorious forces, to march forward into MACEDONIA and THRACIA, as is before by you with the other Christian princes your confederates, agreed. julian the Cardinal absolveth king Vladislaus and the ●ect from their oath before given to Amurath. In conclusion, having much spoken of the authority and power of the great bishop, he in his name disannulled the league whatsoever, by the king made with the Turk; and absolved him, with the rest whom it might concern, from the oath they had given, and the promises they had made. Which so well contented both the king and the rest, that there was now no more question of the oath, or of the lawfulness of the war, but a decree made for the continuation of the league with the other Christian princes their confederates (and for the prosecution of the wars against the Turks) as was with them before agreed: whom they could now say, they were not to forsake, and to leave them as a prey unto the Turk their greedy enemy; now for nothing more in danger, than for that, at their request they had taken up arms in their quarrel. Unto which unfortunate decree, both the Despot and Huniades, the chief authors of the late peace betwixt the king and Amurath, easily consented: the Despot, induced with the great hope he had conceived of the good success of the war; and Huniades, with the desire of the kingdom of BULGARIA promised unto him by Vladislaus, and by fair charter also (as some said) assured unto him. Of this the king's resolution for the breach of the peace with the Turk, notice was with all speed given unto the Constantinopolitan emperor, and Francis the Florentine Cardinal, then lying with a fleet of seventy galleys at the straits of HELLESPONTUS; for fear lest they hearing of the former concluded peace, should alter also or else quite desist from their former purposes. In the mean time whilst these things were yet in plotting, the Turk ignorant hereof according to his promise had withdrawn all his garrisons out of SERVIA, and other places befo●● agreed upon in the late concluded peace, restoring the same unto the Despot, and others the la●●full owners, although it was not done at the very prefixed day, at which it should have been done▪ In which time also he set at liberty great numbers of captives, & amongst the rest, the two blind sons of the prince of SERVIA; faithfully performing whatsoever he had before upon his religion promised in the league with the Christians before concluded, so desirous he was of peace with the Hungarians. Howbeit, Vladislaus by the counsel of Huniades, detained to his own use certain of the strong holds in SERVIA: for which cause, George the Despot ever afterwards bore a secret grudge against Huniades. Now as king Vladislaus (having by the persuasion of julian the Cardinal, renounced the league betwixt him and Amurath) was preparing his forces, the same of the Epirot prince Scanderbag was also (by the recovery of his father's kingdom of EPIRUS out of the Turks hands, and by the late overthrow of Alis Bassa) grown great, every man speaking of him honour and praise. Wherewith Vladislaus moved, and reasonably persuaded what a furtherance it would be unto his haughty designs (aiming at no less than the utter overthrow of the Turks kingdom in EUROPE) if he might unto his own great preparations join also the strength of that so fortunate a prince, by the consent of his nobility, with all speed dispatched away his ambassadors with letters unto him, certifying him of his honourable purpose, for the rooting out of the Turks, and in that common cause praying his aid against such a dangerous and dreadful enemy: the purport whereof here followeth. Vladislaus king of Hungary and Polonia, unto the noble Scanderbag, prince of EPIRUS, greeting. It may be that some good hap hath deferred this our late congratulation until this present, The letters of king Vladislaus to Scanderbag. to the intent we might at this time, together with you, rejoice in the double success of your prosperity: first, for the happy recovery of your estate; and then, for that the same hath by your wisdom and valour been of late so notably defended. Wherefore in this we rejoice, not only in your behalf, but in the behalf of all good Christians, that it hath pleased God of his goodness, by your valour to have given so great an increase and comfort unto the Christian commonweal: for as much as amongst other our great evils, the loss of the Albanian people hath not been to be accounted the least, at such time as john Castriot, a worthy prince, your father, oppressed by Amurath and by the ungrateful destinies taken out of this world, had neither the means to leave unto you his kingdom and sceptre (as unto his son, then living in his enemy's power) either was able yet otherwise to provide for his affairs. And would to God this your father, most happy in such a son, might have till now lived: whose felicity had in that surmounted all others, if he might but have seen you before his death. For as you seem unto me above all other princes in the world (without offence be it said) most accomplished with all the good graces and perfections both of body and mind, so are you endowed also with a certain divine and wonderful fortune: under the good conduct whereof, not only the whole kingdom of EPIRUS may think itself in security; but all the rest of the other nations also, lately by the detestable fraud and violence of the Ottoman kings dismembered from the realm of MACEDON, may also recover the former beauty of their ancient laws and liberties. For (to say nothing of those things which even from your childhood having continually made you envied, have heretofore purchased unto you an immortal fame and glory even amongst the Barbarians themselves) what can be more glorious than this victory, which (as we have heard and believe) you to your singular admiration, have obtained by the overthrow and utter discomfiture of Alis Bassa, with his so great and mighty apower? But now o Scanderbag (God so appointing it, who in his deep and secret wisdom hath reserved you unto these so dangerous times, for the public good and comfort of the Christian commonweal) there offers itself unto you an object of far greater glory, with a most fair and fit occasion for you to revenge yourself of all the wrongs and injuries both new and old, by Amurath the Turkish Sultan done, not in private to the person of yourself only, but unto the whole state and kingdom of EPIRUS also; and not the domestical and civil miseries of your own country only, but the public calamities also, and those opprobrious disgraces done against the Christian faith and religion in general, now oppressed (I will not say extinguished:) and that is, if you with your victorious forces will succour us in this extremity of our affairs, not yet altogether desperate. Hereunto do all the princes of HUNGARY and POLONIA, and all other men of courage invite ●ou, julian the Cardinal of S. Angel entreateth you, with all those devout and courageous Christians, which long since here with us, and ready in arms, wish for nothing more than the presence of your victorious ensigns. Which so fair an occasion (by God himself now offered) if you refuse not, will in all men's judgement be a sure mean to vanquish and overthrow our common enemy the Turk, and to drive him quite out of EUROPE, wrongfully by him of so long time possessed. I need not therefore (as I suppose) to use any kind of persuasion unto you in this cause and quarrel, the defence whereof doth purchase unto us health, light, and liberty: but being neglected, I fear and abhor to forbade what may ensue thereof. We Christians have been too too slack and backward in helping one another: the flame hath now well near consumed us all, whilst no man thought it would have come near himself. What do we see of the Greek empire? what of the Bulgurians, and Seruians? yea mine own losses and manifold calamities, already, and yet also to be endured, who is able to recount? The brave and most valiant princes, the surest bulwarks and defences of the kingdom of HUNGARY, from time to time lost; and the puissant armies with one and the same fatal chance of war consumed and brought to nothing, who is able to reckon up? Insomuch that there is no house, wise, or matron, in all HUNGARY, which is not in some measure partaker of this heaviness. All this do the Christian princes hear of, and yet the miserable estate and condition of their allies can nothing move any one of them: but suffer us thus as a sacrifice for the rest, to be on all parts exposed to the rage and fury of the common and merciless enemy. Only Eugenius the most holy bishop of ROME, and Philip duke of BURGUNDY, have not refused to bear a part of the burden of this our afflicted fortune: The one hath sent hither his Leg●● julian the Cardinal, with notable and puissant succours; and the other with his fleet at sea, and com● as far as HELLESPONTUS, so much as in him lieth doth notably hinder the Turks passage into EUROPE. And one other hope there is not now far from us, and that is, your help, whereof we are so desirous: which we require of you, moved thereunto, partly by your valour so well known, and partly in regard of the imminent peril and common danger of us all. And albeit we are not ignorant, how evil you may be at leisure to take such an expedition in hand, for the late troubled estate of your affairs, and your new recovered kingdom, as yet scarcely well established: yet notwithstanding, let it not withhold you or keep you back; assuring you, that as this expedition cannot be but unto you most honourable, even so this your present desert shall not be bestowed upon ungrateful or thankless men: but that which you shall now first begin and undertake for our preservation & dignity, we will from henceforth and ever continue for your glory and for the increase of your greatness. Fare you well from our regal city of BUDA, the fourth of july 1444. Of this the king's motion, Scanderbag liking well, and thinking it far better now in so fit a time, with his own forces joined unto the Hungarians his friends, thoroughly to busy Amurath, than in short time after, himself alone to sustain his whole power: by the general consent of the Albanian princes his confederates and allies, yielded unto his request; in liberal terms promising him by his letters, in good time to be present with him with thirty thousand good soldiers. The copy of which letters I thought it not amiss here to set down also. Scanderbag prince of the Epirots, unto Vladislaus king of HUNGARY and POLONIA, greeting. Scanderbag his answer by letters unto king Vladislaus. Your letters most invincible king, I have with like joy and contentment received: which I in the general assembly of my cheefetaines having caused publicly to be read, there was not any one of them which was not of opinion, but that so just an occasion of war by you offered, was forthwith to be joyfully on our behalf also embraced. And so every man doth both publicly and privately affirm, That nothing could have happened unto them more acceptable from God, than that they might by some notable service testify their grateful minds, and bind unto them so excellent a prince: as also to give so fit succours unto the Christian commonweal. In which forwardness of my people, I myself took great contentment and pleasure, both in regard of yourself, and in the behalf of the public and common cause: seeing my men of war, and all other my subjects, of what state or degree soever (without any persuasion used on my part) to be so cheerfully and courageously minded in defence of the faith, and of the Christian religion; and so well affectioned towards your most royal majesty. And to say the truth, who is he (if he be not hateful unto God and man) albeit there were no question of religion, or of the common danger, that would refuse so just and lawful a war? for such a king, as unto whom alone we 〈◊〉 and aught to attribute, That we Christians do not only reign, but even live, breath, and enjoy the liberty of our speech. Who would not willingly take up arms, and adventure himself into most manifest and certain danger for the people of HUNGARY; by whom in all ages the Christian commonweals hath with their so many travels and so much of their blood, been so mightily supported and defended? who even from the very cradle have been continual enemies unto our enemies, and have as it were even vowed themselves for the honour of the Christian religion and name. Would God (most mighty and redoubted Vladislaus) it had been in my power to have brought unto you such forces to this honourable war, as were answerable unto my courage and desire: then happily EUROPE should not longer lie in this ignominious estate, oppressed by Amurath; neither should the fields of VARNA or BASILIA so often smoke with the blood of the Hungarians, nor every corner of MACEDONIA with the blood of the Epirots: both nations being as it were become the expiatory sacrifices of others sins and offences, we all now by turns perish, whilst every man thinketh himself borne but for himself alone. But why do I unto myself pour forth these vain complaints. Truly, it neither repenteth me of my forces, neither as I suppose (if it shall please God, that our forces may once meet and join together in so happy a war) shall the Christian commonweal have any cause to sorrow or be aggrieved with the issue and event of our fortune. For unto those fifteen thousand good soldiers which lately discomfited Alis Bassa on the borders of MACEDONIA, my purpose is to join as many more unto them: with all which strength as soon as conveniently I may, I will begin to set forward, ready to follow your ensigns to all events whatsoever. And so fare you well, from CROIA the third of August 1444. These letters being dispatched away unto the king, Scanderbag forthwith began to levy his forces. And first of all he caused with new supplies to be made strong, all those companies wherewith he had overthrown Alis Bassa; not suffering any one of them to absent himself from this expedition. Unto whom being in number fifteen thousand, all men of approved valour, he joined other fifteen thousand more, no less valiant than they: such a power as he never either before or after raised for the recovery, or defence of his kingdom. And so furnished with all things necessary for so honourable a war, cheerfully set forward, accompanied with the vows and hope of all his most faithful and loving subjects. But being come to the borders of SERVIA, he found the straight and difficult passages of that rough country shut up by George the Despot, (lord thereof, a man adorned with all the graces of nature, but otherwise a very wicked damned Atheist, and a Christian but in name only) who but lately before restored unto his kingdom by the help of king Vladislaus, having changed his mind, did now mightily cleave unto the Turk his son in law (by whom he had before been himself exiled) and in favour of his quarrel, and despite of the Hungarians, but especially of Huniades, had stopped up the ways and passages whereby Scanderbag was with his army to pass: who by his ambassador sent of purpose unto the Despot, complained to him of that wrong, putting him in mind of the perjurious dealing of Amurath with him, notwithstanding he had married his daughter; and of the great pleasures the Hungarians had done him; of both which he had good proof: requesting him if it were but in regard of the common cause of Christianity to give unto him (as unto his friend by whom he was never in any thing wronged) passage; and not to stain himself with the perpetual note of infamy, That he being a Christian prince, and of late so mightily oppressed by the Turk, should now to the great hinderence of the Christian common weal take part with him, against his friends and deliverers. But what availeth prayers or requests, be they never so reasonable, with a man set down to mischief? Scanderbag out of hope by any other means to open his way, but by plain force, resolved so to do: although it much grieved him to spend those forces upon a Christian prince, which he had prepared against the capital enemy both of himself and all good Christians, old Amurath the Turkish Sultan. But whilst he thus discontented, spendeth his time with his army upon the borders of SERVIA, beset with many difficulties: Vladislaus pricked forward by the continual solicitation of julian the Cardinal, King Vladislaus setteth forward against the Turks. or else drawn on by his own inevitable destiny, having assembled a great army of valiant and courageous soldiers out of HUNGARY and POLONIA (yet in number far inferior to that he had the year before, for that most of the voluntary soldiers were returned home) set forward from SEGEDINUM, and in the beginning of November (a time unfit for wars) passed over DANUBIUS, and entering into BULGARIA came to NICOPOLIS, the Metrapoliticall city of that kingdom (but then in possession of the Turks;) where he burned the suburbs thereof, and in that fruitful country thereabouts refreshed his people three or four days, where he also mustered his army and took a view thereof: at what time Dracula Vaivod of VALACHIA, a man of great experience in martial affairs, being then present, and considering the small number of the king's army, began to persuade him to retire, saying, He had sufficiently learned by his own harms, to deem aright of the power of the Turkish Sultan; who (as he said) was wont many times to carry more men with him into the fields in his disport of hawking and hunting, than was there in the king's camp: wherefore he should do well, not to expose those his small forces unto so manifest peril, in such unseasonable time of the year, but to reserve them unto a more fit opportunity, when he might with greater power encounter his puissant enemy. This his counsel most men of greatest experience, and not carried away with other private respects, thought wholesome: but the Cardinal, author of this fatal war, extolling with great words the last years victory obtained against the Turk, with glorious promises of great aid, as well by sea from the Pope, and the Venetians, as by land from the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE and other Christian princes; augmenting also the great troubles in ASIA, and promising an easy and happy success unto these wars in EUROPE; persuaded the king that Dacula his speech proceeded either of ignorance, upon a superficial judgement which her made of the king's power there present, without regard of further strength from his friends; or else of the private respect of his own security, in regard of a commodious league made a little before betwixt him and the Turk. So that the poor prince seeing his counsel mightily impugned by the Cardinal, and not so well taken, as it was meant by him; stood in doubt whether to leave him to his own fortune, and himself to his quiet peace, or casting off the Turkish league, to join with the king in this chance of war: but at length resolved as a martial minded man, preferring the uncertain glory of the field before his own assured rest, said unto the king: Seeing that either your princely fortune, which hath ever hitherto favoured your high attempts▪ else the hope of friends help, which I pray God fail you not at your need; or the secret designment of your destiny, unable to be avoided, doth draw your majesty into a different opinion from me: that your resolution which I cannot by reasonable persuasion alter, I will as the suddenness of time, and my small ability will permit, most gladly further. And therewith presented unto the king, Dracula a●●eth V●ad●slaus with his son and 4000 horse. his son, with four thousand horsemen well appointed, to serve him in these wars; wishing unto him such good success as he himself desired. Afterward when he was about to take his leave of the king, he preferred unto him two lusty young men, perfect guides for that country, with two horses of incredible swiftness, and with tears standing in his eyes said unto him: His last farewell unto the king. Take this small gift in good part, as a poor refuge to fly unto, if your fortune hap to fail you, which I tremble to think upon: I pray God they be given in vain, and so they shall if my prayers may prevail. Yet if necessity shall enforce you to use them, you shall find them serviceable at your need. And so taking his last farewell of the king, returned into VALACHIA. Vladislaus marching on from NICOPOLIS toward THRACIA, took many towns and forts by the way, which the Turks for fear yielded unto him: at last he came to SUMIUM and PEZECHIUM, where the Turkish garrisons trusting as much to the strength of the places, as to their own valour, stood upon their guard: but the king laid siege to both the said places, and took them by assault; where he put to sword five thousand of the Turks. The Turks Bassas terrified with these unexpected troubles, advertised Amurath thereof, requesting him to leave his obscure life, and to levy the greatest power he could in ASIA, for the defence of the Turkish kingdom in EUROPE, which otherwise was in short time like to be lost blaming also his discretion, for committing the government of so great a kingdom, to so young a prince as was Mahomet his son, unto whom many of the great captains did half scorn to yield their due obedience. Amurath herewith awaked, as it had been out of a dead sleep, left his cloister, and with great speed gathered a stung army in ASIA, & came to the straits of HE●LESPONTVS; where he found the passage stopped by the Venetian and Pope's galleys, and was therefore at his wit's end. But marching along the sea side unto the straits of BOSPHORUS, he there found means to convey over his whole army: using therein (as some write) the help of the Genua merchant ships, paying unto the Genoese for the passage of every Turk a ducat, which amounted to the sum of 100 thousand ducats: or as some others affirm, corrupting with grea● bribe's them that were left for the defence of this passage. And being now got over, joined his Asian army with such other forces as his Bassas had in readiness in EUROPE: and so marching on seven days, encamped within four miles of VARNA, a city pleasantly standing upon the Euxine sea side in BULGARIA, where the Christian army lay: for Vladislaus hearing of Amurath his coming with so great an army, had retired thither, having but a little before taken the same city of VARNA from the Turks, with CALACRIUM, GALATA, MACROPOLIS, and others upon the sea coast. Upon the first report that Amurath was with such a mighty army come over the straight of BOSPHORUS, Vladislaus who before was in good hope that he could not possibly have found any passage, entered into counsel with the commanders of his army, what course was now best to take: where many which before had been most forward in that action (presuming that Amurath could by no means have transported his army) were now so discouraged with the same of his coming, that they advised the king in time to retire home, and not to oppose so small an army against such a world of people as was reported to follow the Turk. But other captains of greater courage, and especially Huniades, said, It was not for the king's honour, first to invade his enemy's dominions, and presently to turn his back upon the first report of their coming; wishing him rather to remember the good fortune of his former wars, and that he was to fight against the same enemy whom he had victoriously overthrown the year before: as for the multitude of his enemies, he had learned by experience (as he said) not to be moved therewith, for that it was the manner of the Turkish kings, more to terrify their enemies with the show of a huge army, than with the valour of their soldiers, which were nothing to be accounted of, but as effeminate, in comparison of the Hungarians. Whereupon the king resolved to try the fortune of the field. Vladislaus understanding by his espials, that Amurath the night before encamped within four miles, was now putting his army in order of battle; committed the ordering of all his forces unto the valiant captain Huniades: who with great care and industry disposed the same, guarding the one side of the battle with a fen or marish, and the other side with carriages, and the rearward of his army with a steep hill. Therein politicly providing, that the Christian army, being far less than the Turks in number, could not be compassed about with the multitude of their enemies, The great battle of Varna fought between king Vladislaus and Amurath. neither any way charged but affront. The Turks army approaching, began to skirmish with the Christians, which manner of fight was long time with great courage maintained, and that with divers fortune, sometime one party prevailing, and sometime the other; but with such slaughter on both sides, that the ground was covered and stained with the dead bodies and blood of the slain. At length the battle being more closely joined, the victory began to incline to the Christians, for Huniades had most valiantly with his Transiluanian and Valachian horsemen, put to flight both the wings of the Turkish army, and made great slaughter wheresoever he came. Insomuch, that Amurath dismayed with the flight of his soldiers, was about to have fled himself out of the main battle, had he not been stayed by a common soldier, who laying hands upon the rains of his bridle stayed him by force, and sharply reproved him of cowardice. The captains, and prelates about the king (whom it had better beseemed to have been at devout prayers in their oratory's, than in arms at that bloody battle) encouraged by the prosperous success of Huniades, and desirous to be partakers of that victory, foolishly left their safe stations, where they were appointed by him to stand fast, and disorderedly pursued the chase, leaving that side of the battle where they stood, open unto the Turks: But they were not gone far, before they were hardly encountered by a great part of the Turks army, for such purpose placed in a valley fast by. In which fight Lesco one of the most valiant captains of the Hungarians was slain; and the Bishop of V●RADIVM a better church man than soldier, and the first man that disordered the battle, seeking to save himself by flight through the fen, was there filthily strangled in the deep mud, after he had with his horse therein struggled a great while. The Bishop of AGRIA, a man of greatest authority with the king, was at the same time also lost, with many other church men more. The Cardinal, with some other of the expert captains retiring toward their former standings, were hardly assailed by the Turks, who by the coming in of the king and Huniades, were with great slaughter forced to retire, and even ready to fly. Amurath seeing the great slaughter of his men, and all brought into extreme danger, beholding the picture of the Crucifix in the displayed ensigns of the voluntary Christians, plucked the writing out of his bosom, wherein the late league was comprised, and holding it up in his hand with his eyes cast up to heaven, said: Behold thou crucified Christ, this is the league thy Christians in thy name made with me: which they have without cause violated. Amurath prayeth unto Christ. Now if thou be a God, as they say thou art, and as we dream, revenge the wrong now done unto thy name, and me, and show thy power upon thy perjurious people, who in their deeds deny thee their God. The king with Huniades furiously pursued the chased Turks, with bloody execution a great space: when as the king in his heat hardly persuaded by Huniades to return again unto his camp, at his coming thither found the Cardinal julian, with Frank, one of his chief captains, and others, overcharged with the Turks, which had again made head against that part of the Christian army: and there yet fought courageously, by reason of their multitude, being also backed by the janissaries, which all this while had stood fast with their old king, as his last and most assured refuge, A cruel fight. but were now come in. There began a most cruel and fierce fight: in the success whereof, the Turks well saw the whole estate of their kingdom in EUROPE to consist, many were there slain on both sides: the Turks feeling their loss less than indeed it was, by reason of their multitude; and the Christians, by reason of their courage. A great while the victory stood doubtful, insomuch, that at length the Turks began to shrink back, in that part of the battle where the king and Huniades fought. But in the left side, they prevailed so upon the Christians, that they were even ready to have fled. Which when Huniades (having a vigilant eye unto every part of the army) perceived, he with speed made thither, and there again with his presence restored the battle almost before lost. Which done, he returned again towards the king, who in the mean time had most valiantly repulsed a great number of the Turks, and was now come unto the janissaries, Amurath his last hope. There was to be seen a thousand manners of death, whilst both the armies fought more like wild beasts in their rage and fury, than wary and politic soldiers. In this confused medley, the young king Vladislaus with greater courage than care of himself, broke into the battle of the janissaries: at which time, Amurath himself was by a valiant Frenchman a knight of the Roads, first wounded with a pike, and after assailed with his sword, Amurath in danger. and had there ended his days, but that he was speedily rescued by his guard, by whom this worthy knight after great proof of his valour was there slain in the midst of his enemies. Vladislaus being got in also amongst them, valiantly performed all the parts of a worthy soldier, until such time as his horse being slain under him, he was forthwith oppressed by the multitude of his enemies and slain: King Vladislaus slain. his head being struck off by Ferizes, one of the old janissaries, was by him presented unto Amurath; who commanded it presently to be put upon the point of a lance, and proclamation to be made, that it was the head of the Christian king: which was afterwards so carried through the principal cities of MACEDONIA, and GRECIA, as a trophy of the Turks victory. Huniades after he had in vain given divers brave attempts, to have rescued the king's body, retired with a few Valachian horsemen, and seeing no hope of better hap (for all the Christians being discouraged with the death of the king, had now taken themselves to flight) gave place to necessity and reserving himself to his future fortune, Huniades flieth. fled over the mountains into the thick woods, from whence with much difficulty he got over DANUBIUS into VALACHIA, and was there (as some 〈◊〉) by Dracula prince of that country taken prisoner: In revenge whereof, after he was enlarged by the Hungarians, he so aided Danus against Dracula, that in fine, Dracula and his son were both slain, and Danus placed in his room. julian the Cardinal flying out of the battle, was found by that worthy man Gregory Sanose, lying in the desert forest by the way, side mortally wounded, and half stripped: by whom he was in few words sharply reproved, as the wicked author of that perfidious war: and there left giving up the ghost. Many of the Christians which fled out of that battle fell into the enemy's hands, and so were slain: but greater was the number of them, which were drowned in the fens, or that by hunger and cold perished in the woods, or else after long and miserable travail, finding no passage over DANUBIUS fell at length into the Turkish slavery. This great and mortal battle as it was with divers fortune fought, so was also the present report thereof most uncertain: for the Turks that were at the first put to flight, reported in the towns thereby as they fled, that the battle was lost: and they which had all the day endured the fight, not altogether assured of the victory, and not knowing whether the Hungarians had retired themselves, whilst they suspected some deceit in the kings camp, by reason of the great silence therein, stayed two days before they durst adventure to take the spoil thereof. The number of them that were slain in this battle, as well on the one side as the other, was great; as the mounts, and little hills, raised of the bones and bodies of them that were there buried, do yet at this day declare. Howbeit the certain number was not known, some reporting more, some fewer. Yet in this most agree, that of the Christian army being not great, scarce the third part escaped: and that the Turks bought this victory, with a far greater loss, although it was of them less felt, by reason of their multitude, made less by that slaughter; as they that report least thereof affirm, by thirty thousand. Which may well seem rather to be so, for that Amurath after this victory, neither farther prosecuted the same, nor showed any tokens of joy at all, but became very melancholy and sad, and being of them about him, demanded why after so great a victory, he was no merrier: answered, That he wished not at so great a price, to gain many such victories. Yet in memorial thereof he erected a great pillar, in the same place where the king was slain, with an inscription of all that was then done: which as they say is yet there to be seen at this day. This bloody battle, was fought near unto VARNA (in ancient time called DIONISIOPOLIS (a place fatal unto many great warriors, and therefore of them even yet abhorred) the tenth day of November, in the year of our Lord Christ 1444. Some maliciously impute the loss of the battle of VARNA, and the death of the king, to Huniades, who (as they said) fled out of this battle with ten thousand horsemen: but this report agreeth not with the noble disposition of that courageous and valiant captain, but seemeth rather to have been devised, to excuse the foul dealing of the clergy; who as most histories bear witness, were the chief authors both of the war, and of the lamentable calamity en●uing thereof. From the battle of VARNA Amurath returned to HADRIANOPLE, Amurath to perform his vow resigneth his kingdom to his son Mahomet; which he in short time after taketh again upon him▪ having lost the greatest part of his best soldiers, and there with great solemnity buried the body of Carazia, viceroy of EUROPE, slain in that battle: and then calling together all his nobility, again resigned up his kingdom unto his son Mahomet, retiring himself unto MAGNESIA, where he lived a solitary and private life, having before vowed so to do, in the great fear he was in, in the late battle against Vladislaus: but after he had a short time performed these his vows in that obscure and melancholy life, he weary thereof, as some suppose, as not a little revived with the late victory, or else solicited by Caly Bassa and other great counsellors, returned again to HADRIANOPLE, resuming unto himself the government of the kingdom, to the great discontentment of his ambitious son Mahomet. Scanderbag yet sticking in the borders of SERVIA, and hearing what had happened unto king Vladislaus with the Hungarians, was therewith exceedingly grieved: and having now lost the hope whereupon he had undertaken that so great an expedition, resolved to return home again into EPIRUS. Nevertheless, to be in some part revenged of the wicked Despot, he with his army forcibly broke into his country, and there did exceeding great harm. In his returning homewards, great numbers of Hungarians and Polonians, lately escaped from the slaughter at VARNA, repaired unto him, whom he (according to the extremity of their fortune) courteously relieved: and furnishing them with such things as they wanted, provided them shipping to RAGUSA, from whence they might in safety return into their own countries. Thus by the disloyalty and treachery of the faithless Despot of SERVIA, was Scanderbag stayed from being present at the bloody battle of VARNA, to the unspeakable loss of the Christian commonweal: for it could not be, but that so many thousands of most resolute and expert soldiers, under the leading of so worthy a cheefetaine, must needs have done much for the gaining of the victory. And what more glorious sight could a man have wished for, than to have seen so puissant an army in the field against the sworn enemy of Christendom, directed by two such valiant and renowned cheefetaines, as never either before or since their time was seen the like in one battle against the enemies of Christ and the Christian religion? They were both men of invincible courage, of exceeding strength, The comparison betwixt Huniades and Scanderbag. and agility of body, wise, prudent, and subtle; both of long time exercised in the Turks wars, the greatest terror of that nation, and most worthy champions of the Christian religion, being therein both very zealous. Of the two, Huniades was at that time accounted the better commander, and the more politic, as a man of greater experience in martial affairs, by reason of his greater years: which was well countervailed by Scanderbag his perpetual good fortune, still as it were attending upon him, & by his experience afterwards gotten, as in the course of his history well appeareth. Amurath advertised of these proceedings of Scanderbag▪ as also of the great harms by him done in MACEDONIA, and that the frontiers of his dominions bordering upon EPIRUS, were by his fury utterly wasted and spoiled, and his people there for most part slain, and that the rest had for fear forsaken their dwellings and left the country desolate and unpeopled; was therewith exceedingly moved. Yet for so much as he still stood in dread of the Hungarians, and was now himself clogged with years, and therefore more desirous of rest▪ considering also the young years of his eldest son Mahomet, as yet unfit for the government of so great and troublesome a kingdom; with the perpetual good fortune of Scanderbag, and malice of Huniades: he thought it not best to convert all his forces upon him, but to prove if he could cunningly draw him into some dishonourable peace for a time, that so he might afterwards at leisure be the better revenged of him. For which cause he writ unto him letters, mixed with grievous threats and some feigned courtesies, as followeth: Amurath Ottoman, king of the Turks, and emperor of the East, to the most ingrateful Scanderbag, wisheth neither health nor welfare. The sullen and crafty letters of Amurath to Scanderbag. I never wanted honourable preferments to bestow upon thee all the while thou didst live in my court, of all others most unkind Scanderbag; but now I want words wherewith to speak unto thee, thou hast so highly offended my mind, and touched mine honour, that I know not in discretion what words to use unto thee, but of late one of my domestical servants. For neither will hard speech moline the natural fierceness of thy proud disposition, neither art thou worthy of better, which hast far exceeded all hostility. And because thou wouldst omit no occasion to provoke me, hast of late proceeded to that point of folly, that thou hast had thine own affairs, and the welfare of thine own subjects, in small regard, by confederating thyself in arms with the Hungarians, against me. It grieveth me to rehearse other thy unkindness, and as it were to touch those sores, if my mind would ever suffer me to forget the same, or that thy so manifold & horrible treasons, and strange examples of a most unthankful mind, were to be covered with silence. Yet I thought good to advertise thee (although perhaps too late) lest that thy unstaid heat do untimely overthrow thee, with thy unlucky kingdom: and then thou wouldst make humble confession of thy long transgression, when thou hast lost thyself, and le●t no hope of refuge in thy desperate estate. We have hitherto sufficiently suffered thy manifold injuries: thou hast sufficiently provoked the majesty of the Ottoman empire, with wrong and contumelious despite, and I with patience have borne all these thy contempts. Thinkest thou that my army by thee betrayed unto the Hungarians, shall be unrevenged? Thinkest thou that so many cities and towns 〈◊〉 EPIRUS, by thee rend from the body of my empire, with my garrisons there slain, shall be forgotten? Or thinkest thou with thy late committed outrages to escape my revenging hands? Remember the destruction of mine army under Alis Bassa; the wasting and burning of my dominions; and lately, the Hungarian wars, by thee so far as in thee was, countenanced; with the territories of George, the Despot of SERVIA, my father in law, by thee spoiled. At length amend thou graceless man, and expect not farther, whether my indignation will break out. Let not these trifling allurements of thy good fortune, so puff up thy foolish desires, and sharpen thy conceits, that thy miserable fortune afterwards may move even thy greatest enemy, or myself, to compassion. I would thou shouldest at length remember my courtesies (if any spark of humanity remain in thy savage nature) and make me not longer sorry, that I have so evil bestowed the same. And although it is not the part of an honourable mind, to rehearse those things which we have in bounty bestowed upon any man; yet is it the token of a most unthankful nature, so easily to forget all kindness past, as to need to be put in remembrance thereof. Wherefore Scanderbag, I cannot but bewail thy hap, and lament thine estate: For, to let pass the health of thy soul (which thou a very reprobat, esteemest as nothing) not to speak of the laws of Mahomet, by thee despised, and the holy prophet by thee contemned, for the zeal thou hast unto the Christian superstition: what hast thou (which now holdest thy poor and base kingdom in such price) ever wanted at my hands of all those things which most delight the desires of men? Didst thou ever want armo●●, horses, a great train of followers and servants, money, or other superfluities, the allurements of all ages? Or didst thou want matter to exercise thy valour, for increase of thine honour? Wast thou ever denied preferments, dignities, and honours of all sorts fit for thine age, both at home and abroad? Was any man in my court dearer unto me, than thyself? What growing wit, not of strangers only, but of them that were nearest unto myself, was better welcome unto me than thine? With what careful instruction did I cause thee to be brought up? When thou wast delivered unto me almost a child, I daily cherished and increased thy hoped towardliness, with learning and nurture: I have at all times honoured thee with rich rewards, magnifical praises, and honours of the field (which of all worldly things is most glorious) so that in all feats of arms no soldier was to me better known, or captain of me more honoured. For all these great benefits, Scanderbag, thou now showest thyself such an one, that I may be thought not to have brought up such a man as I hoped for, but a very serpent in mine own bosom. But the love of thy country did move thee: which if thou hadst asked of me, would I have denied the same unto thee? Which (if thou dost well remember) I so oftentimes voluntarily proffered unto thee? But thou hadst rather to gain the same by treachery, than to receive it at my hands of courtesy. So, thine be it therefore on God his name, and that with my very good will. And verily, according to my accustomed clemency towards all them whom I have once well known, and been familiarly acquainted with, I now pardon thee all thou hast offended me; not for any thy present deserts, which are none, but because in this public enmity, it pleaseth me to remember my former kindness in private towards thee, and thy faithfulness sometimes in my affairs; especially for that the time was much longer wherein thou servedst me, than the time wherein thou hast offended me. CROIA and thy father's kingdom (although thou hast gained the same by fowl treachery) I give unto thee, upon condition thou willingly restore unto me the other towns of EPIRUS, which by no right belong unto thee, but are mine by law of arms, by myself honourably won. Whatsoever thou hast taken from my father in law, the prince of SERVIA, thou shalt forthwith restore, and make him an honourable recompense for the other harms thou hast done unto him; and for ever hereafter, thou shalt as well forbear to offer violence to any our friends, as to aid any our enemies. So shalt thou for ever avoid the displeasure of the Turks, and stand in my good grace and favour, as thou hast done before: except thou hadst rather (being taught by thine own harms) then in vain cry for mercy, when thy furious outrage shall have me in person, an implacable revenger. Thou knowest thy forces, thou knowest the strength of mine arms; thou hast before thine eyes the fresh example of the Hungarian fortune, so that thou needest no further admonitions. Yet I would thou shouldest write at large what thou intendest to do. Thou mayest also confer with Ayradin our servant, our trusty and faithful messenger, of whom thou shalt understand more than are in these letters comprised. Farewell if thou be wise. From HADRIANOPLE. To these letters Scanderbag gave small credit, and less to the messenger, but least of all to the old Fox himself, whom he well knew to have written nothing simply of good meaning, but only to gain a cessation from wars, until he might at better leisure set upon him with all his forces: wherefore calling Ayradin the messenger unto him, whom he rather held for a crafty spy, than an honourable ambassador, after he had many times both publicly and privately discoursed with him, so far forth as was possible to sound the depth of his coming, and had also further entertained him with all honourable courtesies, he showed him all his camp, with the strength thereof; which he did, because he would not have the crafty messenger to think, that he was any thing afraid of his masters greatness. And at last greatly complaining of Amurath his cruel and perfidious dealing against his father, his brethren, and himself, he sent him away with such answer in writing as followeth. The soldier of Christ jesus, George Castriot surnamed Scanderbag, prince of EPIRUS, to Amurath Ottoman king of the Turks sendeth greeeing. Thou hast in times past (as thou writest) exceeded me in many kinds of courtesies, and at this present I will exceed thee in modest and temperate speech: The resolute answer of Scanderbag to Amurath his letters. For I think there is no greater token of a base mind, than to be able to forbear to give railing and opprobrious words, even unto our most mortal enemies. Wherefore we have with patience received and seen, both thy letters and messenger: and to confess a truth, they have ministered unto me greater occasion of smile, than choler: whilst at the first thou shamest not to accuse me of much ingratitude, & treason: and presently following a milder passion, seemest careful of my soul's health, being ignorant of thine own miserable estate, as a studious defender of a most damnable error. And at last, keeping neither law of arms, nor orderly course answering to our affairs, dost most insolently and unadvisedly, as a valiant conqueror to his vanquished enemy, propound many conditions of peace, of such quality and condition, that mine ears scorn to hear the same. Truly Amurath, although thy immoderate railing might move a man of greatest patience to intemperate speech: yet I impute the same partly to thy great age, and partly to the wa●wardnesse of thy nature; and the rest, to thy conceived grief, which I know thou canst hardly moderate: and the more, for that I have not set down myself to contend with thee in foul and unseemly language; but with arms and the just fury of war. Yet I pray thee, wherefore dost thou so exclaim upon me before God and man● as though thou hadst first suffered wrong and injury from me, and that thou hadst not in truth first done the same. Dost thou call my necessary departing, a perfidious treachery? my native country by my policy and valour recovered, dost thou object to me as a villainy? object the same still and spare not; charge me with such crimes for ever, I care not. The long catalogue of thy kindness towards me, which thou rehersest, I could willingly rmember, if it drew not with it the woeful remembrance of my greater miseries. Which if they were to be compared together, the greatness of thy good deserts would be overwhelmed with the multitude of thy greater tyrannies; which I had rather thou shouldest count with thyself, than blush whilst I repeat them. Every man that knoweth them, may marvel how I had power to endure them, or that thou wast not weary at last of thy cruelty and secret hatred. Thou tookest away my father's kingdom by force; thou didst murder my brethren; and myself thou didst most wickedly vow to death, when I little feared any such cruelty. And doth it now seem strange to thee, o Amurath, that an invincible mind, desirous of liberty, should seek to break out of the bonds of so great slavery? How long at length didst thou think I would endure thy proud and insolent bondage? which for all that I many years endured, and refused not thy command. I exposed myself to public and private dangers, both voluntarily and by thy designment: speeches were given out daily by thyself, and the admonition of my friends concerning thy deep treachery, was rife in mine ears: yet for all that, of long time I simply believed both thy words and deeds to have been devoid of all fraud, until thy cankered malice began too too apparently to show itself, than began I also to gloze with thee, wholly metamorphosed into thine own conceits, until I found occasion to recover my liberty. Wherefore there is no cause thou shouldest now grieve, if thou be well beaten with thine own rod. But these are but trifles, Amurath, in comparison of those things which I have laid up in hope and resolution of mind. Therefore hereafter surcease thine angry threats, and tell not us of the Hungarian fortune. Every man hath his own resolution, and every man a particular governor of his actions: and so will we with patience endure such fortune as it shall please God to appoint us In the mean time, for direction of our affairs, we will not request counsel of our enemies, nor peace of thee, but victory by the help of God. Farewell from our camp. When Amurath had read these letters, and further conferred with Arradin, he was filled with wrath and indignation, wondering at the great resolution of so small a prince, presently casting in his mind (as was thought) the difficulty of that war. Yet because he would give no token of fear, oftentimes stroking his white beard, as his manner was when he was thoroughly angry, with a dissembled cheerfulness of countenance said: Thou desirest (wicked man) thou desirest the title of some honourable death: we will give it thee (believe us) we will give it thee. Amurath 〈…〉 S●anderbeg. We ourselves will be present at the burial of our foster child, and in person (though unbidden) honour the funeral pomp of the great king of EPIRUS; that thou shalt never complain among the damned ghosts, that thou didst die a base or obscure kind of death. And for because at that time, by reason of many great occurrents, he could not convert his whole power into EPIRUS, he sent Ferises, one of his best captains, with nine thousand choice horsemen, to keep Scanderbag in doing, and to spoil his country so much as he could. Which was with such speed done, that it was thought Ferises would have been in the heart of EPIRUS, before Scanderbag could have had knowledge of his coming. But for all his haste, he could not so prevent the flying fame, but that Scanderbag hearing thereof, and having his men always in readiness, placed fifteen hundred good footmen in ambush upon the rough mountains, leading into the valley of MOVEA, whereby the Turks must needs pass into EPIRUS; placing also two thousand horsemen, as he thought most fit & convenient for his purpose. Ferises descending from the high mountains full of woods and bushes, by the broken and stony ways leading into the valley, was in that troublesome and intricate passage fiercely set upon by Scanderbegs ready footmen, suddenly arising out of ambush, where the Turks having no use of their horses, but rather by them encombered, were slain as Dear enclosed in a toil. In this conflict seven hundred and sixty Turks were taken prisoners, and a greater number slain, and Ferises himself, with the rest, enforced to fly, crying still out as he fled, Better some saved, than all lost. Scanderbag having thus overthrown Ferises, pursued him into MACEDONIA, and with the spoil there taken, rewarded his soldiers, as he had also many times before done. Amurath grieved with the overthrow of Ferises, presently sent Mustapha a politic and hardy captain, with a new supply of six thousand soldiers to take the charge from Ferises; commanding him in no case, nor upon any occasion, to enter far into EPIRUS: but only to burn and spoil the frontiers thereof, saying, That he would account it for good service, if he might but understand, that the trees and fruits of that country, had felt the force of his anger. Mustapha having received his charge, when he began to draw near the borders of EPIRUS, continually sent out scouts before his army, to see if the passages were clear, and so warily entered the valley of MOCRE, A where Ferises not long before was overthrown. In this fruitful valley, being the frontiers of Scanderbegs dominion, Mustapha entrenched his army, upon the rising of a hill, and placed espials upon the tops of the high mountains round about, by them to discover the coming of the enemy, and to have notice thereof by signs into the camp: then reserving four thousand horsemen with himself, to keep his camp, he sent forth the rest of his army, about nine thousand horsemen, to forage and spoil the country; giving charge before, that every man upon pain of death should presently retire to the camp, upon sign given from thence, as to a place of safety and refuge. The Turkish army ranging over that rich and pleasant valley, burned the villages, cut down trees, spoiled the vineyards, and made havoc of all things that fire and sword could destroy; in that point executing Amurath's command to the full. At length Scanderbag drawing near to this valley, with four thousand horsemen and a thousand foot, was advertised of all the enemies doings, by an Epirot soldier, who grievously wounded had hardly escaped from the Turks: of him he understood, what number of Turks were burning and destroying the country, of the camp also kept by Mustapha, and how espials were placed upon the mountains. Scanderbag having well considered Mustapha his wary proceedings, and seeing no policy to be used against so careful an enemy, resolved to vanquish him by plain force, by assaulting him suddenly in his trenches, before his dispersed soldiers could repair to the camp: and having to this purpose, with effectual persuasions encouraged the minds of his valiant soldiers, ready of themselves to follow him through all dangers; when he had set all things in order for assaulting the enemy's camp, speedily entered the valley, and was presently discovered by the enemy's espials, from the tops of the high hills, and a sign given to the camp, from whence also the appointed sign was given for the dispersed soldiers to retire: but most of them being strayed from the camp; and busied in taking the spoil of the country, heard not or saw not the sign given: Those which were within the hearing thereof retired to the camp, and at their heels followed Scanderbegs soldiers, Scanderbag his valiant resolution for the assaulting of Mustapha in his camp. terrifying them with calling upon the name of Scanderbag. Many of the Turks were by the Christians slain in the entrance of the camp, with their booties in their hands, and presently the Turk's trenches were now by Scanderbegs soldiers courageously assaulted, and the Turks beaten from the top of them. They having won the trenches, prevailed still upon the Turks, filling all their camp with fear and slaughter. There was no use of shot in that medley, by reason of the straightness of the place, for they were now come to pell mel. Mustapha seeing his soldiers put to the worst, and that the camp was not long to be defended, took horse and fled by the port which was furthest from the enemy. The rest of the soldiers fled also, making such poor shift for themselves as they could. In this battle 5000 Turks were slain, and but 300 taken; for the Christians enraged with the spoil of the country, revenged themselves with the slaughter of the Turks. Scanderbag lost in this conflict but 20 horsemen, and 50 footmen. The rest of the Turks army disperse in the country, hearing the tumult in the camp, misdoubting the fortune of their fellows, fled also: yet many of them were in that fight pursued and slain. After this overthrow, Mustapha returning to Amurath, the better to excuse the misfortune of himself, and the other captains before sent, greatly commended the invincible courage of Scanderbag, and his wonderful skill in feats of arms; persuading Amurath either to send a greater power against him, or else none at all, saying, That to send such small armies, was but to minister matter to the increase of his glory, and the infamy of the Turks; and to use policy against him the master of policy, was but mere folly. It grieved Amurath to hear the praises of his enemy, although he knew the same to be true, by the continual fortune he had always against his great captains Alis-bassa, Ferises, and Mustapha: wherefore he determined for a time not to provoke him further, but to suffer him to live in peace: yet commanded Mustapha to renew his army for defence of the borders of his kingdom towards EPIRUS, against the innovation of Scanderbag; but straightly commanding him in no case to invade any part of EPIRUS, neither upon any occasion offered, or conceived hope of victory, to join battle with Scanderbag, for fear of such evil success as before. At this time also the Grecians of PELOPONESUS now called MOREA, having before fortified the straight of CORINTH from sea to sea, with a perpetual wall, which they called HEXAMYLUM, and deep trenches about six miles in length, had also built five strong castles in the same wall, of purpose to take away all passage by land into that rich country, and begun now not only to deny the yearly tribute they were wont to pay unto the Turkish king, but also to invade such princes of ACHAIA their neighbours, as were content to remain still the Turk's tributaries▪ amongst whom Nereus prince of ATHENS, and Turacan Governor of THESSALIA for Amurath, ceased not by continual complaints to incense him against them of PELOPONESUS. Who having his army in readiness, although it was now winter, and he himself very aged, set forward from HADRIANOPLE, and marching through THESSALIA, came into ACHAIA, where most of the Grecians were before fled for fear into PELOPONESUS. So passing on with his army, he came to the straight commonly called ISYMUS, where the famous city of CORINTH sometime stood; and there encamped his army near unto the strong wall, and castles, lately before built, hoping that the Grecians of PELOPONESUS, terrified with the multitude of his army, would without resistance submit themselves: but when he perceived them to stand upon their guard, and to trust to their strength, he laid battery to the wall four days, and having made it saultable, broke through the same with his army. The Grecians having lost the wall (their chief strength) fled, some to one strong hold, and some to another, as their fortune led them; the Turks at their pleasure spoiling and destroying that rich & pleasant country, sometime the nurse of worthy wits, and famous captains: where they found wonderful riches, and took prisoners without number; insomuch that they were sold among the Turks at most vile price. There Amurath for his pleasure, cruelly sacrificed six hundredth Christian captives, to the hellish ghost of his dead father Mahomet: & afterwards imposing a yearly tribute upon the Peloponesians, and others Grecian princes now yielding again unto him, Peloponnesus made tributary unto the Turk. as an induction to their further slavery under the Turkish rirannie, he returned, taking in his way the two famous cities of PATRAS and SICYONE. Thus the rich country of PELOPONESUS, and all the rest of GRECIA, sometime fountain of all learning and civility, became tributary to the barbarous and cruel Turks, in the year of our Lord 1445. 1446 Old Amurath now clogged with years, and wearied with long wars, was content to take his rest at HADRIANOPLE: Bajazet borne. during which time, Bajazet the son of Mahomet was borne in the year 1446, who afterwards of long time with great glory governed the Turkish empire at CONSTANTINOPLE, as in his place shall appear. The Hungarians after the calamity of VARNA, wherein they had together with Vladislaus their king, lost most part of their nobility also; in a general assembly of their states, made choice of Ladislaus, the posthumous son of Albertus (and then in keeping of Frederick the emperor) for their king. But for as much as he being then but a child of five years old, and chosen king, more for the remembrance of the emperor Sigismond his grandfather, and Albertus his father, and for the good hope conceived of him, than for any other thing presently to be expected from him; it was thought more than necessary, to make choice of some notable and worthy man, unto whom they might (during the time of the king's minority) commit the government and protection of that so great and turbulent a kingdom. Many there were in that honourable assembly well thought of, Huniades in the minority of the king, chosen Governor of all the kingdom of Hungary. both of themselves and others: but such was the glory and valour of Huniades, and so great the remembrance of his worthy deserts both of the kingdom of HUNGARY, and of the Christian commonweal in general, as without his seeking, procured unto him the general favour and suffrages of all; yea so far, that even they which most envied at his honour, as ouershaddowing their own, were glad to hold their peace, for that without him it was commonly thought the state of that shaken kingdom could not long stand: So by the general consent of all the states there assembled, he was with the great applause of the people chosen and proclaimed governor, as of all others most fit for so great and heavy a charge: wherein he quietly spent some few years in deciding of civil controversies, in composing the quarrels of the nobility; not forgetting in the mean time the indifferent administration of justice to all men, ending many controversies far from the place of judgement, and that without all suspicion of corruption, using therein such expedition and never-wearied patience, in hearing every man's cause, that sitting, going, standing, riding, he dispatched many great and weighty matters: always showing himself affable and courteous, as well unto them of the poorer sort, as others of greater calling, that had any suits unto him. So that it was of him truly said, That no man was than he unto his friends more friendly, or unto his enemies more cross and contrary. In time of peace he was always providing for war, heaping up great treasure; and such other things, as without which, the wars could not be maintained. But above all things, he was careful of the good agreement of the nobility, taking great pains in reconciling their displeasures conceived one against another, and that with such dexterity, as that he was both of them and others generally both beloved and feared. In the mean time, 1448 whilst he was thus busied in disposing of the civil affairs of the commonweal and the administration of justice, Huniades goeth against the Turks. he was advertised by his espials, how that the old Sultan Amurath was raising great forces both in ASIA and EUROPE, and that as the common fame went, for the invasion of HUNGARY. For the withstanding whereof, Huniades not unprovided, as never unmindful of so dangerous an enemy, or of any thing more desirous, than in some sort to be revenged of the great loss received at VARNA; in the fourth year of his government and in the year of our Lord 1448 accompanied with most part of the nobility of HUNGARY, and the Vaivod of VALACHIA his friend and confederate, set forward against the Turk, with an army of two and twenty thousand choice soldiers. So having passed the river TIBISCUS, or TEISE, and travailing through VALACHIA, a little beneath where the river MOROVA running through SERVIA, falleth into DANUBIUS, he with most part of his army passed that great river; the rest in the mean time taking passage over at a town called SEVERIN. Huniades with his army being thus got over into SERVIA, by his ambassadors requested the Despot, as he had oftentimes before, to put himself into that most Christian war; and remembering the great benefits he had received from the Hungarians, not to show himself therefore ungrateful, than which, nothing could be more dishonourable: and to encourage him the more, certified him both of his own strength, and of the aid brought unto him by the Vaivod; and that for the good success of the war, there wanted nothing but his presence and direction, with such troops of light horsemen as he knew he had ever in a readiness. Wherewith he requested him with all speed to follow him. But he being a man of no religion, and better affected unto the Turk than to Huniades, the more cleanly to withdraw himself from this war, pretended many excuses: first, the league he had with Amurath his son in law, which he said he might not break, for fear that if things chanced not well, he might so fall again headlong into his old misery; then, the unseasonableness of the time, Autumn being now past, which difficulties in those cold countries they had to their cost too much felt in the late war: These with many other such like he alleged, in excuse that he came not: but the truth was, the malice of the man, grieved to see Huniades preferred before him in the government of the kingdom, and disdaining to serve under his ensigns, being himself Despot, and king of SERVIA, descended of the royal race, the cause of his backwardness: so that blinded with envy, he could not there rightly judge of himself, or what was fit for him in this case to have done. But Huniades angry with his unkind answer, threatened him with his own hands to be revenged upon him, and to give away his kingdom to one more worthy thereof than he, if he should with victory return. The false Despot giveth Amurath knowledge both of Huniades his coming, and of his strength. So passing through SERVIA, as through the enemy's country, he came into BULGARIA. After whose departure, the false Despot by speedy messengers advertised Amurath both of the coming of the Hungarians, and of their strength; yea he certified him of every days march, and how that Huniades was but with a small company of his own, and some weak supplies of the Vaivods come over DANUBIUS: whom if he should not presently meet, but suffer him to come on further, and so with his army to get betwixt him and home, he might so shut him in, as that he should hardly be able to scape his hands. All which he did, partly for envy, partly to gratify the Turk, and the better to keep friendship with him. So Amurath not contemning the Despots counsel, suffered Huniades without resistance to enter a great way into his country, and coming two or three days march behind him, so stopped the passage as that he could not possibly retire, but that he must needs fight. And now they were both come unto a great plain in BULGARIA, which the Hungarians call RIGOMEZV, and the Rascians the plain of COSSOVA, through the midst whereof the river SCHICHNIZA rising out of the mountains of ILLIRIA running, at length falleth into MOROVA, and so into DANUBIUS: this plain is about 20 miles in length, and in breadth five, environed on each side with pleasant mountains, in manner of a theatre, the river and low valleys at the foot of the mountains being garnished with many country villages and towns. Into this fatal plain when as the Hungarians first, and after them the Turks, were as into a place of combat descended; an old woman dwelling in one of the villages upon the river side fast by, where both armies of late passed, with a loud voice cried out, Oh how much I now fear, the hard fortune of the Hungarians. When as their passage over by the ford troubled the river but one day, and the Turks three. The ominous speech of an old woman. By the small number of their army, divining their ensuing overthrow. In the midst almost of this plain ariseth a small hill, by the foot whereof the river SCHICHNIZA runneth; not far beyond which, toward the head of the plain, was a certain tower built like a pyramids, in memorial of Amurath the first of that name, and third king of the Turks there slain: which tower, Amurath fearing lest Huniades marching before him, should take, and so become unto him ominous (for in such matters the Turks are very superstitious) he made the more haste, of purpose to join battle with him before he should come to the foresaid tower. Huniades being come unto the hill, easily arising in the midst of the plain, there encamped, expecting the coming of Scanderbag; who was said (according to appointment made betwixt him and Huniades) to be every hour coming. Wherefore Amurath fearing lest the tower fast by should be taken, and the enemy's power strengthened by the coming of the Albanois, provoked Huniades to battle; who still refused the same, in hope of his friends coming which made the Turk more fierce upon him, seeking by all means he could to draw him to battle, but especially by cutting him off from water and forage: for why he much presumed upon his multitude, having in his army about fourscore thousand fight men. At length Huniades for want of water and other necessaries, enforced to fight, upon S. Luke's day being then Thursday, commanded his soldiers to make themselves ready: and dividing his army into two and thirty battailions, in such order as he meant to give battle, the more to encourage them spoke unto them as followeth: The notable speech of Huniad●s to 〈…〉 against the Tu●ks. At length (valiant soldiers and fellows in arms) the day is come, wherein you may revenge that dishonour, or disgrace, you received in the battle of VARNA; and recover your former credit of constancy, and praise, if you will play the men: the enemy opposeth against you, but these relics of his armies, by you so often broken and discomfited; who although they be in number more than you, yet are they in hope, quarrel, and strength, far inferior. For what can they hope for, which fight not for their own, but for another man's kingdom? and in conquering, procure unto themselves nothing but bondage in this life, and torment in the life to come, and in both perpetual and endless misery? Whereas you on the other side, howsoever the matter fall out, fight for your own kingdom, your children, your country, your houses and altars, may assuredly hope for in both, eternal and undoubted bliss. You have also far greater cause to fight, as they which if they do not valiantly overcome their enemies, are in danger with themselves to lose also all that theirs is. The strength of both are sufficiently tried. Once we unfortunately joined battle at VARNA, where if we might make exchange of our fortunes there found, happily the Turk would make choice of our flight, rather than of the great slaughter of his own men: who being not able to overtake us, was there notably beaten, with the loss of a great part of his army: whose great loss there received, may countervail our dishonour, although the loss, he suffered perforce, but we our flight by choice. But of that our overthrow, the angry powers from above (willing to revenge our breach of faith) were as I verily believe, the cause, rather than our cowardice: for even there, all the authors of that perfidious dealing, even there I say, every one received the just guerdon of their treachery. Whereas we against our wills, drawn into that woeful war, by the mercy of God yet live with you, preserved for the defence of the Christian commonweal, and especially of HUNGARY, that it should not be overrun with the Turkish power and rage. The number of your enemies is not of you to be feared, when as you with few, have oftentimes learned to fight with their multitudes, and carried away from them the victory. Hitherto we have rather fought by the power of God than man, and in the name of Christ jesus our Saviour, have easily overthrown their profane battles. Which way soever we have turned ourselves, in his most mighty name, we have with our victorious arms opened our way, for that we fought under the leading and conduct of the highest, whose help we have always felt at hand: neither shall we thereof this day fail, if we be mindful of his forepast love towards us, and of our wont valour. God is always present with them that in his just quarrel fight courageously. Hereunto is joined the safe manner of our fight, by reason of our men at arms, and barbed horses, who like a strong castle cannot easily be overthrown. Our battalions are such as may easily be commanded, and yet strong enough against our enemies: whereas their great multitude breedeth but confusion. We have many notable and forcible engines of war, which they have not. Besides that, every hour we look for the worthy Scanderbag his coming. The danger is not so great, as that we should fear it; or so little, as that we should contemn it. Back again without victory we may not go, for that our army is hardly by the straits of these mountains to beeled: and if the way were never so easy, yet without doing that we came for, and glory with victory, we may not retire. Unto the valiant, all difficulties are propounded. Wherefore sith this your last labour is at hand, wherein the whole strength of the Turks may be for ever cut off, I pray and beseech you (fellow soldiers) by that God under whose power and protection we serve, and by the love you bear unto your country, your wives, your children, and wealth, upon the signal of battle given, so to show your valo●r, as men resolved to be fully revenged of the injuries by that filthy and wicked nation done both to God and man: and especially of the loss received at VARNA. We lost there a devout king, who for our safety, and for the breach of his faith, sacrificed himself; by which royal sacrifice, that divine anger is appeased: unto whose ghost, I beseech you, in this battle to make an honourable sacrifice. Not forgetting withal, to revenge the death of other worthy men in that battle slain. This fear of the Turks, is at once and even this day to be cut off; and so, as that it should never grow again: and the kingdom of HUNGARY, so to be delivered from the danger of most cruel slavery, as that it may by this days work gain perpetual rest, and glory, unto the enjoying of the pleasures both of this life, and of the life to come. Wherefore (worthy soldiers) we must fight with all our force, for that our honour so requireth, our profit so persuadeth, and necessity enforceth. As for ourselves, howsoever the matter fall out, all shall be with us well: If victory, perpetual bliss and happiness shall thereby be procured unto our country, and immortal fame unto ourselves; but if we shall be overcome, here we shall be most honourably buried in the bed of fame, to live in heaven with God and his saints for ever. Wherefore I beseech you so to fight, as men resolutely set down to overcome, or if it shall otherwise fall out, as men resolved honourably to die. With this the General's speech, all the minds of the hearers were greatly inflamed, and they all by his words, and their own hot desires, sufficiently encouraged. Neither did old Amurath on the other side with less care or diligence marshal his army and encourage his Turks, sparing neither cheerful speech, glorious promises, or severe command: Whose army being brought into the plain, and ranged in order of battle, filled the same from the one side to the other, even unto the very mountains, to the great astonishment of the Christians: and so about nine a clock in the morning set forward. Huniades had from the hill where he lay, sent down both the wings of his army, and had affront on both sides before them, stretched out certain long troops of light horsemen, The great battle of Cosso●● fought betwixt Amurath and Huniades three days together▪ to begin the skirmish: In the midst betwixt both he had placed Zechel, his sister's son, with a strong square battle of men at arms: and such as he had kept aloft upon the hill for reskues, he had compassed about with his wagons, as with trenches. The signal of the battle being given, the fierce and courageous soldiers on both sides, with cheerful minds, began at first to skirmish a far off: but afterwards fortune as it were fawning upon both sides, and their courage thereupon increasing, they began with greater force to fight foot to foot, and hand to hand. Which hot fight, continued about three hours: at length the Turks battle was put to the worst, by Benedict Losoncius, who had the leading of the right wing; and so likewise in the left also by Stephen Bamffi, who with great slaughter had notably foiled the great Bassa of EUROPE, still pressing hard & desperately upon him. Which discomfiture of his men in both wings Amurath beholding, presently sent in strong supplies, & in both places renewed the battle: whereby the Hungarian and Valachian light horsemen before wearied, were enforced to retire unto the men at arms; who ferred together, and standing as a strong wall, easily repulsed the greatest assaults of the Turks: In which manner of fight many were on both sides slain, but far mote of the Turks, by reason they were neither so well horsed nor armed as were the Christians. Huniades in the mean time with the artillery from the hill, did the Turks great harm: which Amurath perceiving, drew as close unto the hill as he could, by that means saving his people (so much as was possible) out of the danger of the artillery, mounted on high above them in such sort, as that it could little or nothing now hurt them. Which Huniades from the hill beholding, came down to the relief of his men, sending new supplies to both wings; sometime encouraging them with cheerful speech, and sometime with his own most valiant hand: unto the weary he sent relief, the fearful he encouraged, them that were flying he stayed, and where he saw the enemies fastest coming on, there was he himself present to meet them, omitting nothing that was of a good General or worthy soldier to be done. The valiant he commended, the coward he reproved, and as a careful General, was himself in every place present. Whereby the battle became so fierce and terrible, that in every place a man might have seen all foully foiled with blood, and the quarry of the dead. Amurath in like manner still sent in new supplies, nothing discouraged with the great loss of his men, presuming upon his multitude, as fully resolved orderly to fight, and to make use of all his forces; in hope at length by continual sending in of fresh supplies, to weary his enemies, whom he saw he could not by force overcome. Wherein he was not deceived, for one battailion of the Hungarians was often times enforced to weary four or five of the Turks before they could be relieved, they came on so fast. That day they dined and supped in the battle, refreshing themselves with such short repast as they could eat standing, going, or riding. The Turks army was that day in every place put to the worst, & often times with great slaughter enforced by the Hungarians to retire almost unto their trenches: yet was the battle still again renewed, and so fought on both sides, as well appeared they were resolved either to overcome, or there to die. This cruel fight maintained all the day, was by the coming on of the night ended, both the armies retiring into their own trenches: but with purpose the next day to renew the battle, and not to give over or turn their backs, until the victory were by dint of sword determined. So with little rest, was that night spent, both armies keeping most diligent watch, all carefully expecting the next day, as by battle therein to try whether they should live or die. It was yet scarce fair day, when both the armies in good order ready ranged began again the battle: The battle begun again the second day. which at the first, was not by the Hungarians fought with such force and courage as before, for there was none of them which had not the day before spent their whole strength; whereas there was yet almost forty thousand of the Turks, Huniades encourageth his soldiers. which either had not fought at all, or but lightly skirmished. Yet Huniades exhorted his soldiers, not by faint hearted cowardice to break off the course of the victory by them the day before so well begun, but courageously to prosecute the same; beseeching them not to be now wanting unto themselves and their country, but to remember how well they had fought the day before, how many thousands of their enemies they had slain, and not now at last to give over, and so shamefully to frustrate all the pains and dangers by them before endured: for that they (as he said) were to be thought worthy of honour, not which began, but which well ended honourable actions. He wished them to set before their eyes the calamities like to ensue, if they should as cowards be overcome: first, the divers kinds of death and torture; then, the slavery of their wives and children; the ravishment of their virgins and matrons; and last of all, the utter destruction of their kingdom, with the horrible confusion of all things, as well sacred as profane: all which were by that one days labour (as he said) to be avoided. And therefore he besought them for the love both of God and man, with their wont valour, that day to set at liberty for ever, themselves, their country, their wives and children, and what soever else they held dear. In like manner also did Amurath encourage his soldiers, with great promises, and threats, persuading them rather to endure any thing, than by that days overthrow to be driven out of EUROPE. He carefully viewed his army, ordered his battles, and with many grave reasons persuaded them to play the men. But after that some light skirmishes being past, both the armies were fully joined, the battle was fought with no less force and fury than the day before. Of the Christians many then wounded, came now again into the battle, there either by speedy death or speedy victory to cure their wounds before received; and there did right good service. Great was the slaughter in every place, neither could the force of the Hungarians be withstood; whose furious impression, when the Turks could not by plain force endure, they began with their fresh horsemen, cunningly to delude their desperate fierceness: at such time as the Hungarians began most hardly to charge them, they by & by turned their backs, suffering them a while to follow after them, far scattered & dispersed: who alured as it were with the hope of a present victory, eagrely pursued them, & in the pursuit slew divers of them. And they again upon a signal given, closing together, & turning back upon the dispersed troops, well revenged the death of their fellows: & with their often charges, & retraits, wonderfully wearied the Hungarians; notably deluding their furious attempts with that uncertain kind of fight, all the day long. Many of the Hungarians were there slain, and the Turks had that day the better, and so both armies being wearied, night and weariness ended the fight: both retiring into their trenches, there keeping most careful watch. The next morning by the dawning of the day, the battle was again begun. Huniades his brother, General of the Null, with his light horsemen setting first forward; after whom in seemly order followed the rest of the nobility, The battle again beg●n the third day. with their companies. Where for certain hours, the battle was hardly fought with like hope on both sides, and a great slaughter made, but especially of the Hungarians; who wearied with the long fight, & most part of them wounded, were now all to endure this third days labour. Zechel (Huniades his sister's son) valiantly fight in the front of the battle, was the first of the leaders there slain in the thickest of the Turks. Emericus Marzalus and Stephen Bamffi, both great commanders, enclosed by the Turks, there died also. Amurath seeing the foremost ensigns of the Christians which stood in Zechel his regiment, taken, and his soldiers (discomfited with the death of their colonel) turning their backs; presently commanded all the companies, which were many (yet left in the trenches, for fresh supplies) to issue forth, and at once to overwhelm the Christians, being (as he said) but few and overwearied with three days continual fight. Upon which the king's command, they fiercely breaking out, presently overthrew both the wings of the Christians, before wavering; and in a great battle (wherein most of the chief commanders were slain, and their ensigns taken) discomfited the rest, and with a great slaughter put them to flight. Huniades seeing his brother now slain, Huniades flieth. the ensigns taken, and the battle quite lost; betook himself to flight also, leaving behind him his tents and baggage, all which shortly after became a prey unto the Turks: who from noon until night furiously followed the chase, with most cruel execution; but at length stayed by the coming on of the darkness, they returned again unto their trenches. The rest of the Turks army that followed not the chase, compassing in the Hungarian camp, were there by the wounded soldiers, the wagoners, and other drudges of the army, kept out so long as they had any shot left; but yet were in the end every mother's son slain, though not altogether unrevenged, two or three of the Turks in many places lying dead by the body of one Hungarian. Amurath to cover the greatness of the loss he there received, commanded the bodies of his captains there slain, to be forthwith buried; and the bodies of his common soldiers, to be for the most part cast into the river SCHICHNIZA: For which cause the inhabitants of the country there by, of long time after abstained from eating of any fish taken in that river. The plain by this great battle made once again famous, lay nevertheless many years alter covered with dead men's bones, as if it had been with stones: neither could be ploughed by the country people, but that long time after armour and weapons were there still in many places turned up and found. Thus albeit that this bloody victory fell unto the Turks, yet was their loss far greater than the Hungarians; having lost (as was reported by them that say least) four and thirty thousand of themselves, for eight thousand of their enemies. Howbeit they themselves report the loss to have been on both sides far greater; The number of the Turks and Christians slain in the battle of Cossova. as that of the Christians were slain seventeen thousand, and of themselves forty thousand: which in so long and mortal a fight, is not unlike to have been true. In this unfortunate battle fell most part of the Hungarian nobility: all, men worthy eternal fame and memory, whose names we for brevity will pass over. Many in the chase taken, and the next day brought to Amurath, were by the commandment of the angry tyrant slain. Such as escaped out of the slaughter by the way of ILLYRIA, returned in safety: but such as sought to save themselves by returning back again through SERVIA the Despots country, found the same so troublesome as that few of them escaped, but that they were by the way either slain, or quite stripped of all they had. Neither was the fortune of the noble Huniades much better than the fortune of the rest, who having on horseback all alone by uncouth and untract ways, travailed three days without meat or drink, and the fourth day tired his horse and cast him off; being on foot and disarmed, fell into the hands of two notable thieves, who in dispoiling him of his apparel, finding a fair crucifix of gold about his neck, fell at strife betwixt themselves for the same: whereby he took occasion to lay hand upon one of their swords, and with the same presently thrust him through; and then suddenly assailing the other, put him to flight also. So delivered of this danger, travailing on, and almost spent with thirst and hunger, the next day he light upon a shepherd, a sturdy rough knave, who hearing of the overthrow of the Hungarians, was (in hope of prey) roaming abroad in that desolate country: Who at their first meeting, strucken with the majesty of the man, stood at gaze upon him; as did also Huniades, fearing in his so great weakness to have to do with him. Thus a while having the one well regarded the other, they began to enter talk, the shepherd bluntly ask him of his fortune; and he for God's sake craving of him some thing to eat. When as the shepherd hearing of his hard hap, moved with his estate, and hope of promised reward, brought him unto a poor cottage not far off, causing to be set before him bread and water, with a few oynions. Who in the pleasant remembrance of that passed misery, would oftentimes after in his greatest banquets say, That he never in his life fared better, or more daintily, than when he supped with this shepherd. So well can hunger season homely cates. Huniades taken prisoner no● by the Despot. Thus refreshed, he was by the shepherd conducted to SYNDIROVIA: whereof the Despot having intelligence (whose country was all laid for the staying of him) caused him by the captain of the castle to be apprehended, and imprisoned. But after certain days spent in talk about his deliverance, it was at length agreed, that all such strong towns in RASCIA and SERVIA, as had by the Hungarians been detained from the Despot, at such time as his kingdom was by king Vladislaus restored unto him, should now be again to him delivered; and that Mathias, Huniades his youngest son, should for the confirmation of farther friendship, marry the Despots daughter: with some other such conditions as it pleased the ungrateful prince for his own behoof to set down. For performance whereof, he required to have Ladislaus, Huniades his eldest son, in hostage. All which Huniades was glad forthwith to yield unto, for fear the false Despot should have delivered him into the hands of Amurath, his mortal enemy. So the hostage being given, Huniades was again set at liberty. Who upon Christmas day coming to SEGEDINUM, was there by all the nobility of HUNGARY, and great concourse of the people, honourably received. This ingratitude of the Despots no less grieved this worthy man, than the dishonour received from the Turk. Wherefore upon the sudden raising a great army, he invaded the territory, long before given to the Despot by the emperor Sigismond in HUNGARY, in exchange of the strong town of BELGRADE, destroying the country before him, and burning the villages, never resting, until he had got into his power whatsoever the Despot had in HUNGARY: & yet not so contented, presently entered into RASCIA, where the Despots ambassadors met him, bringing with them Ladislaus the hostage, honourably rewarded, & humbly craving peace at his hands: which he at the request of the nobility, easily granted, with forgiveness of all former wrongs or injuries. And so having with him concluded a peace, returned back again into HUNGARY. But Fortune never suffereth long the valiant man to rest, but still keepeth him busied, lest he should at too much ease attain unto honour's glory. 1449 The year following, Amurath certainly informed, That George the Despot having of late Huniades in his power, had again set him at liberty: was therewith exceeding wroth, blaming him of great ingratitude, The Despot invaded by Amurath, craveth aid of Huniades. That for a kingdom which he had at his hands received, he had not delivered unto him his enemy, in full recompense thereof: whom of all others he most feared, & therefore likewise wished to have had him perish. In revenge of which injury (as he took it) the melancholy tyrant, sent Fritze-beg and jose-beg, two of his most expert captains, with a strong power to invade RASCIA, the Despots country: who accordingly entering thereinto, strongly fortified CHRYSONICUM, a town before ruinated, upon the side of the river MORAVA, and from thence with fire and sword destroyed the country both far and near. The Despot dismayed with this sudden and unexpected invasion, wist not well which way to turn himself: the angry Turk, he well knew, was not to be appeased without yielding unto some great inconvenience; and to pray aid of Huniades, without which he was not able to withstand the Turks, he thought but vain, for the wrong he had before done him. So that what to do he he wist not: yet had he rather to endure any thing, than again to suffer the heavy bondage of the Turk. In this extremity he thought best to make proof of Huniades, of whom he humbly and not without great shame craved aid. Which the courteous governor, according to his honourable nature, forgetting all former injuries, easily granted: and the rather, for that he desired nothing more, than to be of the Turks in some part revenged of the overthrow from them of late received in the plains of COSSOVA: as also for that he wisely foresaw, That the Despots country being lost, he should have the Turks still braving him even as it were in the gates of HUNGARY. Wherefore having with great speed raised a convenient power, he forthwith in person himself set forward, and at SYNDEROVIA passing over the river DANVEIUS into RASCIA, there joined his power with the Despots, which he found there ready. And so marching forward with such expedition, that he prevented the fame of his coming; and the weather also at the same time as it were favouring his purpose, and covering the country with a thick mist, he was the fourth day upon the Turks before they were aware of him. Who wonderfully dismayed with the sudden coming of the Christians, and upon the breaking up of the mist, discovering also Huniades his ensigns (always unto them dreadful) thought now no more of resistance, or of the ordering of their battle, but as men discouraged, betook themselves to speedy flight. After whom followed the Hungarian and Seruian light horsemen, with most bloody execution having them in chase all that day; Huniades with his men at arms following still after in good order, for fear the Turks should again make head upon the light horsemen that had them in chase. And had not the coming on of the night ended the slaughter, few of the Turks had there escaped: but by the approach thereof many of them got into the woods, and so saved themselves. Fritze-beg the General, with most part of the Turks best commanders, were in that flight taken. Huniades after this victory entering into BULGARIA, came to BUDINA, the metropolitical city of that country, which (as the cause oftentimes of great wars) he burned down to the ground. And so having well revenged himself, and cleared the country of the Turks, he returned back again into SERVIA, and there gave unto the Despot for a present all the prisoners he had taken: and contenting himself with the honour of the victory, returned with triumph to BUDA, there to find no less trouble with the Bohemians, and some of the discontented nobility of HUNGARY, than he had with the Turks, to the great hurt of the Christian commonweal. All this while that Amurath was thus troubled with Huniades and the Hungarians, Mustapha lying still upon the borders of MACEDONIA, as Amurath had commanded; it chanced that a great quarrel grew betwixt the Venetians and Scanderbag, about the inheritance of Lech Zacharie (a noble man of EPIRUS) then shamefully murdered by his unnatural kinsman Lech Duchagne; part of whose inheritance lying in the frontiers of EPIRUS, the Venetians claimed, as belonging to their signory: and having got possession of the city of DAYNA, part thereof, by force held the same against Scanderbag: upon which quarrel great wars arose betwixt the Venetians and him, who had before been very great friends: insomuch, that in the end they joined in battle at the river of DRINE, where the Venetians were by him in a great battle overthrown. Of which troubles Mustapha daily understood, and how that Scanderbag so busied, had left but a small garrison upon the borders of EPIRUS. Wherefore being desirous to redeem his former disgrace with some better hap; he would feign have taken the opportunity now presented, but that his great masters command lay so heavy upon him, as that he durst not without his leave attempt the same; knowing that the danger of his evil fortune, if it should so fall out, would far exceed the uncertain glory of his better success. Yet ceased he not from time to time to give Amurath intelligence of these troubles and wars in EPIRUS, earnestly requesting him not to let slip so fair an opportunity, but to give him leave to enter into the country: in manner, assuring him beforehand of the victory. yet the suspicious old king was long in resolving what to do, still fearing the fortune of his enemy. At length discharged of the fear of the Hungarians, and commending Mustapha his forwardness, he sent unto him a messenger with letters of this purport, answerable to his desire. The wars thou so greatly desirest, Amurath his grave letters of advertisement to Mustapha, concerning his going again into Epirus. behold Mustapha we grant unto thee: the glory thereof (if those things be true which we hear of the Venetian war) thine own valour, and worthy right hand shall give thee: yet thou must warily deal with that enemy, and not rashly take up arms, which thou mayest be enforced shamefully to cast away, when thou thinkest least. Peradventure the counterfeit show of war, and feigned falling out among the Christians, do too much allure thee; for the common saying is, There is no quarrel sooner ended, than betwixt the father and the son: we in person absent, can neither advise thee as present, nor commend a foolish forwardness in arms. Thou must before thou put on arms, dispose of all things, and consider of every particular, which is to be put in execution when thou art in the field. Thou hast a great army of fresh and lusty soldiers, thine enemies are with continual wars wearied and spent: in that remaineth, do as thou thinkest good, for I forbid thee the doing of nothing, which thou thinkest may be for the advancement of our honour. Mustapha having thus obtained leave, and well appointed, with all his forces entered into EPIRUS, hoping in one battle to end that war: which he (presuming upon the strength of his army) many times offered in the plain field. News hereof was brought to Scanderbag (then lying at the siege of DAYNA against the Venetians) from his garrisons lying upon the frontiers of EPIRUS, to whom he addressed a speedy messenger: commanding them in no wise to encounter with the enemy, but to keep themselves within the safeguard of their strong holds, and to protract the time until his coming. Afterwards selecting out of his army five hundredth horsemen, & fifteen hundredth chosen footmen, all old beaten soldiers, he with that small number marched to the place where he knew lay his garrisons entrenched, in the upper country of DIBRA: leaving Amesa his nephew at the siege of DAYNA. Mustapha having many times in vain sought to draw the garrison soldiers out of their trenches by offering them many fair opportunities of advantage, and now out of hope that way to cirumvent them, began to spoil and burn the country round about. But when he understood by his scouts of Scanderbag his coming, he speedily called together his army, and encamped within two miles of Scanderbegs camp, at a place called ORONOCHE, in the upper country of DIBRA. Scanderbag had there in his camp of his garrison soldiers and those he brought with him, four thousand horsemen, and two thousand foot, all old expert soldiers: where, after he had made his trenches strong, he left therein three hundredth of them, and brought the rest into the field in order of battle. Mustapha on the other side likewise brought on in good order his army also. But whilst both armies thus stood ranged one within the view of the other, expecting nothing but the signal of battle, suddenly a man at arms, in gallant and rich furniture, issued out of the Turks army into the midst of the plain betwixt both armies, and from thence with a loud voice challenged to fight hand to hand with any one of the Christian army. This Turk was called Caragusa. At the first Scanderbegs soldiers upon this challenge stood still, one looking upon another; for as they were all ashamed to refuse so brave an offer, so the danger so suddenly offered, stayed every man's forwardness for a while: Until that one Paul Manessi, accounted the best man at arms in Scanderbag his army (upon whom every man's eye was now cast, as if he had been the man by name called out by the proud challenger) not able longer to endure the Turks pride, with great courage and cheerful countenance came to Scanderbag, requesting him that he might be the man to accept that challenge. Who greatly commended him, and willed him on God his name to set forward, first to win honour to himself, and then to give example of his valour for all the rest of the army to follow. Paul staying a while, until he had for that purpose most bravely armed himself, mounted presently to horse, and riding forth into the plain, called aloud unto the Turk, that he should make himself ready to fight. Whom Caragusa required to stay a while that he might speak unto him a few words, indifferently concerning them both. The s●eech of Caragusa the Tu●ke, to Manessi. The victory (said he) our force and fortune shall determine: but the conditions of the victory, we are now to appoint ourselves. If the Destinies have assigned unto thee the honour of this day, I re●use not, but that thou mayest by law of arms, when I am overcome, carry away with thee my rich spoils, and at thy pleasure dispose of my dead body. But if thou shalt fall under my hand, I require that I may have the same right, and power over thy captive body: and that the Generals will grant that no man shall move out of either army, to better the fortune of either of us in the time of the combat, or after. Manessi his stout answer to Caragusa. Whereunto Manessi answered, That he agreed to those conditions of the combat, which he upon a needless fear ●ad so required to be kept: saying, That where the fierce soul had yielded, there of good right all the rest ought to be the conquerors; and that therefore he should fight without fear of any more enemies than himself: whom so soon as he had deprived of life, he should have free power to do with his dead body what he would. Which if thou wouldst give (said he) unto the tears of my fellow soldiers, yet would not worthy Scanderbag suffer the carcase of a vanquished coward to be brought back again into his camp. Caragusa marveled to hear his so brave a resolution, and as it was thought, repented him of his challenge. But after that both the Generals had upon their honours confirmed the laws of the combat before rehearsed, both the Champions were left alone in the midst of the plain between both armies, with all men's eyes fixed upon them. Now both the armies betwixt fear and hope, stood in great expectation of the event of the combat, presaging their own fortunes in the fortune of their Champions. In which time they both having withdrawn themselves one from the other a convenient distance, for the making of their course, and after with great violence running together: Caragusa was by Manessi, at the first encounter stroke through the head and slain. Manessi alighting, disarmed the dead body, and struck off his head: and so loaded with the armour and head of the proud challenger, returned with victory to the army, where he was joyfully received and brought to Scanderbag, of whom he was there presently honourably both commended and rewarded. Scanderbag seeing his men by this good fortune of Manessi greatly encouraged, and the Turks as men dismayed with the death of their Champion hanging their heads, The battle betwixt Scanderbag and Mustapha. like an invincible captain himself set first forward toward the enemy, as it were in contempt of their multitude: and had charged them as they stood, before they had set one foot forward, had not Mustapha to encourage his soldiers, with certain disordered troops opposed himself against him, which the whole army seeing, faintly followed: but as they set forward with small courage, so were they at the first encounter easily driven to retire. Which when Mustapha saw, he called earnestly upon them to follow him, and the more to encourage them by his own example, put spurs to his horse, and fiercely charged the front of Scanderbegs army, as one resolved either to gain the victory, or there to die; after whom followed most of the principal captains of his army, which would not for shame forsake their general: thus by his valour the battle was for a while renewed. But Moses prevailing with great slaughter, in one part of the army, the Turks began to fly: in which flight Mustapha the General, with twelve others of the chief men in that army, were taken prisoners, but of the common soldiers few were saved. There was slain of the Turks army ten thousand, and fifteen ensigns taken, whereas of the Christians were lost but three hundredth. The Turks tents and camp, with all the wealth thereof, became a prey to Scanderbegs soldiers. Wherewith although he had satisfied the desires of them all, yet to keep his old custom, he entered into the confines of MACEDONIA, and there burnt and spoiled all that he could. And afterwards leaving a garrison of two thousand horsemen, and a thousand foot, for defence of his frontiers, returned again with the rest of his army to the siege of DAYNA. Not long after, the Venetians made peace with Scanderbag: and Amurath desirous to redeem his captains, about the same time sent great presents unto Scanderbag, with five and twenty thousand ducats, Mustapha ran●somed. for the ransom of Mustapha, & the other chieftains: whom Scanderbag so honourably used, as if there had never been any hostility betwixt him and them: and so with a safe convoy, sent them out of his country. The ransom of Mastapha and the other Turks he divided amongst his soldiers. When Scanderbag had thus made peace with the Venetians, he forthwith led his army again into MACEDONIA, with the spoil of that country to make his soldiers better pay, as his usual manner was. And to do the greater harm, he divided his army into three parts, wherewith he overrunning the country, wasted and destroyed all before him, putting to the sword all the Turks that came in his way. As for the Christians that there lived amongst them, he spared, but left them nothing more than their lives: the buildings of the country he utterly consumed with fire, so that in all that part of MACEDONIA which bordereth upon EPIRUS, nothing was to be seen more than the bare ground, and the shows of the spoil by him there made. Which unmerciful havoc of all things he made, to the end that the Turks should find no relief in those quarters, whensoever they should come either to lie in garrison in that country, or to invade EPIRUS. The spoil he made was so great, that it was thought he left not in all that country, so much as might relieve the Turks army for one day. Of all these great harms by Scanderbag done in MACEDONIA, Amurath was with all speed advertised, and therewith exceedingly vexed: howbeit he resolved with his great counsellors, no more to send any of his Bassas or captains, but to go himself in person, with such a royal army, as should be sufficient not to conquer EPIRUS, but if need were, to fill every corner thereof. Wherefore he commanded commissions to be speedily directed into all parts of his kingdoms and provinces, for the levying of a great army for HADRIANOPLE: yet whither he intended to employ the same, was not known to any in the Turks court, more than to the Bassas of the counsel. Which caused all the bordering Christian princes to make the best preparation they could for their own assurance, every one fearing lest that growing tempest should break out against himself. But Scanderbag of long acquainted with the Turkish policy, easily perceived all that great preparation to be made against him: which he was the rather induced to think, by reason of the unaccustomed quietness of Amurath, who all that while had neither sent any army to revenge the overthrow of Mustapha, nor so much as a garrison for defence of the borders of his kingdom, but had let all things negligently pass, as if he had been in a dead sleep. Besides that, it was also thought, that he had secret intelligence from some of his old friends and acquaintance in Amurath his court, who probably suspected the matter. Wherefore Scanderbag setting all other things apart, gave himself wholly to the preparing of things necessary for the defence of his small kingdom against so mighty an enemy. First he by letters and messengers advertised all the Christian princes his neighbours and friends, of the greatness of the danger of that war; wherein Amurath (as he said) sought not only his destruction, but the utter ruin of them all: exhorting them therefore to consider, how far the danger of so great an army might extend, and therefore to stand fast upon their guard. Then he sent Moses and other his expert captains into all parts of EPIRUS, to take up soldiers, and all the provision of corn and victuals that was possible to be had. Wherein he himself also busily travailed day and night, not resting until he had left nothing in the country whereupon the enemy might show his cruelty. Most part of the common people with their substance, were received into the strong cities, the rest took the refuge of the Venetian and other Christian princes towns and countries farther off, until this fury was overpast: all such as were able to bear arms, were commanded to repair to CROIA; where when they were all assembled, there were enough to have made a right puissant army. But out of all this multitude Scanderbag made choice only of ten thousand old expert soldiers, whom he purposed to lead himself to encounter with the Turks great army, as he should see occasion: and placed a thousand three hundred in garrison in CROIA. The citizens also themselves were thoroughly furnished with all manner of weapons and other provision meet for the defence of their city. Then proclamation was made, That all the aged men unfit for wars, with the women and children, should depart the city; and none to be therein left but the garrison soldiers, and such citizens as were willing to tarry, and able to bear arms. This city of CROIA was the chief city of EPIRUS, and of the fortune thereof seemed to depend the state of all the other strong towns and cities, and so consequently of the whole kingdom: for which cause, Th● lamentable 〈◊〉 of the ●●●ke citizens' out of Croia. Scanderbag had the greater care for the defence thereof. It was a miserable sight to see the lamentable departure of this weak company out of CROIA: all was full of weeping and wailing; no house, no street, no part of the city was without mourning: but especially in the churches was to be seen the very face of common sorrow and heaviness; where all sorts of people in great numbers flocking together, poured forth their devout prayers, with fountains of tears, wring their hands; yea, and some in the impatiency of their grief forgetting themselves, seemed to expostulate their grief with God. But when their sorrow was with tears assuaged, and their hearts somewhat eased, the aged mothers kissing their sons, gave them many a fearful commandment: sometime rehearsing how lovingly and tenderly they had brought them up, and othersome times showing unto them their feeble limbs and hoary hairs, willing them to be mindful of them: The wives presented their children unto their husbands, bewailing to leave them as childless wydowers, and their houses desolate: The old men mute with sorrow, & careful of their children, durst neither encourage them, for fear of making them too forward; neither dissuade them from adventuring themselves, lest they should seem to love them more than their native country. In the midst of these passions commandment came from Scanderbag, that they must now depart, that the soldiers might take their places & charge. Then began their sorrows afresh, with piteous scriching & tears. A man would have thought the city had even then been presently taken by the Turks. They could hardly be drawn from the embracing of their friends, all now desiring to remain still with them in the city, partakers of their common dangers. But when they saw the officers begin to be earnest upon them, and to hasten their departure, then with heavy hearts they took as it were their last farewell, and departed out of the city, setting their feet many times they wist not where, for desire they had to look back again upon the city. This great multitude was conveyed also into the Venetian cities, and other places free from danger: whither all the country people, which were not before received into the strong cities, resorted also, with all their substance and cattle; leaving nothing in all the country of EPIRUS, but the bare ground for the Turks to prey upon. After this multitude was departed, and all well quieted, and none left in the city but men fit for service, Scanderbag thoroughly stored it with all things needful for the defence thereof, and for the enduring of a long siege: besides that, he gave to every soldier convenient armour, with some small reward. Then he placed Vranacontes (a valiant and famous captain, honourably descended) governor of the city. And so having set all things in order for the safeguard thereof, after he had in few words exhorted them courageously to endure the siege, and not to listen to Amurath his flattering and deceitful charms, he departed out of the city unto his army, then lying within view, and began presently to march towards DYBRA. But he was not far gone, before he met with Moses with a gallant troop of horsemen coming from SFETIGRADE, a strong city of DYBRA, situate in the confines of EPIRUS, bordering upon MACEDONIA: which city was Scanderbag his second care, for that it was like to be the first that should endure the angry tyrant's fury, standing first in his way, as it were the fortress of that country. Moses had there set all things in like order, as had Scanderbag in CROIA; and had there placed one Peter Perlat (a grave and politic man) Governor, with a strong garrison of soldiers chosen out of all the country of DYBRA, which were always accounted the best men of war in all EPIRUS, and was for so doing greatly commended of Scanderbag. Who delivering unto him all the forces he had prepared for the defence of the other castles and cities of EPIRUS, sent him with divers other of his nobility and captains, to take order for the safety of those places, appointing unto every man his charge. Scanderbag cometh to Sfetigrade. As for himself, he with a small troop of horsemen went to SFETIGRADE, careful of that city above measure, as it were before deuining the ensuing danger. Being come thither, and all the soldiers assembled by his commandment into the market place, he there in open audience spoke unto them as followeth: Almighty God could not this day offer unto you (worthy soldiers of SFETIGRADE) better matter: The effectual speech of Scanderbag unto the soldiers and citizens of Sfetigrade, to encourage them against the coming of Amurath. neither could a fairer occasion be presented unto brave minds and soldiers desirous of honour, than that which now hath caused you to take up most just arms. Wherein you may for ever by worthy example make known your constant faith and worthy valour, both towards me in private, and the people of EPIRUS in general. Hitherto we have horn arms for the honour of our kingdom, but now we must fight for our lives, our liberty, and the walls of our country. You must now force yourselves, that you do not by reproach and cowardice stain the worthy praises you have already deserved, by the great victories by you obtained under my conduct. The greatest part of the fortune of this war dependeth upon you: For the first passage of Amurath into EPIRUS (that I myself may be unto you the first messenger of that danger) will be this way: the first fury of the Turks will assail you, that having here as it were broken down the strongest fortress of EPIRUS, he may afterwards break through the country, more subject to danger. The first fruits of this war is yours, you (if you bear the hearts of courageous men, mindful of your liberty) may beat down the proud strength of the haughty enemy, and discourage his high conceits. The Ottoman king shall have the beginning both of his hope and fear, of you: if he shall find you so minded, as I now see you gallantly moved, and with joy hear your violent indignation; he will in every place fear a great force of danger, and thereby learn to abstain from the other cities of EPIRUS: neither will he lie here long at a vain siege, except the wayward old man, will foolishly hereupon gauge all his forces: for such is the situation and strength of this city, that it may easily set at nought an angry enemy. Wherefore resolve with yourselves worthy soldiers and citizens, only by constancy and faithfulness, without bloodshed, to gain unto yourselves an honourable victory. Of your valour (which I willingly speak of) dependeth for the most part the faithfulness of all the rest, they will look upon you whom they may praise or accuse, and whose example they may follow in the fortune of these wars. But to what purpose should men of worth in their actions pretend the necessity of faith, or chance of fortune? whereas, by reason things are both best begun and accomplished. It seldom chanceth, that fortune faileth the sound advice, or is not obedient unto virtue: and you have all things which most politic care could provide for your safety. You want not armour, you want not plentiful provision of victuals, you want not valiant men: the superfluous multitude of unnecessary people, the pitiful lamentation of women, and troublesome crying of children shall not withdraw you from your public charge, from your service and defence of your country; I have left you alone to yourselves, for defence of your city, your religion, and dwellings, that you might be encouraged only with the provocations of honour and liberty, with the emulation of adventure and danger, and the very sight one of another; and I myself will not be far off with my courageous soldiers, a silent beholder and encourager of your virtue: where although I may not avert from you all the force of the cruel enemy by rash adventure, nor try the whole fortune of this war in plain field; yet will I turn a great part of your dangers upon myself, and trouble the enemy's designs, with many a hot skirmish. For as much as there is no better manner of fight, nor safer kind of war, for us amongst such a multitude of men, and so many thousands of soldiers, than never to offer battle unto the enemy in plain field, neither to adventure all upon the fortune of one conflict, although a man did see apparent signs of victory. He will of purpose at the first give us the opportunity of good hap: he will feed our hardiness with the blood of his base soldiers, the easilier to entrap and oppress our rashness, alured with the sweet bait of good fortune: but the crafty devices of the Ottoman king, are by great policy and consideration to be frustrated. This mighty enemy is by little and little to be cut off, as time and place shall give occasion. For truly that victory should be unto me lamentable, which I should buy with the blood of my soldiers: and believe me, it would be unto me a more sorrowful than pleasant sight, to see eight or ten thousand of my enemies slain, with the loss of a few of you. I will praise and honour my subjects of EPIRUS for valiant conquerors, if they shall not suffer themselves to be conquered of the Turkish king. The rest I had rather you courageous soldiers of DIERA should consider with yourselves, than that I should seem to distrust of your assured faith, by giving you a careful and tedious admonition. When Scanderbag had with cheerful persuasion thus encouraged the minds of them of SFETIGRADE, he departed thence, and visited divers other cities of EPIRUS, where finding all things politickely ordered by Moses and the other captains, whom he had put in trust, he returned to his army, then lying near unto CROIA. Whilst Scanderbag was with great carefulness yet thus providing for the safeguard of his kingdom, in the mean time Amurath his army was assembled at HADRIANOPLE, to the number of a hundred and fifty thousand men, whereof many were pioneers, and men appointed for other base services necessary at the siege of towns. Of this great army Amurath sent forty thousand light horsemen before him to SFETIGRADE, who according to his command came and encamped before the city: the news of their coming, with a great deal more than truth, was forthwith brought to Scanderbag, then lying with his small army near CROIA: whereupon he with four thousand horsemen, and a thousand foot, took the way toward SFETIGRADE, and strongly encamped his army within seven miles of the city. Where having set all things in good order, he, accompanied with Moses and Tanusius, went by certain blind ways through the mountains and woods, until he came so near unto the city, that from the place where he stood, upon the top of a hill, he might easily discover in what sort the enemy lay encamped: and so returning back again to his camp, rise with his army in the night following, and drawing as near unto the Turks army as he could, undiscovered, placed all his army in the covert of the woods and secret valleys, A notable stratagem of Scanderbag for the entrapping of his enemies. unperceived of his enemies. After that he sent forth Moses and Musachi his nephew, with thirty of his best horsemen, appareled as if they had been but common soldiers, but passing well mounted, driving before them certain horses laden with corn, by a by-way, as if they had purposed to have secretly got into the city. The day then breaking, they were discovered by the Turks scouts, and set upon: where at the first Moses and the rest began of purpose to fly, but when he saw that they were pursued but with like number to themselves, he returned back upon the Turks, and slew five of them, and chased the rest unto the camp. The General seeing what had happened, sent forth four thousand horsemen to pursue these supposed victuallers: whom they quickly recovered the sight of, for that Moses of purpose had made small haste to fly: but when the Turks began to draw nigh, Moses left the horses laden with corn, and fled; yet so that he still drew on the Turks with hope to overtake him, until he had brought them where Scanderbag with his army lay in wait: by whom they were suddenly assailed on every side, and with great slaughter put to flight. In this conflict, two thousand of the Turks were slain, and a thousand of their horses taken: of the Christians were lost but two and twenty. This was the first welcome of the Turks army to SFETIGRADE. About eight days after came Amurath with all his army, in the beginning of May in the year of our lord 1449, 1449 and having made the greatest show he could with his huge army to terrify the defendants: Amurath cometh to Sfetigrade with his army. he encamped the base sort of his footmen at the foot of the hill, whereon the city stood, and lay himself with his janissaries, and other his most valiant soldiers, about three quarters of a mile further off: where after he had line still one day, & well considered the strength of the place, towards evening he sent a messenger to the city, who requested to speak with the Governor Perlat. Whereof he hearing, came to the wall: of whom the messenger requested, That he would command the soldiers standing by, to go further off, for as much as he had some thing in secret to say unto him from his master. Unto whom Perlat merrily answered: It is like indeed to be some great secret, that you would have kept not only from the hearing of my soldiers, but from the very light of the dale, and therefore have chosen the night: but I have not learned of mine elders, to hear any message from mine enemy by night, neither at any time else out of the hearing of the garrison, to whom Scanderbag hath committed the defence of this city, and I the safeguard of my person: you must therefore at this time pardon me, and to morrow if your master so please, I will hear you at large. And therewith commanded him to depart from the walls. So he returned for that time without audience as he came. It grieved Amurath not a little to see his messenger so lightly regarded: yet forasmuch as he had more hope to gain the city by large offers, or some reasonable composition, than by all his great force▪ he dissembled his wrath: and the next day sent the same messenger again, with one of his Bassas▪ a grave and well spoken man, himself borne in EPIRUS. This Bassa with three soldiers, and two servitors, was by the governors commandment by one of the ports received into the city, and brought into S. Mary's church. Where after he had with great eloquence sought to insinuate himself into the minds of the Governor, and the hearers, and afterwards augmented the terror of Amurath's power beyond all measure, laying before them the great victories by him obtained against the Hungarians, and the other Christian princes: in fine he exhorted them to yield the city unto him, in whose name he promised first that the citizens should in all respects under his government live as they had before done under Sanderbegs; then, that the Governor should receive at Amurath his hands most honourable preferments, with many rich and princely gifts; and that it should be lawful for the garrison soldiers to depart in safety whether they would, and to have three hundredth thousand Asper's divided amongst them in reward. But when the Bassa had ended his speech, the Governor in this sort replied: If you had not delivered this speech unto resolute men, devoted unto the defence of their liberty, it might perhaps have wrought some effect; The resolute answer of Perlat the Governor, unto the Bassa. and we (said he) might peradventure listen unto your offers, if we were either afraid of the Ottoman king, and the vain threats of our enemies; or else were weary of the government of the noble Scanderbag. But forasmuch as no evil desert of his, nor good desert of your masters, hath yet passed, for which we should prefer a stranger before our natural sovereign, an enemy before a friend, a Turk before a Christian; let your master proceed first in his action begun, let him prove his fortune, let him by force terrify us, beat down our walls, make havoc of our men, and by strong hand drive us to humble ourselves at his feet, and to sue for peace: But it were a great dishonour, yea a thing almost to be laughed at, if we should cowardly accept of these conditions by him offered, before any assault given, before one drop of blood spilled, before any soldier did so much as once groan for any wound received, before one stone were shaken in the wall, or any small breach made. But your master shall do better to raise his siege, and get him back again to HADRIANOPLE, there to spend the small remainder of his old years in quiet, and not to provoke us his fatal enemies, whose courage in defence of our liberties, and fidelity towards our prince, he hath so often times proved to his great dishonour, and loss of his armies. The faith I have once given to my Sovereign, for the defence of this city, I will never forget, until the effusion of the last drop of my blood. It shall be unto me reward and honour enough, if I either living defend this city, or with loss of my life shall leave my guiltless soul at liberty, and my carcase amongst the dead bodies of worthy soldiers, when I shall find a way into a far better place. The General having given this resolute answer unto the Bassa, bountifully feasted him that day at dinner, and afterwards led him through the midst of the city: where he saw great store of victuals, by the Governor commanded of purpose to be set in show, to put Amurath out of hope of winning the city by long siege. And so sent the Bassa out by the same port whereby he came in, much discontented with the answer he was to return to his master. When Amurath understood by the Bassa, Sfetigrade assaulted. of the governors resolution, he was therewith exceeding wroth, and thereupon with his great ordinance battered the city three days without intermission. And having by the fury of his artillery made a small breach, he forthwith gave thereunto a most terrible assault, labouring first to win the same by the force and multitude of his common soldiers, which the Turks call Asapi, whom he forced by great numbers to that service. Of these soldiers, the Turk in his wars maketh no great reckoning, but to blunt the swords of his enemies, or to abate their first fury, thereby to give the easier victory to his janissaries and other his better soldiers: which the Ottoman kings hold for good policy. Whilst these forlorn soldiers, without respect of danger pressing forward, are slain by heaps at the breach, the janissaries at the same time in another place attempted to have scaled the walls of the city: but whilst they with much labour and difficulty first crawl up the steep rock whereon the city was built, and afterward desperately mount up their scaling ladders, they were by the defendants with huge stones and weighty pieces of timber cast upon them, beaten down, wherewith they were driven headlong to the bottom of the rock, and so miserably slain. Many of them together with their scaling ladders, were by the Christians thrust from the wall, and tumbling down the rock, violently carried with them others, coming up behind them. Some few got to the top of the ladders, and taking hold of the battlements of the walls, lost some their fingers, some their hands, but most their lives, being beaten down as the other were. Many of them which stood farther off, were then wounded also, and with shot from the walls slain. With this miserable slaughter, and no hope to prevail, the Turks discouraged, began to withdraw themselves from the assault: but the Bassas and captains standing behind them, forced them again forward, exhorting some, threatening others, and beating the rest forward with their truncheons. By which means the assault was again renewed, but not with such courage as before, though with no less slaughter: which the defendants seeing, gave from the walls great tokens of joy and triumph. Amurath perceiving his discouraged soldiers ready of themselves to forsake the assault, presently sent Feri-Bassa (one of his most valiant captains) with a new supply of three thousand chosen soldiers to renew the fight. The Christians well aware of their coming, ceased not with continual shot to beat them from the walls: but such was the forwardness of that fierce captain, that without regard of danger he brought his men to the walls, where the defendants from above overwhelmed them with stones, timber, wild fire, and such other things as are usually prepared for the defence of towns besieged. For all that, Feri-Bassa gave so great an assault, that he slew divers of the defendants upon the walls, and had there forcibly entered, had not the Governor perceiving the danger, with a company of fresh soldiers come with speed to the defence of that place; The Turks 〈…〉. whereby the enemy was presently repulsed, and driven again from the walls. Amurath seeing the great slaughter of his men, and no hope of success, caused a retreat to be sounded, and so leaving the assault, retired again into his camp. The great loss and dishonour at this assault received, much troubled his wayward mind: who for all that yet ceased not to give the like vain attempts. At length the captain of the janissaries perceiving that part of the city which was farthest from the camp, to be commonly but slenderly manned, by reason that it seemed a place impregnable, both for the height and steepness of the rock; told Amurath, That he would assay (if it so pleased him) secretly in the night to attempt by that place to enter the city: where as they thought nothing was more to be feared, than the height thereof, which they supported with the wings of desire, doubted not to mount unto. This his device exceedingly pleased the king, and was the next night with great silence put in execution. But such was the carefulness of the Governor over every part of his charge, that nothing could be done against the same, The janissaries desperately attempt to surprise the city. but that it was by him forthwith discovered. The Governor advertised by the watch, of the Turks attempt; with great silence presently repaired to the place with a great company of the garrison soldiers, and standing close, from the top of the wall beheld the Turks, as it had been a swarm of Emmets climbing up the high rocks, and one helping up another by such desperate way, as was in reason to have been thought no man would have attempted. But when they were come to the top of the rock, & now even ready to enter, they were from above suddenly overwhelmed, as it had been with a shower of shot, and so violently forced down that high rock, that most part of them which had got up to any height, were miserably crushed to death either with the weight of themselves, or of others falling upon them, and many of the rest slain with shot from the top of the rock: The janissaries repulsed. whereof Amurath presently understanding, was therewith exceedingly grieved. During the time of this siege, Scanderbag never lay long still in one place, but removed continually from place to place, as best served his purpose, breaking sometimes into one quarter of the Turks camp, and sometime into another, and straightway so suddenly gone again and as it were vanished out of sight, that Amurath many times wondered what was become of him. At this time, being the latter end of june, he was come with his army within eight miles of Amurath's camp: and from thence sent Moses his greatest captain, in the attire of a common soldier, with two other, to take view how the enemy lay encamped. By which trusty espials he was informed, That the Turks lay in great security, as men without fear, keeping but negligent watch. Of which opportunity, Scanderbag rejoicing, the night following suddenly assaulted one quarter of the Turks camp. Whose coming, although it was a little before by the Turks scouts discovered; yet his furious assault was so sudden and so forcible, that he slew two thousand of the Turks, and filled every corner of that great camp with fear and tumult, before they could well arm themselves or make resistance. After which slaughter he safely retired, carrying away with him two hundred and thirty horse, with seven of the Turks ensigns, having in this skirmish lost of his men but two and forty: whose dead bodies the Turks the next morning in revenge of their slain friends hewed into small pieces. Upon these great disgraces one following in the neck of another, Amurath having no other object but the city to show his fury upon, gave three fierce assaults unto the same, one after another, and was always with loss both of his men and honour repulsed. But the more he lost, the more he burned with desire of revenge, persuading his soldiers, That as the strongest cities and fortresses were built by men's hands, so were they to be overthrown and laid even with the ground by resolute and valiant men: encouraging them to a fresh assault, with greater promises of reward than ever he had done before in all his wars, from the first beginning of his reign. And because he would with more safety give this his last and greatest assault, he appointed Feri-Bassa, with twelve thousand horsemen and six thousand foot to attend upon Scanderbag, if he should hap to come (as he thought he would) to trouble the assault, by assailing of his camp. Feri-Bassa glad of this charge, well hoping now to redeem his former overthrow with some great victory, and leading forth his army a little from the camp, as he was commanded, so lay; wishing for nothing more than the coming of Scanderbag, vainly boasting, That he would seek him in the field, and there try his force and fortune with him hand to hand: which he did shortly after to his cost. When Amurath had thus set in order all things requisite, as well for the siege, as for the safeguard of his camp: the next morning he compassed the city round about with his army, and covered the ground with his men of war, purposing at that time to gauge his whole forces upon the taking thereof. The walls he had before in some places battered, so much as was possible; and yet but so, as that they were not without scaling ladders to be assaulted: partly for the natural strength of the place, and partly for that the defendants had with great diligence continually repaired and filled up with earth what the fury of the cannon had thrown down. This assault Amurath began first with his archers and small shot, which delivered their arrows and bullets upon the top of the wall, and into the city, as if it had been a shower of hail, thereby to trouble the stationary soldiers. In this heat, ladders were clapped to the walls in every place where any could be possibly reared, and the Turks began desperately to scale the walls: but the Christians nothing dismayed thereat, with great courage resisted them, and with shot from their safe standings wounded and slew many of them: yet others still pressed up in the places of them that were slain, so that the assault became most terrible in many places at once, but especially near unto the great gate of the city; where the Turks had upon the sudden with ladders, timber, and planks clapped together, raised close unto that tower, as it had been a wooden tower, equal in height to the wall; from whence the Turks greatly distressed the Christians in that place, fight with them as if it had been upon even ground, still sending up fresh soldiers in stead of them that were slain: and thereby prevailed so far, that they had set up certain of Amurath his ensigns upon the wall, to the great comfort of the Turks, and astonishment of the besieged Christians. The Governor seeing the imminent danger, hasted to the place with a company of fresh and valiant soldiers, by whose force the Turks were quickly repulsed from the wall, their ensigns taken and sent into the market place: the tower of wood with many ladders and much timber by the Turks brought to that place, was quickly consumed with wild fire cast upon the same from the walls. Perlat having delivered the city of this fear, presently placed fresh soldiers in stead of them which were slain or hurt, and so worthily defended the city. Whilst Amurath was giving this great assault to Sfetigrad, Scanderbag to withdraw him from the same, Scanderbag cometh to trouble the assault, and 〈◊〉 met with by Feri-Bassa▪ came with nine thousand soldiers to assail the Turks camp, as Amurath had before suspected, and was now come very near the same. Feri-Bassa glad of his coming, opposed his army against him: which Scanderbag seeing, retired a little, of purpose to draw the Bassa farther from the camp, and then forthwith began to join battle with him. The Bassa considering the small number of his enemies, and his own greater power, withdrew four thousand horsemen out of his army to fetch a compass about, and to set upon the rearward of Scanderbegs army: hoping so to enclose him, that he should never escape thence, but there either to be slain or taken alive, and his army utterly defeated. But the expert captain perceiving his purpose, to meet therewith, left Moses to lead the main battle, and he himself with two thousand horsemen, so valiantly charged those four thousand of his enemies before they were well departed from the rest of the Bassa's army, that they had now more cause to look to their own safety, than how to cirumvent others. In this conflict Feri-Bassa hand to hand, as he had oft times before desired, encountering with Scanderbag, was by him there slain. All this while that Scanderbag was in fight with Feri-Bassa in the right wing of the army, and Musachie in the left, Moses stood fast, receiving the assault of the enemy without moving any thing forward, expecting the success of the wings. But Scanderbag having discomfited the right wing, and slain the General, coming now in, he set forward with such force and courage, that the Turks not able longer to abide his force, turned their backs and fled: of whom many were slain in this chase, though Scanderbag doubting the great power of his enemy so nigh at hand, durst not follow them far; but sounding a retreat, put his army again in good order, for fear of some sudden attempt from the camp, and after appointed some of the meanest of his soldiers to take the spoil of the slain Turks. When Amurath had understood what had happened to Feri-Bassa, he was so overcome with anger and melancholy, that for a while he could not speak one word: but after the heat was a little past, he commanded certain small pieces of ordinance, which he had before used against the city, to be removed into the camp, and there placed upon that side which was most in danger to the enemy. He also presently sent thither four thousand soldiers to join with the remainder of Feri-Bassaes army, for defence of the camp, with strait charge that they should not issue out of the trenches. Nevertheless he himself continued the assault of the city all that day: but when night drew on, and no hope appeared for him to prevail, he caused a retreat to be sounded, and leaving the assault, he returned again into his camp. At this assault Amurath lost seven thousand men, beside many that died afterwards of their wounds; but of the garrison soldiers were slain but seventy, and ninety more hurt. The terror of the turkish army, began now to grow into contempt throughout EPIRUS; and Scanderbag was in good hope, that Amurath after so many overthrows and shameful repulses, would at length raise his siege and be gone: yet he sent spies continually to discover what was done in the Turks camp, and he himself with two thousand soldiers would oftentimes show himself upon the sides of the mountains near unto Amurath his camp, of purpose to draw the Turks out, that he might take them at some advantage. But the old king had given commandment upon pain of death, that no man should go out of the trenches without leave, or once to speak of giving battle or assault: so that he lay certain days in his camp, not like a king besieging of a city, but more like a man besieged himself: the which his still lying, Scanderbag had the more in distrust, fearing greatly that he was hatching some mischief, which so soon as it was ripe would violently break out. Amurath by gre●● p●●mise● seeketh to corrupt the garrison of Sfetigrade. Amurath considering with what evil success he had many times assaulted the city, and holding it for a great dishonour to raise his siege and depart, having done nothing worth the remembrance; thought good once again to prove, if it were possible to overcome the minds of the garrison soldiers with gifts, whom he was not able to subdue by force. For which purpose he sent an ambassador unto the city, offering unto the besieged and garrison soldiers easy conditions of peace, with such large gifts and rewards as had not been heard offered to any garrison in former time. All which his magnifical promises were lightly rejected by the common consent of all the whole garrison, preferring their faithful loyalty before all his golden mountains. For all that, Amurath was in good hope, that amongst so many, some would be found into whose minds his large offers might make some impression: wherein he was not deceived. For one base minded fellow amongst the rest, A traitor corrupted with Amurath his L●●ge promises, conspireth to betray the city. corrupted with the Turks great promises, preferring his own private wealth, before the welfare of his country, waiting his time, had secret conference with the Turks espials, and promised upon assurance of such reward as was before by Amurath proffered, to find means that in few days the city should be yielded into his power. This corrupted traitor, had laid many mischievous plots for the effecting of this horrible treason: but the first device he put in practice, which of all others a man would have thought to have been of least moment, served his wicked purpose in stead of all the rest. All the garrison souldidiours of SFETIGRADE were of the upper country of DIBRA, put into that city; by Moses▪ for their approved valour above all the other soldiers of EPIRUS. But as they were men of great courage, so were they exceeding superstitious both in their religion and manner of living, putting nice difference betwixt one kind of lawful meat and other: accounting some clean, some unclean; abhorring from that, which they fond deemed unclean, with more than a jewish superstition, choosing rather to die than to eat or drink thereof: such is the strong delusion of blind error, where it hath thoroughly possessed the minds of men. The city of SFETIGRADE (as is aforesaid) is situate upon the top of a great high rock▪ as most of the cities of EPIRUS now be, and was then watered but with one great well in the midst of the city, which sunk deep into the rock, plentifully served both the public and private use of the inhabitants. Into this common well the malicious traitor in the night time cast the foul stinking carrion carcase of a dead dog, The carcase of a dead dog cast by the traitor into the common 〈◊〉 that served the city. knowing, that the conceited garrison soldiers of DYBRA would rather endure the pains of death, and starve, or else yield up the city upon any condition, than to drink of that polluted water. In the morning when the stinking carrion was espied, and drawn out of the well, the report thereof was quickly bruited in every corner of the city, and that the well was poisoned: so that all the people were in manner in an uproar about the finding out of the traitor. The citizens were exceeding sorry for that had happened, but the garrison soldiers detested that loathsome and unclean water (as they accounted it) more than the Turkish servitude, protesting, that they would rather perish with thirst, than drink thereof. Whereupon some of them desired to set fire upon the city, and whilst they had yet strength, to break through the enemy's camp or there manfully to die. And they which thought best of the matter, requested, That the city might be yielded up: for now, they discouraged with a superstitious vanity, could be content to hearken to the former conditions of peace, yea they were ready enough of themselves to sue unto Amurath for peace, though it had been upon harder terms. The Governor troubled with that had happened, The Governor in vain seeketh to pe●sua●e the garrison soldiers to dringe of the water of the well▪ and astonished to see so great an alteration in the minds of his soldiers upon so small occasion, could not tell whether he might think it to proceed of a superstitious conceit, or of some secret compact made with Amurath. But the better to pacify the matter, he came into the market place, and there in the hearing of all the garrison, with many effectual reasons, exhorted them to continue faithful unto their prince and country in that honourable service; and in a matter of so great consequence to make small reckoning to use that water, which would easily in short time be brought again to the wont purity and cleanness: And to persuade them the rather, he went presently to the well himself, and in the sight of them all drunk a greater draft of the water, whose example the citizens following, drank likewise. But when it was offered to the captains and soldiers of the garrison, they all refused to taste thereof, as if it had been a most loathsome thing, or rather some deadly poison, and with great instance cried unto the Governor, to give up the city: for which cause many thought they were corrupted by Amurath his great promises. Howbeit none of that garrison (except that one traitor) did ever afterwards revolt unto the Turkish king, or yet appeared any thing the richer for any gift received, whereby such suspicion might be confirmed. When the Governor saw that the obstinate minds of the garrison were not to be moved with any persuasion or reward (whereof he spared not to make large promise) nor by any other means which he could devise: he called unto him his chief captains, with the best sort of the citizens, & resolved with them full sore against his will, to yield up the city to Amurath, upon such conditions as they themselves there agreed upon: which were, That it should be lawful for all the captains and soldiers to depart in safety with their armour and all other things; and that so many of the citizens as would stay, might there still dwell in the city, in such sort, as they had done before, under the government of Scanderbag; the rest that listed not to remain there still, might at their pleasure with bag and baggage depart whether they would. Glad was Amurath when this offer was made unto him, and granted them all that was desired, saving that he would not consent that the citizens should continue in the city, yet was he content that they should live under him as they had before done, quietly enjoying all their possessions, but to build their houses without the walls of the city: which condition some accepted, and some forsaking all, went to Scanderbag. When all was thoroughly agreed upon, the keys of the gates were delivered to Amurath, and the Governor with the captains and all the garrison soldiers suffered quietly to pass through the Turkish camp, as the king had promised. Howbeit, Mahomet the son of Amurath, a prince of a cruel disposition, earnestly persuaded his father, to have broken his faith, and to have put them all to the sword: saying, it was one of their prophet Mahomet's chief commandments, to use all cruelty for the destruction of the Christians. But the old king would not therein hearken unto his son, saying, That he which was desirous to be great amongst men, must either be indeed faithful of his word and promise, or at leastwise seem so to be, thereby to gain the minds of the people, who naturally abhor the government of a faithless and cruel prince. A traito●●orth●ly rewarded according to his treason. The traitor which corrupted the water, remained still in the city, and was by Amurath rewarded with three rich suits of apparel, and fifty thousand Asper's, and had given unto him besides a yearly pension of two thousand ducats. But short was the joy the traitor had of this evil gotten goods: for after he had a few days vainly triumphed in the midst of Amurath his favours, he was suddenly gone, and never afterwards seen or heard tell of: being secretly made away (as was supposed) by the commandment of Amurath: whose noble heart could not but detest the traitor, although the treason served well his purpose. Amurath entering into SFETIGRADE, caused the walls to be forthwith repaired, and placed one thousand two hundred janissaries in garrison there. And raising his camp the first of September, departed out of EPIRUS, having lost thirty thousand of his Turks at the siege of SFETIGRADE; much grieved in mind for all that, that he could not vanquish the enemy, whom he came of purpose to subdue. In his return, the viceroy of ASIA marched before him with the Asian soldiers; in the rearward followed the viceroy of EUROPE with his Europeian soldiers; in the midst was Amurath himself, compassed about with his janissaries and other soldiers of the court. Scanderbag understanding of Amurath his departure, followed speedily with eight thousand horsemen, and three thousand foot, and taking the advantage of the thick woods and mountain straits (to him well known) whereby that great army was to pass, oftentimes skirmished with the Turks, charging them sometime in the vaward, & sometime in the rearward, sometime on the one side, and sometime on the other, and slew many of them: whereby he so troubled Amurath his passage, that he was glad to leave the viceroy of ROMANIA, with 30000 to attend upon Scanderbag, that he himself might in the mean time with more safety march away with the rest of his army. Scanderbag perceiving the stay of the viceroy, ceased to follow Amurath further, fearing to be enclosed between those two great armies. The viceroy seeing that Scanderbag was retired, after he had stayed a few days, followed his master to HADRIANOPLE, and so Scanderbag returned to CRO●A. Shortly after the departure of Amurath out of EPIRUS, Scanderbag left two thousand soldiers upon the borders for defence of the country against the Turks. These soldiers so straightly kept in the janissaries left in garrison at SFETIGRADE, that they could not look out of the city, but they were intercepted and slain. And within a few days after came himself with an army of eighteen thousand, and laid siege to SFETIGRADE the space of a month, which was from the middle of September until the middle of October. In which time he gave two great assaults to have recovered the city, but was both times repulsed, with the loss of five hundred men. Amurath understanding that Scanderbag lay at the siege of SFETIGRADE, sent with all speed to recall his army, but lately before dispersed. Whereof Scanderbag having intelligence, considering also the difficulty of the enterprise, with the approach of Winter, raised his siege, and returned to CROIA: where he set all things in the same order he had done before the coming of Amurath to the siege of SFETIGRADE, and put two thousand of his best soldiers there in garrison, under the charge of the famous captain Vranacontes, and stored the city with sufficient victual for a years siege, wherein he had great help from the Venetians and other Christian princes, for that there was then great scarcity of all things in EPIRUS, by reason of the late wars. The like care he had also of all the rest of his cities, being continually advertised from his secret friends in the Turks court of the great preparation intended against him by the Turkish king, against the beginning of the next Spring. 1450 Amurath understanding that Scanderbag was departed from SFETIGRAD, changed his former determination for the calling back again of his army, Amurath assembleth again his army at Hadrianople. & appointed it to meet again at HADRIANOPLE, in the beginning of March following: whether the Bassas, and other great commanders, at the time appointed assembled with their companies, according as Amurath had before commanded. So that by the latter end of march, he had there in readiness an army of an hundredth and threescore thousand men strong. Of which great multitude, he after the manner of the Turkish wars, sent forty thousand horsemen, under the leading of Sebalyas a politic captain, as his vauntcourriers into EPIRUS, in the beginning of April, in the year 1450. The valiant captain with great speed and no resistance entered into EPIRUS, as was given him in charge, and without let came to CROIA: where, after he had advisedly considered of the scitu●ation thereof, and of the places thereabouts, he strongly encamped himself near thereunto in the pleasant plain called TYRANNA: and there within his trenches kept his soldiers close, attending nothing more, but that no new supply of men, munition, or victuals, should be conveyed into the city, more than was therein before his coming. For he was not able with his horsemen to do any thing against the city: and Scanderbag had left nothing abroad in the country subject to his fury. Besides that, he was expressly by Amurath forbidden, to attempt any thing against Scanderbag himself. After Sebalyas had twenty days thus line encamped before CROIA, neither doing nor taking harm; Amurath by reason of his great age, having marched oftentimes but five miles a day, came thither also with his whole army, wherewith he filled all the country round about: the very sight whereof, had been enough to have discouraged the small garrison in CROIA, had they not been men both of great experience and resolution. Where after he had spent four days in settling of his camp, he sent two messengers to the Governor (as the manner of the Turks is) offering him if he would yield up the city, that it should be lawful for him with all his soldiers in safety with bag and baggage to depart; and the Governor himself to receive in reward two hundredth thousand aspers, with an honourable place amongst the great Bassas of his court, if it would please him to accept thereof: and further, that the citizens should enjoy all their ancient liberties as in former time, without any alteration; with promise also of greater▪ These messengers coming to the gates of the city, could not be suffered to enter, but standing without, were commanded there to deliver their message. Which when the Governor had heard, he scornfully rejected their offers, and returned the messengers shamefully derided by the soldiers which stood upon the wall. Amurath more offended with this contempt, than the refusal of his offers; and seeing no other means to gain the city, converted all his devices unto the siege thereof. Wherefore he first commanded ten great pieces of artillery to be forthwith cast, for he had brought none with him ready made, because of the difficult passage over the high mountains into EPIRUS; whereby it seemed to be a matter of infinite trouble to have brought his great ordinance: and therefore carried with him great store of metal in mass, whereof at his pleasure to make his great artillery as he saw cause. In fifteen days this work was brought to perfection, and ten pieces of huge greatness were ready mounted upon carriages. Six of them he placed against the East side of the city, towards the plain of TYRANNA, and the other four against the gate: in which two places only, CROIA was subject to battery, being on all other parts naturally defended with impregnable rocks, Croia ba●●red. upon the tops whereof were built fair battlements more for beauty than needful defence. These two places Amurath battered four days continually, and with the fury of his artillery had in both places beaten down half the wall, and sore shaken the rest. Wherewith the Turks were exceedingly encouraged, and with great cheerfulness made all things ready to assault those breaches, whensoever Amurath should command, striving among themselves who should show himself most forward in that dangerous enterprise. And Mahomet the young prince, the more to encourage the soldiers, besides the great rewards by his father proposed, promised of himself to give an hundredth thousand aspers to him that should first set up an ensign upon the walls of the city. The garrison soldiers on the other side, considering that the whole state and welfare of EPIRUS was reposed in their valour; and that the eyes of most part of Christendom were as it were fixed upon them, were nothing dismayed with the breaches made, but manfully comforted and encouraged one another to endure all manner of peril and danger that might possibly chance: but especially the worthy Governor Vranacontes, who going through the midst of his soldiers, and shaking some of them by the hands, withal said: These, The cheerful speech of Vranacontes the Governor to encourage his soldiers. these are the fortresses of our city, these are the invincible bulwarks, these are the irremovable stones and surest cement. What honour? what praise? what triumph should we hope for? if these walls standing whole and strong, we should lie shrouded under the defence of them, and not they defended by us? So can cowards defend cities, and sheep fear not the wolves rage, when they are safely shut up within the walls of their sheepcoats: But that is the praise of the walls, and not of the men. Worthy Castriot▪ our prince hath commended this his city to be defended by us, and not us by it: Honour is attended upon with danger, and fostered up amongst perils: every base mariner may be a master in fair weather: and firm things stand of themselves and need not our upholding. Wherefore, men of worth shun such things, which being kept or lost, yield like praise. Things ready to fall need shoaring, and thither hasteth honour; and there (worthy soldiers) appeareth courage and valour. Wherefore let our valiant right hands defend these broken breaches, and in stead of these dead walls, courageously oppose our lusty and lively armed bodies against the force of our enemies. If these walls stood still firm, and unbattred, you should then fight from the top of them like women; but now that they are something shaken, you shall as men stand upon somewhat more even ground, and encounter your enemy's hand to hand, the better to satisfy your furious desire. Where I also in the thickest, shall easily view and judge of every man's private courage, in particular, and of all your valour in common. And yet if we well consider of the matter, the place itself doth yet notably make for us; and our former good hopes are little or nothing by these small breaches diminished: For, this rising of the hill (not possible to be taken from us) although it be not so high as it is in other places, yet doth it not serve us sufficiently at great advantage to charge our enemies, and hinder their assault? the steepness whereof, as it will be troublesome unto them, so will it keep us most fresh in strength: and make our shot more forcible. Wherefore this had been a thing of us to have been wished for, if we desire the slaughter of our enemies at this siege; or if we wish for perpetual honour and glory by this war. For this breach of the walls will encourage these barbarians, & allure their armed men to climb up in greater multitude than if the walls were whole; whereof so many shall on every side be easily slain, as we shall but aim at: except you had rather sit still, holding your hands together in your bosoms as cowards: Their dead bodies shall fill up the breaches again, if you be men mindful of your liberty. What is there (worthy captains and soldiers) that letteth our victory? or memorable slaughter of our enemies? by whom only these two places of the city can be assaulted: all the rest is out of danger, and fears no enemies force. Here only is the pains to be taken, this only is left for you to defend, and here shall you all be: the courage, force, and strength of you all shall in this place appear. How will you so many worthy captains, and valiant soldiers, in so little room bestow yourselves? we are too many defendants for so small breaches. Yet let us play the men, and do our endeavour: let us in one conflict weaken the tyrant's strength, and burst his proud heart; he will forsake this city, and raise his siege unfortunately begun, so soon as he shall see his first assault to cost him the lives of so many thousands of his men. When Vranacontes had with this comfortable speech thus encouraged his soldiers, against the assault which he expected the next day; Croia assaulted. and had with great care and diligence set all things in order for the same, and repaired the breaches as well as was possible in that case: he gave them leave for that night to take their rest. In the morning Amurath commanded the assault to be given to both the breaches, which was forthwith by the Turks cheerfully begun, and every man busy to perform the service he was appointed unto. But by that time that the assault was well begun, a sudden alarum was raised throughout all the Turks camp: for Scanderbag with five thousand valiant soldiers, had suddenly broken in upon one side of the Turks great camp, and at the first encounter had slain six hundredth of the Turks, and was now spoiling their tents. The rumour whereof, troubled the whole camp, and made the Turks with less courage to assault the breaches, for fear of the danger behind them. Amurath although he had great confidence in them whom he had before left for the safeguard of his tents, yet for more surety sent Seremet one of his greatest captains, with four thousand soldiers back into the camp, for more surety: saying, That nothing could be too sure, against that wild beast: meaning the fury of Scanderbag. Mahomet also the young prince, hasted thither in great choler with his guard, much against his father's will. But Moses, Scanderbag his lieutenant, knowing himself too weak to withstand the multitude that was swarming thither (contenting himself with that which was already done) had before Mahomet his coming, speedily retired with all his army into the safeguard of the mountains, from whence he came: having done great harm in the Turks camp, with the loss but of ten men. Scanderbag in the heat of this skirmish, forgetting himself, had so far engaged himself among the Turks, Scanderbag in danger. that he was by them on every side enclosed, and in great danger to have been slain or taken: yet valiantly breaking through them, he escaped the danger and recovered the mountains, and with much ado came at length to his camp, to the great joy and comfort of them all, being before in great fear he had been lost. This was accounted the greatest oversight of Scanderbag in all his wars, for so much as the office of a good General consisteth not in adventuring of his person to manifest danger, but in the politic government of his charge. During the time that Scanderbag thus assailed the Turks camp, Amurath but faintly assaulted the breaches; expecting the success in the camp: but when he understood that Scanderbag was retired and all quieted, he brought all his forces to the walls, and first with the multitude of his archers and small shot, laboured to drive the defendants from the walls, overwhelming them with arrows falling as thick as hail. And likewise at the same time other common soldiers of base account, brought scaling ladders and other things needful for the scaling of the walls. After whom also followed the janissaries and other chosen soldiers, ready to mount the ladders as soon as they should be set to the walls. But whilst they climb up the high hills in this order, the garrison soldiers made such slaughter of them with shot from the walls and out of the city, that they would have presently retired, had they not been forced forward by their captains, who spared neither stripes nor wounds when words would not serve. By this tyrannical means, the scaling ladders were with great slaughter of the common soldiers set up against the walls, and the Turks climbing up, came to handy blows with the defendants at the breaches: nothing was to be heard, but the crying of people, the clattering of armour, and the instruments of war, which was terribly redoubled with the echoes from the mountains round about. The Turks doing what they might to win the breaches, were by the Christians worthily repulsed, & with their ladders tumbled headlong down the mountain, with such horrible slaughter and discomfiture, especially of the common soldiers, that none of them would set one foot forward again towards the walls, although they had small hope to save themselves by retiring back: for the fierce young prince Mahomet, even then making show of his cruel disposition, caused them that returned, to be slain, by the terror thereof to drive others forward. These common soldiers whom the Turks make small reckoning of, are for most part miserable Christians, which live in such countries as had sometimes received the faith of Christ, but are now under the Turkish slavery; of which sort of wretched people, the Turkish tyrants draw with them great multitudes in their wars, most commonly unarmed, because they dare not well trust them in wars against the Christians: these carry all the baggage of the camp, these serve to fetch wood and water for other soldiers of better account, these serve in steed of pioneers to cast trenches and raise bulwarks: and when battle is to be given, if it be in plain field, these have then weapons put into their hands, and thrust into the forefront of the battle to blunt the enemy's swords: but if a city be to be besieged, these serve as fit matter to fill the ditches with their dead bodies, or to make bridges for other soldiers to pass over upon: and if they shrink to attempt any thing they are commanded, then are they more cruelly used by their commanders than by their enemies. When Amurath saw his soldiers so discouraged, he stood in doubt whether it were better for that time to sound a retreat, or to send a new supply: but being enraged with the loss of his men, and desirous to be in some part revenged, he sent divers companies of his better soldiers for the encouragement of them which were before discouraged, and so gave a fresh assault. But with as evil, or worse success than before: for Vranacontes had withdrawn from the breaches all those soldiers which had endured the former assault, and placed other fresh and lusty men in their steed; who encouraged with the former victory, and loath to be accounted inferior to their fellows, repulsed the Turks with double slaughter: until that the aged king, not able longer to behold the endless loss of his men, caused a retreat to be sounded; which all his soldiers were glad to hear, and so returned into his camp, having lost in those two assaults eight thousand men, without any notable harm done unto the defendants worth the remembrance. This shameful repulse much grieved all the captains and commanders of Amurath's army, Mahomet thinking to deceive Scanderbag, is himself by him deceived. but especially Mahomet the young prince, whose violent nature unacquainted with mishap burned impatiently with revenge. Wherefore understanding that Scanderbag lay entrenched upon the mountain of TUMENIST not far from his father's army, he drew most of the best and readiest soldiers of all the whole camp, into that quarter which was nearest unto Scanderbag: of purpose that if he should again assail the camp in that place (as it was most like he would) he should be encountered with so many brave and valiant men there in readiness, as that it should be hard for him either to do any great harm, or for himself to escape. Of all which, Scanderbag by certain fugitives had intelligence, as also in what order the camp lay: Whereupon he left Moses with five hundredth soldiers in the place where he lay, taking order with him before his departure, that he at a certain appointed hour in the night following, should assail the Turks camp in the quarter next unto him where Mahomet lay; and having there raised some tumult, speedily to retire again to his assured strength in the mountain. Scanderbag himself with the whole strength of his army, in number about eight thousand, in the mean time took a compass about, and by certain secret byways through the woods and mountains, came unto the farther side of the Turks army, to a place called MOUNTECLE. The night following▪ Moses at the appointed hour with his five hundredth soldiers assailed that part of the Turks camp next unto him, with such noise & tumult, as if it had been some great army. By occasion whereof, all the Turks camp was in alarm, and drew in haste to that place where they heard that great tumult, as was before by Mahomet commanded. When at the same instant, Scanderbag with all his army broke into the other side of the Turks camp, where he was least feared or looked for, and from whence the best soldiers were before drawn by Mahomet: and there made such slaughter and havoc of the rest, not knowing which way to turn themselves, that the loss a little before received under the walls of CROIA was now forgot, as a small thing in comparison of this. Moses having raised a great fear, and done little harm, retired in safety to his well known strength: and Scanderbag having made great spoil in the camp, fearing to be oppressed with the multitude of his enemies if he should there longer stay, returned in good time, having scarce lost one man. Amurath after this great loss and trouble of his camp, withdrew most of his small ordinance which he had before bend against the city, into his trenches, placing it as commodiously as he might for the defence thereof against the sudden attempts of Scanderbag. Yet for as much as he could not in that hot season of the year so closely encamp his great army, but that some part thereof would still be in like danger as before; he therefore appointed Sebalias with sixteen thousand soldiers to attend upon Scanderbag, that he should no more trouble the whole camp. After which order taken, he battered the walls of CROIA afresh, and with his great ordinance overthrew whatsoever the citizens had repaired, making the breaches greater and more saultable than before, intending once again by a new assault to prove his fortune, and the force of his soldiers: which he appointed to be the next day. But when he perceived no sign of courage or good hope in the heavy countenances of them discouraged, and that they yielded to him their consents, rather for fear and shame, than for hope of victory; he called them cowards discouraged with the least frown of fortune, and said: . Every weak castle is able to hold out one assault: but if you will draw these wild beasts out of their d●ns, you must arm yourselves like resolute men of invincible courage, to endure what thing soever shall happen. Great captains with their puissant armies have grown old under the walls of their enemies, upon light and small displeasures: and will you having received so many disgraces of these perjured Epirots, leave them all unrevenged? What great victory was ever yet by any man gained without bloodshed? Remember the most glorious victory of VARNA. It is hard without bloody hands to put the yoke upon the fierce enemy's neck. All honourable things are brought to pass with adventure and labour: and the end of this war dependeth of the taking of CROIA. If it were once won, all this war were at an end: which if Scanderbag lose (being the strength of his kingdom) he will not tarry one day longer in EPIRUS. Wherefore be of good cheer, and courageously set upon it: there is not more uncertainty in any thing, than in matters of war. Fortune is to be proved, and oftentimes provoked of him that will wed her. And yet I will not deny, but that we must go more warily to work against this enemy, and hazard ourselves with better advisement, and not without reason like wild beasts to run headlong upon our own death. At length we shall wear them out, if we kill but ten of them at an assault: yet are they daily to be assailed, that they may have no leisure to refresh themselves, or to make up their breaches. And peradventure if force may not prevail, fortune may find some mean that we look not for, as it fell out at the siege of SFETIGRAD, beyond all your expectation. Treason is ingenious, and men's desires great, where great rewards are propounded. With these and like speeches old Amurath encouraged his captains and soldiers, and the next day early in the morning began the assault, which the Turks valiantly attempted: and without regard of danger came to the gates of the city, assaying, but with vain and desperate labour to have broken them open. In this assault wild fire, was cast into many places of the city, and the great artillery oftentimes discharged into the breaches: whereby many of the Turks themselves were slain with their own great shot, together with the Christians: for Amurath desperately set, was content to buy the life of one Christian with the loss of twenty of his Turks. But the Christians still valiantly repulsed their enemies, so that of them that came to the gates, none escaped alive; and of them that assaulted the greater breach, they which were most forward, were first slain, and they which stood farther off, were sore wounded with shot. Yet for all that, Amurath still maintained the assault, by sending in of new supplies, delighting to see them go forward, The Turks retire. but grieved at the heart to see them so slain: until at last, weary with beholding the slaughter of his men, he caused a retreat to be sounded, and so ended the assault; persuaded by his Bassas, not wilfully to cast away his valiant soldiers where there was no hope to prevail, but to reserve them for his better service. Amurath now out of hope to win the city by assault, Amurath seeketh to undermine Croia. thought good to prove what might be done by undermining of the same: during which work, he caused small alarms daily to be given unto the city, to the intent that the defendants busied therewith, should not perceive the secret work of the mine. About which time his provision of corn began to fail in his camp; for which cause he sent his purveyors for corn to LISSA, a city of the Venetians, with whom he was at that time in league, and bought of them great store of corn. But as his officers were conveying it to his camp, Scanderbag having intelligence thereof, slew the convoy, and carried away with him all that provision, dividing it amongst his own soldiers. Howbeit, not long after Amurath received great abundance of corn and other provision out of MACEDONIA: beside that, the Venetian merchants afterward furnished him with plenty of corn, oil, honey, and other necessaries; which Scanderbag might well have hindered, but that he would not in so doing offend the Venetians, which were also his secret friends, considering that Amurath might have had all the same provision out of the further part of MACEDONIA, THRACIA, MYSIA, and such other places, if he had not otherwise had it from the Venetians. Whilst Amurath thus lay expecting the success of his mine, four hundred of the garrison soldiers of CROIA sallying out of th● city, chased divers of the Turks that were come forth back again unto the camp: whereof Amurath was glad, hoping, that they encouraged with that good hap, would to their further loss give the like attempt afterwards. But the stayed discretion of the Governor deceived that his expectation: who considering the danger, would not suffer his soldiers any more to sally out of the city. Scanderbag also at this time having increased his army with a new supply of two thousand soldiers, divided the same into three parts, delivering one part to Moses, another to Tanusie, and reserving the third to himself. With this army of nine thousand thus divided, he determined by night at one instant to assail the Turks great camp in three divers places: appointing in which quarter every one should charge. But as Scanderbag in the night appointed, was coming towards the Turks camp, he was discovered by their scouts: whereupon a sudden alarm was raised in the camp, and all men's minds turned that way, and soldiers appointed with all diligence to guard that side of the camp. But whilst the Turks were all at gaze this way for fear of Scanderbag, Moses and Tanusie, in the dead of the night, at one time assailed the Turks camp in two divers quarters, as they were appointed, where they slew a number of the Turks, and made great spoil. At which time Scanderbag did also what he might: but by reason he was before discovered, did not much harm. Upon the approach of the day Scanderbag retired again to the hills, and by that time it was fair daylight, sat down upon the side of a great mountain, about twenty furlongs off, in the open sight of all the Turks camp: which he did of purpose, that Moses and Tanusie, which were by night retired into the mountains, might see which way to hold, to meet with him again. But the Turks thinking that he stood there to brave their whole camp, and as it were to deface them, to the great encouragement of the defendants: divers of them earnestly craved leave of Amurath, That they might go up to him, and at leastwise beat him out of sight: which he granting, twelve thousand of his best soldiers, whereof seven thousand were horsemen, and the rest foot, presently set forward to encounter him. Scanderbag seeing them all the way they came, upon their approach softly retired a little farther up into the mountains, still expecting the coming of Moses and Tanusi●. The Turks unacquainted with such difficult ways, marched up the steep hills after Scanderbag with much labour and pain, well wearied of themselves: but when they were come a great way into the mountains, they perceived by the rising of the dust, that some greater force was coming cross those mountains: and not long after they might plainly see the foremost of their enemies. Wherefore fearing to be enclosed, they began to retire, in which retreat Scanderbag hardly pursued them, and having the advantage of the ground, slew many of them, but especially with his archers. Moses also coming in afresh on another side, caused them to fly down the hill amain, and beside the slaughter that he made, took divers prisoners. After which victory, by Scanderbag obtained in the sight of Amurath and his whole army, he retired again into the mountains. The late spoil of the Turks camp, with this overthrow of the soldiers but now sent against Scanderbag, much grieved the old tyrant: but the work of the mine, wherein he had of long laid up his greatest hope, forting now to no good purpose, being deemed as well an endless piece of work for the natural hardness of the rock, as also of small importance, for that it was by the defendants discovered, drove him to his wit's end. His forces he had to his great loss sufficiently proved, and still found them too weak: and policy prevailed not. Nothing now remained, but to prove, if by great gifts and glorious promises he could first corrupt the faith of the Governor, and afterwards the garrison: wherein he determined to spare no cost. Upon which resolution, he sent one of his Bassas (a man of great authority and dexterity of wit) unto Vranacontes, with such rich gifts and presents as might have moved a right constant mind: commanding the Bassa (if it were possible) first to fasten the same upon the Governor, as presents sent from Amurath of mere bounty, in the honour of his valiant mind; and afterwards to deliver his message, not sparing to promise any thing for the giving up of the city, yea more than should be desired. The Bassa attended on but with two servants, came with this rich present near to the gates of the city, and there stayed, until the governors pleasure were known: by whose command he was received into the city, and brought to his presence. Then the Bassa with much reverence and many magnifical words presented unto Vranacontes the rich gifts sent from Amurath, and would forthwith have delivered them unto him, as the rewards of his valour. But Vranacontes willed him first to declare his message from Amurath; upon the hearing whereof, he would (as he said) as he saw cause, either receive or refuse them: before which time he would not be beholden to his enemy, by receiving from him the least courtesy. With which answer the subtle Bassa nothing dismayed, with great constancy thus began to deliver his message. The crafty speech of the Bassa sent from Amurath to corrupt the Governor, and to persuade the ●●●hers to yield up the city. Howsoever we agree (said he) upon other matters we come for, we brought not these gifts of purpose to deceive any: for so men use to deal with their children and servants, and not with men of courage and valour. And albeit that enemy's gifts are ever to be suspected (as you have right wisely said, and we ourselves well know) yet we durst not for shame come unto so worthy a Governor (as the common saying is) empty handed: neither ought you, if you be the man you seem to be, and whom men report you are, to refuse our courtesy. Take these presents in good part, which shall no way enforce or hinder you to determine or dispose of your affairs otherwise than shall seem unto you good: neither shall we once object unto you these gifts, which we so frank and freely offer in the great Sultan name, whether you reject or admit our demands and message; wherein there is (perhaps) no lesseregard had of your good, than of ours. For there is no greater token of a base mind, than to give, in hope to receive again. We come unto you frankly (worthy Governor) I speak it from my heart: we go not about with filled speech and rich rewards to cirumvent thee, whose invincible mind we have so often in vain proved with our forces and power. That is it for which Amurath loveth thee. He doth wonderfully admire the virtues of his enemies, and if it were possible, desireth to have them with himself. There verily with so mighty a monarch might thy invincible mind and pregnant wit find a better way unto the highest type of fortune's bliss. Not that I condemn Scanderbag, whom we his enemies do highly commend, for his country so well recovered, and so oftentimes worthily defended, yet chiefly by your help: but you are worthy another manner of Sovereign, and of another manner of calling, and not to spend all the days of your life and such heroical virtues in obscurity and (without offence be it said) in contemptible baseness. Besides that, Scanderbag his estate is but momentary, the destinies have assigned unto him too too mighty an enemy; his destruction may well be deferred, but not by any means avoided. Amurath hath conceived against him an implacable displeasure, and prepared his forces accordingly: he hath sworn to spare no cost, no labour, no danger: and that he will never whilst he liveth depart out of EPIRUS, before he have imposed a deadly yoke upon his neck▪ And behold, the first of this misery beginneth at this city, and upon yourselves. We daily hear his pavilions sound with these and such like speeches, That he will never depart out of this place before he have taken this city, and satisfied his angry mind with the torture of your bodies, no, not if he should therefore lose HADRIANOPLE, yea, and that more is, his whole kingdom. And verily he will do it, which I fear to divine or think upon. For although I with others bear against you the mind of an enemy, yet am I a man, and moved with human compassion: believe me (ye men of CROIA) believe me, my eyes would scarcely endure to behold the horrible spectacle of your miserable fortune. I tell you again he will do it, except you change your purpose, and now receive health, life, liberty, and peace, whilst it is so freely offered. For albeit, that this notable strong place, these impregnable walls, and especially your own valour, do yet defend you: how long will it hold out? Verily, no longer than you have victual, no longer than you have meat to sustain your bodies. Do you think that Amurath will raise his siege in the middle of the heat of this war, and be gone? No, no, if force may not prevail, if all his attempts fail, yet shall you see and feel these enemies continually to your hurt: you shall always have these tents in your eyes and at your gates, until long famine, which mastereth all things, tame your courage also. I pray you, what hope have you left? from whence ariseth in your resolute minds such desperate contempt of danger? Can Scanderbag victual you, being so straightly besieged? which bideth himself (poor man) in the woods all day, and flieth over the tops of the mountains, loaden with travail and care, scarce able to relieve his own misery. Or will the Venetians relieve you? which daily bring unto us and store us with too too great plenty of all things necessary for this war against you. Wherefore repent your too much hardiness, and gather your wits together. Behold I your enemy advise you. You have long enough continued in your obstinacy. Your country and liberty is not so far to be defended, as that you should therefore fight against God. But wherefore do I call this liberty? You must give place unto your fortune, and learn to obey them that be too strong for you. You shall find assured liberty, rich rewards, perpetual rest, with Amurath. Provide for yourselves, if you be wise, whilst all things are yet whole for you to determine of; whilst we your enemies exhort and request you, and had rather have you our voluntary companions and friends, than our enforced servants and slaves. This the Bassa spoke with great gravity and no less vehemency, expecting some great motions to have risen in the minds of the soldiers. But when he perceived that his speech had rather filled them with indignation, than with fear: and that it was but a vain thing to go about to terrify them with words, whom all the power of Amurath could not make afraid with weapons, he requested to talk alone with the Governor in secret: which was also granted. For all men had no less good opinion of the worthy governors fidelity, than of his great wisdom and valour. Vranacontes rejecteth Amurath his presents, and threaten●th the Bassa. The crafty Bassa having him by himself, began with great cunning to deliver his more secret message: when Vranacontes perceiving by a little what the whole tale meant, interrupted him in the middle of his speech, and without more ado commanded him to depart: straightly charging him, That neither he nor any other should after that time presume to come from his master to the city to speak with him about any such dishonourable matter; for if he did, he would in detestation thereof cause their hands, their noses, and their ears to be cut off, and so return them dismembered in stead of answer. And so the Bassa was with his presents again turned out of the city, and no man suffered to receive any thing of him in reward, although the soldiers could have been well content to have eased him and his servants of that carriage, if the Governor would but have winked thereat. Great was the expectation in the Turks camp, of the Bassas return: but when they saw the presents were not received, they easily guessed that all went not as they wished. But when Amurath himself understood the governors resolute answer, he in great rage commanded all things to be made ready for a fresh assault: which he did rather to satisfy his anger, than upon any hope he had to prevail therein. Croia again in vain assaulte●●▪ The next day, he caused a furious assault to be given to the city, but with greater loss to himself than before; the Christians still valiantly defending the city against the Turkish fury. In this assault many of the Turks were slain at the breach, with their own great shot: for whilst Amurath sought therewith to drive the Christians from the defence of the breach, he slew a great number more of the forwardest of his own men than he did of the defendants. But wearied at length to behold the endless slaughter of his men, he gave over the assault, and returned into his camp, as if he had been a man half frantic or distract of his wits; and there sat down in his tent, all that day full of melancholy passions, sometimes violently pulling his hoary beard and white locks, complaining of his hard and disaster fortune, that he had lived so long to see those days of disgrace, wherein all his former glory and triumphant victories were obscured, by one base town of EPIRUS. His Bassas and grave counsellors labouring in the mean time with long discourses to comfort him up: sometimes recounting unto him his many and glorious victories; and other while producing ancient examples of like event. But dark and heavy conceits, had so overwhelmed the melancholy old tyrant, that nothing could content his wayward mind, or revive his dying spirits: so that the little remainder of natural heat which was left in his aged body, now oppressed and almost extinguished with melancholy conceits, and his aged body dried up with sorrow, he became sick for grief. Whereupon by the counsel of some of his Bassas, he sent an ambassador to Scanderbag, offering him peace, if he would yield to pay unto him a yearly tribute of ten thousand ducats: thinking by that means his honour to be well saved, if before his departure out of EPIRUS, he could but make Scanderbag his tributary. This ambassador was by Scanderbag honourably entertained in his camp, but the offered peace at the same time utterly refused. The ambassador returning to Amurath, declared unto him the evil success of his embassage, which greatly increased his melancholy sickness. And Scanderbag to grieve him the more, understanding that he was dangerously sick, and that the great Bassas were more careful of the king's health than of the success of the wars; divers times assailed the Turks camp. Which thing though the Bassas kept from his knowledge with all carefulness: yet he often times suspected the matter, by the often alarums and tumults in the camp, and with the grief thereof languished. So feeling his sickness daily to increase, and that he could not longer live, lying upon a pallet in his pavilion, grievously complained to his Bassas, That the destinies had so blemished all the former course of his life, with such an obscure death, that he which had so often repressed the fury of the Hungarians, and almost brought to nought the pride of the Grecians, together with their name, should now be enforced to give up the ghost, under the walls of an obscure castle (as he termed it) and that in the sight of his contemptible enemy. After that, turning himself to his son Mahomet, he earnestly commended him to the faithfulness of his Bassas, and gave him many grave advertisements, sometimes in secret betwixt themselves, and sometimes in the hearing of others: want of strength, & abundance of tears running down his aged face (upon the sight of his son) often times interrupting his speech. Yet sick unto death as he was, and drawing fast unto his end, he forced himself, to warn his son of such things as now at his death grieved him most. The last speech and admonition of Amurath unto his son Mahomet upon his death bed. Let mine example (quoth he) be a warning unto thee my son, never to contemn thine enemy, be he never so weak: of which one thing above all others, I have repent myself of long, and shall do after my death, if any feeling of human things remain in the dead. And that I was so foolish, and inconsiderate as to foster up as it were in my bosom this my domestical and neglected enemy: whereby I have purchased unto myself this calamity, and for ever blemished the honour of the Ottoman kings: whilst I so basely ending my days under the walls of CROIA, shall become a byword unto the world, and all posterity for ever. This traitor should even then have been oppressed, when he by great treachery, first recovered his wicked kingdom: in that newness of his estate, and before the minds of the people were assured unto him, than it had been an easy matter, without bloodshed to have utterly extinguished the wretch, together with his name. Ali Bassa whose evil fortune was the first beginning of his good: nor the other Generals, who by him slain or taken prisoners, increased his strength and credit with his subjects, should not have been sent against him: a thing which I have oftentimes thought upon, but could scarce have believed, that ever I should have thereby received such disgrace, together with the ignominious renting of my kingdom; if I had not been taught the same by mine own experience, to my great loss and hearts grief. We entered into EPIRUS, and here encamped an hundred and threescore thousand men strong: now if leisure serve you, take view of them, examine the matter, you shall find a great want of that number. The fields could not contain our regiments and the multitude of our men: but now, how many tents stand empty? how many horses want riders? You shall go to HADRIANOPLE with our forces much impaired. As for me, the destinies have vowed my spirits to this country of EPIRUS, as unto me fatal. But wherefore do I impute unto myself these impediments and chances of Fortune? for than first began this seed of mischief in EPIRUS, when the Hungarians with other the Christian princes, rose up in arms against us: at which time we fought not with them for sovereignty, but for the whole state of our kingdom; as the bloody battles of VARNA and COSSOVA still witness unto the world. So whilst I had neither leisure nor sufficient power to take order for all my important affairs at once; in the mean time this enemy grew as you see. But how, or in what order you are hereafter to wage war against him, you may not look for any direction from me, which have in all these matters so evil directed myself: Fortune never deceived my endeavours more, than in this. But happily thou Mahomet my son, mayest prove a more fortunate warrior against him: and for so many honours already given unto me, the destinies have reserved the triumph of EPIRUS for thee. Wherefore my son, thou shalt receive from me this sceptre, and these royal ensigns: but above all things, I leave unto thee this enemy; charging thee not to leave my death unrevenged. It is all I charge thee with, for so great and stately a patrimony as thou art to receive from me: it is the only sacrifice that my old departing ghost desireth of thee. Shortly after he became speechless, Amurath his death. and striving with the pangs of death half a day, he then breathed out his ghastly ghost, to the great joy and contentment of the poor oppressed Christians. He died about the middle of Autumn, in the year of our Lord 1450, when he had lived 85 years, as most write: and thereof reigned 28 (or as some others report 30;) about five months after the siege laid before CROIA. Thus lieth great Amurath, Amurath an example of the vanity of worldly honour. erst not inferior unto the greatest monarches of that age, dead almost in despair: a worthy mirror of honour's frailty; yielding unto the worldly man in the end, neither comfort nor relief. Who had fought greater battles? who had gained greater victories, or obtained more glorious triumphs than had Amurath? Who by the spoils of so many mighty kings and princes, and by the conquest of so many proud and warlike nations, again restored and established the Turks kingdom, before by Tamerlan and the Tartars in a manner clean defaced. He it was that burst the hart of the proud Grecians, establishing his empire at HADRIANOPLE, even in the centre of their bowels: from whence have proceeded so many miseries and calamities into the greatest part of Christendom, as no tongue is able to express. He it was that first broke down the Hexamile or wall of separation on the straight of CORINTH, & conquered the greatest part of PELOPONESUS. He it was that subdued unto the Turks so many great countries and provinces in ASIA; that in plain field and set battle overthrew many puissant kings and princes, and brought them under his subjection: who having slain Vladislaus the king of POLONIA and HUNGARY, and more than once chased out of the field Huniades that famous & redoubted warrior; had in his proud and ambitious heart, promised unto himself the conquest of a great part of Christendom. But O how far was he now changed from the man he then was! how far did these his last speeches differ from the course of his forepast life! full of such base passionate complaints and lamentations, as beseemed not a man of his place and spirit; but some vile wretch overtaken with despair, and yet afraid to die. Where were now those haughty thoughts, those lofty looks, those thundering and commanding speeches; whereat so many great commanders, so many troops and legions, so many thousands of armed soldiers were wont to tremble and quake? Where is that head, before adorned with so many trophies and triumphs? where is that victorious hand that swayed so many sceptres? where is the majesty of his power and strength, that commanded over so many nations and kingdoms? O how is the case now altered! he lieth now dead, a ghastly filthy stinking carcase▪ a clod of clay unregarded, his hands closed, his eyes shut, and his feet stretched out, which erst proudly traced the countries by him subdued and conquered. And now of such infinite riches, such unmeasurable wealth, such huge treasures, such stately honours and vainglorious praises as he in his life time enjoyed; his frail body enjoyeth nothing, but left all behind it. O the weak condition of man's nature! O the vain glory of mortal creatures! O the blind and perverse thoughts of foolish men! Why do we so magnify ourselves? why are we so puffed up with pride? why do we so much set our minds upon riches, authority, and other vanities of this life? whereof never man had yet one days assurance, and at our most need and when we least think, quite forsake us; leaving even them that most sought after them, and most abounded in them, shrouded oft times in the sheet of dishonour and shame. That his death is otherwise by some reported, I am not ignorant: the Turks saying, that he died miraculously forewarned of his death at HADRIANOPLE: and some others, that he died in ASIA, strucken with an Apolexie proceeding of a surfeit taken of the immoderate drinking of wine. But Marinus Barlesius, who lived in his time in SCODRA fast by EPIRUS, whose authority, in report of the wars betwixt him and Scanderbag we follow, setteth it down in such manner as is aforesaid. Presently after his death, Mahomet his son, for fear of some innovation to be made at home, raised the siege, and returned to HADRIANOPLE: and afterward with great solemnity buried his dead body at the West side of PRUSA, in the suburbs of the city, where he now lieth in a chapel without any roof, Amurath buried at Prusa. his grave nothing differing from the manner of the common Turks: which (they say) he so commanded to be done in his last will; that the mercy and blessing of God (as he termed it) might come unto him by the shining of the Sun and Moon, and falling of the rain and dew of heaven upon his grave. He whilst he lived mightily enlarged the Turkish kingdom, and with greater wisdom and policy than his predecessors, established the same: insomuch that some attribute unto him the first institution of the janissaries, and other soldiers of the court (the greatest strength of the Turkish empire) before indeed begun in the time of Amurath the first, his great grandfather, (as is before declared) but by him greatly augmented, and the policy of that state, whereby it hath ever since in his posterity flourished, even by himself plotted. For the better establishing whereof in his own hous● and to cut off all occasions of fear; as also to leave all such as might have the heart to arise against him, all naked and bare of forces to resist; but especially the other ancient and noble families of the Turks, still secretly repining at the great honour of the Ottoman kings: he as a man of great wisdom and judgement, to keep them under, in the beginning of his reign, by manifold favours began to bind unto himself men of strange and foreign countries, his servants; and by ordering of his most weighty affairs by their authority, so by little and little to cast off the service of his natural Turks: they in the mean time little or nothing at all looking into this his practice. And whereas the Ottoman kings his predecessors had for the most part, or rather all together raised their janissaries and other soldiers of the court, of such children of the Christians as were taken in the wars; he, seeing by experience how serviceable those new kind of soldiers were, began forthwith to plot in his head, how to make himself an army all together of such able persons, his own creatures, and so to bring in a new kind of warfare, wholly depending of himself. And to that end, by his officers appointed for that purpose, took from the Christians throughout his dominions, every fifth child: the fairest and aptest of whom, he placed in his own Seraglio at HADRIANOPLE, and the rest in other like places by him built for such purpose: where they were by sufficient teachers, first instructed in the principles of the Mahometan religion, and then in all manner of activity and feats of arms. Of these, when they were grown to man's state, he made horsemen, gave them great pensions, and sorting them into divers orders appointed them also to guard his person; honouring the better sort of them with the name of Spahioglani, that is to say, His sons the knights. And of these he began to make his Bassas, his Generals of his armies, and the Governors of his provinces and cities, with all the great offices of the state. The rest and far the greatest part of these tribute children taken from their Christian parents, and not brought up in these Seraglioes, he caused to be dispersed into every city and country of his dominion in ASIA, there for certain years to be brought up in all hardness and painful labour, never tasting of ease or pleasure: out of which hard brood so enured to pains, he made choice of so many of the most lusty and able bodies fittest for service, as he thought good; who kept in continual exercise, and by skilful men taught to handle all manner of weapons, but especially the bow, the piece, and the Scimitar, were by him as occasion served added to the other janissaries, and appointed for the guarding of his person: calling them commonly by the names of his sons. The remainder of these tribute children, as unfit for the wars, he put unto other base occupations and ministries. But unto those martial men of all sorts so by him ordained, he appointed a continual pay, according to their degrees and places: and by great benefits and liberties bestowed upon them, bound them so fast unto him, as that he might now account himself to have of them so many sons, as he had soldiers: For they together with the Christian religion, having forgot their parents and country, and knowing no other lord and master but him, and acknowledging all that they had to come and proceed of his free grace only, remained ever bound and faithful unto him; and so kept others also, as well the natural Turks themselves, as the other oppressed Christians within the bounds of obedience and loyalty. A great policy proceeding from a deep judgement, first to weaken the Christians by taking from them their best children, A great poli●●●▪ and of greatest hope; and then by them depending wholly of himself, to keep in awe and dutiful obedience his natural subjects also: having them always as a scourge ready to chastise the rebellious or disloyal. Now the other Ottoman kings and emperors, the successors of Amurath, keeping this custom, and also increasing it one after another, have thereby not only kept the empire still in their house and family, where it was first gotten: but also so maintained the majesty of their state, as that they are of their subjects feared, obeyed, and honoured, not as kings, but as gods. For the natural Turks their subjects losing courage continually, and daily growing more base and dastardly, by reason they are not suffered to practise the knowledge of arms, and the soldiers in whose power all things are, knowing nothing of their own, but holding and acknowledging all that they have to come of their lord, account them as kings and lords of all: ruling much after the manner of the Pharaohs the ancient kings of EGYPT; who were absolute lords and masters, both of the public and private wealth of their subjects, whom they kept under as slaves and villains. And hereof cometh it to pass, that the better part of them, whom we call Turks (but are indeed the children of Christians, and seduced by their false instructors) desire to be called Musulmans (that is to say, right believers) hold it a reproachful and dishonourble thing to be called Turks, as it were peculiarly and above other people: For that they knowing right well, that there is not one natural Turk among all those that bear authority and rule, and are had in greater honour and reputation than the rest (such as are the men of war and courtiers) but he is borne a Christian either of father, or at the least of his grandfather: avouch those only to be Turks which live in ANATOLIA, all of them either merchants, or of base and mechanical crafts, or poor labourers with the spade and pickaxe, and such like people unfit for the wars; the rest (as I say) holding it for a title of honour to be descended of Christian parents. Yea the Grand Sign ●or himself, although by the father's side he be come of progenitors such as were natural Turks borne, yet many of them had Christian mothers, which they accounted in the greatest part of their nobility and honour. Thus by the wisdom of Amurath was the order of the janissaries, and other soldiers of the court greatly advanced, though not by him begun, and the politic state of the Turks kingdom (to say the truth) quite altered; the natural Turks (more than the Sultan himself) now bearing therein no sway: but only these new soldiers, all of them descended from Christian parents, and by adoption as it were become the sons of the Turkish Sultan's, and under them commanding all: by whom they have ever since managed their estate, & by their good service wonderfully, even to the astonishment of the world, increased and extended their empire. But of them more shall be said hereafter. This great king was whilst he lived, of his subjects wonderfully beloved, and no less of them after his death lamented. He was more faithful of his word than any of the Turkish kings either before or after him: Amurath his disposition. by nature melancholy and sad, and accounted rather politic than valiant, yet was indeed both: a great dissembler, and painful in travail, but wayward and testy above measure, which many imputed unto his great age. He had issue six sons, Achmetes, Aladin, The sons of Amura●h. Mahomet, Hasan (otherwise called Chasan) Vrchan, and Achmetes the younger, of some called Calepinus: three of whom died before him; but the two youngest were by their unnatural brother Mahomet, who succeeded him in the Turkish kingdom, even in their infancy, in the beginning of his reign most cruelly murdered. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Amurath the second. Emperors Of the East john Palaeologus. 1421. 24. Constantinus Palaeologus. 1444. 8. Of the West Sigismond king of Hungary. 1411. 28. Albert the second king of Hungary and Bohemia. 1438. 2. Frederick the third, Archduke of Austria. 1440. 54. Kings Of England Henry the fifth. 1413. 9 Henry the sixth. 1422. 39 Of France Charles the sixth. 1381. 42. Charles the seventh. 1423. 38. Of Scotland james the first. 1424. 13. james the second. 1436. 29. Bishops of Rome Martin the V. 1417. 13. Eugenius the FOUR 1431. 16. Nicholas the V. 1447. 8. MAHOMET. II. MAHOMETHES' TWO COG MAGNUS TURCARUM IMPERATOR PRIMUS FLORVIT ANᵒ 1450 Paulus iovius Illust▪ virorum, Elog. lib. 3. Qui vici innumeros populos, tot regna, tot urbes: Solus & immensi qui timor orbis eram: Me rapuit quae cunque rapit mors improba, sed sum Virtute excelsa, ductus ad astra tamen. Maior Alexander non me fuit, Annniball & non, Fuderit Ausonios tot licet ille duces. Vici victores Dannos, domuique feroces Caoniae populos, Sauromatasquè truces. Pannonius sensit, quantum surgebat in armis Vis mea: quae latio cognita nuper erat. Arsacidaes sensere manus has, sensit Arahsquè: Et mea sunt Persae cognita tela duci. Mens fuerat, bellare Rhodum, superare superbam Italiam, sed non fata dedere modum. Hei mihi, nam rapuit mors aspera, quaequè sub alto Pectore condideram, vertit & hora brevis. Sic hominum fastus pereunt, sic stemata, sicquè Imperium, atquè aurum, quicquid & orbis habet. In English thus. I that so many nations, towns, and kingdoms, have brought low; And have alone dismayed the world, and filled the earth with woe: Am now by death (which all devours) brought down from high degree, Yet doth the glory of my name, surmount the starry sky. The great king Alexander's fame, the world no better filled: Nor worthy Hannibal, whose force so many Romans killed. I vanquished the victorious Greeks, and tamed with mighty hand, The warlike people of EPIRE, and fierce TARTARY land. My force in field HUNGARIA felt, my greatness is there known: Which of late time through ITALY, to their great ruth is blown. Th'Assyrians felt my heavy hand, so did th'Arabians wild: The Persian king with all his force, I drive out of the field▪ I purposed to win the RHODES, and ITALY t'undo: If that the fatal destinies, had granted leave thereto. But woe is me, for grisly death hath brought all this to nought: And in the twinkling of an eye, is perished all I thought. So perisheth the pride of man, his honour, wealth, and power, His gold, and whatsoever else, it fadeth as a flower. THE LIFE OF MAHOMET, SECOND OF THAT NAME, SEVENTH KING AND FIRST EMPEROR OF THE TURKS, FOR HIS MANY VICTORIES SURNAMED THE GREAT. THe report of the death of old Amurath the late king, was in short time blown through most part of Christendom, to the great joy of many: but especially of the greeks, and other poor Christians which bordered upon the tyrant's kingdom; who were now in hope, together with the change of the Turkish king, to make exchange also of their bad estate and fortune: and the rather, for that it was thought, that his eldest son Mahomet, after the death of his father, would have embraced the Christian religion, being in his childhood instructed therein (as was supposed) by his mother, the daughter of the prince of SERVIA, a Christian. But vain was this hope, and the joy thereof but short, as afterward by proof appeared. For Mahomet being about the age of one and twenty years, succeeding his father in the kingdom in the year of our Lord 1450, 1450 embraced in show the Mahometan religion, Mahomet of no religion. abhorring the Christian, but indeed making no great reckoning either of the one or of the other; but as a mere Atheist, devoid of all religion, and worshipping no other god but good fortune, derided the simplicity of all such as thought that God had any care or regard of worldly men, or of their actions: which graceless resolution so wrought in him, that he thought all things lawful that agreed with his lust, and making conscience of nothing, kept no league, promise, or oath, longer than stood with his profit or pleasure. Now in the Court men stood diversly affected towards the present state: the mighty Bassas and others of great authority, unto whom the old king's government was never grievous, inwardly lamented his death; doubting lest the fierce nature of the young king should turn to the hurt of some of them in particular, and the shortening of their authority in general, as indeed it shortly after fell out. But the lusty gallants of the Court weary of the old king, who in hope of preferment had long wished for the government of the young prince, were glad to see him set upon his father's seat. And the vulgar people (never constant but in unconstancy, and always fawning upon the present) exceedingly rejoiced in their young king. The janissaries also at the same time (according to their accustomed manner) took the spoil of the Christians and jews that dwelled amongst them, and easily obtained pardon for the same: whereupon he was by the same janissaries and the other soldiers of the Court with great triumph saluted king. Which approbation of these men of war, is unto the Turkish kings a greater assurance for the possession of their kingdom, than to be borne the eldest son of the king, as in the process of this History shall appear: so great is the power of these masterfull slaves, in promoting to the kingdom which soever of the king's sons they most favour, without much regard whether he be the eldest or not. This young tyrant was no sooner possessed of his father's kingdom, but that he forgetting the laws of nature, Mahomet murdereth his brethren. was presently in person himself about to have murdered with his own hands his youngest brother, then but eighteen months old, begotten on the daughter of Spo●derbeius. Which unnatural part, Moses one of his Bassas, and a man greatly in his favour, perceiving, requested him not to imbrue his own hands in the blood of his brother, but rather to commit the execution thereof to some other: which thing Mahomet commanded him the author of that counsel forthwith to do. So Moses taking the child from the nurse, strangled it, with pouring water down the throat thereof. The young lady understanding of the death of her child (as a woman whom fury had made past fear) came, and in her rage reviled the tyrant to his face, shamefully upbraiding him for his inhuman cruelty. When Mahomet to appease her fury, requested her to be content, for that it stood with the policy of his state: and willed her for her better contentment, to ask whatsoever she pleased, and she should forthwith have it. But she desiring nothing more than in some sort to be revenged, A cruel revenge of an angry woman. desired to have Moses (the executioner of her son) delivered unto her, bound: which when she had obtained, she presently struck him into the breast with a knife (crying in vain upon his unthankful master for help:) and proceeding in her cruel execution, cut an hole in his right side, and by piecemeal cut out his lives, and cast it to the dogs to eat. At the same time also he caused another of his brethren, committed by his father to the keeping of Caly Bassa, and now by him betrayed into his hands, to be likewise murdered. Mahomet reformeth the Turkish commonweal. Thus beginning his tyrannous reign with the bloody execution of them that were in blood nearest unto him, and whom of all others he ought to have defended, he presently after began to frame a new form of a commonweal, by abrogating and altering the old laws and customs, and publishing of new, better fitting his own humour, and more commodious for himself: imposing also new taxes and subsidies upon his subjects, never before heard of; thereby to increase his treasures, and satisfy his avaricious desire: which amongst many other his vices so much reigned in him, as that he was thought oversparing unto himself, as well in his apparel as in his diet. And proceeding farther, he called unto strait account all the great officers of his kingdom: of whom some he put to death, and confiscated their goods; others he put to great fines, or quite removed them from their offices. In like manner he dealt also with his great Bassas, admitting many false and surmised accusations against them: whereby to bring them within his danger, where little mercy was to be looked for. By which means he became no less terrible unto his subjects, than he was afterward unto his enemies; and so was of them exceedingly feared, but more hated. Amongst other things, he much misliked in his court the excessive number of falconers and huntsmen; which was grown so great by the immoderate delight which his predecessors took in the pleasures of the field, that there were continually maintained of the king's charge, seven thousand falconers, and not many fewer huntsmen, saying, That he would not be so much a fool, as to maintain such a multitude of men to attend upon so mere a vanity. And therefore took order, that from thenceforth there should be allowance made for five hundred falconers only, and one hundred huntsmen: the rest he appointed to serve as soldiers in his wars. At the same time also he entered into league with Constantinus Palaeologus, the emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, and the other princes of GRECIA: as also with the Despot of SERVIA, his grandfather by the mother's side, as some will have it; howbeit, some others write, that the Despot his daughter, Amurath his wife, was but his mother in law, whom he under the colour of friendship sent back again unto her father after the death of Amurath, still allowing her a princely dowry. But if she were not his mother (as like enough it is that she was not) much more happy was she, that she never groaned for so graceless a son. 1451 Whilst Mahomet was thus occupied about his civil affairs, Ibrahim king of CARAMANIA, who long before had married Amurath his sister, and yet for all that, had (as his ancestors had before him) always envied the prosperous success of the Ottoman kings, Mahomet goeth against the king of Caramania. took occasion in the first year of Mahomet his reign, with fire and sword to invade his dominions in ASIA. Which thing when Mahomet understood, he displaced Isa his lieutenant in ASIA, as a man not sufficient to manage so great wars, and appointed Isaac Bassa in his room, a most valiant man of war, upon whom not long before he had upon special favour bestowed in marriage the fair daughter of Sponderbeius, one of his father's wives, of whom we have before spoken. This great Bassa passing over into ASIA, raised a great army. After whom followed Mahomet in person himself with a greater, out of EUROPE: and having all his forces together, entered with great hostility into CARAMANIA. But the Caramanian king perceiving himself unable to withstand so puissant an enemy, fled into the strength of the great mountains, and by his ambassadors offered unto Mahomet such reasonable conditions of peace, as that he was content to accept thereof. Which after they had by solemn oath on both parts confirmed, Mahomet returned with his army to PRUSA: but when he was come thither, the janissaries presuming that they might be bold with the young king; putting themselves in order of battle, came, & with great insolency demanded of him a donative or largious, as a reward of their good service done. With which so great presumption, Mahomet was inwardly chafed: but for so much as they were his best soldiers, and already in arms, he wisely dissembled his anger for the present, having a little before had warning thereof by Abedin Bassa, and Turechan-beg, two of his great captains, who had got some suspicion of the matter: wherefore to content them, he caused ten great bags of aspers to be scattered amongst them, and so pacified the matter. But within few days after, he caused Doganes (the Aga or chief captain of the janissaries) to be brought before him, and to be shamefully whipped: and so presently discharging him of his office, placed one Mustapha in the same. The like severity he used against the rest of the undercaptaines, causing them to be cruelly scourged and beaten like slaves: which in that tyrannical government is an usual punishment, Mentesia subdued by the Turks. upon the least displeasure of the king to be inflicted upon any man, with out respect of degree or calling, if he be not a natural Turk borne. Presently after he sent Isaac his lieutenant against Elias prince of MENTESIA or CARIA, by whom the poor prince was driven out of his country: ever since which time it hath remained in subjection to the Turkish kings, as part of their kingdom and empire. When Mahomet had thus ended the Caramanian war, 1452 and was determined with his army to return to HADRIANOPLE, he was advertised, That the straits of HELLESPONTUS were so strongly possessed by the Christian fleet, that he could not possibly there pass over but with most manifest danger: wherefore he took his way through that part of BYTHINIA which lieth above CONSTANTINOPLE, and came to the castle which the Turks call Acce-Chisar, and the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or White castle, standing upon the narrow strait of BOSPHORUSON ASIA side, and there passed over into EUROPE at the same place where his father Amurath had not many years before in like manner found passage. Where when he was safely got over with his army, he by the advise of his Bassas encamped fast by the sea side, and there presently began to build a great strong castle close unto the straits of BOSPHORUS, near unto PROPONTIS on EUROPE side, directly overagainst the other castle in ASIA. For the speedy accomplishment of which work, he assembled thither all the workmen he could possibly get out of EUROPE and ASIA; apportioning unto his captains and soldiers of his army part of the work also: by whose industry and labour, that great building was in shorter time brought to perfection, than was by any man at the first expected. This castle which for the greatness thereof is of most writers reputed for a city, was by the Turks named Genichisar, & of the Grecians Neocastron, or New castle, and also Laemocastron, or castle upon the straits; and was there by the Turks built, as well for the safety of their own passage too and fro, as for to hinder the passage of the Christians through those narrow straits, they now possessing the strong sorts on both sides: and thereby also to distress the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, from whence this castle was not above five miles distant. When Mahomet in the second year of his reign had finished this great castle, with some other small forts about the same, and also repaired the other castle in ASIA overagainst it, he placed therein strong garrisons, and furnished the same with artillery; in such sort, that no ship could pass through the straight of BOSPHORUS into the great Euxine or black sea, but she was in danger to be sunk: whereby the rich trade which the merchants of VENICE, GENVA, and CONSTANTINOPLE, had to CAFFA, and other places lying upon the Euxine, were almost quite cut off, to the great hindrance of those estates. Now Mahomet by nature ambitious, and withal desirous to do some such thing as the glory whereof might far pass the fame of his predecessors, thought nothing more answerable unto his high conceits, than to attempt the winning of CONSTANTINOPLE, and the utter subversion of the Greek empire: whereupon his father Amurath, Mahomet maketh preparation for the besieging of Constantinople. and his great grandfather Bajazet, had before in vain spent their forces. Besides that, it grieved him to see that goodly city, the ancient seat of the Christian empire, to be so commodiously situated, as it were in the midst of his kingdom, and not to be at his command. Hereunto the small power of the Greek emperor himself, and the other Christian princes at the same time at mortal discord amongst themselves, ministered unto his greedy desire no small hope of success, and served as spurs to prick him forward unto so great an enterprise. Wherefore all the Winter he caused great preparation to be made of shipping & other warlike provision both for sea and land: and gave out commissions for the levying of a mighty army, to be in readiness against the next Spring. But whither he would employ the same, no man could certainly tell: some guessing one thing, and some another, as the manner of men is, when such extraordinary preparation is at hand. Constantinus the emperor in vain craveth aid of the Christian princes. Constantinus the eight of that name, than emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, a prince of a mild and soft spirit, fitter for the church than for the field, hearing of the great preparation made by the Turkish king; and fearing least that tempest then growing, should upon the sudden break forth upon himself, first made such preparation, as his own small ability would extend unto: and then sent his ambassadors unto other Christian princes, earnestly craving their aid and assistance in that his dangerous estate. But that labour was lost, and all his suit vain: for they being at variance one with another, and having more care of private revenge than how to repulse the common enemy of Christianity, could not or would not afford him any help at all. Nicholas the fifth of that name, than bishop of ROME, with Alphonsus' king of NAPLES, and the state of VENICE, promised to have sent him thirty galleys, but none for all that came. There was by chance at CONSTANTINOPLE certain ships and galleys of VENICE, GENVA, CRETE, and CHIOS, of whom the emperor made stay: at which time also it chanced, that joannes justinianus, an adventurer of GENVA, who had been scouring those seas, came to CONSTANTINOPLE with two tall ships, and four hundred soldiers: where he was entertained by the emperor. And for as much as he was a man honourably descended, and supposed to be both of great courage and direction, was by the emperor appointed General of all his forces next unto himself. He also entertained six thousand Greeks: which, with three thousand Venetians, Genoese, and others, whom he had made stay of, joined unto the citizens, was all the weak strength he had to rely upon, for the defence of his state and empire. 1453 Against the beginning of the Spring, the Turkish king had in readiness a great and puissant army of three hundred thousand men, Vide ●●onardi Ch●ensis Archiepiscopi Mi●●len hist. d● captivitate Con lantinopolitana. of whom, the greatest part were taken out of BULGARIA, SERVIA, RASCIA, THESSALIA, MACEDONIA, and GRECIA, which as yet were called the Christian countries, and were themselves either indeed Christians, or else such renegates as had not long before forsaken the Christian faith: unto these also were joined divers other Christians which came out of GERMANY, BOHEMIA, and HUNGARY, to serve the Turk in his wars. This hath been none of the least means, whereby the Turkish kings have grown so great, and their kingdom so mightily enlarged, by enforcing and alluring Christians to fight against Christians, to the utter confusion of themselves. Amongst the great multitude of the European Christians, were mingled his effeminate soldiers of ASIA, and his natural Turks and janissaries, which were in number fewest, and yet commanded all the rest. With this great army, well appointed with all warlike provision, came Mahomet the Turkish king from HADRIANOPLE: Mahomet encam●eth before Constantinople. and the ninth day of April, in the year 1453, encamped before CONSTANTINOPLE, and with the multitude of his army filled all the main land before the city, from the sea side of BOSPHORUS, unto the place where the same sea compassing in the city on two parts, and running far into the land betwixt CONSTANTINOPLE and PERA, maketh there a goodly haven betwixt them. The situation of Constantinople. This city of CONSTANTINOPLE (called in ancient time BIZANTIUM) is in form of a Triangle, situated in EUROPE in the pleasant country of THRACIA, upon a point of the main land shooting out towards ASIA, called of Pliny & Solinus, The promotorie CHRYSOCERAS; where the sea of PRODONTIS joineth unto that straight of sea which divideth ASIA from EUROPE, called in ancient time BOSPHORUS THRACIUS; sometime the straight of PONTUS; and the mouth of PONTUS; and of the modern writers, the straight of CONSTANTINOPLE; and about 200 years past, or more, S. George his a●me. This point of the main, whereon the city standeth, lieth about two Italian miles more Northward than doth the ancient city of CHALCEDON, on the other side of the straight in ASIA: more than thirty miles distant from the Euxine or black sea, lying from it Northward; and two hundredth miles from the straight of HELLESPONTUS or CALLIPOLIS, from thence South. Which noble city (of all others most fitly sea●ed for the empire of the world, and with great majesty overlooking both EUROPE and ASIA) is by the Cosmographers accounted to stand in the height of 43 degrees, upon seven little hills of no great and easy ascent: and was there first built by Pausanias the Lacedaemonian king, and called BIZANTIUM, and so many years flourished as a populous and rich city, until the civil wars betwixt Severus the emperor, and Niger: what time it endured the siege of the Romans under Severus, three years, with such obstinacy, that it yielded not until it was brought to such extremity that the citizens did eat one another; and then yielding, had the walls overthrown by Severus, and the city itself destroyed, and brought to the low estate of a poor country village, Constantinople built by Pausan●as, destroyed by Severus, re-edified by Constantine the Great, and now taken by Mahomet the Turk. and so by him given to the Perinthyans'. In which base estate it continued until the time of Constantine the Great, the son of Helena (whom some will needs have to have been an English woman) by whom it was new built, and beautified with buildings so stately and sumptuous, that unto the strange beholders it seemed a dwelling place for heavenly wights rather than for earthly men. And to grace it the more, translated his imperial seat thither, and called it NOVA ROMA, or new ROME; and all that pleasant part of THRACIA alongst the sea coast of HELLESPONTUS, PROPONTIS, and BOSPHORUS, by the name of ROMANIA, of the fair Roman colonies there by him planted, which name it at this day retaineth, and is of the Turks called RUMILIA and RUMILI (that is to say) the Roman country. But as for the city itself, the glorious name of the founder so prevailed, that the city was and yet is of him called CONSTANTINOPLE, or Constantine his city: and now of the barbarous Turks commonly, but corruptly, STAMBOL●. It is (as we said) built in the form of a Triangle, whereof the longest side which runneth from North-east to Southwest, is on the South side washed with the PROPONTIS; and towards the ending of the point which is about the seven towers, is somewhat indented; being commonly reputed to be eight miles long. The other side lieth East and West five miles in length, being washed with the haven, which is somewhat more than eight miles long before it meet with the fresh water, and about a quarter of a mile broad: on the farther side whereof standeth the city of PERA, commonly called GALATA, sometimes a colony of the Genoese. This haven is very deep, and by that reason as commodious as deep, bearing ships full fraught close to the shore, so that they may discharge their burdens with the least trouble that may be, and is of Strabo called CORNV BIZANTII, or the horn of Byzantium. The third side of this city towards the Continent, lieth almost North and South five miles also in length: those two sides that lie upon the sea, and the haven, are environed and girt in with a single wall, built after the antic manner, with many high towers, which strongly defend & flank the same. Without which walls (especially towards the haven) there lieth a street between them and the shore. But the other side which is the third, and regardeth the main land (beside the ditch, which is also fenced) is defended with three walls: the first wall standing upon the ditch being but low; and the second not far distant from the first, raised somewhat higher; but the third overlooketh and commandeth both the other; from whence as from an high fortress both the other walls and all the ditch without may easily be defended. But the two utter walls, with the whole space betwixt them, are now by the Turks but slenderly maintained, lying full of earth and other rubbish, even as they were in the time of the Grecians: some cause why they with less heart and courage defended the same against their barbarous enemies. In the East part of the city, on that point which in the reign of the Grecians was called the cape of S. Demetrio, distant from ASIA not much more than half a mile, standeth the Seraglio or palace of the great Turk, containing in itself a great part of an hill, enclosed round with a wall, as if it were itself a city, in circuit more than two miles: wherein amongst other stately buildings, near unto the sea standeth a very fair and sumptuous gallery, built for pleasure, with a privy gate well fortified and planted with great ordinance, and other munition, whereby the great Turk at certain times passeth, when he is disposed in his galley to take his pleasure upon the sea, or to pass over the straight unto his houses or gardens of delight, on the other side in ASIA. In this great city are also many other most stately and sumptuous buildings, as well of late erected by the Turkish Sultan's, since they became lords thereof, as before by the Greek emperors: amongst all which, the Temple of S. Sophia standing in the East side of the city, The magnificent temple of S. Sophia. not far from the Seraglio (now reduced unto the form of a Mahometan Moschie, and whether the great Turk goeth often times to hear service, being indeed but the Sanctuary or chancel only of the great, stately, and wonderful church built by justinian the emperor) is most beautiful and admirable. That which standeth of it now, is both round & very high, built after the fashion of the Pantheon in ROME, but much greater, fairer, and not open in the top as is that: the walls thereof being of the finest marble, and the floor all paved with fair marble also. In the midst there is a very great and large circle, compassed in with high and huge pillars of most excellent marble of divers sorts; and these support a mighty vault that beareth up as many more pillars above, standing after the very same order, and in a down right line, almost of the like greatness and goodness of the marble with the other below: upon which, above the second vault in manner of a loo●ar, resteth the great round roof which covereth all that space of the church which is compassed with the aforesaid pillars: being all enamelled and fillited, with the pictures of Saints, after the ancient manner of some great churches in Christendom: but that the Turks, who like not to have any puctures in their churches, have put out their eyes only, as loath to spoil such a rare piece of work, and utterly to deface it. In like manner the walls of the upper vault, are wrought, painted, or portrayed after the same order, though in some part decayed, by reason of their long continuance and standing. About this church are eighteen or twenty doors of brass, right fair and costly, well declaring the magnificence and greatness thereof in more ancient times: when as it had (as is reported) more than two hundred doors of like making and greatness; and beside the hugeness of the frame, and building itself, had also divers fair monasteries and houses of religion joined unto it: whereunto belonged six thousand priests, whose houses and lodgings extended almost all over the place where now the Turk his palace standeth, and the other places adjoining to this great church, which is now their chief Moschie, and called by them by the proper name of S. Sophia, because they hold even as we do, the wisdom of God to be incomprehensible and infinite. The next in magnificence unto this, is the Moschie of Solyman, wherein he lieth buried, with his well-beloved wife the fair Roxolana: a work well beseeming the majesty of so mighty a monarch. There are beside these also many other fair Moschies, Seraglioes for the Turk his wives and concubines, Bezestanes or Burses for merchants, Obelisks, Baths, and other public edifices and buildings of great majesty and state, all well worth the beholding: wherein consisteth all the beauty of this so ancient and renowned a city; far unlike to that it was in the time of the first Greek emperors, and before it was spoiled by the Latins. For the Turks private houses in this so great and imperial a city, so much renowned through the world, are for the most part low and base, after the Turkish fashion, built some of wood, some of stone, and some of unburnt brick, laid with clay and dirt, which quickly decayeth again: The frugality of the Turks in their private buildings. they after their homely manner (by long custom received) never building any thing sumptuously for their own private use, but contenting themselves with their simple cottages, how mean soever, commonly saying them to be good enough for the short time of their pilgrimage: and yet not sparing for any cost upon the public buildings and ornaments of the commonwealth, which they build with great majesty and pomp; but especially their Moschies, wherein they excel. Nevertheless there yet are in CONSTANTINOPLE some other houses also built high and comely enough; but these be few, and very old, all inhabited by the Christians and jews, and not by the Turks. But of this enough, and so again to our purpose. Mahomet with his puissant army thus encamped before the city, placing his Asian soldiers on the right hand, The Turks fl●et. toward the BOSPHORUS; his Europeian soldiers on the left hand, toward the haven; lay himself with 15000 janissaries and other soldiers of the court, in the middle betwixt both, against the heart of the city. On the farther side of the haven also by PERA, he placed Zoganus, one of his chief counsellors, with another part of his army. At which time also Pantologes his Admiral came to the siege, with a fleet of thirty galleys, and 200 other small ships, and a number of other lesser vessels, which were rowed with three, or five oars a piece, full of Turkish archers, fitter for show than service. But for defence of the haven, and so of the city on that side, the emperor had caused the haven to be strongly chained overthwart from the city to PERA: and within the chain had orderly placed his small fleet, the greatest strength whereof was seven great ships of GENVA, with three galleys, and two galliots of VENICE, three of CRECT, and a few others of the Island of CHIOS; all which were there, rather by chance upon merchants affairs, than that they were provided for any such service: yet by this means the Turks fleet was shut out of the haven, and so the city put in good safety on that side. When Mahomet had thus conveniently encamped his army, and surrounded the city both by sea and land: he first cast up great trenches as near as he possibly could unto the walls of the city, and raised mounts in divers places as high as the walls themselves, from whence the Turks with their shot greatly annoyed the defendants. After that, he placed his battery against one of the gates of the city called CALEGARIA, and terribly battered the same, especially with one piece of ordinance of a wonderful greatness, which with much difficulty was brought from HADRIANOPLE with an hundredth & fifty yoke of oxen, & carried a bullet of an hundred pound weight, made (as his other shot was) of a kind of hard black stone brought from the Euxine sea. For as yet (as it seemeth) so soon after the invention of that fatal engine, the use of bullets of metal was unknown. There with continual battery, he terribly shook the walls, which although they were very strong, yet were they not able to withstand the fury of so great a battery. The Christians also out of the city discharged their great artillery upon the Turks, but so sparingly, as if they had been afraid to shake their own walls, or loath for good husbandry, to spend shot & powder, which was unto the canoneers very sparingly allowed: yet that which was spent, was so well bestowed, that the Turks were therewith grievously annoyed. The breach also which they had made at the aforesaid gate, was by the defendants with great and dangerous labour again repaired with faggots and earth, and such like matter best serving for that purpose, and so made stronger than before. In which most dangerous work, they were altogether directed and greatly encouraged by justinianus the Genua, the emperors lieutenant general for defence of the city. Yet for all this diligence of the Christians, Constantinople undermined by the Turks. Mahomet continued his battery with no less fury than before: but reposing greater hope to find a way into the city, by the spade and mattock, than by battery; he employed his pioneers, whereof he had great store, to dig a mine: being altogether directed by Christians skilful in that kind of work, whom he had for that purpose entertained. By whose cunning direction, with the industrious labour of the poor pioneers, the mine was brought to such perfection, that part of the wall, with one of the strong towers in the same, was quite undermined, and stood supported, but with such untrusty stays as the pioneers had left for the bearing up thereof until such time as it should by the tyrants appointment be blown up. This dangerous work was neither perceived, neither yet feared by the Constantinopolitans, as a thing not possible to have been done: forasmuch as Bajazet and Amurath had both with great labour before in vain attempted the same, at such time as they hardly besieged the city. But that which those great kings had with much vain labour by unskilful men made proof of, Mahomet had now by men of greater devise, brought to pass; although it took not such effect as he wished: for one Io. Grandis, a German captain, and a man of great experience, suspecting the matter, had caused a countermine to be made, whereby the labour of the Turks was in good time discovered, and they with fire and sword driven out of the mine, and the same strongly filled up again, and so the city for that time delivered of a great fear and danger. Mahomet perceiving that it availed him not to continue his battery against that place which was again so strongly repaired, removed the same, and planted it against a tower called BACTATINA, near unto the gate called PORTA-ROMANA, or Roman gate. Which tower shaken with continual battery, at length fell down, and filled the ditch before the utter wall, even with the ground. But this breach was also speedily and with great courage made up again by the defendants, although the Turks did what they could, with continual shot, to have driven them from the same. At which time they also erected certain high towers of timber, covered with raw hides to defend the same from fire, out of which they with their shot slew many of the Christians upon the walls, and in making good the aforesaid breach: but Mahomet seeing this valiantness of the defendants, openly said, That it was neither the Grecians skill, nor courage, but the Frenchmen that defended the city: For the Turks commonly call all the Christians of the West by the name of Frankes or Frenchmen. The cheerfulness and industry of the Christians in defending and repairing the aforesaid breach, seventy of the Turks galliots brought eight miles overland (by the device of a Christian) into the haven of Constantinople. was so great, that the Turkish king began almost to despair of winning the city; which he could no way assault but on one side. When as a wicked Christian in his camp, put him again in good hope, by showing unto him a devise how to bring a great part of his fleet over land into the haven, and thereby to assault that part of the eitie by water, which the citizens least feared: by which ingenious devise, and by the great strength of men; Zoganus Bassa (to whom that charge was committed) brought seventy of the lesser ships and galliots, with all their sails abroad (to the great admiration of all that saw them) up a great hill, and so by dry land, out of the Bosphorus behind PERA, the space of eight miles, into the haven of CONSTANTINOPLE, which running in between the city and PERA, runneth into the main land (as we said) about eight miles. The Christian that discovered this device unto the king, is supposed to have learned it of the Venetians, who not long before had done the like at the lake of BENNACUS. Glad 〈◊〉 Mahomet to see so many of his ships and galleys in the haven, and the Christians with the sight thereof no less discouraged. Nevertheless, they attempted to have burnt those vessels as they were in launching, but the Turks had so commodiously placed certain pieces of great Ordinance for their defence, that the foremost of the galleys of the Christians, approaching the Turks fleet, was presently sunk; wherewith the rest dismayed, returned back from whence they came. Certain of the Christians of the lost galley, whom the Turks took up swimming in the haven, were the next day cruelly slain in the sight of the Christians: in revenge whereof, certain Turks before taken prisoners into CONSTANTINOPLE, were forthwith brought to the top of the walls, and there in the sight of the camp with like cruelty put to death. A wonderful bridge made by the Turks over the haven of Constantinople. Mahomet thus possessed of the haven, shortly after caused a wonderful bridge to be made quite over the haven, from Zoganus his camp which lay by PERA, unto the walls of CONSTANTINOPLE: which bridge was built with timber and planks, borne up with small boats & empty cask, after a most strange manner, and was in length more than half a mile: by which bridge his army came over the haven, to assault the city on that side also. A notable fight between four of the Christians ships, and the Turks fl●et. In the mean time, three tall Genua ships laded with men and munition from the Island of CHIOS, with one of the emperors laded with corn from SICILIA, came with a fair wind for CONSTANTINOPLE. The Turks great fleet then lying not far off, within the sight of the camp set upon them, and after a great fight, wherein an exceeding number of the Turks were slain with shot, the galleys boarded the ships: but being much lower, were so far from doing any good, as that the Turks could not well look out, but they were from above slain or wounded. Mahomet from the shore beholding the unequal fight, and slaughter of his men, cried out aloud, swearing and blaspheming God, and in great rage rid into the sea as far as he durst; and coming back again, rend his clothes, faring with himself like a mad man. The whole army of the Turks beholding the same fight at sea, was filled with like indignation also, but could nothing remedy the matter. The great fleet ashamed in the fight of their king to be overcome of so few ships, did what they might desperately to enter: but all in vain, being continually overwhelmed with shot and stones from above, and valiantly beaten down by the Christian soldiers. At length weary of their loss, they were glad with dishonour to fall off again, and to get them farther off. The report of the loss the Turks sustained in this fight, is almost incredible: some of the Turk's fugitives reported, almost ten thousand Turks to have there perished: but certain it is, that such was the loss, as filled the whole army with indignation & sorrow, many having there lost their kinsmen or friends. Three of these ships that had made this fight, arrived in safety at CONSTANTINOPLE, the other was lost. Mahomet upon this overthrow conceived such displeasure against Pantogles his admiral, who in that fight had lost one of his eyes, that he nevertheless thrust him out of his office, confiscated his goods, and was hardly by the great Bassas entreated to spare his life. Whilst Mahomet thus lay at the siege of CONSTANTINOPLE, and had thereunto given many great attempts, with more loss unto himself than to the defendants, a rumour was raised in his camp, of great aid that was coming out of Italy by sea, and out of HUNGARY by land, for the relief of the besieged. This report (although indeed it was not true) with the due consideration of the danger of the siege, filled the Turks camp with fear: so that the soldiers commonly murmured amongst themselves, saying, That to satisfy the ambitious humour of their young king, they were led to fight against impregnable walls and fortresses, yea against the bars of nature itself, without all reason. Whereupon Mahomet entered into consultation with the three great Bassas his counsellors, Whether it were best for him to continue the siege, or not. When Caly Bassa, sometime his tutor, a man of greatest authority amongst the Turks, both for his long experience and high place, and withal secretly favouring the distressed emperor, after he had with long and grave discourse declared the difficulty or rather impossibility of the wished success in the present war; and confirmed the same, by producing the examples of Bajazet his great grandfather, and of Amurath his father, who had both in vain made proof of their strength against that city: at length concluded, that in his opinion it were best for him to raise his siege, and to depart before he had sustained any further loss or disgrace. But Zoganus the second Bassa, in great favour also with Mahomet, and secretly envying the greatness of Caly Bassa, persuaded the king to proceed in his honouble enterprise: assuring him of the good success thereof, and with all the reasons he could devise, impugned that which Caly-Bassa had said▪ And of the same opinion with Zoganus was also the third Bassa, rather of purpose to cross Caly-Bassa, and withal to fit the king's humour, than for any great hope he had in the good success of that he so much desired. Howbeit the speech he and Zoganus delivered, so well agreed with the king's affection, that he resolved to continue the siege: and thereupon gave full authority to Zoganus to appoint a day for a great and general assault to be given, resolving at once to gauge all his forces upon the winning of the city. Which charge Zoganus gladly took upon him, & with his good liking appointed the 29 day of May for that general assault, being then the Tuesday next following. In the mean time he sent one Ishmael, the son of Alexander prince of SINOPE, ambassador unto the emperor, to offer him peace: but upon such hard conditions, as were no less to be refused than death itself. Which thing he did, partly to satisfy the minds of his Turks (who are for most part of opinion, that God will not prosper them in their assaults except they first make unto their enemies some offer of peace, how unreasonable soever it forceth not) and partly to make proof what confidence the enemy yet had in himself, for the holding out of the siege. But that dishonourable peace so offered, together with the intolerable conditions, was by the emperor honourably refused: who no less feared the Turks faith (if he should have accepted thereof) than he did the hardness of the conditions. Three days before this fatal assault was to be given, the Turks (according to their manner) kept their solemn fast, eating nothing all the day until night; and then making the greatest cheer and joy they could devise, and in the winding up of the same, took their leave one of another, with such kissing and embracing, as if they should never have met again. At the same time Mahomet to encourage his soldiers, caused proclamation to be made through his camp, That he would freely give all the spoil of the city for three days unto his soldiers if they could win it: and for confirmation thereof, solemnly swore the Turks great oath, By the immortal God, and by the four hundred prophets, by Mahomet, by his father's soul, by his own children, and by the sword wherewith he was girt, faithfully to perform whatsoever he had to them in his proclamation promised. Whilst these things were in doing, Caly-Bassa disdaining that his counsel was rejected, and the opinion of his adversaries followed: by secret letters advertised the emperor of the day appointed for the general assault, together with all the preparation made against him: persuading him not to be afraid of them, who were themselves no less afraid of him; but carefully to provide to have all things in readiness for the defence of his city, and valiantly to withstand the rash and last attempt of his enemies. This woeful emperor had already done what he could to the uttermost of his power for defence of the city, The citizens of Constantinople without cause murmur against the emperor. all the time of the siege: but such was the disloyalty of the citizens his subjects, that many times they could hardly be drawn from their private trades and occupations unto the walls to withstand the enemy, foolishly affirming, That it was to no purpose for them to fight against the Turks at the breaches▪ and to starve for food at home in their houses. For which cause, the emperor commanded a view to be taken of all the corn in the city (which then began to grow very scarce;) but upon diligent search made, such store was found in many men's, hands, (which was by them either altogether kept in to sell afterwards at unreasonable prizes; or else so sparingly uttered, as if they had none to spare) as that it appeared, the death and scarcity which then began to increase, to proceed rather of the covetousness of men, than of any true want of grain: this store the emperor caused to be proportionably divided unto every family at reasonable prices, according to their spending; and so eased the great murmuring and grudging of the common people for bread. The Grecian mercenary soldiers also, regarding more their own private profit than the public service, refused any longer to go to the walls than they were sure of their daily pay: A bare shift for money. which the poor emperor otherwise unable to give them, was glad to convert the church plate and jewels into money, to content them. For he had many times before with tears, in vain requested to have borrowed money of his covetous subjects, to have been employed in defence of the city; but they would still swear, that they had it not, as men grown poor for want of trade● which in few days after, their enemies found in such abundance, that they wondered at their wealth, and derided their folly, That possessing so much, they would bestow so little, in defence of themselves and their country. But this had been their usual manner of dealing with their emperors, in that declining state of the empire: as well appeared in the time of the emperor Baldwin, who for lack of money was glad first to sell away many of the goodly ornaments of the city, and afterwards to pawn his own son unto the Venetian merchants, for money to maintain his state, as is in the former part of this History declared. But to return again to the course of our History. The emperor certainly advertised of the enemy's purpose, for the general assault shortly to be given, first commended the defence of himself and the city unto the protection of the almighty, by general fasting and prayer: and afterwards appointed every captain and commander, to some certain place of the wall for defence thereof: which was done by the direction of Io. justinianus his General, in whose valour the Constantinopolitans had reposed their greatest hope. But the city being on every side now beset with the Turks great army, and the defendants in number but few, for so great a city, (in compass eight miles) the walls could not but slenderly in many places be manned, and especially on both sides toward the sea, where indeed least danger was. The greatest strength and best soldiers, were placed for defence of the utter wall, where the breach was, and the assault expected by land. justinianus the General himself, with three hundred Genoese well armed, and certain chosen greeks, undertook the defence of that part of the battered wall, near unto the Roman gate, where the fall of the tower BACTATINA had filled the ditch, as is aforesaid: against which place Mahomet himself lay encamped, with his janissaries and best men of war. near unto justinianus lay the emperor himself, for defence of another part of the wall: and so other captains orderly with their companies, all alongst the utter wall. And because the defendants should have no hope to save their lives, more than their own valour, the emperor caused all the gates of the inner wall to be fast shut up. And in this sort they lay all the night, expecting continually when the assault should be given: all which time they might hear great hurly burly and noise in the Turks camp, as they were putting things in readiness for the assault. Constantinople assaulted by the Turks. A little before day, the Turks approached the walls, and begun the assault, where shot and stones were delivered upon them from the walls as thick as hail; whereof little fell in vain, by reason of the multitude of the Turks, who pressing fast unto the walls, could not see in the dark how to defend themselves, but were without number wounded or slain: but these were of the common and worst soldiers, of whom the Turkish king made no more reckoning than to abate the first force of the defendants. Upon the first appearance of the day, Mahomet gave the sign appointed for the general assault, whereupon the city was in a moment and at one instant on every side most furiously assaulted by the Turks: for Mahomet, the more to distress the defendants, and the better to see the forwardness of the soldiers, had before appointed which part of the city every colonel with his regiment should assail. Which they valiantly performed, delivering their arrows and shot upon the defendants, so thick, that the light of the day was therewith darkened: others in the mean time courageously mounting the scaling ladders, and coming even to handy strokes with the defendants upon the wall; where the foremost were for most part violently borne forward by them which followed after. On the other side, the Christians with no less courage withstood the Turkish fury, beating them down again with great stones and weighty pieces of timber, and so overwhelmed them with shot, darts, and arrows, and other hurtful and deadly devices from above; that the Turks dismayed with the terror thereof, were ready to retire. Mahomet reneweth the assault. Mahomet seeing the great slaughter and discomfiture of his men, sent in fresh supplies of his janissaries and best men of war, whom he had for that purpose reserved as his last hope and refuge: by whose coming on, his fainting soldiers were again encouraged, and the terrible assault begun afresh. At which time, the barbarous king ceased not to use all possible means to maintain the assault: by name calling upon this and that captain, promising unto some whom he saw forward, golden mountains; and unto others in whom he saw any sign of cowardice, threatening most terrible death: by which means the assault became most dreadful, death there raging in the midst of many thousands. And albeit that the Turks lay dead by heaps upon the ground, yet other fresh men pressed on still in their places, over their dead bodies, and with divers event either slew, or were slain by their enemies. In this so terrible a conflict, it chanced justinianus the General to be wounded in the arm: who losing much blood, cowardly withdrew himself from the place of his charge, not lea●ing any to supply his room, and so got into the city by the gate called ROMANA, which he had caused to be opened in the inner wall: pretending the cause of his departure to be for the binding up of his wound, but being indeed a man now altogether discouraged. The soldiers there present, The Christians forsake the 〈◊〉. dismayed with the departure of their General, and sore charged by the janissaries, forsook their stations, and in haste fled to the same gate whereby justinianus was entered: with the sight whereof, the other soldiers dismayed, ran thither by heaps also. But whilst they violently strive, all together to get in at once, they so wedged one another in the entrance of the gate, that few of so great a multitude, got in: in which so great a press and confusion of minds, eight hundred persons were there by them that followed, trodden underfoot or thrust to death. The emperor himself, for safeguard of his life flying with the rest, in that press as a man not regarded, miserably ended his days, together with the Greek empire. His dead body was shortly after found by the Turks amongst the slain, and known by his rich apparel; whose head being cut off, was forthwith presented to the Turkish tyrant: by whose commandment it was afterward thrust upon the point of a lance, and in great derision carried about as a trophy of his victory, first in the camp, and afterwards up and down the city. The Turks encouraged with the flight of the Christians, Constantinople won by the Turks. presently advanced their ensigns upon the top of the uttermost wall, crying victory; and by the breach entered as if it had been a great flood, which having once found a breach in the bank, overfloweth, and beareth down all before it: so the Turks when they had won the utter wall, entered the city by the same gate that was opened for justinianus, & by a breach which they had before made with their great artillery; and without mercy cutting in pieces all that came in their way, without further resistance became lords of that most famous and imperial city. Some few there were of the Christians, who preferring death before the Turkish slavery, with their swords in their hands, sold their lives decree unto their enemies: amongst whom, the two brethren Paulus and Tro●lus Bochiardi Italilians, with Theophilus Palaeologus a Greek, and joannus Stia●us a Dalmatian, for their great valour and courage, deserve to be had in eternal remembrance: Who after they had like lions, made slaughter of their enemies, died in the midst of them, imbrued with their blood, rather oppressed by multitude than by true valour overcome. In this fury of the Barbarians, perished many thousands of men, women, and children, without respect of age, sex, or condition. Many for safeguard of their lives, fled into the Temple of SOPHIA; where they were all without pity slain, except some few reserved by the barbarous victors, to purposes more grievous than death itself. The rich and beautiful ornaments and jewels of that most sumptuous and magnificent Church (the stately building of justinianus the emperor) were in the turning of a hand, plucked down and carried away by the Turks: and the Church itself built for God to be honoured in, for the present converted into a stable for their horses, or a place for the execution of their abominable and unspeakable filthiness: the Image of the crucifix was also by them taken down, and a Turks cap put upon the head thereof, and so set up and shot at with their arrows; and afterwards in great derision carried about in their camp, as it had been in procession, with drum's playing before it, railing, and spitting at it, and calling it the god of the Christians. Which I note not so much done in contempt of the image, as in the despite of Christ and the Christian religion. But whilst some were thus spoiling of the churches, others were as busy in ransacking of private houses, where the miserable Christians were enforced to endure in their persons whatsoever pleased the insolent victors: unto whom all things were now lawful that stood with their lust, every common soldier having power of life and death, at his pleasure to spare or spill. At which time riches were no better than poverty; and beauty worse than deformity. What tongue were able to express the misery of that time? or the proud insolency of those barbarous conquerors? whereof so many thousands, every man with greediness fitted his own unreasonable desire: all which the poor Christians were enforced to endure. But to speak of the hidden treasure, money, plate, jewels, and other riches there found, passeth credit; the Turks themselves wondered thereat, and were therewith so enriched, that it is a proverb amongst them at this day, if any of them grow suddenly rich, to say, He hath been at the sacking of CONSTANTINOPLE: whereof if some reasonable part had in time been bestowed upon defence of the city, the Turkish king had not so easily taken both it and the city. But every man was careful how to increase his own private wealth, few or none regarding the public state; until in fine, every man with his private abundance was wrapped up together with his needy neighbour in the selfsame common misery. Yea the security of the Constantinopolitans was such, that being always environed with their mortal enemies, yet had they no care of fortifying of so much as the inner wall of the city (which for beauty and strength was comparable with the walls of any city in the world, if it had been kept well repaired) but suffered the officers which had the charge to see to the fortifying of the city, to convert the greatest part of the money into their own purses: as appeared by Manuel Giagerus, a little before a very poor man; and likewise by Neophitus, who then having that office to see unto the fortification of the city, had in short time gathered together seventy thousand florins, which became all a worthy prey unto the greedy Turks. After that the barbarous common soldier had thus by the space of three days without controlment taken his pleasure in the city (as Mahomet had before promised) and thoroughly ransacked every corner thereof: they then returned into the camp, with their rich spoils, driving the poor Christian captives before them as if they had been droves of cattle, or flocks of sheep: a spectacle no less lamentable, than was the sacking of the city. It would have grieved any stony heart to have seen the noble gentlewomen and great ladies, with their beautiful children, and many other fair personages, who lately flowed in all worldly wealth and pleasure, to be now become the poor and miserable bondslaves of most base and contemptible rascals; who were so far from showing them any pity, as that they delighted in nothing more than to heap more and more misery upon them, making no more reckoning of them than of dogs. There might the parents see the woeful misery of their beloved children, and the children of the parents, the husband might see the shameful abuse of his wife, and the wife of her husband, and generally one friend of another: and yet not able to mourn together (the least part of heavy comfort) being in the thraldom of divers cruel masters, by whom they were kept in sunder, like in few days to be dispersed into divers far countries, without hope that they should ever find release, or one see another again. The soldiers being all retired into the camp, Mahomet as a proud conqueror, with great triumph entered into the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, then desolate and void of all Christian inhabitants; and there after the manner of the Turkish kings, made a sumptuous and royal feast unto his Bassas and other great captains: where after he had surcharged himself with excess of meat and drink, he caused divers of the chief Christian captives, both men and women (of whom many were of the late emperors line and race) to be in his presence put to death, Mahomet solemniseth his feasts in Constantinople with the blo●d of the Grecian nobility. as he with his Turks sat banqueting: deeming his feast much more stately by such effusion of Christian blood. Which manner of exceeding cruelty he daily used, until such time as he had destroyed all the Grecian nobility that was in his power, with the chief of the late Constantinopolitan citizens. At which time also divers of the Venetian Senators, with Baiulus their Governor, and many rich merchants of GENVA and other places of ITALY were in like manner murdered: so that of seven and forty Senators of VENICE which were there taken (whereof most part came thither by chance, bound for other places, but there unluckily shut up) some few found the favour, with exceeding great ransoms to redeem themselves. Amongst these noblemen thus lamentably executed, was one Lucas Leontares, or Notaras, commonly called Kyr-Lucas, or lord Lucas, but of late great chancellor of CONSTANTINOPLE, a man of greatest account next unto the emperor himself: whom the Turkish tyrant seemed greatly to blame, that he being a man in so great credit with the late emperor, persuaded him not in time to have sought for peace upon any condition, or else to have yielded up the city, rather than to have run that extreme course of wilful misery. He to excuse the matter, said, That the late emperor his master was encouraged to hold out the siege, by the Venetians and citizens of PERA, from whom he received secret aid: as also by some of the greatest men about his own person: for proof whereof, he drew out of his bosom the letters which Caly-Bassa had to that purpose written unto the emperor, and delivered them to Mahomet, hoping thereby to have found some favour. But when he had said what he could, the eldest of his sons then living (for he had lost two elder in the time of the siege) was cruelly executed before his face, and the youngest reserved for the tyrant's lust: and after all this misery had his own head struck off with the rest appointed for that days sacrifice. Out of this general calamity escaped Io. justinianus the General, who with all speed fled at first to PERA, and from thence to CHIOS, where in few days after he died, of grief of mind (as was thought) rather than of his wound, being happy if he had honourably before ended his days upon the walls of CONSTANTINOPLE. Isodorus also the Cardinal and Legate from the Pope, disguised in simple apparel, and being of the Turks unknown, redeemed himself for a small ransom, as if he had been a man of no account, and so escaped: whom if Mahomet had known, he had undoubtedly been made shorter by the head. The glory of this famous city of CONSTANTINOPLE continued many hundred years, commanding a great part of the world, until that by civil discord and private gain, it was by little and little so weakened, that the emperors of later times, for the maintenance of their estate, were glad to rely sometime upon one, and sometime upon another, yet still holding the title and state of an empire, by the space of 1121 years, when as (God his judgement set apart, wonderful and shameful it is to consider, how) it was by this Turkish king Mahomet so quickly taken, and the Christian empire of the East there utterly overthrown: which happened in the nine and twentieth day of May, in the year of our Lord 1453. Constantinus Palaeologus, the son of Helena, and last Christian emperor, being then slain, when he had reigned about eight years. Since which time it hath continued the imperial seat of the Turkish emperors, and so remaineth at this day. The potestats and citizens of PERA, otherwise called GALATA, a city standing opposite against CONSTANTINOPLE, on the other side of the haven, and then under the government of the Genoese, doubting to run the same course of misery with their neighbours, sent their Orators unto Mahomet (the same day that CONSTANTINOPLE was taken) offering to him the keys of their gates, Pera yielded to the Turk. and so to become his subjects. Of which their offer Mahomet accepted, and sent Zoganus with his regiment to take possession of the city. Who coming thither, according to Mahomet his commandment, there established the Turkish government, confiscated the goods of all such as were fled, and used the rest of the citizens which stayed, with such insolency and oppression, as that their misery was not much less than theirs of CONSTANTINOPLE. And because it was doubted, that the Genoese might by sea give aid unto the citizens, if they should at any time seek to revolt, he caused all the walls and fortresses of the city which were toward the land, to be cast down and laid even with the ground. Thus is the fatal period of the Greek empire run, and Mahomet in one day become lord of the two famous cities of CONSTANTINOPLE and PERA: the one taken by force, the other by composition. At which time the misery of PERA was great, but that of CONSTANTINOPLE justly to be accounted amongst the greatest calamities that ever happened to any Christian city in the world. Mahomet had of long time borne a secret grudge against Caly-Bassa, sometime his tutor, for that by his means Amurath his father, Mahomet notably dissembleth his hatred against Caly Bassa. in the dangerous time of the Hungarian wars, had again resumed unto himself the government of the Turkish kingdom, which he had before resigned unto him, then but young. But for as much as he was the chief Bassa, and had for many years ruled all things at his pleasure, to the general good liking of the people, during the reign of old Amurath, and was thereby grown to be of such wealth, credit, and authority, as no man had at any time obtained greater under any of the Ottoman kings: Mahomet in the beginning of his reign, before he was well established in his kingdom, durst not to take revenge of that injury (as he deemed it) but yet still kept it in remembrance, warily dissembling his deep conceived hatred, as if he had quite forgot it. Nevertheless sometime (for all his wariness) words fell from him, whereby the wary courtiers (which as curiously weigh their prince's words, as the cunning goldsmith doth his finest gold) easily perceived the secret grudge that stuck in his stomach against the Bassa: and thereby deuined his fall to be at hand. So it happened one day that as Mahomet was walking in the court, he saw a fox of the Bassas tied in a chain, which after he had a while earnestly looked upon, he suddenly broke into this speech: Alas poor beast, hast thou no money to give thy master to set thee at liberty? out of which words, curious heads gathered much matter concerning the king's disposition towards the Bassa. This ominous surmising of the courtiers (which oftentimes proveth too true) was not unknown unto the Bassa himself, but troubled him much: wherefore to get himself out of the way for a season, more than for any devotion, he took upon him to go in pilgrimage to visit the temple of the great prophet (as they term him) at MECHA, which amongst the Turks is holden for a right religious and meritorious work: hoping, that the young king's displeasure might in time be mitigated, and his malice assuaged. But Mahomet perceiving the distrust of the Bassa, and whereof it proceeded, seemed to take knowledge thereof, and with good words comforted him up, willing him to be of good cheer, and not to misdoubt any thing; neither to regard the vain speech of foolish people, assuring him of his undoubted favour: and the more to put him out of all suspicion, continually sent him rich gifts, and heaped upon him new honours, as if of all others he had esteemed him most. Until that now at the taking of CONSTANTINOPLE, it was discovered by Lucas Leontares, that he had intelligence with the late emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, and his letters produced. For which cause, or as the common report went, for the old grudge that the tyrant bore against him, as also for his great wealth, he was by Mahomet's commandment apprehended and carried in bonds to HADRIANOPLE: where after he had with exquisite torments been enforced to confess where all his treasures lay, he was most cruelly in his extreme old age executed. After whose death, his friends and servants (which were many, for he was a man greatly beloved in court) in token of their grief put on mourning apparel: so that in the court appeared a great show of common sorrow; wherewith Mahomet being offended, caused proclamation to be made, That all such as did wear such mourning apparel, should the next day appear before him: at which time there was not one to be seen about the court in that heavy attire, for fear of the tyrant's displeasure. Mahomet placeth his imperial seat at Constantinople, and is worthily accounted first Emperor of the Turks. After that Mahomet was thus become lord of the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, as is aforesaid; and had fully resolved there to place his imperial seat: he first repaired the walls and other buildings spoiled in the late siege, and by proclamations sent forth into all parts of his dominions, gave great privileges and immunities to all such as should come to dwell at CONSTANTINOPLE, with free liberty to exercise what religion or trade they pleased. Whereby in short time that great and desolate city was again well peopled, with such as out of divers countries resorted thither: but especially with the jewish nation, which driven out of other places, came thither in great numbers, and were of the Turks gladly received. So when he had there established all things according to his hearts desire, he took upon him the name and title of an Emperor: and is from that time not unworthily reputed for the first emperor of the Turks. Now amongst many fair virgins taken prisoners by the Turks at the winning of CONSTANTINOPLE, was one Irene a Greek borne, of such incomparable beauty and rare perfection, both of body & mind, as if nature had in her to the admiration of the world, laboured to have shown her greatest skill; so prodigally she had bestowed upon her, all the graces that might beautify or commend that her so curious a work. This paragon was by him that by chance had taken her, presented unto the great Sultan Mahomet himself, as a jewel so fit for no man's wearing as his own: by the beauty and secret virtues whereof, he found himself even upon the first view not a little moved. Nevertheless, having as than his head full of troubles, and above all things careful for the assuring of the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, by him but even then won; he for the present committed her to the charge of his Eunuch, and sent her away, so to be in safety kept until his better leisure. But those his troubles overblown, and his new conquests well assured, he then began forthwith to think of the fair Irene: and for his pleasure sending for her, took in her perfections such delight and contentment, as that in short time he had changed state with her, she being become the mistress and commander of him so great a conqueror; and he in nothing more delighted, than in doing her the greatest honour and service he could. All the day he spent with her in discourse, and the night in dalliance: all time spent in her company, seemed unto him short; and without her nothing pleased: his fierce nature was now by her well tamed, and his wont care of arms quite neglected: Mars slept in Venus' lap, and now the soldiers might go play. Yea the very government of his estate and empire seemed to be of him, in comparison of her, little or not at all regarded; the care thereof being by him carelessly committed to others, that so he might himself wholly attend upon her, in whom more than in himself, the people said he delighted. Such is the power of disordered affections, where reason ruleth not the rain. But whilst he thus forgetful of himself, spendeth in pleasure not some few days or months, but even a whole year or two, to the lightning of his credit, and the great discontentment of his subjects in general: the janissaries and other soldiers of the court (men desirous of employment, and grieved to see him so given over unto his affections, & to make no end thereof) began at first in secret to murmur thereat, and to speak hardly of him; and at length (after their insolent manner) spared not openly to say, That it were well done to deprive him of his government and state, as unworthy thereof, and to set up one of his sons in his steed. Which speeches were now grown so rife, and the discontentment of the men of war so great, that it was not without cause by some of the great Bassas feared, whereunto this their so great insolency would grow. But who should tell the tyrant thereof; whose frown was in itself death? or who durst take in hand to cure that his sick mind? which distraught with the sweet, but poisoned potions of love, was not like to listen to any good counsel, were it never so wisely given: but as a man metamorphosed, to turn his fury upon him which should presume so wholesomely (but contrary to his good liking) to advise him. Unhappy man, whose great estate and fierce nature was not without danger to be meddled or tempered with, no, not by them who of all others ought in so great a peril to have been thereof most careful; but were now for fear all become silent and dumb. Now amongst other great men in the Court, was one Mustapha Bassa, a man for his good service (for that he was of a child brought up with him) of Mahomet greatly favoured, and by him also highly promoted; and he again by him as his Sovereign no less honoured than feared: who no less than the rest, grieved to see so great a change in the great Sultan, of whom they had conceived no small hope of greater matters than were by him as yet performed; and moved also with the danger threatened unto him by the discontented janissaries and men of war: espying him at convenient leisure to be spoken unto, and presuming of the former credit he had with him, adventured thus to break with him, and to give him warning thereof. How dangerous a thing it is for a subject or vassal, without leave, presumptuously to enter into the secrets of his dread Lord and Sovereign, the woeful examples of others (most mighty Mahomet) have so sufficiently warned me, as that were it not for the dutiful loyalty I owe unto your greatness, far dearer unto me than mine own life, I would not at this time adventure myself unto the hazard of your doubtful acceptance of my faithful speech and meaning; but with others keep silence, and in secret mourn together with my heavy thoughts: which if I should in so great a danger both of your life and empire now do, without warning you thereof, I were not to be accounted unworthy only those your great favours and honours, most bountifully on me bestowed; but as a most vile traitor both unto your state and person, to be of all men detested and abhorred. The life you have of late led, ever since the taking of CONSTANTINOPLE, as a man careless of his state, and wholly wedded unto his own pleasure, hath given occasion not unto the vulgar people only (always ready to say the worst) and soldiers of the Court, the guarders of your person, but even unto the greatest commanders of your armies and empire, to murmur and grudge, I dare not say, to conspire against you. Yet pardon me dread Sovereign, if I should so say, for that there is no man which with great discontentment marveleth not much to see so great an alteration in your heroical disposition and nature: whereby you are become far unlike that noble Mahomet, which having overthrown the Greek empire, and taken the great city of CONSTANTINOPLE, promised both unto himself and others, the conquest of ITALY, and the sacking of ROME, the stately seat of the ancient Roman conquerors. You have given yourself over (as they say) for a spoil and prey unto a poor simple woman, your slave and vassal, who with her beauty and allurements hath so bewitched your understanding and reason, as that you can attend nothing but her service, and the satisfying of your most passionate and inordinate desires; which how much the more you cherish them, so much the more they torment and vex you. Enter but a little into yourself (I pray you) and compare the life you now lead with the like time heretofore by you spent in treading honours steps, and you shall find a notable difference betwixt the one and the other. Had the noble Ottoman, the first raiser of your house and family, so given himself over unto pleasure, you had not now inherited the countries of BYTHINIA and GALATIA, with others more alongst the Euxine, by him conquered. Neither had his son Orcanes (the lively image of his father, and follower of his virtues) by leading this kind of life, triumphed over LICAONIA, PHRIGIA, and CARIA, or extended the bounds of his empire so far as unto the straits of HELLESPONTUS. What should I speak of Amurath his son and successor in the empire, who in person himself, first of the Ottoman kings, passed over into EUROPE, placed his imperial seat at HADRIANOPLE, conquered THRACIA, BULGARIA, and RASCIA. Yea Bajazet your great grandfather is in his misfortune to be more than you commended, as vanquished in field by the mighty Tamerlane with four hundred thousand horsemen and six hundred thousand foot, and not by a silly woman: comforting his mishap with the honour and greatness of him by whom he was so overcome. Neither may I with silence pass over your worthy grandfather the noble Mahomet, who not contented to have restored the shaken empire, conquered also a great part of MACEDONIA, even to the Ionian sea, and carrying the terror of his arms over into ASIA did great matters against the Caramanians and others. As for your father Amurath (of worthy memory) I cannot but to my great grief and sorrow speak of him, who by the space of thirty years made both the sea and earth to quake under his feet, and with strong hand more than once vanquished the Hungarians, & brought under his subjection the countries of PHOCIS, B●OTIA, AETOLIA, with a great part of MOREA; and to speak of him truly, broke even the very heart & strength of the Grecians, and other his fierce enemies. Let all these most famous conquests of your noble progenitors, whose worthy praises (as eternal trophies of their honour) are dispersed into every corner of the world, awake you out of this heavy Lythargie wherein you have too long slept, yea, let the remembrance of the conquest of this imperial city by you to your immortal glory won, stir you up to greater things: and let it never be said of you, That you were able with your sword to overcome your greatest enemies, and not with reason to subdue your inordinate affections: Think that your greatest conquest, and suffer not yourself, so great a conqueror, to be led in triumph by your slave. What availeth it you to have won CONSTANTINOPLE, and to have lost yourself? Shake off these golden fetters wherein the wily Greek hath so fast bound you: which at the first though it seem unto you hard and painful, yet shall time digest it, and make you to think it both good and necessary for your estate. Wean yourself from your desires, and give rest unto your troubled thoughts: which if you cannot do at once, strive by little and little to do it: pleasure groweth greater by the seldom use thereof, and satictie bringeth loathsomeness. Moderate yourself therefore, and again take up arms. Your soldiers if they be not employed abroad, will to your farther trouble set themselves to work at home: Idleness maketh them insolent, and want of martial discipline corrupteth their manners. Hereof proceedeth their intemperate and disloyal speeches, That if you will not lead them forth for the honour and enlarging of the Ottoman empire, as did all your most noble progenitors, they will set up another that shall, even one of your own children. And what the common soldier foolishly saith, their great commanders maliciously purpose: which what a confusion it would bring unto the whole state of your empire, together with the danger of your royal person, I abhor to think. Wherefore it is time, it is now high time for you to show yourself, and with the majesty of your presence to repress their tumultuous insolency, before it break farther out. Rebellions are by far, more easily prevented, than in their heat appeased. The discontented multitude is a wild beast with many heads; which once enraged, is not a little to be feared, or without danger to be tamed: yet do you but show yourself master of your own affections, and you shall easily master them also. But what is fit for you to do, beseemeth me not for to say: yea pardon me, I beseech you, that I have thus much (contrary perhaps to your good liking) already said; provoked (by what divine inspiration I know not) even half against my will, to discover unto you the secret of my heart, and to lay open unto you those things, which others knowing as well as I, do yet for fear keep the same from you. And if I have gone too far, or in any thing that I have said, forg●t myself, impute the same (my dread Sovereign) unto the zeal of my love and loyalty towards you, or unto my fidelity so often by you tried, or to our ancient education (the ground of your affection towards me) or to what else shall please you, rather than to my presumption; from which, how far I have always been, I appeal even to your majesties own knowledge. Having thus said, he fell down at his feet, as there to receive the heavy doom of his so free speech, if it should be otherwise than well taken of the angry Sultan: who all this while with great attention and many a stern look had harkened unto all that the Bassa had said: for well he knew it to be all true; and that in so saying, he had but discharged the part of a trusty & faithful servant, careful of his master's honour. But yet the beauty of the Greek was still so fixed in his heart, and the pleasure he took in her, so great, as that to think of the leaving of her, bred in him many a troubled thought. He was at war with himself, as in his often changed countenance well appeared: reason calling upon him, for his honour; and his amorous affections, still suggesting unto him new delights. Thus tossed too and fro (as a ship with contrary winds) and withal considering the danger threatened to his estate if he should longer follow those his pleasures, so much displeasing unto his men of war, he resolved upon a strange point, whereby at once to cut off all those his troubled passions; and withal, to strike a terror even into the stoutest of them that had before condemned him, as unable to govern his own so passionate affections. Whereupon with countenance well declaring his inward discontentment, he said unto the Bassa, yet prostrate at his feet: Although thou hast unreverently spoken, as a slave presuming to enter into the greatest secrets of thy sovereign (not without offence to be of thee once thought upon) and therefore deservest well to die; yet for that thou wast of a child brought up together with me, and hast ever been unto me faithful, I for this time pardon thee: and before to morrow the sun go down, will make it known both to thee, and others of the same opinion with thee, whether I be able to bridle mine affections or not. Take order in the mean time that all the Bassas, and the chief commanders of my men of war be assembled together to morrow, there to know my farther pleasure▪ whereof fail you not. So the Bassa being departed, he after his wont manner went in unto the Greek, and solacing himself all that day and the night following with her, made more of her than ever before: and the more to please her, dined with her; commanding, that after dinner she should be attired with more sumptuous apparel than ever she had before worn: and for the further gracing of her, to be decked with many most precious jewels of inestimable valour. Whereunto the poor soul gladly obeyed, little thinking that it was her funeral apparel. Now in the mean while, M●stapha (altogether ignorant of the Sultan's mind) had as he was commanded, caused all the nobility, and commanders of the men of war, to be assembled into the great hall: every man much marveling, what should be the emperor's meaning therein, who had not of long so publicly showed himself. But being thus together assembled, and every man according as their minds gave them, talking diversly of the matter: behold, the Sultan entered into the palace leading the fair Greek by the hand; who beside her incomparable beauty and other the greatest graces of nature, adorned also with all that curiosity could devise, seemed not now to the beholders a mortal wight, but some of the stately goddesses, whom the Poets in their extacies describe. Thus coming together into the midst of the hall, and due reverence unto them done by all them there present; he stood still with the fair lady in his left hand, and so furiously looking round about him, said unto them: I understand of your great discontentment, and that you all murmur and grudge, for that I, overcome with mine affection towards this so fair a paragon, cannot withdraw myself from her presence: But I would feign know which of you there is so temperate, that if he had in his possession a thing so rare and precious, so lovely and so fair, would not be thrice advised before he would forego the same? Say what you think: in the word of a Prince I give you free liberty so to do. But they all rapt with an incredible admiration to see so fair a thing, the like whereof they had never before beheld, said all with one consent, That he had with greater reason so passed the time with her, than any man had to find fault therewith. Whereunto the barbarous prince answered: Well, but now I will make you to understand how far you have been deceived in me, and that there is no earthly thing that can so much blind my senses, or bereave me of reason as not to see and understand what beseemeth my high place and calling: yea I would you should all know, that the honour and conquests of the Ottoman kings my noble progenitors, is so fixed in my breast, with such a desire in myself to exceed the same, as that nothing but death is able to put it out of my remembrance. And having so said, presently with one of his hands catching the fair Greek by the hair of the head, and drawing his falchion with the other, at one blow struck off her head, to the great terror of them all. And having so done, said unto them: Now by this judge whether your emperor is able to bridle his affections or not. And within a while after, meaning to discharge the rest of his choler, caused great preparation to be made for the conquest of PELOPONESUS, and the besieging of BEL●RADE. At the same time that the barbarous Turks took the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE; Thomas and Demetrius Palaeologi, brethren to the late unfortunate emperor Constantinus, governed a great part of PELOPONESUS, one of the most famous provinces of GRaeCIA: which in form of a leaf of a Plane tree, is almost in manner of an Island, environed with the seas jonium and Aegeum, which running far into the land on either side thereof, separateth the same from the rest of GRaeCIA, by two great bays; leaving but a strait neck of land, called of the Greeks ISTMOS, in breadth about five miles, which was sometime by the Grecians, and afterward by the Venetians, fortified by a strong wall, and five great castles: near unto which place stood the great and famous city of CORINTH. This province is in length 175 miles, and almost as much in breadths; wherein are contained the countries of ACHAIA, MESSENIA, LACEDEMONIA, ARGOLICA, and ARCADIA; with many famous cities and goodly havens, wherein it far exceedeth all the other provinces of GRaeCIA. These two princes Thomas and Demetrius, dismayed with their brother's disaster fortune, began now so far to despair of their own estate, that upon the first brute thereof, they were about presently to have fled by sea into ITALY. And as ●t commonly falleth out, That one evil happeneth not alone; so at the same time it fornined, that the Albanians rise in arms against the said two princes their sovereigns: and under the leading of their rebellious captain Emanuel Catecuzenus, grievously troubled both the poor princes. These Albanians were a rough and hardy kind of people, which living after the manner of the rude Scythian herdsmen, by feeding of cattle, had of long time planted themselves in PELOPONESUS; differing from the natural greeks, both in the manner of their living and language: which diversity was no small cause that they oftentimes spurned, as now, against the government of the Grecian princes. In this extremity, the two distressed princes (not well knowing which way to turn themselves) sought for peace at Mahomet's hands, 1454 offering to become his tributaries. Of which their offer he willingly accepted, as an induction to the full conquest of that country; and sent Turachan governor of THESSALIA, one of his greatest men of war, with an army into PELOPONESUS, to aid those princes against the Albanians: by whose industry the masterfull rebels were in short time discomfited, and the country of PELOPONESUS quieted; yet so, that it was now become tributary to the Turkish king. These two princes Demetrius and Thomas, the last of all the Christian princes that reigned in PELOPONESUS, having thus lost their liberty, lived for a few years as the Turks vassals; paying such yearly tribute as they had before promised. During which time, many displeasures arose betwixt the two brothers, being both jealous of their estate, and desirous by all plausible means to win the hearts of their subjects one from another: whereby it came so to pass, that whiles they both desired to become popular, they weakened their own credit, and had not their subjects at such command as best stood with the safety of their estate. Thomas and Demetrius rebel against Mahomet, and are by him spoiled of part of their dominion. Nevertheless as soon as they understood that the Christian princes of the West were making great preparation against the Turk; and that Calixtus the third of that name (than the bishop of ROME) had already put a fleet of galleys to sea, which did great spoil upon the borders of the Turks dominions; they vainly persuading themselves that the Turks would in short time be again driven out of GRECIA, refused to pay any more tribute unto the Turkish king, or to keep league any longer with him. Upon which occasion, Mahomet with a puissant army came down and first besieged CORINTH, and afterwards entering into PELOPONESUS took divers strong towns, and destroyed the country before him: and forced the two princes for safeguard of their lives to fly, the one to MANTINIA, and the other into the strong city of EPIDAURUS, now called RAGUSIUM. The poor princes destitute of such aid as they expected, and altogether unable to withstand the power of the mighty tyrant, began again to sue for peace: which he, having now spoiled their country, granted upon condition, That all such places as he had already taken, should be still his own; and also that the city of PATRAS with the country adjoining, should be delivered unto him; and that for the rest, the said princes should pay unto him a yearly tribute: which hard conditions the poor princes, now in danger to lose all, were glad to accept of: whereupon a peace was for that time again concluded. In his return he took the city of ATHENS in his way, which he not long before had taken from Francus Acciavoll by composition (by means of Omares the son of Turechan, one of his great captains) promising to give him the country of BEOTIA with the city of THEBES in am thereof. This Francus was nephew to Nerius, sometime prince of ATHENS, and had of long time been brought up in the Turks court, as one of Mahomet his minions; and was of him (as was supposed) entirely beloved. But when he had received the dukedom of THEBES, in exchange for his princely state of ATHENS, he was shortly after, as if it had been in great friendship sent by Mahomet to Zoganus, his lieutenant in PELOPONESUS: by whom he was at first courteously entertained, but afterwards being about to depart, he was (according as Mahomet had before commanded) suddenly stayed, and when he least feared, cruelly murdered. About three years after the peace before concluded betwixt Mahomet and the two brethren, Mahomet understanding that the Christian kings and princes had combined themselves against him, with a purpose to drive him again out of GRaeCIA: thought it now high time, and much for the assurance of his estate, to root up the small relics of the Grecian empire, which yet remained in PELOPONESUS in the two princes of the imperial blood, Mahomet cometh again into Pe●●ponesus. Thomas and Demetrius: whereunto he saw a fair occasion presented. Forasmuch as those two brethren were at that time at great variance betwixt themselves, neither paid him such tribute as they had before promised: hereupon he with a great and strong army came to CORINTH, where Arsanes a noble man of great authority and power in that country, whose sister Demetrius had married, came unto him from the prince his brother in law, attended upon with many gallant gentlemen, his followers, of purpose to aid him against the other prince Thomas, nothing fearing any harm to have been by the Turk intended against himself or his brother in law Demetrius, whom they both reckoned of as of a friend. But when Mahomet was entered into PELOPONESUS, and come to TEGEA, he caused the same Asanes, with all his chief followers, to be laid hold upon, and cast into bonds: knowing (as it should seem) no man for friend, which might any way hinder his ambitious designs. Demetrius hearing what was happened unto Asanes, Demetrius submitteth himself to Mahomet. fled to SPARTA, now called MIZITHRA: whether Mahomet in few days after came and laid siege to the city. But the poor prince considering, that he must needs at length fall into his hands, went out of the city, and humbly submitted himself with all that he had into his power. Which so well pleased the Turkish tyrant, that he courteously received him, comforted him, and promised him in stead of SPARTA to give him other lands and possessions of like value elsewhere: Nevertheless, he committed him to safe custody, and carried him about with him as his prisoner, until he had finished those wars. After he had taken SPARTA, he besieged CASTRIA, where he lost divers of his janissaries: for which cause, when he had taken the city, he put all the soldiers therein to the sword, and cut the captains overthwart in two pieces. From thence he marched to LEONTARIUM, called in ancient time MEGALOPOLIS, which he took; with another city called CARDICEA, whither they of LEONTARIUM had before conveyed their wives and children; as to a place of more safety. There he cruelly put to death all the inhabitants of those cities, men, women, and children, in number about six thousand, of whom he left not one alive: and yet not so satisfied, commanded the very beasts and cattle of those places to be killed. Many cities of PELOPONESUS terrified with the dreadful example of their neighbours, forthwith yielded themselves: and amongst others SALVARIUM, a great and strong city of ARCADIA; where he caused all the inhabitants, men, women, and children, to the number of ten thousand, to be cast into bonds, looking for nothing but present death: all which he commanded afterwards to be sent captives to CONSTANTINOPLE, and with them peopled the suburbs of that city. After that, he by the counsel of Demetrius, sent one of his captains called josua, with certain companies of Greek soldiers, unto the strong city of EPIDAURUS, to command them in the name of the prince, to deliver unto him the city, with the prince his wife and daughter, which lay there. But the Governor trusting unto the strength of the city, refused to deliver the same: yet suffered the princess with her daughter to depart out of the city, being willing to go to her husband; whom the captain having received, returned, and presented them to Mahomet. By whose commandment they were presently sent into BEOTIA, there to attend his return towards CONSTANTINOPLE, and an Eunuch appointed to take charge of the young lady, who had so warmed Mahomet's affection, that he took her afterwards to his wife. At the same time he also subdued the most part of ACHAIA and ELIS, by Zoganus' Bassa his lieutenant: whether he came not long after himself, and laid siege to the city of SALMENICA, which for lack of water was at length yielded unto him: but the castle was by the space of a whole year after valiantly defended against the Turks left to besiege it, by Thomas the prince: of whom Mahomet afterwards gave this commendation, That in the great country of PELOPONESUS he had found many slaves, but never a man but him. This valiant prince seeing the miserable ruin of his country, and the state thereof utterly forlorn, after he had most notably endured a years siege in the castle of SALMENICA, got to sea, and so arrived in ITALY: where traveling to ROME, he was honourably received by Pius Secundus, Peloponesus subdued by the Turks. than bishop there: who during his life, allowed him a large pension for the maintenance of his state. Thus Mahomet having thrust both the Grecian princes out of their dominions, and subdued all PELOPONESUS (excepting such strong towns and castles, as bordering upon the sea coast were yet holden by the Venetians) left Zoganus' Bassa his lieutenant to govern that new conquered province, and with great triumph returned himself towards CONSTANTINOPLE, carrying away with him Demetrius the prince, with his wife and daughter, and many other noble prisoners. But after he was come to HADRIANOPLE, and placed in his royal seat, he removed the Eunuch from the fair young lady, and took charge of her himself. As for Demetrius her father, he gave to him the city AENUM, with the custom arising of the salt there made, as a pension for him to live upon. Thus this most famous and populous country of PELOPONESUS fell into the Turkish thraldom, about the year of our Lord 1460, seven years after the taking of CONSTANTINOPLE. Which I have here together set down, as it is reported by them who lived in that time, and in the same countries: omitting of purpose other great occurrents of the same time (which shall also in convenient place be hereafter declared) to the intent that the fall of that great Empire, with the common misery of the delicate Grecians, might appear under one view; which otherwise being delivered by piecemeal, as it did concur with other great accidents according to the course of time, would but breed confusion, and require the Readers greater attention. The Christian princes, especially such as bordered upon the dominions of the Turkish tyrant, were no less terrified than troubled with the subversion of the Constantinopolitan empire: for they saw by the continual preparation of the Turk, that his ambitious desires were rather increased, than in any part satisfied with his so great and late victories. Wherefore they with all carefulness fortified their frontier towns, and provided all things necessary for defence of themselves, and for the repulsing of so mighty an enemy. Amongst the rest, George the old Despot, or prince of SERVIA (whose dominions of all others lay most in danger of that tempest) speedily mustered his men of war, fortified his strong cities, placed his garrisons, and left nothing undone, that he thought needful for the defence of his country: for he had many times before to his great loss, endured the fury of the Turkish kings, although he were joined unto them in the bonds of nearest alliance. And having thus politicly set all things in order at home, in person himself took his journey into HUNGARY, from thence to procure aid against such time as he should have need. But the Hungarians, and especially Huniades (who at that time bore greatest sway in that kingdom) having before had sufficient trial of the uncertainty and light faith of that aged prince, who had so often fashioned himself according to the occurrents of the time, that he was accounted neither right Turk, nor good Christian; refused to promise him any aid, but left him to his own fortunes: The death of George, Despot of Servia. wherewith he returned discontented, and full of indignation. But shortly after he was come home, he died of an hurt received in a skirmish with Michael Zilugo, governor of BELGRADE: whose brother Ladislaus he had but a little before treacherously murdered, as he was travailing by waggon to BELGRADE with his said brother Michael, who at the same time hardly escaped. This was the end of George Despot of SERVIA, when he had lived ninety years: in which time of his long life, he had plentifully tasted of both fortunes. A man assuredly of great courage, but of a marvelous unquiet nature: by profession a Christian, yet a great friend unto the Turks, whom he many times stood in great steed: a deep dissembler, and double in all his dealings; whereby he purchased unto himself that credit, that he was not of any his neighbour princes whilst he lived, either beloved or trusted; and after his death, of his subjects so detested, that the people of that country even at this day in their country songs, still term him, The faithless and graceless Despot. Lazarus his youngest son, after his death succeeded in his place; having deprived both his elder brethren (Stephen and George) of the government: for Amurath the Turkish king had long time before put out their eyes, of purpose to make them unfit for the government of so great a country: yet these blind princes found means to fly away from him to Mahomet, carrying with them a great mass of money; and so incited him against Lazarus their younger brother, that to keep friendship with the tyrant, he was glad to promise unto him a great yearly tribute, and so to become his tributary. But within few months after, Lazarus died; the last Christian prince that reigned in SERVIA: after whose death, great troubles arose in SERVIA for the sovereignty: The blind brethren still craving aid of Mahomet, with whom they then lived; and the desolate widow of Lazarus, putting herself with her three sons, john, Peter, and Martin, into the protection of the Hungarians: by which means she with much trouble held her state for a season. Ser●ia yielded to the Turk. Until such time as that the Seruians, seeing small assurance in that manner of government, and weary of the harms they daily received of the Turks; yielded themselves with their country, unto the obedience of the Turkish emperor Mahomet, who forever united the same unto his empire as a province thereof, and so it remaineth at this day. Now was Mahomet by the continual course of his victories, grown to that height of mind, that he thought no prince able to abide his forces; neither any enterprise so great, which he was not of power to bring to pass: wherefore he ceased not on every side continually to vex and trouble the princes, whose countries bordered upon his. But above others, his heart was greatest against the Hungarians: for that by them the Turkish kings his ancestors, had been more troubled, and their state more endangered, than by any or all other the Christian princes. Wherefore he resolved now to take them in hand; which thing he had from the beginning of his reign greatly desired. And because the city of BELGRADE standing upon the great river of Danubius, was accounted the key of that country, he determined there to begin his wars, and by taking thereof to make an entrance into the heart of HUNGARY. Hereupon he levied a great army of an hundred and fifty thousand of his best soldiers; in whom he reposed such an assured trust and confidence, that he accounted the city already as good as taken, and a fair way made into HUNGARY: so ready are we to promise unto ourselves, the things we earnestly desire. For the better accomplishment of these his designs, he had provided in readiness a fleet of 200 ships and galleys, which he sent up the river of Danubius from VIDINA to BELGRADE, to the intent that no relief or aid should be brought unto the city out of HUNGARY, by the great rivers of Danubius and Saws, whereupon the city of BELGRADE standeth. With this fleet he kept both those rivers so straightly, that nothing could possibly be conveyed into the city by water: and not so contented, sent part of his said fleet farther up the river of Danubius, and so landing his soldiers in many places, Belgrade besieged. spoiled the country all alongst the rivers side. Shortly after he came with all his forces by land, and encamped before the city: whereunto at his first coming he gave a most fierce assault, thinking to have taken them unprovided: but finding greater resistance than he had before imagined, and that the Hungarians were ready to skirmish with them without the walls, he begun to proceed more warily, and entrenched his army: and to provide for the safety thereof, by casting up of deep trenches & strong rampires, against the sudden sallies of his enemies: and after, planting his battery, began most furiously to shake the walls with his great artillery. By the fury whereof, he overthrew a part thereof, and laid it flat with the ground: which the defendants with great industry and labour speedily repaired, by casting up of new fortifications and rampires, in such sort, that it was rather stronger than before. In the mean time Huniades (not to be named without the addition of a most worthy captain) being then General for the Hungarians, The Turks fleet overthrown by the Christians. sent a fleet of ships and galleys, well appointed with all warlike provision, down the river of Danubius from BUDA: which encountering with the Turks fleet, took twenty sail of them, and so discomfited the rest, that they were glad to run themselves on ground near unto the king's camp. All which were by Mahomet's commandment presently set on fire, because they should not come into the power of the Hungarians. By this means the Christians became masters of both the rivers of Danubius and Saws; and so at their pleasure, by water conveyed into the city all things needful for the defence thereof. Huniades also himself, with five thousand valiant soldiers, and Io. Capistranus a Minorite friar (by whose persuasion forty thousand voluntary Christians out of GERMANY, BOHEMIA, and HUNGARY were come to that war) entered into the city that way with their soldiers and followers. Mahomet resolutely set down for the winning of the city, had with continual battery made the same at length saultable; and so determined the next day to give a general assault, appointing which part of the wall every Colonel with his regiment should assail. But as they were with great diligence and greater stir, preparing all things needful for the next days service: it fortuned, Carazies' Bassa slain. that Carazies' Bassa, Mahomet his lieutenant general in EUROPE, and his best man of war, was by chance slain with a great shot out of the town. With whose death, Mahomet was exceedingly troubled, as with an ominous token of the evil which afterwards ensued unto him and his whole army. For all that, prosecuting his former determination, the next day early in the morning he commanded the assault to be given: and with the dreadful sound of trumpets, drum's, Belgrade assaulted by the Turks. cornets, and other instruments of war, brought on his janissaries to the breach; who as courageous soldiers fiercely assailed the same, and without any great resistance, entered both there and in divers other places of the city; reckoning the same, to be now their own. For Huniades having before stored every corner of the city with his most valiant and expert soldiers, had taken order that the defendants, upon the first charge of the janissaries, should forsake their stations, and as men discouraged, retire towards the city: of purpose to draw the fierce enemies faster on, to their farther destruction; and upon a sign given to set upon them on fresh, and to repair unto their former places of defence. Which was accordingly done: so that as soon as the janissaries, with other of the Turks most forward soldiers, were in great numbers entered, upon the retiring of the defendants, and the sign before appointed in the city given, the defendants, as men suddenly changed, turning again, fiercely charged the Turks which were entered contrary to their expectation: The Turks notably repulsed. and the valiant Huniades, at the same time issuing out on every side with his most resolute soldiers, so oppressed the Turks, that few of them that were entered escaped with life, but were there in the city either slain or taken prisoners; and the rest with exceeding slaughter beaten from the walls. Presently after, Huniades in this confusion of the Turks, strengthened with the soldiers which came with Capistranus the friar, made a sally out of the town, and set upon the Turks appointed for the defence of the great ordinance; which was with such resolution performed, that the Turks were glad with great slaughter to forsake their charge, and to leave the ordinance to their enemies. The Turkish tyrant sore troubled and thoroughly chafed with the loss of his great ordinance, courageously charged the Hungarians afresh, to have recovered the same again: but was so valiantly repulsed by Huniades, and so beaten with the murdering shot out of the city, that he was glad when he had got him out of the danger thereof into his trenches. Huniades also retiring, turned the ordinance he had lately won, upon the Turks camp, and with the same did them no small harm. In this hurl, a great part of the Christian army (which then lay on the other side of Danubius) was speedily transported over the river; and making no stay in the city, joined themselves with Huniades, then lying without the walls of the city. Who notably strengthened with this new supply, assailed the Turks trenches, as if he would even presently have entered their camp: at which his presumption, the proud tyrant (never before so braved) disdaining, went out of his trenches, and valiantly encountering him, beat him back again to the great ordinance; from whence he was again by the Christians driven to his trenches. Which manner of doubtful and dreadful fight, was on both sides notably maintained, until the day was almost spent: victory with indifferent wings, hovering now over the one side, now over the other. In these hot skirmishes and conflicts, Chasanes captain of the janissaries, with many other valiant men were slain. . And Mahomet himself performing the part as well of a courageous soldier as of a worthy chieftain, was sore wounded under his left pap; so that he was taken up for dead and so carried into his pavilion, to the great discomfiture of his whole army. But coming again unto himself, and considering that he had in that siege lost his whole fleet, his great ordinance, with most part of his best soldiers, and yet in no possibility of the town: secretly in the night arose with his army, and with great silence shamefully departed; still looking behind him when the Hungarians should have pursued him into SERVIA, or have troubled him upon his way towards CONSTANTINOPLE. At this siege (beside many of his best captains and chief commanders) were slain forty thousand of his best soldiers. The loss that he there sustained was so great, and so stuck in his mind, that ever after during his life, when he had occasion to speak of that siege, he would shake his head and sigh deeply, and many times wish, That he had never seen that city, whereat both he and his father had received so great dishonour. Many were of opinion, that if Huniades had there had his horsemen on that side of Danubius to have presently pursued the fearful enemy, that the whole army of the Turks might have there been overthrown. This notable victory was obtained against the Turk the sixth of August in the year of our Lord 1456. Shortly after, this most valiant and renowned captain Huniades, worthy of immortal praise, The death of the most famous captain Huniades. died of hurt taken in these wars; or as some others write, of the plague, which was then rife in HUNGARY: who when he felt himself in danger of death, desired to receive the sacrament before his departure, and would in any case (sick as he was) be carried to the Church to receive the same; saying, That it was not fit, that the Lord should come to the house of his servant; but the servant rather to go to the house of his Lord and master. He was the first Christian captain that showed the Turks were to be overcome; and obtained more great victories against them than any one of the Christian princes before him. He was unto that barbarous people a great terror, and with the spoil of them beautified his country: and now dying, was by the Hungarians honourably buried at AL●A JULIA, in S. Stephen's church: his death being greatly lamented of all good men of that age. Mahomet the Turkish emperor, no less desirous to extend his empire with the glory of his name, by sea than by land; shortly after the taking of CONSTANTINOPLE put a great fleet to sea, wherewith he surprised divers Islands in the AEGEUM, and hardly besieged the city of the RHODES. At which time, Calixtus the third, than bishop of ROME, aided by the Genoese (for the grudge they bore against the Turks for the taking of PERA) put to sea a fleet of sixteen tall ships and galleys well appointed, under the conduct of Lodovicus, patriarch of AQVILIA; who with that fleet scoured the seas, and recovered again from the Turks the Island of LEMNOS, with divers other small Islands thereabout: and encountering with the Turks fleet near unto the Island of the RHODES, at a place called the Burrow of S. Paul, discomfited them, sunk and took divers of their galleys, and forced them to forsake the RHODES. After which victory at sea, he for the space of three years, with his galleys, at his pleasure spoiled the frontiers of the Turks dominions all alongst the sea coast of the lesser ASIA, and wonderfully terrified the effeminate people of those countries: and so at length returned home, carrying away with him many prisoners and much rich spoil. After that Mahomet was thus shamefully driven from the siege of BELGRADE, 1461 and his fleet at sea discomfited (as is before declared) he began with great diligence to make new preparation against the next Spring to subdue the Isles of the AEGEUM, Vsun Cassan the Persian king sendeth ambassadors with presents to Mahomet. especially those which lay near unto PELOPONESUS. But whilst he was busy in these cogitations, in the mean time ambassadors from Vsun-Cassanes the great Persian king, arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE, with diverse rich presents sent to him from the said king. Where among other things, they presented unto him a pair of playing tables, wherein the men and dice were of great and rich precious stones of inestimable worth, and the workmanship nothing inferior to the matter: which the ambassadors for ostentation said, That Vsun-Cassanes found in the treasures of the Persian king, whom he had but a little before slain and bereft of his kingdom, and had there been left long before by the mighty conqueror Tamerlane. Together with these presents, they delivered their embassage, the effect whereof was, That those two mighty princes might join and live together in amity: and that whereas David the emperor of TRAPEZONDE, had promised to pay unto Mahomet a yearly tribute, enforced thereunto by George his lieutenant in ASIA; he should not now look for any such thing: for as much as that empire after the death of the emperor then living, should of right belong unto Vsun-Cassanes, in right of his wife, who was the daughter of Calo-Ioannes, the elder brother of David the emperor, then living: And further requiring him, from that time not to trouble or molest the said emperor his friend and near alliance, so should he find him his faithful and kind confederate: otherwise it was (as they said) in his choice to draw upon himself the heavy displeasure of a most mighty enemy. Mahomet before envying at the rising of the Persian king, and now disdaining such peremptory requests, little differing from proud commands; in great choler dismissed the ambassadors with this short answer: That he would ere long be in ASIA himself in person, to teach Vsan-Cassanes what to request of a greater than himself. This unkindness was the beginning and ground of the mortal wars which afterwards ensued between these two, than the greatest princes of the East, as shall be hereafter more at large declared. The ambassadors being departed, and Mahomet's fleet of an hundred and fifty sail ready to put to sea, he altered his former determination for the Islands of the AEGEUM (which after the loss of CONSTANTINOPLE had for the most part put themselves under the protection of the Venetians) and commanded his admiral with that fleet to take his course through the straits of Bosphorus into the great Euxine sea (now called the black sea) and so sailing alongst the coast to come to anchor before SINOPE, the chief city of PAPHLAGONIA, and there to expect his coming thither with his army by land. Mahomet invadeth Ishmael, prince of Sinope. This great city of SINOPE standeth pleasantly upon a point of the main which runneth a great way into the Euxine, sometime the metropolitical city of that province: but as then, with CASTAMONA and all the country thereabout, was under the government of Ishmael, a Mahometan prince: upon whom Mahomet had now bend his forces, for no other cause than that he was in league with Vsun-Cassan, the Persian king. Now with great expedition had Mahomet levied a strong army, and passing therewith over into ASIA, was come before he was looked for, to SINOPE. Ishmael seeing himself so suddenly beset both by sea and land in his strongest city, although he wanted nothing needful for his defence, having in the city four hundred pieces of great artillery, and ten thousand soldiers: yet doubting to be able with that strength to endure the siege, offered to yield up the city to Mahomet, with all the rest of his dominion, upon condition, That he should freely give him in am thereof the city of PHILIPPOPOLIS in THRACIA, with the country thereunto adjoining. Of which his offer Mahomet accepted: and so taking possession of SINOPE, with the strong city of CASTAMONA, and all the rest of the prince's territory, sent him away with all his things to PHILIPPOPOLIS, as he had promised. This Ishmael was the last of the honourable house of the Isfendiars, who had long time reigned at HERACLEA and CASTAMONA in PONTUS. From SINOPE he marched on forward with his army to TRAPEZOND. This famous city standeth also upon the side of the Euxine or Black sea in the country of PONTUS, where the emperors of CONSTANTINOPLE had always their deputies, whilst that empire flourished and commanded the East part of the world, as far as PARTHIA: but after it began again to decline (as all worldly things have but their time) one Isaac (whose father, emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, the constantinopolitans had for his evil government slain) flying to TRAPEZOND, took upon him the government of that city, with the countries of PONTUS and CAPADOCIA, and many other great provinces, and was at first called the king of TRAPEZOND: but after he was well established in that government, both he and his successors took upon them the name and title of emperors; which they maintained equally, if not better, than the late Constantinopolitan emperors, and therefore are of most accounted for emperors. He that then reigned, was called David Comnenus: which most honourable family of the Comneni had long time before reigned in CONSTANTINOPLE; and out of the same were many other great princes descended, which ruled in divers places of MACEDONIA, Trapezond besieged by Mahomet. EPIRUS, and GRaeCIA. Mahomet coming to TRAPEZOND, laid hard siege unto the same by the space of thirty days both by sea and land, & burn● the suburbs thereof, as he had before at SINOPE. The fearful emperor dismayed with the presence of so mighty an enemy, and the sight of so puissant an army, offered to yield unto him the city with his whole empire, upon condition, That he should take his daughter to wife, and deliver unto him some other province, which might yield him such yearly profit as might suffice for the honourable maintenance of his state. Mahomet perceiving the weakness of his enemy by his large offers, refused to accept thereof, and attempted by force to have taken the city: which not sorting to his desire, the matter was again brought to parley: where after long debating too and fro, it was at last agreed upon, That the emperor upon the faith of the Turkish king for his safe return, should in person meet him without the city, if happily so some good atonement might be made betwixt them. Whereupon the emperor following the Turks faith before solemnly given for his safe return, as was before agreed, went out of the city to meet him, in hope to have made some good agreement with him: but as soon as he was come out, Mahomet according to the damnable & hellish doctrine of his false prophet (That faith is not to be kept with Christians) presently caused the emperor to be cast into bonds, and so to be detained as prisoner. Which when it was bruited in the city, Trapezond yielded unto the Turks. the citizens utterly discouraged, without farther resistance yielded themselves with the city into his power. Mahomet now lord of TRAPEZOND, entering the city, took prisoners the emperor's daughter, with all the rest of his children and kindred, and all such of the nobility as he found in the city: whom he caused forthwith, together with the emperor, to be sent by sea as it were in triumph to CONSTANTINOPLE. Of the rest of the citizens he chose out so many as he pleased for his own service, and appointed eight hundred of the Christian children, in whom appeared most towardliness, to be brought up for janissaries, many also of the other citizens were sent into captivity to CONSTANTINOPLE: the beautiful women and virgins he divided amongst his friends and men of war, certain chosen paragons of whom, he sent as presents to his sons. After he had thus taken his pleasure in the city, and left none there but the basest of the people, he put a strong garrison of his janissaries into the castle, and a great garrison of common soldiers into the city, appointing his admiral to govern the same. The rest of the emperors strong towns, discouraged with the taking of TRAPEZOND, and the miseries thereof, in short time submitted themselves unto the Turkish thraldom, wherein they have ever since most miserably lived. So Mahomet in the space of few months having reduced that empire into the form of a province, returned in great triumph to CONSTANTINOPLE; when he had in this expedition subdued PAPHLAGONIA, PONTUS, and a great part of CAPADOCIA, with some other provinces near unto the Euxine sea. When he was come to CONSTANTINOPLE, he sent the emperor with his children prisoners to HADRIANOPLE. But afterwards understanding that the Persian queen, the wife of Vsun-Cassan, sought means to get some one of her uncles children, whom by the power of her husband she might if it were possible advance unto her father's empire, he sent for David the woeful emperor to CONSTANTINOPLE, and there cruelly caused him, withal his sons and kinsmen, to be put to death; and to the uttermost of his power rooted out all that most honourable family of the Comneni, excepting George the emperor's youngest son, who at his first coming to HADRIANOPLE turned Turk: whose sister (the emperors daughter) Mahomet afterwards took to be one of his concubines. This Christian empire was by the Turkish tyrant Mahomet thus miserably subverted & brought to nought in the year of our Lord 1461. The ruin of the empire of Trapezond. The year following, 1462 which was the year 1462, Mahomet having intelligence, that Wladus Dracula prince of VALACHIA, Mahomet seeketh to entrap Wladus prince of Valachia. his tributary, was resolved to cast from him his obedience, and to join himself unto the Hungarians, his mortal enemies; thought it best to prove if he could by policy cirumvent him, before he were altogether fallen from him. For which purpose he sent Catabolinus his principal secretary unto him to bring him to the court, promising him greater favours and promotions from the emperor, than he had as yet at any time enjoyed. And by the same trusty messenger, he commanded Chamuzes' Bassa, governor of BIDINA and the country lying over against VALACHIA, on the other side of Danubius, to do his uttermost devoir for the entrapping of Wladus: promising him great rewards if he could bring the matter to effect. Whereupon Chamuzes devised with the secretary, that when he had done his messake to the prince and with all his cunning persuaded him to take that journey upon him, he should secretly beforehand give notice unto him of the certain day of his return back again from the prince: at which time it was like, that Wladus would in courtesy of himself bring the secretary well on his way, being a man of so great account in the Court, or at leastwise not refuse so to do, being thereto requested by the secretary: at which time the Bassa secretly passing over Danubius with certain troops of horsemen, and lying close in ambush upon the way, should suddenly set upon the prince, and so either take him, or else kill him. The plot thus laid, and every circumstance agreed upon, the secretary held on his way; and coming to the prince, forced his wit to persuade him to go to the court: sometime cunningly extolling the great opinion that Mahomet had of his fidelity and valour; and otherwhiles feeding him with the hope of greater honours and princely preferments he was to receive at the emperors hands. But when he had said what he could, he obtained no more of the wary prince, but good words again, and that he would in courtesy conduct him on his way unto the side of Danubius. Whereof the secretary by speedy messengers gave Chamuzes intelligence: who secretly passing over Danubius with certain troops of horsemen, and riding a good way into the country, lay in ambush upon the way whereby the prince with the secretary must needs pass. According as was before appointed, the secretary accompanied with the prince, put himself upon the way, and at the very prefixed time came to the place where Chamuzes lay in ambush with his horsemen: who suddenly arising, and on every side assailing the prince, slew divers of his men before they were well aware of his coming. But Wladus being a man of great courage, and better appointed than the Bassa had supposed (for he went always attended upon with a strong guard of valiant and stout men) so received Chamuzes and his Turks, that he slew many of them, and at length after a hard conflict took him with the rest prisoners: Chamuzes Bassa and the Turks secretary hanged. whose hands and feet he caused to be cut off, and their bodies afterwards to be thrust upon sharp stakes set fast in the ground, to the terror of all that saw them▪ and did the Bassa so much honour, as to hang him and the secretary upon a gibbet a great deal higher than the other Turks. And not satisfied with this revenge, presently gathered his forces, and passing over Danubius into the Turks dominions, burned all the country before him alongst the rivers side, killing man, woman, and child, without mercy: after which great spoil & slaughter made, he returned again into VALACHIA. The report of these news being brought to Mahomet, set him in such a choler and rage, that he commanded the great Bassa Mahomates, which first told him thereof, to be cruelly whipped: Which servile punishment in that tyrannical government hath usually been inflicted even upon the greatest Bassas of the court, upon the least displeasure of the tyrants, especially if they be not natural Turks borne; accounting the rest in their anger but as their base and contemptible slaves, as well appeareth by the woeful end of many, even of the greatest of them. But when he understood by most sure advertisements, that all was as the Bassa had before reported, or rather worse, it is not to be in words expressed into what a rage he fell: the spoil of his country grieved him much, but the shameful death of the secretary his ambassador, and of Chamuzes the Bassa, tormented his heart, and filled him with indignation and desire of revenge. Wherefore with all speed possible he assembled his soldiers and men of war, out of all parts of his dominions to PHILIPPOPOLIS: and had in short time raised such an army, as the like he had not at any time employed since the winning of CONSTANTINOPLE. At the same time also, he sent his Admiral with 25 galleys, and 150 sail of other small vessels by the Euxine, to enter the river Danubius, and there landing his men, to join his forces with the prince of PODOLIA: who for a grudge he bore against Wladus, had promised to aid the Turk against him. When all things were now in readiness, he marched with his army from PHILIPPOPOLIS, Mahomet himself in person invadeth Valachia and passing over Danubius, entered into VALACHIA; before which time, the Admiral had landed his men, and with the help of the Podolian, had burnt the city of PRAILABA, the greatest town of trade in all VALACHIA; and was besieging CEBIUM, called in ancient time LYCOSTOMOS: where after they had lain a while and received some loss, they left the siege and departed, the Podolian back again into his country, and the Admiral to his fleet. Mahomet being got over Danubius, burned the villages, drove away the cattle, and made havoc of all that came in his way. As for prisoners, he took but few; for the Valachies' before his coming, had retired their wives and children, and all that were unfit for wars, either into their strong cities, or into the refuge of great and thick woods (whereof there is in that country plenty) or else into the high and rough mountains, where they were in more safety than in any their strongest holds: and all such as were able to bear arms, followed the prince, who ever kept the woods and mountains, still following the Turks army so near as he possibly could, with safety; and many times cut off such as straggled any thing far abroad from the army, into the country: yet never durst show himself in plain field, being indeed but a handful, in comparison of the Turks multitude. Mahomet, to small purpose roaming up and down the country at his pleasure, stayed never long in one place; and making no reckoning of such a weak enemy as durst never show himself, pitched his tents still in the open plains, and so lay with his army in great security, not entrenched at all. Wladus by his espials understanding of this the manner of Mahomet's encamping, came in the dead time of the night, and with all his power furiously assailed that quarter of the Turks camp where the Asian soldiers lay, and slew many of them in their tents; the rest terrified with the suddenness of the alarm, fled out of their tents for refuge unto the Europeian soldiers: the prince following them at the heels, and entering into that quarter of the camp also, did there great harm; and struck such a general terror and fear into all the Turks army, that they were even upon the point to have wholly forsaken their tents and betaken themselves to flight. Yea Mahomet himself, dismayed with the terror of the night and tumult of his camp, and fearing least the Hungarians had joined their forces with the prince; not knowing which way to turn himself, had undoubtedly fled, had not Mahomet Bassa a man of great experience in martial affairs, persuaded him otherwise: and by general proclamation made through the camp, That no man should upon pain of death, forsake the place wherein he was encamped, slaied the flight; and with much ado enforced them to make head against the prince. Wladus perceiving the Turks now to begin to stand upon their guard, and to make resistance: after great slaughter made, returning, took the spoil of the tents forsaken by the Asian soldiers, and upon the approach of the day, again retired with victory into the woods. As soon as it was day, Mahomet appointed Haly-Beg with certain companies of select soldiers, to pursue the Valachies': who overtaking part of the prince's army, took a thousand of them prisoners, and put the rest to flight: all which prisoners were by the tyrant's command, presently put to the sword. From that time Mahomet every night entrenched his army, and caused better watch and ward to be kept in every quarter of his camp, than before. A most horrible spectacle. As he marched along the country, he came to the place where the Bassa and the secretary were hanging upon two high gibbets, and the dismembered Turks empailed upon stakes about them: with which sight he was grievously offended. And passing on farther, came to a plain containing in breadth almost a mile, and in length two miles, set full of gallows, gibbets, wheels stakes, and other instruments of terror, death, and torture; all hanging full of the dead carcases of men, women, and children, thereupon executed, in number (as was deemed) about twenty thousand. There was to be seen the father, with his wife, children and whole family, hanging together upon one gallows; and the bodies of sucking babes, sticking upon sharp stakes; others with all their limbs broken upon wheels, with many other strange and horrible kinds of death: so that a man would have thought, that all the torments the Poets feign to be in hell had been there put in execution. All these were such as the notable, but cruel prince, jealous of his estate, had either for just desert, or some probable suspicion, put to death; and with their goods rewarded his soldiers: whose cruel manner was, together with the offender to execute the whole family, yea sometimes the whole kindred. Mahomet, although he was by nature of a fierce and cruel disposition, wondered to see so strange a spectacle of extreme cruelty: yet said no more but that Wladus knew how to have his subjects at command. Two thousand of the Valachies' slain. After that, Mahomet sent josephus, one of his great captains, to skirmish with the Valachies'; who was by them put to the worse: but by the coming in of Omares the son of Turechan, they were again in a great skirmish overthrown, and two thousand of their heads brought by the Turks upon their lances into the king's camp: for which good service Omares was by the king preferred to be governor of THESSALIA. When Mahomet had thus traced VALACHIA, and having done what harm he could, saw it to be to no purpose, with such a multitude of men to hunt after his flying enemy, which still kept the thick woods or rough mountains: he returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE, leaving behind him Haly-beg with part of his army, to prosecute that war; and with him Dracula the younger brother of Wladus, who was also called Wladus, as a stale to draw the Valachies' into rebellion against the prince. This Dracula the younger, was of a little youth brought up in Mahomet's court, and for his comely feature of him most passionately affected: which inordinate perturbation, so prevailed in the intemperate nature of the lascivious prince, that he sought first by fair words and great gifts to corrupt the youth; and not so prevailing, attempted at last to have forced him: wherewith the noble youth being enraged, drew his rapier, and striking at him to have slain him, grievously wounded him in the thigh: and thereupon fled. Nevertheless being drawn back again to the court, and pardoned, he was afterwards reconciled to the king, and so became his Ganymede; and was of him long time wonderfully both beloved and honoured, and now set up for a stale (as is before said) for the Valachies' his countrymen to gaze upon. It fortuned▪ that after the departure of the king, divers Valachies' came to Haly-Beg the Turkish General, to ransom such friends of theirs as had been taken prisoners in those wars, and were yet by him detained: to whom the younger Dracula by way of discourse declaring the great power of the Turkish emperor, and as it were lamenting the manifold and endless miseries of his native country; cunningly imputed the same unto the disordered government of his cruel brother, as the ground of all their woes: assuring them of most happy and speedy redress, if the Valachies', forsaking his fierce brother, would cleave unto him as their sovereign, in special favour with the great emperor. Which speech, he delivered unto them with such lively reasons, and in such effectual terms, that they their present, persuaded by him; and others by them; in short time all, as if it had been by a secret consent, forsook Wladus the elder brother, and chose Dracula the younger brother to be their prince and sovereign. Who joining unto him the Turks forces, by the consent of Mahomet took upon him the government of that warlike country and people; yet holding the same as the Turkish tyrant's vassal, the readiest way to infidelity. Wladus seeing himself thus forsaken of all his subjects, and his younger brother possessed of his dominion, fled into TRANSYLVANIA, where he was by the appointment of the Hungarian king apprehended and laid fast in straight prison at BELGRADE, for that he had without just cause (as it was laid to his charge) most cruelly executed divers Hungarians in VALACHIA: The death of Wladus. yet such was his fortune, after ten years hard imprisonment, to be again enlarged, and honourably to die in battle against his ancient enemies the Turks. Mahomet returning out of VALACHIA to CONSTANTINOPLE, sent the same fleet which he had used in his late wars, into the AEGEUM, to take in such islands as being before under the Constantinopolitan empire, had upon the loss of the city put themselves under the protection of the Venetians; 1462 but especially the isle of MITYLENE, called in ancient time LES●OS: pretending that Nicholaus Catelusius prince thereof, did harbour the pirates of ITALY, and other places; and also bought of them such prisoners, and other booty, as they continually took from the Turks at sea, or alongst the sea coast, out of many places of his dominions: pretending also the chastising of the said prince, for that he had by treachery slain his eldest brother, and so unjustly taken upon him the government. His fleet thus set forward, he himself with a small army passed over into ASIA, and came by land to POSSIDIUM a city of JONIA over against MITYLENE. From whence he embarked himself over the narrow strait into the island: where after he had once landed his army, he in short time overran the whole island, and miserably spoiled the same, leading away all the inhabitants thereof into captivity; who shortly after were sold at CONSTANTINOPLE like flocks of sheep, and from thence dispersed into all par●s of his dominions. After he had thus harried the country, and left nothing therein unspoiled; he besieged the Prince in the city of MITYLENE, Mitylene besieged. whereof the island now taketh name: and with his great ordinance continually battered the same by the space of 27 days. In which time many sharp assaults were also given by the Turks, whereby the defendants were greatly diminished and wasted. Mitylene yielded to the Turk●. The prince perceiving himself not able long to hold out, offered to yield up the city, with all the strong holds in the isle, upon condition, that Mahomet should therefore give unto him some other province, of like value to the island: which his offer Mahomet accepted, and by solemn oath bound himself for performance of that he had promised. Whereupon the prince came out of the city, and humbled himself before him, excusing himself for the receiving of the men of war (wherewith he was charged) as done for no other purpose, but that they should forbear to spoil his own country, much subject to their fury: utterly denying that he had at any time bought, or shared, any part of such prizes as had by those pirates by sea or land been taken from the Turks. With which his excuse, Mahomet seemed to be reasonably well contented, and with good words cheered him up: nevertheless, as soon as the city, with all the other strong holds in the isle, were by the princes means delivered into his hands, he no longer made reckoning of his Turkish faith, but cruelly caused many of the chief citizens of MITYLENE to be put to death; and three hundredth pirates, whom he found in the city, to be cut in two pieces in the middle, so to die with more pain. And when he had placed convenient garrisons in every strong hold in the isle, he returned to CONSTANTINOPLE, carrying away with him the prince, and all the better sort of the inhabitants of MITYLENE, that were left alive, together with all the wealth of that most rich and pleasant island; leaving it almost desolate, none remaining therein more than his own garrisons, with a few of the poorest and basest people. Mahomet after he was arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE, cast the prince Nicholaus, with Lucius his cousin (whose help he had before used in killing of his elder brother) into close prison: where they seeing themselves every hour in danger of their lives, to win favour in the tyrant's sight, wickedly offered to renounce the Christian religion, and to turn Turk. Which Mahomet understanding, caused them both to be richly appareled, and with great triumph to be circumcised, and presently set at liberty: yet still bearing in mind his old grudge, he shortly after, when they least feared any such matter, clapped them both fast again in prison, and there caused them to be most cruelly put to death. A just reward for the bloody murderers, and apostasy, who to gain a little longer life, were content to forsake God. 1464 Shortly after it fortuned, that Stephen king of BOSNA (in ancient time called MaeSIA SUPERIOR) who supported by the Turkish emperor, had wrongfully obtained that kingdom against his own brethren, refused now to pay such yearly tribute as he had before promised: for which cause Mahomet with a strong army entered into BOSNA, and laid siege unto the city of DOROBIZA: which when he had with much ado taken, he divided the people thereof into three parts; one part whereof he gave as slaves unto his men of war; another part he sent unto CONSTANTINOPLE; and the third he left to inhabit the city. From DOROBIZA he marched to JAZIGA, now called JAICA, the chief city of that kingdom, which after four months' siege was delivered unto him by composition: In this city he took the king's brother and sister prisoners, with most of the nobility of that kingdom, whom he sent as it were in triumph unto CONSTANTINOPLE. The other lesser cities of BOSNA following the example of the greater, yielded themselves also. But Mahomet understanding that the king of BOSNA had retired himself into the farthest part of his kingdom, sent Mahomates his chief Bassa with his Europeian soldiers to pursue him: wherein the Bassa used such diligence, that he had on every side so enclosed him before he was aware, that he could by no means escape, which was before thought a thing impossible. So the king for safeguard of his life was feign to take the city of CLYSSA for his refuge: where he was so hardly laid to by the Bassa, that seeing no other remedy, he offered to yield himself upon the Bassas faithful promise by oath confirmed, that he should be honourably used, and not to receive in his person any harm from the Turkish emperor. Whereupon the Bassas oath to the same purpose was with great solemnity taken; and for the more assurance conceived in writing, firmed by the Bassa, and so delivered to the king: which done, the king came out of the city and yielded himself. The Bassa having thus taken the king prisoner, carried him about with him from place to place, and from city to city, until he had taken possession of all the kingdom of BOSNA; and so returning unto his master, presented unto him the captive king: who was not a little offended with him, for that he had unto him so far engaged his Turkish faith. But when the poor king thought to have departed, not greatly fearing further harm, he was suddenly sent for by Mahomet: at which time, he doubting the worst, carried with him in his hand the writing wherein the Bassas oath for his safety was comprised: nevertheless, the faithless tyrant without any regard thereof, or of his faith therein given, caused him presently to be most cruelly put to death, or as some write, to be slain quick. Thus was the Christian kingdom of BOSNA subverted by Mahomet in the year 1464: who after he had at his pleasure disposed thereof, and reduced it into the form of a province to be (as it is at this day) governed by one of his Bassas; in great triumph returned to CONSTANTINOPLE, carrying away with him many a woeful Christian captive, and the whole wealth of that kingdom. Mahomet following the example of his father Amurath, The great 〈◊〉 betwixt M●hom●t and Scanderbag, are at large written by Marinus Barletius, in 13 books, De vita & gestis Scanderbegi, from whence this History is taken: and w●re done betwixt the years 1450 and 1467. had from the beginning of his reign by one or other of his great Bassas or expert captains still maintained wars against Scanderbag, the most valiant and fortunate king of EPIRUS: the greatest part whereof, although it did in the course of time concur with the things before declared, and might by piecemeal have been amongst the same in their due time and place inserted; yet I have of purpose for diverse reasons wholly reserved them for this place: First, for that I would not interrupt the course of the history before rehearsed, with the particular accidents of this war: And then, for that the greatest heat of this hereditary war, delivered as it were from hand to hand from the father to the son, happened not long after this time; when as Mahomet having conquered the kingdom of BOSNA, had surrounded a great part of Scanderbegs dominion: Wherein I had respect also unto the Readers ease, who may with greater pleasure and content, and less pains also, view the same together, than if it had been dispersedly scattered and intermeddled with the other greater occurrents of the same time. In which discourse I will but briefly touch many things well worthy of a larger treatise. And if forgetting myself, I shall in some places happen to stay something longer than the Readers haste would require; yet I hope, that the zeal and love he beareth unto the worthy memory of most famous Christian princes, Vide Marinum Bar●etium lib. de vita & gestis Scanderbegi. together with the shortness of the history, in comparison of that which is thereof written in just volumes by others, shall easily excuse a larger discourse than this. But again to our purpose. Mahomet in the beginning of his reign sent ambassadors to Scanderbag, offering him peace, so that he would grant to pay unto him such yearly tribute as his father Amurath had in his life time demanded. Which embassage the crafty tyrant s●nt rather to prove what confidence Scanderbag had in himself, than for any hope he had to have his demand granted. This dishonourable offered peace Scanderbag scornfully rejected, and so returned the ambassadors as they came: and presently upon their departure entered with his horsemen into that part of the Turks dominion which bordereth upon EPIRUS: & when he had wasted the country, returned home laded with the spoil thereof. In revenge of which despite, Mahomet shortly after sent Amesa one of his best men of war, with twelve thousand horsemen into EPIRUS, to requite Scanderbag with the like spoil of his people and country. But Scanderbag understanding by his espials of the Turks coming, lay close in ambush with six thousand soldiers upon the great mountain MODRISSA, over which the Turks must of necessity take their way: and as they were about by night to have passed over that rough and steep mountain, and were with much difficulty almost got up to the top thereof, they were suddenly charged by Scanderbag his footmen, who having the advantage of the place, made great slaughter of the Turks, & drove them down the mountain amain; at which time their horses stood them in no stead at all, but were rather unto them an hindrance in that uneven and troublesome ground. Now when the Turks were come to the foot of the mountain, they were in that great fear and disorder again fiercely assailed on the one side by Scanderbag, and on the other by his nephew, called also Amesa; who before the Turks coming had placed themselves with their horsemen in places of most advantage: so that the Turks hardly beset and forced on every side, were in short time overthrown and put to flight. In this conflict seven thousand of the Turks were slain, and Amesa General of the Turks army with divers other captains taken, whom Scanderbag sent prisoners to CROIA. For joy of this victory at Scanderbag his return, great triumph & feasting was made at CROIA: During which time, Scanderbag caused Amesa the Turk, with the rest of the Turkish captain's, to be enlarged, to be partakers of that joy, whereof they against their wills had given the occasion; and afterwards used them with all kind of courtesy during the time of their abode. This Amesa requested of Scanderbag, That he might send a messenger to CONSTANTINOPLE, to certify Mahomet how the case stood with him and the rest, whom happily he might think to have been slain in the battle; and to procure from him their ransom. Which his request Scanderbag easily granted, and set down their ransom at thirteen thousand ducats. The news of this overthrow sore grieved the Turkish tyrant, but afterwards when he saw the remainder of his army without their general and leaders, having for most part lost their ensigns and armour, and also the messenger that was sent from Amesa, he fell into such a rage, that he denied to give any thing at all for his ransom: imputing all that loss to his treachery, folly, or cowardice. Howbeit he was afterwards persuaded by his Bassas and other great courtiers, Amesa his friends, to think better of the General, of whose faithfulness and valour he had of long time had great experience, and also to send his ransom: by denying whereof, he should (as they said) discourage his other generals and captains, who by chance of war might hap to fall into the like danger. By whose persuasion Mahomet sent an ambassador to Scanderbag, with the ransom demanded, and other great presents also. Upon receipt whereof, Amesa with the other captains were set at liberty, and sent with safe convoy out of EPIRUS. All the money sent for the Turks ransom, Scanderbag divided amongst his captains and soldiers. This late received overthrow filled the proud tyrant with desire of revenge, so that he determined forthwith to send another army into EPIRUS: the leading whereof, divers of his great and most expert captains ambitiously sought for. For Mahomet had promised great rewards and most honourable preferments to him whose hap it should be to vanquish Scanderbag. Amongst the rest, Debreas sent with 14000 horsemen t● invade Epirus. one Debreas (a man for his forwardness and courage, in great favour with his sovereign) by great suit obtained to have that charge: promising with exceeding confidency unto Mahomet, to make a beginning of better success in his wars of EPIRUS, than others thither by him before sent: for the accomplishment whereof he required to have no greater power than was sent the year before. But after that Amesa was returned to the court, and had with long discourse set forth the virtues and valour of Scanderbag, with the invincible courage of his soldiers, Debreas became more temperate in his speech, and was contented to receive a new supply; so that he had under his charge fourteen thousand soldiers: with which army he marched towards EPIRUS, and was come to a place called POLOGUS, where he lay with his army encamped in a plain in great security, fearing no danger, for that he was not as yet in the enemy's country, neither as he supposed, near the enemy. Of all this preparation, and of the coming of Debreas, Scanderbag had intelligence: and being resolved not to expect the coming of the Turks into EPIRUS, made choice of six thousand of his best horsemen; with whom he marched with as much speed as was possible into the enemy's country, and came by night unto the plain where the Turks lay, hoping to have been upon them before they were aware, and so to have overthrown them. Wherein he was much deceived: for by the light of the moon (which then shined all night) he was by the Turks in time descried, yet the suddenness of his approach with the strangeness of the attempt, exceedingly dismayed the whole army of the Turks. But Debreas mindful of the promise he had made unto his lord and master, with cheerful words encouraged his soldiers, and presently sent out certain troops of light horsemen, to receive the first charge of the enemy, until he might set his whole army in order of battle. Betwixt these troops, A skirmish betwixt the Christians and the Turks. and others sent out by Scanderbag, began a sharp skirmish; both the armies standing fast, as beholders, carefully expecting the event thereof. But Scanderbag doubting, that if his soldiers should in this first encounter be put to the worse, it might tend to the great discouraging of the rest of his army; seconded his men with other fresh troops under the leading of Moses and Amesa: by whose coming in, the Turks were forthwith beaten back, and chased even to their main battle. In the heat of which chase, Moses forgetting himself, had with great danger in following on too fast, been enclosed by the Turks, had not his fury been in good time stayed by Amesa: for which oversight, he was afterward blamed by Scanderbag, that he could not with greater moderation use his good fortune; commending such forwardness in a private soldier, but not in so great a commander. The battle betwixt Scanderbag & Debreas. When Moses and Amesa had thus put the Turks to flight, Scanderbag brought on his whole army, and fiercely assailed the Turks, yet troubled with the discomfiture of their fellows. Debreas on the other side, with cheerful speech, and his own valour, so encouraged his soldiers, that Scanderbag was there notably resisted, and his fortune as it were at a stand: until that Musachius, with certain troops of resolute men, drawn out of the left wing of Scanderbag his army, gave such a fierce charge upon the side of the Turks army, that he broke their ranks, and sore disordered that part of the army. Which when Debreas perceived, he withdrew himself out of the front of the battle wherein he had valiantly stood against Scanderbag, and came to the place where Musachius had disordered the battle, and with such courage cheered up his troubled soldiers, that his only presence and valour seemed to be the very life and heart of his whole army. Whilst Debreas was thus busied against Musachius, Scanderbag in the mean time with might and main still charged the front of the enemy's army: who now in the absence of the General began to lose their order and to give ground, making no such resistance as before. At which time, Moses forcibly breaking into the thickest of them, took one of their ensigns, which he threw back amongst his followers: wherewith they encouraged, so pressed upon their enemies, without regard of danger, that the Turks being therewith discouraged, and their battle disordered, were almost ready to turn their backs and to fly. Debreas seeing all in danger to be lost, hasted with all speed unto the place where he saw most peril, and did what was possible to have restored the battle, and encouraged his soldiers: Debreas slain by Scanderbag, and his army overthrown. where pressing in amongst the foremost, he was by Scanderbag himself encountered hand to hand, and so by him slain: with whose fall the whole army discouraged, without further resistance fled. Moses pursuing them on the one side, & Musachius on the other, with furious hand slew more in that chase than were slain in the battle. Of the Turks were slain in this battle 4120, and some prisoners taken, but of the Christians few or none: so that for the good fortune thereof, Scanderbag accounted it a victory given. All the spoil taken from the enemy, together with the prisoners, was by Scanderbag equally divided amongst the soldiers. Unto Moses he gave Debreas his horse and armour: and unto Musachius a prisoner, which by his port and behaviour seemed to be a man of some good account. A pleasant contention betwixt Musachius and a Turk for his ransom. This Turk agreed with Musachius upon a ransom of two hundred ducats, and presently upon agreement made, drew forth the money out of a little bag which he had kept secretly about him, and offered it to Musachius for his ransom: Who receiving the money, told the Turk, that he must provide another ransom, for as much as that money was his own before by law of arms, as taken with his person. The Turk on the other side alleged for himself, the agreement already made, with the payment of the full sum agreed upon. This controversy was brought before Scanderbag: who with great pleasure heard them both what they could say: Musachius laying in hard for another ransom, and the Turk for his liberty urging the agreement. Who when they had both said what they could for themselves, Scanderbag smiling, told them, that they both contended for that which was in right his and neither of theirs: for the prisoner with the money were both mine (said he) at the first taking of him; since which time I have given to you Musachius the prisoner, which I knew, but not the money which I knew not of: neither doth the concealing thereof make it yours (said he to the Turk) who had by law of arms lost yourself, together with all that you had about you. After he had thus pleasantly discoursed of the matter, and brought them both in doubt, he awarded unto Musachius the money he agreed for, and to the Turk his desired liberty: who glad thereof, and having also received his horse and armour of the gift of Scanderbag, departed, speaking all the honour he could of so noble a conqueror. After this victory Scanderbag with great triumph returned again to CROIA. When Mahomet understood that Debreas was slain, and his army overthrown, he became exceeding melancholy: but after he saw so many of his soldiers returned as had been sufficient to have restored a lost battle, he was so highly displeased with their cowardice, as that he could not endure the sight of them. The death of Debreas grieved none more than the king himself: for the captains generally either envied at his hardiness, or else hated his insolency. Amesa amongst the rest took no small pleasure, that his proud successor had taken part of his evil fortune, and so in part eased his former infamy. The great Bassas and men of war seeing their sovereign so desirous of revenge, offered to spend their lives in that service: whose forwardness he seemed not to refuse: howbeit he had in his mind already plotted another manner of revenge. He was not ignorant, what great matters his father Amurath had brought to pass, by sowing discord amongst the princes of GRaeCIA: which fowl practice he purposed now to put in practice himself. There was at that time many famous chieftains in EPIRUS, of Scanderbag both beloved and trusted; amongst whom, he was in hope to find some one who for desire of wealth or promotion, might be alured to give some desperate attempt against the life or state of Scanderbag. Of all others, Moses Golemus of DIBRA (a man honourably descended) was most inward with Scanderbag, and for his prowess and experience in martial affairs, of all men accounted the best captain in all EPIRUS, next unto Scanderbag himself: him, the crafty tyrant most desired to alienat from Scanderbag, as one fittest to serve his purpose, and easiest without suspicion to be dealt withal; because he commonly lay with a strong garrison in DIBRA, upon the very frontiers of EPIRUS. Wherefore he directed his letters unto the governor of SFETIGRADE, commanding him by all means he could possibly devise to withdraw Moses from Scanderbag; and not to spare for any gold or golden promises whereby to allure him: promising also unto the governor himself great preferments, if he could win him. Upon receipt of which letters, the governor began forthwith carefully to devise, how he might best attempt the matter he had in charge: where after many devices, he at last thought upon a shrewd-headed fellow, one of the Christians which dwelled in SFETIGRADE; whom for that he was a Christian, he might without suspect use as an instrument in so dangerous and important an action. This Christian the governor called unto him, and after he had with great gifts and large promises won him to undertake the matter; he sent him away, fully before armed with plenteous instructions, full of treason and deceit. When this subtle messenger was come unto Moses, and under pretence of great and secret matters of importance, had obtained to speak with him in private: he after some discourse had of matters well worth the hearing, began at length under the covert of fair glozing words, The crafty proc●eding of the Tur●● messenger to utter his poison: Showing unto him (as a messenger from the governor) the great and good opinion the Turkish emperor had of long time conceived of his valour and prowess: for which cause his heroical nature could not but honour him, although he were his enemy; and therewith also marvel, that he being a man of that worth, could be contented to be commanded by Scanderbag, whose state was by him chiefly upholden: whereas if he would do wisely, and changing his affection, follow Mahomet, an emperor of greatest magnificence and power, he should quickly in his court find such honourable entertainment, as were to be preferred before the state of Scanderbag: or if the sovereignty of EPIRUS his native country did better please him, he might easily be thereunto advanced, by joining his own endeavour unto Mahomet's great power. It pleased Moses well to hear his own praises (a thing incident unto haughty minds) and he liked well that he was so favoured of the Turkish emperor: but the hope of the kingdom of EPIRUS began to work in him new conceits, and moved him more than all the rest. Such is the force of ambitious thoughts, that they make a man forget all things, save themselves: so glorious a thing it is, to stand in the highest place. For all that, Moses neither in word or countenance made any semblant of liking, or disliking the message. Which the wily messenger taking for a secret consent, and heartily glad that he had been so well heard: not desiring as then any further answer, craved leave to depart; promising in short time to return to him again. After the departure of this messenger, many troubled thoughts began to arise in the mind of Moses: his mirth was changed into melancholy, and the cheerfulness of his countenance was abated, his haughty thoughts were his solitary companions, and the imagined kingdom the idol he in secret worshipped; so that in short time, he seemed unto the wiser sort as a man altogether metamorphosed. Some were so bold, as for to ask the cause of the messengers coming▪ unto whom he answered, That he was one, from whom he received intelligence of matters concerning the good of the state: which his answer was holden for true; for who durst once mistrust Moses? Whilst he was thus tossed up and down with his own thoughts, as a ship with the billows of a wrought sea, the same sly messenger, according to his promise came again; and for his more credit, in secret brought with him such presents as well might seem to have been sent from the Great Turk; with his message better framed than before. Of all which that was sent, Moses is reported to have received nothing but the worst, which was, Moses corrupte●. the very treason itself. And so returned the messenger, with answer, That he could not but in good part accept of the Turkish emperors great favours; and for the rest of his requests, whatsoever he should chance to do therein, he should not from thenceforth find him any great enemy: commanding the messenger at his departure, no more to repair unto him about that matter, for fear of suspicion. After that, it chanced that Scanderbag came into DIBRA, to see how all things stood there, and to consult with Moses for the besieging of SFETIGRADE; which city it grieved him to see in the possession of the Turks. Moses to avert Scanderbag from that enterprise, wherein he must of force be driven to show himself, told him, That he understood of late by a certain messenger which came to him out of SFETIGRADE, that the city was so well stored by the Turks, of all things necessary for the defence thereof, that it were but lost labour to attempt any thing against the same: wherefore he advised him rather to besiege BELGRADE (not that BELGRADE which is situated upon the river of Danubius, but another of the same name) in the confines of EPIRUS, then holden by the Turks, but distant from SFETIGRADE about an hundredth and forty miles; of the taking whereof, there seemed to be more hope. By this persuasion, Scanderbag resolved with himself to make provision for the besieging of BELGRADE. And forasmuch as his soldiers of EPIRUS always used to the field, were not so fit for the besieging of towns, Scanderbag craveth aid of Alphonsus king of Naples. he thought it good to pray aid out of ITALY, from his old friend Alphonsus' king of NAPLES, with whom he had been of long time acquainted, and unto him much beholden. Wherefore he sent two of his noblemen ambassadors unto him, with certain rich presents, and familiar letters of this purport. Our soldiers of EPIRUS, know only how to fight with men, and them to vanquish: with walls they know not how to deal. You Italians (as I understand) have skill in that kind of service, and take pleasure therein: wherefore now at this present, I have need of your help and cunning. There be certain towns of our enemies in EPIRUS, yea almost in the heart of our kingdom; which eyesore I have of long desired (if it pleased God) to take out of my sight: but being occupied with continual wars, had no leisure until now, happily to attempt any thing against them. This time I have chosen as most fit, to satisfy my desire, both for the seasonableness of the time of the year, and for that Mahomet spareth me leisure; whose fury I have twice calmed: You understand in few words, what I have need of: all other things are almost in readiness, and we only look for your help. Lend me such soldiers as know how to fight a far off, I mean arquebusiers and canoneers, for of others we have store plenty. But happy is APULIA, my Alphonsus, under thy government, from whence men fit for all services may be drawn as out of a most plentiful treasury. Whensoever we have requested men fit for service, either in peace or war, you have beautified both our court and camp. By you the kingdom of EPIRUS hath been supported with civil policy, and warlike strength: all sort of people, of what condition soever: yea every corner of EPIRUS soundeth forth thy praise, both at home and abroad. But for mine own part, I do so lovingly embrace your kindness, and so firmly retain the remembrance of your deserts towards me, that sometime I wish you that fortune (although in so doing I may seem unkind) which (as the common saying is) proveth, but getteth not friends: to the intent, that you might by some more certain proof know, how much I am to you devoted. When Scanderbag had sent away his ambassadors, he with all diligence began to provide things necessary for the siege of BELGRADE: wherein he had purposed also to have used the service of Moses. But he now in heart a traitor both to his prince and country, and a friend to Mahomet, found many excuses to stay at home in DIBRA: alleging first, that it was to be thought, that so soon as the Turkish king should hear of the siege of BELGRADE, he would invade some part of EPIRUS, thereby to withdraw his enemies from the siege: and then, that no part of all EPIRUS lay nearer unto the Turks, or more in danger, than DIBRA; and that therefore he could not do any better service, than to see unto the safety of that country, long before committed to his charge, and in which also most part of his living lay. These his excuses, proceeding indeed from deep treason, were yet nevertheless thought reasonable, and he for his provident care highly commended; and authority given him with new supplies to augment the garrison under his command, as time and occasion should require. By that time that Scanderbag had fully made his preparation for the intended siege, the ambassadors before sent to Alphonsus, were returned into EPIRUS, and with them such aid as Scanderbag had before requested, Alphonsus sendeth aid unto Scanderbag. and a great deal more: For Alphonsus fearing the greatness of the Turkish emperor, in what he could furthered Scanderbag his actions, reckoning EPIRUS not above 60 miles distant from his dominions, to be the strongest walls of his kingdom in APULIA (as not many years after, it by proof appeared, when as the Turks having taken OTRANTO put all ITALY in no small fear.) With this aid he also wrote loving letters unto Scanderbag, thanking him for his presents, and for the good opinion he had of him, willing him to make as bold of all his things, as of his own. But when he came to make mention of the soldiers he had sent; Alphonsus, after the manner of his pleasant nature, merrily wrote unto Scanderbag, That he had sent him Italian soldiers which could according to his desire, fight well both with men and walls; but better with women: and that therefore the Epirots were best to take heed, that they whose help they required for ●ight a far off, proved not also good warriors at hand at home in their houses. The great commendation Scanderbag had given of the king, was by him referred unto the excess of his love, and by the king requited with like. Scanderbag besiegeth and ●istresseth Belgrade. Scanderbag now furnished with all things needful, set forward, and according to his former determination, came and encamped before BELGRADE, with an army of fourteen thousand good soldiers: and in short time had so distressed the city, that the Turks were glad to take truce with him for sixteen days, which time expired, they promised to deliver up the town, if they were not before relieved. Upon conclusion of this truce, Scanderbag encamped himself upon an high hill near unto the city, with three thousand horse, and a thousand foot; and appointed Musachius and Tanusius, with the rest of the army, to remove farther off▪ into a large plain, where they might encamp themselves in a more wholesome and fresh air, in that hot season of the year, during the time of the truce. At which time he appointed also 25 scouts to keep continual watch upon the top of the highest mountain, to discover a far off the coming of the enemy, and to give warning thereof unto the camp by making a fire upon the mountain: by the negligence of which watch, Scanderbag received a great overthrow, as hereafter followeth. The news of the siege of BELGRADE was brought unto Mahomet, at such time as he was ready to have passed into ASIA against the emperor of TRAPEZOND: which great enterprise he was loath to give over, for the relief of BELGRADE; and yet to lose that city unto Scanderbag, grieved him much: wherefore he resolved with himself so to do the one, as that he would not altogether neglect the other. And so holding on his intended journey into ASIA himself, with such fortune as is aforesaid, he sent Sebalias' one of his great Bassas, with forty thousand horsemen to relieve BELGRADE, promising him great rewards if he could bring him Scanderbag either alive or dead. This Bassa was of the Turks accounted for a wary captain, but not so courageous, always more politic than forward: he having received his charge, set forward with all speed possible, no less careful of that he was commanded, than was Mahomet himself, and by great journeys came on so fast, that he still prevented the fame of his coming; and by his forerunners intercepted, or rather (as some write) corrupted the watch which Scanderbag had before placed upon the mountains; so that no sign was given unto the camp of the enemies, as was expected. By means whereof, Sebalius with all his power were upon that part of Scanderbag his army, which lay in the plains, before they were well aware of his coming: so that most part of them had not so much leisure as to bridle their horses, or to put on their armour. In which so sudden a fear, Musachius armed himself, and put his soldiers in such order as the shortness of the time and the enemies approach would permit; doubting much, whether it were better to fight or to fly: but seeing no less danger in flight than in fight, he resolutely received the enemy's charge, as a man desirous before hand to revenge his own death. And at length (seeing his men slain about him by heaps, and that courage must needs give place unto fortune) fiercely attempted to have broken through the midst of his enemies, and so to have fled unto the mountain where Scanderbag lay: but he was so beset, that no way was possible to be made; wherefore resolving there to die, he desperately fought, to the great admiration of his enemies, Musachius slain and the Epirots put to ●●ight. until that he, with all there with him, were every man slain▪ Tanusius on the other side, after he had given divers brave attempts to have rescued his cousin Musachius, finding by proof, that he could do him no more good therein but to become the woeful companion of his death, exhorted all the rest yet left, for safeguard of their lives to fly: in which doing, most of them were slain, for the Bassas great army so ●illed all places thereabout, and so eagerly pursued the victory, that it was almost impossible any way to scape. Scanderbag lying upon the mountain, Scanderbag seeth his men slain▪ and is not able to relieve them. and seeing the overthrow of most part of his army, was about many times to have descended from the hill, to have holpen them in what he might, or else to have there died with them: but yet stayed, being thereto earnestly requested by his other most expert captains; and persuaded, not desperately to thrust both himself and them all into the manifest peril of assured death. Sebalias' having slain Musachius, and put Tanusius to flight, followed the chase with the greatest part of his army, so that few were left in the great plain, except such as stayed to rifle the dead. Scanderbag taking that opportunity, came down from the hill whereon he stood, with his four thousand soldiers, and in a moment slew all such Turks as he found in his way: and after following in the tail of the Turks army, cut off a great number of them, and brought a general fear upon the whole army: insomuch, that Sebalias' perceiving that he gained not so much in chase of Tanusius, but that he lost more in the rearward of his army, by the pursuit of Scanderbag, left the chase, and turned upon his fierce enemy: Where after a sharp skirmish begun, the wary Bassa fearing in the maintaining of that disordered fight to have the victory wrung out of his hands by Scanderbag, caused a retreat to be sounded, so to call together his dispersed soldiers, and in better order to encounter his dangerous enemy. Scanderbag in the mean time having assembled the remainder of his army, valiantly again encountered the Turks, who thought in this battle to have made an end of the wars in EPIRUS: and with his own hand slew 〈◊〉 and Barach, two valiant soldiers of the Turks; which like stout champions had ●efore sworn unto Mahomet the death of Scanderbag, if they should chance to meet with him. In this last skirmish a great number of the Turks were slain: but night drawing on, Sebalias retired with his army to a mountain near unto the city, and Scanderbag likewise to another almost two miles off: and in the dead time of the night rising with his army, returned in safety into EPIRUS, leaving strong garrisons upon all the straight passages as he went, for fear lest the Bassa proud of this victory, should forthwith break into EPIRUS. This was the only and greatest overthrow that Scanderbag had hitherto received of the Turks: wherein he lost two thousand horsemen and three thousand foot (most part whereof were of the Italians sent from king Alphonsus) together with his tents and great artillery, Scanderbag flieth by night into Epirus. and about eighty of his men taken prisoners. And of the Turks were also slain three thousand. The next day Sebalias perceiving that Scanderbag was retired, commanded the bodies of the slain Turks to be sought out and buried: but of such Christians as they yet found breathing, the Turks cut off their hands and feet, and so left them amongst the dead. The head of Musachius and of many other the slain Christians, which by their armour or apparel were thought to be of the better sort, were by the commandment of Sebalias cut off: which because he could not for the distance of the place, and heat of the weather, without great annoyance carry with him to CONSTANTINOPLE, as the barbarous manner of the Turks is; he caused them to be slain, and stuffed with chaff, and so to be carried as the vain trophies of his victory. Afterwards, when he had repaired the battered walls of BELGRADE, and put a new supply of seven hundred fresh soldiers into the city, beside the old garrison therein before, and set all things in good order, he returned with great triumph to CONSTANTINOPLE. And the more to set out the glory of his victory, at such time as he entered the city, he first caused the captive Christians to be led in chains before him; after whom were borne the ensigns taken from the Christians, with the aforesaid heads thrust upon lances, and after them all the spoil: last of all came Sebalias himself, with his soldiers, as great conquerors, and was of the people received with such applause and joy, as if he had conquered some great kingdom. No man was now spoken of but Sebalias, his praises were in every man's mouth, he was the only man (as they said) that did show that Scanderbag was to be overcome: no preferment was now thought too great for him, or reward sufficient to countervail his desert. The poor Christian captives were afterwards for most part sold: of the rest, some were alive thrust upon sharp stakes, some hanged upon iron hooks, some otherwise cruelly at the victor's pleasure tortured to death. Moses lately before corrupted by the practice of the governor of SFETIGRADE, hearing of the great loss Scanderbag had received at BELGRADE, thought it now a most fit time for his revolt. But for as much as the fact, in the nature of itself foul, seemed even to himself the doer thereof, a great deal fouler and more dishonourable, for that he had therein no complices: he thought it good, if it were possible, to allure some others into the fellowship of his treason, so to diminish the infamy of himself, in communicating the same with many, and to appear with greater credit before the Turkish tyrant, than if he should as a contemptible fugitive come all alone. Wherefore upon the bad news from BELGRDE, he seemed at the first very pensive, and much to lament the misfortune of Scanderbag, and the common misery of the country of EPIRUS, with many words amplifying the same: and then on the contrary part, setting forth to the uttermost the force and power of the Turkish emperor Mahomet, thereby to strike a greater terror and distrust into the minds of them with whom he was conversant: but unto such as were more secret and inward with him, he discovered the great affection and favour the great emperor Mahomet had of long borne him, with the large offer of his gifts and preferments, assuring them of the like also, if they would conform themselves unto his appetite; seeking hereby so much as he could, to allure them into the participation of his most execrable treason: yet when he had said what he could, he found none but a few of the base sort of the common soldiers, which were willing to hearken unto him or to follow him. When Moses saw how much he had laboured, and how little prevailed, fearing to be discovered, he fled by night to SFETIGRADE, accompanied with a few base fellows, and easily obtained the governors pass, with safe conduct to CONSTANTINOPLE: where he arrived a little before the return of Sebalias from BELGRADE, and was of Mahomet both joyfully received and honourably entertained. When Scanderbag understood that Moses was thus revolted, at the first report thereof he was so troubled with the strangeness of the fact, that he stood speechless as a man astonished: but after he had paused a while, and upon further enquiry had found it to be true, he according to his heroical disposition, said no more, but that he could easily have Moses excused, for that he was carried away with the violence of such fortune as might have alienated the mind of a right constant man. And when divers of his friends (according to the manner of the world) with hard speeches seemed to aggravate his offence: he could not abide to hear the same, but commanded them to hold their peace, and no more to use such speeches: wishing that all treason and evil fortune were together with Moses gone out of EPIRUS. Upon this news, Scanderbag accompanied with Amesa his nephew and a troop of horsemen, presently went into the country of DIBRA, and there with all care caused most diligent enquiry to be made, if any could be found partakers of the conspiracy with Moses. But finding none, he much rejoiced in the fidelity of his subjects: and having set all things in good order in that province, returned himself to CROIA. Moses remaining in the Turks court, ceased not to solicit Mahomet to proceed in his wars against Scanderbag, promising to do therein great matters, even to the spending of his life in that service. But the crafty tyrant thinking it not good to trust him too far before he had further trial of him, delayed him off until the next Spring, pretending that the year was too far spent to begin wars. In the mean time he caused all Moses talk, his behaviour and actions, to be diligently observed and noted; and oftentimes himself discoursed with him concerning the managing of that war: all which he did especially to sound the depth of Moses his thoughts. And finding nothing in him but the most assured and undoubted signs of a mind devoted to his service, and altogether estranged from Scanderbag: in the beginning of the Spring he committed to his charge the leading of fifteen thousand horsemen for the invading of EPIRUS, such men as Moses himself should make choice of: for a greater number he required not for the vanquishing of Scanderbag. Mahomet sendeth Moses with fifteen thousand sei●ct men to invade Epirus. These soldiers although they detested (so few in number) to enter that fatal country of EPIRUS, as men fair warned by other men's harms, yet heartened on by the opinion they had conceived of their new General, and the hope they had by his means to find friends in that country to join with them, were the willinger to go. So Moses furnished with a no●●ble army, and all warlike provision he could desire for the destruction of his country; and blinded with the imagination of a kingdom, set forward▪ & marching through THRACIA and M●CEDONIA, forgetting the loyalty due unto his sovereign, and the love he ought to have borne unto his native country, came and entered into DIBRA. Scanderbag by his espials understanding of the coming of Moses, as also what strength he was of, stood not now upon any policy against him who had of long been privy to all his stratagems, but was ready even at his first entrance with true valour to encounter him. As both the armies stood ranged in order of battle, a messenger came from the Turks camp, to know of Scanderbag, if any one of his army durst to prove his fortune hand to hand against one of the Turks, before the beginning of the general battle. By which messenger answer was returned, That the challenge should be accepted. A combat betwixt a Turk and a Christian● The name of the Turk which made this brave challenge was Ahemaze, a man for his valour and courage of great name amongst the Turks. Upon this proud challenge, Zacharias Groppa, a gentleman of no less reputation amongst the Christians, hastily stepped forth before Scanderbag (as if he had been afraid to have been prevented by some other) and requested, that he might be the man to abate the Turks pride Scanderbag embracing him, commended his noble mind, and wishing him good fortune, gave him leave to carry with him into the field the first honour of the Christian army. As he was arming himself, his companions & fellows in arms standing about him, wished unto him not more courage or strength than he had, but only the fortune of Manessi. Upon his armour he put on many rich jewels and ornaments, the allurements or rather the rewards of the enemy, if he could vanquish him. The Turkish champion was no sooner come into the plain betwixt both armies, & made show of himself in great bravery as if his match had yet been scarcely found, but he saw Zacharias come forth bravely mounted, and ready to charge him: to whom Ahemaze calling aloud, said there would be time enough for him to hasten to his death, and therefore requested to talk with him before. So when he had learned of him both his name and place, he propounded such like conditions of the combat, as had been long before derided by Manessi: whereof Zacharias in no better sort accepted. In few words it was agreed upon betwixt them, That each of them should abide his own fortune, without any help or aid of others; and that the victor should have full power over the body and spoil of the vanquished. Thus agreed, they withdrew themselves one a good distance from another, and with their lances charged, ran together with such force, that with the violence of the encounter they broke their lances one upon the other, and were both horse and man overthrown. Both unhorsed, they nimbly recovered themselves, and with their scimitars fiercely assailed the one the other on foot. Fortune it should seem had determined to beautify that combat with variety, standing a great while indifferent to both. After many sturdy strokes given, without any hurt done, by reason they were so strongly armed, it fortuned that both their swords were beaten out of their hands: then grappling together with their bare hands, as if they had been two unarmed wrestlers, after long struggling till they were both almost out of breath, Zacharias overthrew the Turk, and lying upon him, with his dagger, above the gorget thrust him into the throat, and slew him: and so rising up, with the sword that first came to his hands, cut off the Turks head: at the sight whereof the Christian army gave a great shout for joy, to the great discomfiture of the Turks. To be short, Zacharias despoiling the Turk of his armour, and what else he thought good, returned loaded with the spoil of his enemy, and presented unto Scanderbag the proud Turk's head: for which he was of him afterwards most honourably rewarded. Into this place yet reeking with the blood of the late slain Turk, came Moses, and with a loud voice challenged Scanderbag hand to hand; thinking indeed that he would not have adventured his person: but when he saw him ready to come forth, he shamefully forsook the place, and returned with shame enough into his army. Presently after, The battle betwixt Scanderbag and Moses. both the armies upon signal given set forward, and so began to join battle: where at the first onset Scanderbag so valiantly charged the vauward of the Turks army, that they were glad to give ground: which Moses perceiving, relieved them with new supplies: and riding now here, now there, with his presence and courage restored the battle, in many places almost lost. Howbeit, the Epirots encouraged with the beginning of their good fortune, still prevailed upon their enemies, and after great slaughter made, came to the strength of their battle; where Moses had placed most of his best soldiers, as his most assured and last refuge: In this place the Turks fought with exceeding courage, and Moses warily observing in what part of the battle Scanderbag himself was, directed his greatest forces against him, of purpose, if possibly he might, to have slain him: whereof he miss but a little; for a courageous soldier of the Turks by chance encountering with Scanderbag, with his horseman's staff bore him quite backward upon his horse, in such forcible manner, that the Turks for joy gave a great shout, thinking verily he had been slain: but Scanderbag recovering himself again, and chafed with such an unwonted disgrace, furiously assailed the same Turk with his sword, and after a great fight slew him. A great part of the Turks army being already overthrown by them that had the leading of the wings of Scanderbag his army, divers of the common soldiers thrust the heads of the slain Turks upon the points of their spears, in token of victory, to the great astonishment of the Turks: and now joining themselves with Scanderbag, more fiercely charged the main battle of the Turks than before. Nevertheless, Moses encouraging his soldiers, did what was possible for a man to do, and even with his own valour a great while stayed the course of the victory: until he seeing the ground about him covered with the dead bodies of his best soldiers, and that there was no remedy but that he must either fly, or there die; turned his back and fled. In which flight, many of the hindermost of the Turks were slain: as for Moses himself, he escaped by ways to him well known, only with four thousand men, the poor remainder of so great an army: the rest, to the number of about eleven thousand, all choice men, were slain: whereas of the Christians were not passed an hundredth lost, and about eighty wounded. Of all the Turks that were taken, only one was saved; who being a man of good account, had yielded himself to Zacharias, and was afterward ransomed: the rest were all by the common soldiers, without pity, tortured to death, in revenge of the cruelty by them showed at BELGRADE: Scanderbag himself either not knowing thereof, or winking thereat. Moses with the rest of his discomfited army, lay still a while upon the borders of EPIRUS, and would feign have persuaded them, after the departure of Scanderbag, to have followed him again into EPIRUS, to have surprised the garrison left in DIBRA, in number not above two thousand; promising to bring them upon the same garrison, before they should be aware of their coming. But the Turks having him now in contempt, were about by general consent to forsake him, Moses contemned of the Turk● and to return home. And so Moses seeing no remedy, returned with them to CONSTANTINOPLE, with countenance as heavy as if he had been a condemned man now carried to the place of execution: and the Turks which had not long before had him in great admiration, expecting that he should have ended the wars in EPIRUS; began now to disgrace him as fast, and to speak all the evil of him they could devise. Yea the proud tyrant himself (although he could blame nothing in the man, but his fortune) was so highly offended with him, for the loss of his army, that he had undoubtedly put him to most cruel death, had not the great Bassas, and others near about him, persuaded him otherwise: saying, That in so doing, he should alienat the minds of all others from revolting unto him, or attempting any great thing for his service. So was he by their mediation, pardoned his life; but withal, so disgraced, that he had little or nothing allowed him afterwards for his necessary maintenance: all which despiteful contumelies he outwardly seemed patiently to bear; but was inwardly so tormented with melancholy and grief, that he could neither eat nor drink: The remembrance of the foul treason committed against his prince and country, was day and night before his eyes; and the disgraces of the Turks court inwardly tormented him with intolerable grief: The sight of the tyrant (who measured all things by the event) filled his heart with secret indignation; and to return again unto his natural prince, of whom he had so evil deserved, he was ashamed: Sometime the clemency and princely nature of Scanderbag, whom he knew of old, slow to revenge, and easy to be entreated to forgive, heartened him on to think of return; and by and by, the consideration of his fowl treason overwhelmed him with despair. Thus with contrary thoughts plunged too and fro, tormented with the unspeakable griefs of a troubled conscience, not knowing what to do, purposing now one thing, and by and by another: at last he resolved to forsake the insolent tyrant, and to submit himself to the mercy of Scanderbag; wishing rather to die in his country for his due desert, Moses flieth from Constantinople. than to live with infamy, derided in the Turks court. Resting himself upon this resolution, one evening he got secretly out of the gates of CONSTANTINOPLE, and traveling all that night and the day following before he rested, by long and weary journeys, came at last unto his native country of DIBRA. The garrison soldiers beholding their old governor all alone, full of heaviness, as a man eaten up with cares; moved with compassion, and forgetting the evils he had been the occasion of, received him with many tears and friendly embracings, and brought him to Scanderbag, who by chance than lay not far off. Moses coming unto him with his girdle about his neck, in token that he had deserved death (as the manner of that country was) found him walking before his tent, and there with heavy cheer falling down upon his knees at his feet, submitted himself unto his mercy, and with great humility and signs of repentance, craved his most gracious pardon. Which his request Scanderbag presently granted, and taking him up by the hand embraced and kissed him, in token he had from his heart forgiven him: and within a few days after, caused all such things of his as were before confiscate, to be again restored unto him; with all such offices and promotions as he had before enjoyed: and by open proclamation commanded, That from thenceforth no man should either publicly or privately speak of that Moses had trespassed. Mahomet understanding that Moses was returned again into EPIRUS, and honoured of Scanderbag as in former time, was much grieved thereat, and fumed exceedingly: First, for that he had at all trusted him; and then, that he had so let him slip out of his hands: being verily persuaded, that all that Moses had done, was but a fineness of Scanderbag to deceive him. Shortly after that Moses was returned into EPIRUS, Mahomet by like practice alured unto him Amesa, Scanderbag his nephew; promising to make him king of EPIRUS in his uncles steed. For by that means, the crafty tyrant thought it a more easy way to draw the minds of the people of EPIRUS from Scanderbag unto him descended of the prince's blood, than to Moses, or to any other stranger he should set up. Amesa upon this hope of a kingdom, fled to CONSTANTINOPLE: and because he would clear the mind of the tyrant of all suspi●ion and distrust, he carried with him his wife and children, as the most sure pledges of his fidelity. This Amesa was of stature low, and the feature of his body not so perfect as might sufficiently express the hidden virtues of his mind: He was of courage haughty above measure, subtle, and of a pregnant wit; wonderful painful, and thereto courteous and bountiful (the chief means whereby aspiring minds steal away the hearts of men) whatsoever he got of himself, or had by the gift of his uncle, he divided it amongst his soldiers or friends: he was very affable, and could notably both cover and dissemble his affections: for which things, he was above all others both beloved and honoured of all the people of EPIRUS, next unto Scanderbag himself. At his first coming to Mahomet, he filled not his ears with great promises, and vain praises of himself as had Moses; but only excusing his own revolt, laboured to persuade him, That he had for just causes left his uncle, with a desire now faithfully to serve him. And to that purpose spoke unto him as followeth: If it should please thee (most noble Mahomet) to call to remembrance the old injuries, Amesa his first speech unto Mahomet. and ancient displeasures by us committed against thine imperial Majesty: we might seem now rather to have come hither to receive the just guerdon of our evil deserts, than upon any hope of honour or preferment. For what could have been done more in disgrace of the Ottoman empire, than that you have seen long since done by us, in the most dangerous time of the Hungarian war; rather of a malicious & set purpose, than for that we were just enemies? When as in the same perfidious course, I myself being a helper and partaker therein (for now no excuse is to be pretended for our doings, more than repentance) your father's army was betrayed at MORAVA, and the kingdom of EPIRUS by great treachery wrested out of your father's hands; the only cause of so many calamities, and of so much bloodshed. But vain is this fear, and our suspicion needless, with so wise and merciful a prince; especially for that my years then green, and youth prone unto the harm of itself, and a mind not resting upon his own resolutions, deceived me. I believed mine uncle (for the ignorant believe many things) and alured with the desire of sovereignty (the proper disease of that age) and too much credulous, I forsook you and followed his promises: but discretion growing with years, I have by little and little perceived both the sly perfidious dealing of mine uncle, as also that my revolt from you was more hurtful unto myself than to any other. Scanderbag recovered, and also enlarged the kingdom of EPIRUS; but not without my great labour and help. I expected long time, that he should have given me, if not my father's whole inheritance, yet at least some part thereof, as a small reward of my so great travel and danger. Not long after he married a wife, and hath begot a young heir, a new successor in his kingdom: unto me for shame of the world, because I should not altogether lead a private life, he hath assigned a base corner of EPIRUS; where he enjoining the rest, I might lead a poor and contemptible life. In this case I had much ado to bridle my affections, and could never disgeast that injury: yet the iniquity of the time, with the insolent disposition of the man, compelled me to smother up my thoughts, and to make fair weather, least finding some suspicion, he should craftily have entrapped me, as he did of late George Stresie his sister's son; whom wrongfully charged with feigned surmises, he hath almost deprived of all his possessions. I would willingly have fled unto the feet of your highness, I would gladly have forsaken my ingrateful uncle with the stains of his infamous kingdom; but that the remembrance of the old rebellion, and many injuries sithence done, did make me afraid: until that now (God I think so appointing it) I came most gladly, following your most royal faith and promise. You had scarcely beckoned unto me, you had scarcely invited me, having of long intentively waited every occasion; but strait way I came with such speed, as if I would have flown: I lingered not, I expected not either Scanderbag or his evil hap, or your more prosperous success, as of late did Moses; lest I might thereby justly seem either for fear or regard of some imminent danger, rather to have provided for mine own safety than to have embraced your magnificence. Neither have I left any thing for you in me to suspect, nor any cause wherefore I should desire to return again into EPIRUS: here are present most sure bonds of my love, and faithful pledges of my loyalty. Behold (worthy Mahomet) you have whatsoever is dear unto me, yea whatsoever nature could give, pleasing unto men in the course of man's life. These I have brought unto thee, which should with violence have been taken from an enemy: such pawns as might assure thee of the faith of a most doubtful man. More than this, have I brought nothing: for in so great speed and secret departure, I could not have regard of my substance. And if I might have had time to have trussed up my trash at leisure; yet I know not how, I should have thought it a kind of baseness, to have brought with me any part of the poor relics of mine old fortune: especially unto thee, of all other the richest. Only my fidelity I lay down before thee, for any thing greater I have not: and if thou desire of me any other bond for more assurance, I refuse not whatsoever your highness shall appoint: for I came not hither to set down covenants and agreements of myself, but to receive them from you. I dare not promise to vanquish mine uncle, and to subdue EPIRUS with an army of fifteen thousand men: the misfortune of Haly-Bassa and other your Generals; yea and the late and rare victory of Sebalias, with great bloodshed gained, may serve for examples. In me you shall neither want diligence nor faithful service: as for other things concerning the event of this war, and for the revenge of the injuries by you received; you being a prince of power invincible, and of a most deep judgement, are not to be advised by me your unskilful vassal. Amesa honourabl● entertained by Mahomet. This speech of Amesa, seemed unto Mahomet free from all dissimulation, forasmuch as he knew most part thereof to be true; and his wife and children brought unto his presence, confirmed the rest. Wherefore commending his good affection, he appointed him honourable entertainment, referring other matters unto a farther time. Upon the approach of the Spring, Mahomet desiring nothing more than to be revenged upon Scanderbag, entered into consultation with his great Bassas, concerning the invasion of EPIRUS: unto which counsel Amesa was by Mahomet admitted, and his wicked devise for the destruction of his country, of all others best liked. After the matter had been long too and fro debated, it was concluded, that Isaac the great Bassa of CONSTANTINOPLE, should with an army of fifty thousand be sent against Scanderbag, and Amesa with him, having the charge of five thousand horsemen: and the Bassa to proclaim Amesa king of EPIRUS; thereby to persuade the Epirots, that Mahomet invaded EPIRUS rather for the displeasure he bore against Scanderbag, and for the advancement of Amesa, than for any ambitious desire he had to take unto himself that kingdom. Great was the preparation for this war, and the expectation thereof greater. Flying fame had in short time filled every corner of EPIRUS with the report of these news; adding thereunto (as the manner is) a great deal more than was true. Whereupon Scanderbag without delay, sent for his great captains and men of war into DIBRA, where that tempest was first to be expected: and when they were all assembled, he declared unto them the greatness of the danger, and what he thought thereof himself as followeth. A notable speech of Scanderbag unto his captain's, how the Turks were to be withstood a● their coming into Ep●u●. Amongst all other things which God hath left to vex and grieve the minds of men in so great variety of worldly affairs, we see (right worthy soldiers) these two the greatest, Hope, and Fear. The first a more comfortable thing, and proper to courageous minds (I may not say) of light belief: the other a thing of more discretion and safety, which although it use to defer the desires of men, yet hath 〈◊〉 power at length excellently to cure and season the same. Hereupon is it easily to be gathered, that the great cheefetaines of former times have gained more honour and greater victories, by fearing all that was to be feared, than others in show more hardy, which feared nothing. Hereupon the great Carthaginentian captain used to call Q. Fabius (whom the Romans ever thought too slow and too fearful) his great enemy: but Terentius Varro he called a greater enemy unto his own country and the people of ROME, than to himself. But wherefore do I wrongfully call that Fear, which might more truly be called Discretion, or wholesome Policy? Call it as you will, it is not much material: but this one thing no man can deny, That thereof hath risen the ancient discipline of war, and the old and severe government of martial affairs. This advised carefulness cherisheth and nourisheth Hope itself, it doth nothing rashly, it hath eyes before, behind, and on both sides, it weigheth in indifferent balance things past; present, and to come. You may now perceive to what end my speech tendeth. I would first confer with you, and know your opinions, before I determine any thing of the order of this war; that either I might yield unto your opinion, or else you (as you have always hitherto done) to mine. You hear▪ you now hear with your ears what preparation, what warlike provision is daily made against us. Lo the great Bassa of CONSTANTINOPLE, all the flower of EUROPE, and whole strength of the Ottoman kingdom knocketh at our gates. I want not courage (neither ever did) to prove my fortune against him, not without your honour: but I think it better to use policy and wary heed against so great an enemy, than our wont force and courage. That notable overthrow of Hali Bassa; so many great victories by us achieved, our minds by so many good haps confirmed, persuade me to think that we have both courage and strength to encounter him in plain battle: but the uncertain events of war; and fortune never sufficiently known, maketh wise men to forget what is past, and to fear that is to come. It was never proper to any man, it was never given by inheritance, always to overcome; new occurrents require new correspondents: neither may you, for that you conquered yesterday, presume to assure yourself to divide the spoil of your enemies to day. Victory is like a traveller, and goeth hither and thither, not resting long in a place: and although it be for most part both gotten and kept by courage and discretion; yet oftentimes, when you have most carefully and politicly disposed of all things, the fortune and chance of war have therein a great sway. I was wont to require (I remember it well) only valour and courage in my soldiers, contemning all external accidents and fortunes haps; if you did promise unto me courageous minds, I assured you of all good hap and prosperous success: but that loss we received at BELGRADE (the remembrance whereof my mind feareth, and always abhorreth to think upon) hath much changed my former cogitations, and made me to deem far otherwise of worldly matters, and the uncertainty of fortune. What if that day had been longer? or Sebalias of more courage? might not the state of EPIRUS have that day been utterly overthrown? We were then rather by God preserved, than by any thing that was in ourselves: what remained more, but that we should like cowards have yielded ourselves to have been bound of the conquerors? The night defended us, yea even God himself defended us; who took from them both policy and force, and gave us time to breath and escape away. We were then but as a prey; expecting but the coming of the victor: Howbeit, he took nothing from us, he carried little or nothing away with him, being too much careful to keep the honour he had already gained, and peradventure in fear of them of whom he was not without cause most feared. I speak not this of purpose to terrify any of you, but rather to admonish you, and to consult with you, how such great preparations may be frustrated and overthrown, and some notable victory by us achieved, without the price of our blood, or the loss of such things as we have. The number of our enemies is great, and so great, as until this day we never saw in EPIRUS greater, except at such times as they came to besiege our cities, and to devour us all. Now if we shall meet them in the plain fields in a set battle, the event thereof will be doubtful, many of us must needs fall, many of us must die (I would I might be a false prophet) before so great an army will either fly or be overcome, your victory shall be mingled with tears; and the heaviness of the conqueror not much unlike the sorrow of the conquered. Was it but a few that we lost at BELGRADE? Is that loss so to be recou●red? What flower of Chivalry, hardly to be in many years restored? How many worthy men were there slain? EPIRUS must needs in short time be unpeopled, if we shall so desperately only seek for such glorious victories. Wherefore if we will do well, we must so fight to day, as that we may fight to morrow also. Neither are our enemies and we in like case: The loss of forty or fifty thousand is less unto the Turkish tyrant, than the loss of an hundred of you is to me. We are in all but a few, and therefore carefully to be kept: which if we regard not for our own sakes, yet let us do it for our wives and children's, whose welfare and liberty dependeth of our lives: I know the number of you, I know your faces and countenances, and almost every one of your names, which maketh me also more careful of your health. And yet I would not refuse to try the whole fortune of this battle in plain field, if we might thereby end all the wars against the Turks for ever; if I were in hope so to find an end of our labours and travels hereafter, I would gladly adventure my life with yours, for the perpetual quiet and peace of our posterity: but a new enemy always ariseth, and we must still look for new wars. When this Isaac is gone, another Isaac will ere long come in his place: we shall be always exercised with new wars, and enclosed with new dangers: It is the destiny of EPIRUS (as far as I can see) and we ourselves are borne thereto. Wherefore we must gather our wits together, we must well husband our forces, and so divide our patrimony, as that we may always have something to content our creditors, when they shall chance to come upon us. Yet shall God (no doubt) give an end also unto these troubles: for extremities cannot be of long continuance, and you yourselves shall at length take rest: yea, the strong and puissant enemy, wearied with so many vain attempts, will at last have enough thereof, and leave off his perpetual hatred against us: then shall it be to you no small pleasure to remember so many labours and dangers past. Thus have I declared unto you the commodities and incommodities ensuing the victory in plain battle. But what if we be vanquished? Where have we any hope of relief left? from whence may we expect help? Will the bloody enemy, inflate with victory, expect whilst we again recover our strength and encounter him again with new forces? No, he will pursue us and chase us, so long as any of us are left: and having overcome us, will pour out the rest of his fury upon our towns and country, then subject to his injury. But some of you peradventure will say, that they are by policy to be overtaken, and not to be met in open field: of which opinion I also am myself, yet happily differ from you in the time of doing the same. Then I think it best to deceive them, when they think they cannot be deceived: when as they being as it were in possession of a supposed victory, like men overioyed, shall cast no peril. Now they come even from the gates of CONSTANTINOPLE, full of distrust, prying into every corner, as men before warned by others harms, and so many dreadful examples of their fellows: Besides that, they have with them my graceless nephew and domestical foe Amesa, who will teach them to foresee and shun such snares as in times past he with us was wont to lay for them. Wherefore we must now tower up unto the height of some notable and strange policy, whereby both our country may be from danger preserved, and also some great victory, without our own bloodshed (which seldom chanceth) obtained: which to the maintenance of our ancient glory and renown, we have to this day by many most notable victories gained: But time and space, and the sight of the enemy, shall furnish us with this devise. Now (that my discourse may come to the purposed end) first of all, all things subject either to the fury or victory of the enemy, are to be removed out of the way; all people, of what age, sex, or condition soever, are to be brought out of the country into places of safety; and then, our towns are to be furnished with strong garrisons and all other necessary provision, against all the chances of fortune. Besides, who knoweth the secret designs of the tyrant? or whether he himself (of long time desirous of revenge, and thirsting after our blood) will follow the Bassa at the heels, or no? Perhaps I may believe and fear more than is needful: but it is good to fear all that may be feared, that we may indeed fear nothing. If all things shall thus be set in order, if there shall be nothing left in the fields or in the villages, that may enrich, feed, or fear our enemies, and which may withdraw our care and thoughts from our enemies, undoubtedly we shall be victors. And if you will be ruled by me, and follow my direction in these wars, I will assuredly deliver your enemies into your hands to be slain at your pleasure; and (by the leave of God) will make the name and valour of the Epirots more terrible unto the Turk, than ever it hath been in the time of our ancestors. I flatter not myself, I deceive you not▪ if any thing may be promised in worldly actions, this I assure you of, and this will I take upon me. But th●se things are better done than said. In the mean while, to spend no more time in longer talk and discourse (than which, no greater loss can be to soldiers) let every one of us take a part in this charge, for the good disposing of all things, and how to withstand the enemy. I will not command any thing to others, which I will not myself do: I will refuse nothing, or reckon any thing base, which may tend to the common honour or profit of us all. This speech of Scanderbag was well liked and joyfully received of all the hearers, so that many besought him to manifest unto them how he purposed to proceed in those wars: whereunto he with cheerful countenance answered, That it was enough for him, if they did but believe him, promising himself in person to be in the most dangerous actions as far as any of them, wherewith they rested contented. The Epirotes remo●e all their 〈◊〉 ●ut of the 〈◊〉 into the 〈…〉 Turks. And presently dispatching his lieutenants into divers parts of his kingdom, as he thought most convenient, provided, That all things were in short time conveyed out of the country into the strong towns and other places of refuge. No corn, no cattle, or other things of any worth was left in the country; but all left desolate, in like manner as was before at the coming of the great king Amurath to the siege of CROIA▪ By this time Isaac the great Bassa was come into EPIRUS, accompanied with Amesa: and as he marched, still sent before him his scouts and espials, carefully to view every corner of the country, for fear to be entrapped as others before him had been; directed in his journey for most part by Amesa. Scanderbag had in readiness such an army as he had purposed to use against his mighty enemy, but lay with six thousand horsemen only in show, as if he had determined with them to have given them battle, but meaning indeed nothing less. For as soon as the Bassa was come in sight, he with those horsemen, according as he had before appointed, as if he had been discouraged with the very sight of the Turks, turned his back and fled. And because he would not give them any occasion to suspect it to be done for some policy or fineness, and so to make them more careful, he fled not into the mountains or woods, as his wont manner was, but directly toward LYSSA, a town of the Venetians standing upon the sea coast, as if he had quite despaired of the keeping of EPIRUS, and fled thither for refuge. The Bassa seeing him fly, was glad thereof, and sent certain troops of horsemen to pursue him, & diligently to mark which way he took: but encamped himself with his army in the plains of DI●RA, near unto ORONYCHIUM, where Scanderbag lay before: & there rested his army, weary of long travel, expecting the return of his horsemen, sent after Scanderbag. But upon their return, when it was for a certainty reported by them, That Scanderbag with an handful of men was fled out of EPIRUS, and not an enemy to be seen, the Turks began to rejoice, and proudly to triumph; that they had without any loss driven the enemy out of the country; yet much grieved, that they could no where find any thing to satisfy their greedy desires: for why, all things were so clean gone, as if the country had been swept against their coming, which might have been a sufficient cause for them to have disinherited some great matter; but they flattering themselves; supposed all this to be done for fear of them, upon extreme desperation: such is the frail condition of men, to loose strength of body, common sense, yea, their reason and understanding, when some great mischief is appointed for their overthrow or destruction. The Bassa seeing the enemy fled, and now no cause of fear, consulted with his chief captains, what were now best to be done? Amesa still persuading him not to remove, but there to stay a time, and to expect the farther event of matters. But the greater number, whose opinion prevailed, said it was better to go farther into the country, and to take the spoil thereof, before the country people should convey away all their substance into places of safety, as they had done there in DIBRA, and leave them nothing but the bare ground and empty cottages. By this persuasion, the Bassa early next morning in good order set forward: commanding by general proclamation, That no man upon pain of death should break his array or straggle from the army. Yet before he set forward, he called Amesa unto him; whom after he had highly commended, and with great vehemency invayed against Scanderbag, Amesa is by the Bassa created king of Epirus. he with the great applause of the whole army in the name of Mahomet created him king of EPIRUS. That day he marched not far, by reason of the great heat: for it was then about the midst of july. Yet when he had well wearied himself with that days travel, finding neither enemy nor any things else worthy to be accounted in any part of a victory; he encamped at night, keeping diligent watch, and sending forth his scouts every way, but especially towards LYSSA. The next day, which was the third day after the Bassas coming into EPIRUS, he set forward again, and came at length into AEMATHIA, and there encamped that night. When Scanderbag (flying for fear, as the Turks supposed) was gone a great way out of their sight towards LYSSA, and come even to the borders of his kingdom, he there stayed all the rest of that day. And a little before the going down of the sun, he with a few select horsemen departed from the army, and with painful travel got up to the top of the high mountains, from whence a man might by day well discover all the plains of AEMATHIA. There he appointed one Peieus Emanuel, a politic and valiant gentleman, with certain horsemen to mark diligently which way the enemy held, and by certain secret and appointed wastings and signs, to give knowledge thereof to the army. After such order taken, he returned himself, and came again to the camp after midnight. And presently rising with his army, and fetching a compass about, came undiscovered, and secretly encamped himself as near as he could unto the mountains where his scouts lay, with eagle's eyes waiting for the least moving of the enemy. The Bassa desirous to get as far as he could into the country, before the heat of the day, began early in the morning to set forward, and came to the plains of PHARSALIA, through the world spoken of for the great battle in them long time before fought, between the two most famous chieftains Caesar and Pompeius: and now once more to be made famous, by the slaughter of the Turks. Here the enemy finding some straggling cattle▪ and other small things which the country people had in their hasty flight left behind them, fell to seeking after booty, and as men without fear, spent that day in roaming up and down the country, in hope to find something: and at night encamped without any great watch, but towards LYSSUM, from whence they (in great security) looked for the coming of Scanderbag; and as it were in disgrace of him, carried Amesa in triumph up and down the camp, as if he had been already possessed of the kingdom of EPIRUS. Scanderbag lying on the other side of the mountains, perceived by his espials which way the enemy lay: and with great silence under the covert of the mountains and woods, secretly bend his course the same way, until he came to a mountain called TUMENIST, at the foot whereof he encamped that night. The next morning the Bassa holding on his way, came and encamped not far from the same mountain, and there stayed himself with half his army, and sent Amesa with the other half to burn and spoil the country: who about noon returned to the camp with such prey as he had got, with his soldiers well wearied with travel and the heat of the day. Scanderbag like a careful householder, who being about to entertain and feast some honourable personages, trusteth not to his wife and servants, but looketh unto the bestowing of his provision himself, carefully ordering and disposing and setting forth all things, especially if his provision (for want of ability) be short, to welcome so great guests▪ and setting all things forth to the greatest show, seeketh at least to fill the eyes of his guests, although he doubt to satisfy their appetites: so he carefully viewing all the mountains and thick woods thereabouts without resting, set Moses in one place, Tanusius in another, and all the rest in places most convenient. He appointeth every man what to do, and instructeth them, and considereth of every particular circumstance himself: and so divideth his forces, as might best serve his purpose, and make the most terrible show unto the enemy: for which purpose he in every company placed more trumpets, drums, and other instruments of war, than he had before at any time used. When he had so to his most advantage bestowed so many of his captains and soldiers as he thought good, and as the nature of the places would give leave, he with four thousand horsemen and the like number of foot, speedily marching up the rough mountain of TUMENIST, from thence plainly beheld in what order the Turks camp lay in the plains below. The Turks, especially they which were lately returned with Amesa from the spoil of the country, lay scattered abroad in the fields, with their horses unbridled and unsaddled, resting their weary bodies: some got under the shadows of trees were victualling themselves; The Turks camp 〈…〉. some having filled their bellies, lay fast on sleep upon the green grass; the rest were passing the time, some with one kind of sport, some with an other, as soldiers do in field when they have little or nothing to do: for it was then the hottest time both of the year and of the day, being about the midst of july, and the noontime of the day▪ The like negligence was also in that part of the camp where the Bassa himself lay: every man taking his ease and pleasure, with small regard of horse or armour; for being out of fear of Scanderbag, whom they thought to have been a great way off at LYSSUM, they lay as men without care wrapped up in security, the common destruction of great armies and common wealths. Amesa with the great captains, were at the same time altogether in the Bassa's pavilion, consulting what course they were best to take, to do something to the contentment of Mahomet, and their own commendation: Some said it were best, with fire and sword to destroy all they could in EPIRUS; and so having laid the country waist, to return: Others thought it better to march directly to CROIA, to prove if the citizens could be persuaded to yield themselves, and receive Amesa for their king; otherwise to threaten them with a continual siege, and utter destruction of the country, if upon the vain expectation of help from Scanderbag they should refuse to submit themselves. As for Scanderbag himself, who then lay hovering over their heads, he was in all that consultation lest feared: who from the top of the mountain, beholding the security and disorder of the Turks camp, and delighted with the sight thereof; encouraged his soldiers, and marshalled them in such order as they were to follow him, for the charging and terrifying of the enemy. But first of all he determined to oppress the Turks scouts, which lay at the foot of the mountain for which purpose he himself with a few horsemen first secretly descended the mountain, the rest of his army following shortly after, and so suddenly came upon the scouts that he slew them all, excepting one, who escaping by the swiftness of his horse, came running into the camp as one half feared out of his wit, crying out that Scanderbag was coming. The Turks suspecting nothing less than the coming of him that way, at the present instant hardly believed that he was so 〈◊〉: when as he following him at the heels as fast as he could, with his horsemen and his footmen after them, was in a moment as if it had been a sudden tempest broken in amongst the unarmed Turks▪ Scanderbag suddenly assaileth the Turks. and there making great slaughter of them, filled all the camp with sudden tumult and fear. Amesa who at the first noise had speedily got him to his charge, with his soldiers some half armed, some on foot, having no leisure to bridle their horses, was the first that made head against Scanderbag. The Bassa also did what he might in that sudden fear and shortness of time, to arm his men, and to put them in order: but whilst these things were in doing, the soldiers which lay in ambush in the woods, came down the mountain with such horrible shouts and noise of instruments of war, as if heaven and earth should have presently gone together; the hills and valleys with their hollow echoes, increasing the terror of the alarm. Insomuch, that the Turks dismayed, and fearing that all the force of EPIRUS with the countries adjoining had come upon them, began to fly on every side, before that Moses and the rest that lay in ambush were come into the plains. Amesa acquainted with his uncles stratagems, as much as he could encouraged the Turks; crying aloud and telling them, That such vain tumults and terrors were not to be feared, being but the bare shifts and devices of their enemies to cover their own weakness: and by his own valour stayed many which before were about to have fled. In this while, the Bassa having put his men in best order he could, was coming to the aid of Amesa, hardly charged by Scanderbag: but in his setting forward, he was so valiantly encountered on the one side by Moses with his horsemen, and on the other by Tanusius and Ema●uel with their footmen, that he was enforced, not without great loss, again to retire unto his trenches. All the hope of the battle depended upon Amesa, who still with great courage withstood his uncle; exhorting his soldiers valiantly as men to endure that first assault, which should afterwards bring them most assured victory: heartening them on with hope of speedy help from their fellows, if they would but a while endure the fury of their enemies, whose hearts (as he said) would presently be discouraged, if they prevailed not in that their first and desperate attempt, having nothing else to trust unto. By which persuasion the Turks were again encouraged, accounting it a great dishonour to fly, and leave their chieftain in the field. But when they saw Scanderbag still to prevail upon them, and that no help came as they hoped (for many were by Scanderbag his horsemen slain as they were arming themselves; many were by the way cut off as they were coming, and the rest put to flight) they which before fought valiantly with Amesa, turned their backs and fled also. Scanderbag his horsemen pursuing the chase, made great slaughter of the Turks, and in the same chase took Amesa prisoner. Scanderbag, having overthrown that part of the Turks battle, was coming with a thousand footmen and some horsemen, to have aided Moses against the Bassa: but before his coming, Moses to blot out his former infamy, had with invincible courage put the great Bassa with all his army to flight: and Scanderbag following the chase, gave him not leave to look behind him, until he was got out of EPIRUS. Many were in this chase taken prisoners, and amongst the rest one Mesites a Sanzacke, a man of great account amongst the Turks. In this battle beside the prisoners, were taken twenty of the Turks fairest ensigns. As for horses, armour, and other spoils taken in the field, and in the camp, A notable victory of the Christians. all which fell unto the soldiers share, it is almost incredible to be told. The number of the slain Turks is of divers diversly reported, they which write of the most, reckon up thirty thousand; and they which speak of the least, account twenty thousand. Of the Christians were lost but sixty. Now if any account it strange, that so great a victory should be gained with so little loss; not to speak of that is written in holy writ, let him but read the ancient histories of the Romans, or the chronicles of our own country, and he shall in them find victories no less strange. There was to be seen the sudden and strange alteration of these worldly things, no more indeed (whatsoever we account of them) to be reckoned of, than of things we have not. Scanderbag possesseth the rich pavilion, erst belonging to the great Bassa; and other of his captains enjoy tents, with much other rich furniture never prepared for their use. Amesa which the same day as a victorious conqueror overran a great part of AEMATHIA with his horsemen, and was in triumph carried up with the general acclamation of many thousands of valiant soldiers, and honoured as a king, and of them so called; is now led through the Christian army to his uncle, with his hands bound behind him as a slave, speechless and confounded, unable to hold up his head for shame: whose misery moved most of the beholders to compassion, and forced tears out of the eyes of many. The next day after this great victory, Scanderbag caused the bodies of the slain Turks to be buried, together with their horses; which he did not for any regard of them, but that their loathsome carcases should not infect the country! and after that, returned in great triumph to CROIA. By the way as he went, the country people, which were before for fear of the Turks fled into the woods and mountains in great multitudes, met him; as did others also out of the cities, whose mouths were all full of his worthy praises. Before him went the captive Turks with their hands bound behind them, excepting such as were enforced to carry the Turks ensigns: Next unto them followed the great Bassas rich pavilion, in such manner supported by the soldiers, as if it had been in the field: Then came Scanderbag himself with the Turkish Sanzacke, and Amesa following him; for Amesa had with great and humble suit obtained of his uncle, that he might not as he well deserved, be carried bound amongst the other captives: Last of all came Scanderbag his victorious soldiers in goodly order, every man leading a spare horse taken from the enemy, and loaded with spoil. So when he was come to CROIA, and there of his subjects joyfully received, he broke up his army, and gave every man leave at his pleasure to depart. The Sanzacke, and Amesa, were committed to safe keeping, until farther order was taken for them. Amesa afterwards was for his treason worthily condemned to perpetual prison, and by an ambassador from Scanderbag sent unto king Alphonsus to NAPLES, there to be kept in durance; and with him was also sent an honourable present of part of the spoil taken from the Turks, in token of the victory. What became afterward of this Amesa, concerneth not much the course of our history; yet to satisfy the desirous, I think it not amiss with him to stray a little out of the way. When Amesa had remained a year in prison at NAPLES, Scanderbag understanding of the death of Alphonsus, by his ambassador requested of Ferdinand his son, to have Amesa restored to him again. By which means he was brought back again into EPIRUS, and cast in prison at CROIA; but not in such strait manner as before: for Scanderbag according to his accustomed clemency, began now to forget the injury to him before done; and at last overcome with the continual supplication and tears of his nephew, pardoned him his life; and restoring him to his former liberty, received him also into his former favour. But Amesa remembering what pledges of his loyalty he had left with Mahomet at CONSTANTINOPLE, and fearing what would become of his wife and children, if he should hastily use that his liberty, giving his uncle most humble thanks, broke unto him his mind concerning that matter, as followeth: The s●ee●h of Am●sa to Scanderbag. Whereas you of your own gracious goodness only, without any desert of mine, have regarded my life and welfare, it behoveth me also to be careful for the life of others: lest whilst I receive your exceeding bounty with too much desire of mine own health and honour, I do at this present, by this same benefit of yours, cast away them, whom I have long sithence by mine own treachery undone. Mine unfortunate and guiltless wife is with Mahomet, my little and innocent children are with him also: these yet live, and shall live, so long as the tyrant shall think, that I live in heart his; but when he shall once perceive by this your gracious dealing that I am fallen from him, the cruel creditor will forthwith cut and rend in pieces the pledges of my faith, and their innocent blood shall pay the guilt of their father's offence. Wherefore the Ottoman tyrant is of me by some device to be deceived, that I may in the mean time preserve those pledges, until I may by some fit occasion afterwards redeem the same. I will by your leave this night take my flight out of CROIA, as if I had broken prison, and escaped against your will, and so fly unto Mahomet, making the greatest show I can of my wont love and loyalty towards him: not omitting to hear, or speak unto that credulous king such things concerning your estate, as I was wont in my better fortune: that having so cleared myself of all suspicion, which he perhaps hath conceived by reason of my captivity and long stay with you, I may at length, with my wife and children, so escape from him: Wherein you may help me much, if you shall openly make show as if you were grieved with my escape, and seem to be highly offended with the keepers of the prison for the same. In the mean time, whilst I shall stay in the tyrant's court expecting some fit time for my escape, I will stand you in stead of an intelligencer, so that your enemy shall not to my knowledge either attempt or go about any thing against you, which shall be kept from your hearing or knowledge. Scanderbag refused not to grant whatsoever he had requested, but said unto him: Amesa, The answer of Scanderbag to Amesa. sithence we have granted you life, with all the good things thereunto belonging, we will not prohibit you to use that our gift to your most good, and to the preservation of them who for ever may most justly call upon you, as debtor unto them, for their welfare and liberty. Go thy ways, proceed, take thy time and occasion as seemeth unto thee best; and at length reform thyself, whilst thou yet hast sufficient time and space. We now believe you in all things, and well like of this your devise: Amesa you shall herein deceive no man but yourself, if you shall longer follow the faith & court of the barbarous king, whereas like danger is both of body and soul both to thee and thine. Whensoever thou shalt return unto us, thou canst not do us a greater pleasure: and in what regard thou hast heretofore been with us, in the same thou shalt be with us again. The same night Amesa by secret order from Scanderbag, escaped both out of prison and out of CROIA: and in the morning it was all over the city, that he was gone, and the keepers sharply rebuked for their negligence. He coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, easily persuaded Mahomet, that he was by chance escaped, with all things else that he told him: yet was he not for all that, so well graced of him as before; not for any distrust he had in the man, but for the evil success he had in the former wars. Now whether Amesa neglected his promised return, or could find no opportunity to perform the same, is uncertain: but certain it is, that shortly after he died at CONSTANTINOPLE, The death of Amesa. poisoned as was thought by the commandment of Mahomet, who could no longer endure the sight of him, whom he reckoned the author of the notable overthrow received in AEMATHIA. This was the woeful end of this noble and valiant man, well worthy of remembrance, had not his haughty thoughts soared too high with the desire of sovereignty. When Mahomet understood in what manner Isaac Bassa was overthrown, and his army discomfited, he was therewith much grieved, and justly blamed the Bassa's security: yet such was his credit with his sovereign, that the matter was in better sort passed over than was supposed it would have been. Nevertheless, Mahomet in revenge thereof would willingly have employed all his forces upon Scanderbag, if his more urgent affairs would have so permitted. For at the same time, besides that great wars began to arise betwixt him and the Venetians (which continued for many years after) he was certainly informed, That the Christian princes were making a strong confederation against him. At which time Mahomet disdaining openly to sue for peace at Scanderbegs hands, cunningly practised by such as were sent to redeem the prisoners, and also by the Sanzacke himself, to persuade Scanderbag to require peace of him; assuring him, that if he did but ask it, it would for a long time be easily obtained. Which thing Scanderbag well acquainted with the Turkish policy, utterly refused to do. Wherefore Mahomet for defence of his countries bordering upon EPIRUS, sent two of his most expert captains, Sinam, and Hamur, with each of them fourteen thousand soldiers into MACEDONIA, expressly charging them not to enter at any time or upon any occasion, into EPIRUS, or by any means to provoke Scanderbag: which his commandment they so well observed, that the Epirots by the spac● of almost two years enjoyed the fruits of peace, although there was no peace at all concluded. So that the remembrance of old injuries wearing out with time, at length by the mediation of the same captains, A peace for a year concluded betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag. a peace for a year was agreed upon betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag. In which time he passed over into APULIA, and there notably aided king Ferdinand against the French, the proceeding wherein, as not pertinent to our history, I of purpose pass over. After that the time of the peace before concluded was expired, all things now going well with Mahomet, as he desired, he determined according to his wont manner to trouble the quiet estate of Scanderbag: and so sending a new supply of soldiers unto Synam-beg, who then lay with a strong garrison upon the frontiers of EPIRUS, commanded him with all his power to make wars upon Scanderbag. Synam accordingly, with an army of twenty thousand men entered into EPIRUS, where he was forthwith encountered by Scanderbag, and his army utterly overthrown, so that but few escaped by flight with Synam himself. Presently after he sent Asam-beg, another of his captains, into the same service, with an army of thirty thousand, whom Scanderbag also in plain battle vanquished at OCRIDA: in which battle Asam himself was sore wounded, and finding no way to escape, was glad to yield himself prisoner to Scanderbag, by whom he was courteously used, and afterwards set at liberty. jussum-beg following Asam with eighteen thousand into EPIRUS, was set upon by Scanderbag also, and having lost part of his army, was glad by speedy flight to save himself with the rest. After all this, Caraza-beg, an old captain and a man of great experience (who had been a great commander, and a companion with Scanderbag in the time of old Amurath) requested of Mahomet, That he might prove his fortune against his old acquaintance Scanderbag, assuring him of better success than before. The long and approved experience of this old leader put Mahomet in such hope of good speed, that he gave present order for the levying of such an army as Caraza had requested, and for ten thousand more than he had at the first required. With this strong army, in number almost forty thousand, Caraza set forward, having before filled the minds of men with the expectation of some great matter to have been by him done. Scanderbag understanding certainly, that Caraza was coming, stood more in doubt of the man than of his power: and therefore assembled greater forces than he had usually done before: and to welcome him, sent two thousand of his best and most expert soldiers secretly into the enemy's country; who lying in ambush amongst the woods & mountains, whereby Caraza must needs pass, suddenly set upon four thousand horsemen, the forerunners of Caraza his army; who marching disorderedly, and fearing no such matter, were in a trice overthrown, and most part of them slain: those few that escaped, fled back again to the army, as if they had come in post to bring tidings of some hasty news to the General. With which so unfortunate a beginning, Caraza was so discomfited, that if he might for shame, he could have been content to have returned again and gone no farther: yet for his honour's sake holding on his way, he came into EPIRUS; where whilst he was (after the manner of old men) long in resolving what course to take, he was upon the sudden assailed by Scanderbag, before he could well put his men in order of battle. At which time there fell such a vehement shower of rain, that both the armies were glad to retire before any great hurt was done. Three days together it reigned continually (for it was about the later end of Autumn) all which time Scanderbag ceased not in one place or other to trouble the Turks camp: so that the old General, partly distempered with the extremity of the weather, which for the violence thereof he took to be ominous; and more discouraged with the restless attempts of Scanderbag, rise with his army, and retiring back, by the same way he came returned to CONSTANTINOPLE. Where he was well derided of Mahomet, that having promised so much, had performed so little: yet afterwards was again by him in some sort commended, for that he had with less loss looked upon Scanderbag, than other his Generals before sent against him. Mahomet perceiving that Scanderbag was not to be subdued but with such forces as he was not then at leisure to employ upon him, thought it not amiss to prove if he could by fair speeches and glorious shows of feigned friendship get within him, and so bring him to confusion. For which purpose he sent unto him an ambassador, with rich presents, and letters of this purport. Sultan Mahomet, Lord and Emperor of the East and of the West, and of all parts of the World, unto Scanderbag, prince of ALBANIA and EPIRUS, sendeth greeting. The letters of Scanderbag to Mahomet. I think friend Scanderbag, that no acquaintance can be greater, or friendship more firm, than that which hath grown of long and mutual conversing and living together: and especially if the same have taken beginning from childhood and tender years, as you know it hath done betwixt us two; who have of long time, even from our childhood, lived together in great love and friendship, when as you first lay as hostage in my father's court. Wherefore beloved Scanderbag, when as I call to remembrance all those things, with others, wherewith our youthful years were then delighted; and being mindful also of all those things which you have oftentimes done for the advancement of our empire and kingdom, and for the glory of the Ottoman family; I cannot choose but embrace thee with a singular zeal and affection. For I take God to witness, that nothing could chance more welcome or pleasing unto me in my life, than to have thee with me, and for a while to enjoy thy company. Neither needest thou to fear any thing to come unto me, for that my soldiers without my knowledge or commandment have of late broken in and spoiled thy kingdom: which thing as reason required, was unto me exceedingly displeasing: neither did it any whit offend me, that they were by thy forces vanquished and overcome, and so received the just reward of their evil deserts, and that all things fell out with thee according to the equity of thy cause, and as thy heart could have desired. But to let these things pass, the remembrance of our old love and friendship persuadeth me to come to agreement, & to join together with thee in a perpetual league of amity: to the intent that our ancient acquaintance and familiarity, which by reason of long absence is almost worn out, may again take life, increase, and be confirmed. Of which peace, let these be the capitulations, if they shall seem unto you reasonable: for I know it belongeth unto him that requireth not the peace, to appoint the conditions of the same. First, we require of you freely and peaceably to suffer our armies to pass through your kingdom, for the besieging of the cities and invading of the country's subject to the Venetians our enemies: Then, to deliver unto us your son john in hostage, whom we will always use as one of our own natural children: And afterwards, that our merchants and men of trade may peaceably come and travel into all parts of your kingdom with their merchandise, and there freely and safely use their negotiation: Last of all, that yourself in parson may at your pleasure safely and without all fear repair unto us, and in like manner return again. In which things if you will yield unto us, I promise in the faith of a king, to grant unto you and your kingdom sincere peace, with perpetual tranquility; and that there shall not be any more dearer unto me than yourself; and will never to the uttermost of our power permit your kingdom to be infested or molested by any of our subjects, or others. Whatsoever you shall farther receive from us by the mouth of our ambassador Mustapha, you may thereto give full credence. Fare you well from our imperial palace at CONSTANTINOPLE the 10 of May 1561. Scanderbag having received these letters, and well considered of the same, returned him answer by the same messenger as followeth: The soldier of Christ jesus, George Castriot, otherwise called Scanderbag, prince of the Albanese and Epirots, unto Mahomet prince of the Turks, greeting. Your letters (most magnificent) are delivered unto us: The answer of Scanderbag to the former letters of Mahomet. wherein you write of your exceeding love and singular affection towards us, confirmed as you say by old acquaintance: which being grown up betwixt us, and by tract of time firmly rooted and as it were into nature converted, shall always retain his force and strength. But for as much as it seemeth unto you good to awake the same, having of long time and many years lain as it were asleep; and to make a motion that we should enter into a certain new league and confederation, whereof amongst other conditions of the league by you propounded, this is one, That your forces may freely pass through my kingdom, to invade the Venetians: Unto this your request, worthy Mahomet, it standeth neither with equity nor with mine honour to consent, for so much as the Venetians are my especial good friends and confederates. As for that you desire to have my son john with you in hostage for the better assurance of the peace betwixt us, I should peradventure do it (most noble Mahomet) if fatherly affection would give me leave: but sithence I have no more but him, and he as yet a tender child, it is not for the good either of him or us, to have him now taken from us, when as he ought of us to be most tenderly cherished, and carefully instructed. As for that you requested concerning your merchants, that they may freely and safely traffic into my kingdom at their pleasure, I can be content to yield thereunto, and wish heartily, that there might be a free intercourse for our merchants indifferently with their commodities into both our kingdoms. Farther, where as you earnestly persuade me boldly and without fear to come unto you, that by such interview and personal presence, our great desire, grown of long absence, might be the better satisfied: in this thing most excellent prince, I cannot but praise your most honourable disposition, and commend your good nature▪ and would therefore boldly follow your persuasion, if my other urgent affairs, with the government of my kingdom, would so permit. But what should I do? my son john is (as I said before) but little, and as yet unfit to govern: and my people (as you know) love always to have something to do; being by nature a fierce and restless nation, whom I myself have much ado to rule and govern: For all that, I will come unto you according to your desire, expecting only a more commodious time. So fare you well, and love me still. From our camp the 30 of May, 1461. When Mahomet had received these letters, and well perused the same, he writ to him again in manner following: Sultan Mahomet, The letters of Mahomet to Scanderbag for the concluding of a perpetual peace betwixt them. Emperor of all the parts of the World, unto Scanderbag, prince of the Albanenses and Epirots, greeting. Your letters we have received by our ambassador Mustapha, wherein you give us to understand, that you like of none of the conditions of peace by us propounded, but only that concerning our merchants and men of trade, that they might freely and at their pleasure use their traffic and trades with their merchandise too and fro: and upon this condition only you grant us peace. This your offer we accept of, and all the rest of your excuses we willingly admit: wherefore I promise unto thee (my loving Scanderbag) and will perform all that thou dost require, and upon that resolution rest: and will so long as I live observe and keep a sincere and inviolable peace with thee for ever, except thou first give cause of violating the same. And for that purpose have we with our usual and imperial seal signed these our letters, which we by our ambassador Mustapha have sent unto thee, as thereby confirming unto thee this perpetual peace. Wherefore you also (if you be so content) may subscribe, and with your seal confirm this of ours, that I in like manner may also have your like consent and agreement. And would farther, that you would command knowledge thereof to be made by open proclamation through all your kingdom, as I will in like manner cause to be done through mine. And for the more manifestation of this my love towards you, I would also that you should understand, That of mine own mere motion and bounty, I do freely give unto you all those things, which you by force of arms have taken from my father in ALBANIA and EPIRUS, so that you may possess and enjoy the same, as if they had always been yours and your ancestors: Wherefore I give, grant, and confirm unto thee and thy heirs, all the right, title, or interest, which I heretofore had therein: and from henceforth will always account and repute thee as prince of ALBANIA and EPIRUS, and so call thee. And as I have promised thee in the faith of a king, will never hereafter with wars molest thee or thine, except thou thyself give cause thereof. Wherefore after you have with your seal confirmed these things, you may commend them to our faithful ambassador Mustapha, to be by him brought unto us: unto whom I would you should in all things give full credit. So fare you well, and render us love for love. From our imperial palace at CONSTANTINOPLE, the 22 of june, 1461. A peace concluded betwixt Ma●omet and Scan●erbeg. Upon receipt of these letters a peace was concluded betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag, and the same by public proclamations solemnly published through both their kingdoms, to the great rejoicing of many. Which peace was for a season faithfully kept on both sides, until that the Turks lying in garrison upon the frontiers of EPIRUS, began after their wonted manner again to fetch preys and booties out of the country. Of which injuries Scanderbag by letters complained to Mahomet: who answered that he was altogether ignorant thereof, and seemed in show to be much offended with the insolency of the doers thereof: and forthwith caused many things to be again restored. By which means the peace before concluded, was still as before continued. A little before the conclusion of the aforesaid peace, great wars began to arise betwixt the Turks and the Venetians: who all this while being in league with the Turk, peaceably followed their traffic and trades of merchandise, little or nothing at all regarding their neighbour's harms and miseries, until that now the flame and fire began to take hold upon their own houses, and as it were to awaken them out of a dead sleep. For Mahomet after he had subverted the empire of CONSTANTINOPLE, and driven Thomas and Demetrius the emperors brethren out of PELOPONESUS (now called MOREA) rested not so contented, but by his lieutenants and other great captains began to disturb the quiet of the Venetians, who then held in their possession METHONE, CORONE, NEAPOLIS, ARGOS, with divers other strong towns in PELOPONESUS, standing upon the sea coast. And now it chanced, that about this time, joshua, Mahomet's lieutenant in PELOPONESUS, had by the treason of a Greek priest, upon the sudden surprised the city of ARGOS: And Omares another of his great captains, having first spoiled the country about NAUPACTUM (now LEPANTO) entered farther into the territory of the Venetians about METHONE and CORONE, making havoc of whatsoever came in his way. With which injuries, plainly tending to open war, the Venetian Senators being much troubled, sat oftentimes in counsel, deliberating with much care what course to take in a matter of so great importance. Some being of opinion, that it were best to send ambassadors to Mahomet, so to make proof if the matter might by fair means be redressed: others on the contrary part deeming it to be to no purpose so to do; for as much as such great and manifest outrages, nothing differing from plain hostility, could not possibly be done without the tyrant's knowledge and express command. After the Senators had oftentimes met together, and with many great reasons debated the matter too and fro, and yet for all that concluded nothing (as in consultations of great matters with a multitude, it most commonly falleth out to be a harder matter, and to require longer time, to bring the multitude to some certain resolution, than it is afterwards to perform the same in action.) In this so great a diversity of opinions concerning so weighty a cause, at length one Victor Capella, a noble gentleman and grave Senator stepped up in the midst of the Senate, and there frankly delivered this notable speech unto the rest concerning the matter propounded, as followeth: I have before this at other times by long experience often noted (most noble Senators) that in all our greatest consultations of matters most concerning our common state, The notable speech of Victor Capella, to persuade the Venetians to take up arms against Mahomet. some are always so addicted or rather wedded unto their own conceits, that they can hardly with patience endure to hear the reasonable opinion of others contrary to their own; the chief cause of our slow resolutions. Wherefore I have thought it good, briefly at this time to call upon you for resolution: for as much as I see we must of necessity take up arms, be we never so loath or unwilling: For to my understanding, you do but betray the state, in delaying the time to make present war upon the barbarous enemy. Yet many principal men amongst us, advise us to beware, that we do not rashly or unadvisedly determine of matters of so great consequence; and think it requisite, that we should send ambassadors unto the tyrant, to expostulate with him his unjust dealing in breaking his faith and league; and withal to request him to observe the conditions of the peace before agreed upon, if happily he may rather by persuasion than by arms be moved to change his purpose: and if by this means nothing may be obtained, then at length they think it necessary to resolve to make war upon him. They allege further, That if we shall attempt war, our cities in the continent bordering upon the Ionian, in PELOPONESUS, with divers others of ours in the firm land, will not be able to hold out very long, but for want of necessaries must needs perish with the first of the trouble; besides that, if those places shall be wasted and spoiled, great loss (as they say) shall ensue thereby unto most of us in private: the greatest motive (perhaps) wherefore they think it most convenient to defer the wars, and for that purpose to send our ambassadors unto him▪ Of which embassage, first by your leave a few words. At such time as these our ambassadors, men of great wisdom and reach, not long since came unto him, he had them in no regard; but dallying off the time with fraudulent, deceitful, and glozing speeches, did indeed such things to the contrary as we least hoped: wherefore I cannot well devise (if we should send them, or such others again) what especial thing of all that we then gave them in tharge, they should now propound unto him, having already said what is to be said; except they should say, That whereas we are not of sufficient strength and power to wage war against him, we would be glad to decide the matter by talk, and by that simple means to redress our injuries; and upon the matter, to show ourselves priest and ready to fall to agreement with him, according as shall stand with his good pleasure and liking. Truly this were good plain dealing, but it will not serve our turn: ARGOS is already taken from us, and he maketh open war upon us: wherein he doth but prove our courage, and try how long we will put up these injuries. If we will quietly digest these, he will then confidently and without fear proceed further: but if we shall as best beseemeth us, valiantly resist him, he shall be glad of such rest as we shall give him; and when he knoweth not well which way to turn himself, shall be as glad as we to lay down arms and to seek for peace: whereas if we shall do otherwise, I fear we shall repent ourselves when it will be too late. It is reported, that as soon as he was come into PELOPONESUS, he went himself in person unto EVBoeA, to view the city of CALCIS: and going a second time out of PELOPONESUS, sounded the depth of the passage, and came within the sight of the city, of purpose to have assaulted it, if he had found opportunity: at which time he himself rid over that straight of the sea betwixt BoeOTIA and EVBoeA with his horse, and curiously viewed in what place he might most conveniently pass over with his army to besiege the city. Verily these are the most manifest signs of war, whereby any man may sufficiently prove, that he hath long since resolved (so soon as he is ready) to make war upon us, whilst we are yet dreaming in the midst of our long consultations. He will proceed in the wars he hath begun: and cutting us short, augment his own dominions. Then will he blame his lieutenants and captains, as authors thereof: but yet still be doing that best serveth his purpose. And whilst no man opposeth himself against him, his power daily increasing, he will do the best he can suddenly to swallow us up, being unprovided. For he may easily raise great forces, that by sufferance of others, maketh himself of great strength there where he had before no footing▪ Shall we then say that we have no wars with this encroaching tyrant? Some I know feed themselves and others also, with vain hopes, saying; That he will never turn his forces upon us, nor ruinate our estate, although he might at ease do it: wherefore (say they) let us refrain from wars, and use our peace and quietness, yet omitting nothing in the mean time that shall be needful for our safety. But for as much as it plainly appeareth unto all men by that which is before said, That he hath already indeed proclaimed war against us, invading our countries, surprising our cities, and killing our people: Whether think you it more expedient or profitable for us, to sit still and suffer our dominions to be taken from us, or rather by open war to make the barbarous king know the greatness of our power and strength? For if we shall enter into open war, we being in arms sufficiently provided for all events, and with careful eye attending all his attempts, shall easily avoid both himself and all his devices: who if he be suffered to run still on forward with his prosperous success, people will daily more and more fall unto him, in hope to live the better, as his friends. For which cause, I think it better to prefer an honourable war before a doubtful peace. As for delay, it hath hurt may great States, and ourselves most of all: whereby we have in sort betrayed the empire of GRECIA, with the woeful emperor himself, when as this tyrant battered the walls of CONSTANTINOPLE: for our traffic was much holpen by the Grecians, whom we then left to themselves. After that, we despised and rejected the pitiful complaints of the princes of PELOPONESUS, who with tears craved our aid: and now we see that famous country lost, and fallen into his hands, through our sloth and negligence. Of late, when as the king of BOSNA humbly requested our aid, and promised fully to requite our courtesy, and whatsoever else we should do in his behalf; we suffered his kingdom to be lost, and himself to be cruelly murdered of the Turks. For all these things by us thus neglected, we cannot escape the infamous report of all the rest of the nations in EUROPE, but that they will say, That we for the greedy desire of trade and filthy gain, have forsaken, and for our parts betrayed whole kingdoms and nations, agreeing with us both in manner and religion; and to have stood still, looking on, until they were subdued and brought in thraldom by the Turks. Wherefore in few words to shut up the matter, if we shall join in league with the Hungarians, and enter into arms, we shall so be able to keep our own: whereas if we shall use delays, and hunt after peace, we shall in short time see; that he will suddenly devour us, being unprovided, and wrest from us all our provinces and territories which border upon him. And therefore it is (in my opinion) best to send our ambassadors into HUNGARY with a great mass of money to stir up that warlike nation into the fellowship of this war. And beside the navy we now have in readiness, to put to sea as many more ships and galleys as we are able. The great Bishop also is not to be forgotten, but by all means to be drawn as a chief man into this war. Besides all this, we must do what we can to raise up rebellion against the Turk in PELOPONESUS: which will be no hard matter to bring to pass. For if the Peloponesians rise in arms with one of their poor princes which revolted from the Turkish king, and forsaking all that they had, adventured themselves into all manner of peril and danger: what think you they will do, if they shall see so great forces coming both by sea and land against the Turkish king? It were good also, that we should send two thousand Italian horsemen into PELOPONESUS, to animate the people: who when they shall see us thus to proceed, will undoubtedly presently revolt from the Turks, and yield themselves with their country unto us, from whence we may most commodiously vex and molest this tyrant: For there is no where better entrance into his kingdom, than by the way of PELOPONESUS. So that joining in league with the Hungarians, we shall be set him on every side: they all along the river of DANVEIUS, and we out of PELOPONISUS. Let us not therefore sit still with our hands in our bosoms, suffering our countries to be taken from us, & our subjects made bondslaves to the Turks: but encouraging them by our example, animate them to take up arms, and valiantly to resist the cruel and barbarous tyrant. The Venetians take up arms against the Turk. The greater part of the Senate moved with this grave Senators speech, decreed without delay to make wars, and to send their ambassadors to the Pope, the king of HUNGARY, and other the Christian princes their neighbours, to pray aid of them in these wars against the Turks. According to this decree, the Venetians for defence of their territory sent one Bertholdus Este, a valiant captain, with an army into PELOPONESUS: where at his first coming, he in short time recovered the city of ARGOS before lost. And departing thence, ma●ched through the country with his army of fifteen thousand men unto the straight of CORINTH, called ISTHMUS. At which place Alovisius Lauretanus, Admiral for the Venetians (by appointment before made) met him: and there joining their forces together, with great labour in the space of fifteen days fortified all that straight from the Ionian unto the sea Aegeum, with a continual rampire and double ditch, in length about five miles. In which work they used the help of thirty thousand men: and in doing thereof, were much furthered by the ruins of the old wall before destroyed by Amurath. The Venetian commanders having fortified this straight, encamped before CORINTH, and laid straight siege unto it: where, at the second assault, Bertholdus the General desirous by his own forwardness to encourage his soldiers, was in that assault grievously wounded with a stone, cast down upon him from the wall, of which hurt he shortly after died. Nevertheless, the siege was still contived by Betinus Calcinatius, who succeeded in Bertholdus his place. But whilst the Venetians lay thus at the siege of CORINTH, suddenly news was brought unto the camp, that Mahomet was coming with a great army himself in person to raise the siege, and to destroy the new fortifications at ISTHMUS. Whereupon the Venetians left the siege, with purpose to have defended the late fortified straight. But after that it was certainly known, that Mahomet was even now at hand with an army of fourscore thousand Turks, Betinus distrusting with his small number to be able to defend the straight against so puissant an army, left the place so lately before fortified, and with all his army retired to NEAPOLIS to keep the sea coast. Shortly after, Mahomet without any resistance at all entered with a world of men by the straight into PELOPONESUS: and when he had with the great slaughter of the country people roamed up and down about ARGOS, he came to NEAPOLIS, and in most terrible manner assaulted the city twice: both which times he was notably repulsed by the Venetians, and many of his men slain. Departing thence, he destroyed and wasted the country about METHONE (now MODON) and CORONE; and assaulted the city of JUNCUM, but with no better success than he had before NEAPOLIS. Wherefore Winter now drawing on, he returned with his army to CONSTANTINOPLE. After his departure, the Venetians spoilt all that part of ARCADIA which was subject to the Turks, requiting him with like injuries as he had done them before. Not long after, Lauretanus the Venetian Admiral had the Island of LEMNOS delivered unto him by one Cominius, a famous pirate, who had surprised the same, and taken it from the Turks: but distrusting how he should be able to keep the same, delivered it over unto the Venetians. Shortly after, Vrsatus justinianus, a great magnifico amongst the Venetians, was sent to succeed Lauretanus their Admiral: But whilst he was scouring the Aegeum with a fleet of two and thirty great galleys, Andreas Dandulus, General of their forces at land, inconsiderately encountering with the Turks horsemen between MANTINAEA and PITHEME, was by them overthrown and slain, and with him diverse other gentlemen of great account. In which skirmish fifteen hundred of the Venetians were slain also with their General. And as fortune is never more constant than in mischief, so at the same time Vrsatus, General at sea, landing his men in the Island of LESBOS, besieged the city of MITYLENE, and gave thereunto two great assaults, wherein he lost five thousand men. And understanding that the Turks fleet was coming to relieve the city, raised his siege, and sailed into EVBoeA, and from thence passed over into PELOPONESUS: where he shortly after died for sorrow and grief of mind. In whose place the Venetians sent another famous captain called jacobus Lauretanus. The Venetians well considering the great power of the Turkish emperor, The Venetians enter into confederation with other Christian princes against the Turk. laboured by their ambassadors, to draw as many of the Christian princes as they could into the fellowship of this war; but especially the great Bishop, by whose means they were in good hope to be greatly strengthened. Pius the second of that name was then the great Bishop, who at first answered the Venetian ambassadors▪ That he must take away the little Turk, before he had any thing to do with the great: meaning thereby, Sigismundus Maletesta, prince of ARIMINUM; whom he deadly hated, for that he took part with the French against the Arragonians. Howbeit (the wars in ITALY being well appeased) Pius still solicited by the Venetians, made great preparation against the Turks, giving it out, That he would in person himself go unto those wars: and by his authority, then much regarded, procured great aid out of GERMANY, FRANCE, SPAIN, and other countries also farther off: at which time also voluntary men in great numbers resorted out of all parts of Christendom into ITALY, ready to adventure their lives in those religious wars. At the same time also the Venetians had with much ado by the working of Paulus Angelus, Archbishop of DIRRACHIUM, persuaded Scanderbag to renounce the league which he had before made with the Turk, and to enter into arms again: which he presently did, and upon the sudden spoiled the borders of the Turks dominions next unto him. Wherewith Mahomet was no less troubled, than with all the rest of the great preparation of the Christians against him: fearing that (as it was then reported) he should be made general of the Christian army, which Mahomet feared might tend to the utter ruin of his kingdom: so dreadful was the name of Scanderbag amongst the Turks. Wherefore thinking it most expedient for his affairs, to reconcile him if it were possible, by his ambassador sent for that purpose, writ unto him as followeth: Sultan Mahomet, Emperor of the East and of the West, unto Scanderbag, prince of the Albanenses and of the Epirots, greeting. The letters of Mahomet to Scanderbag. I have always had thy fidelity and upright dealing in great admiration, most noble prince Scanderbag: for which cause, I thought it a thing incredible, that thou being a prince of such an heroical and princely perfection, should so inconsiderately and without any occasion break the faith and league which thou not long since solemnly contracted with me. For as I am advertised, thou hast entered into the confines of our dominions with a great army, and with fire and sword destroying all that thou couldst, hast carried away with thee a great booty. Of which thing I know right well, that the Venetians are the only cause, by whose counsel and persuasion thou hast been set on to do this deed; and seduced by their allurements and subtle persuasions, hast made war upon me, and art become the faithless breaker of thine own league, and of the sacred law of nations. Yet do I little or nothing blame thee therefore, regarding more the cause of the ignominy, than the despite itself, and lay the blame upon them who have always been my foes and capital enemies, rather than upon thee. But alas, what is this unto me (Scanderbag) that thou hast done, which possess so many and so large dominions? Didst thou think to do so great hurt unto our kingdom, by spoiling a little piece of our country, and by stealing our cattle, more like a these and robber than an open enemy? Which thing I yet account not worth the name of an injury. But if thou think it so good, proceed in these thy doings: for I make more account of thy friendship and love, than of whatsoever is to me dearest: because as thou knowest I ha●e always borne unto thee an especial favour, and loved thee most entirely. And therefore as oft as I call to remembrance our tender years and old familiarity whilst we lived together in my father's court at HADRIANOPLE, I cannot but think myself bound unto thee in all courtesy. And therefore my good Scanderbag, I most heartily request and entreat thee, That we renewing the former conclusions of peace, may of new confirm the same by solemn oath: wherewith if the former peace had been established, thou wouldst not have suffered thyself to have been now of the Venetians so circumvented or seduced. It is therefore needful, that we now again for ever confirm a league and peace betwixt us by solemn and sacred oath on both sides: which if thou shalt do (as I hope thou wilt) and in this be advised by me, thou with thy posterity shall undoubtedly always reign in peace, and in safety possess whatsoever is yours. Whereas if thou shalt do otherwise (believe me) it will repent thee, and that right quickly. Thou knowest already my force, which whether thou be able to withstand or not, thou were best to be well advised. The poor princes thy neighbours, the Venetians thy seducers, cannot deliver thee from my forces and power. Dost thou not see the Grecians almost all rooted out before thy face? the emperors of CONSTANTINOPLE and TRAPEZOND by us deprived of their empires? the princes of SERVIA and RASCIA destroyed? the king of BOSNA put to death? and all the kingdoms of ASIA, with many other kings and princes more vanquished and overthrown, and made subject unto me? Wherefore Scanderbag, I advise thee in this to follow my counsel, keep thy promise, and so believe me thou shalt not be deceived. Concerning these matters, we have given further commandment to our ambassador and servant Mustapha, which cometh unto thee: unto whom doubt thou not to give credence in any thing. Farewell from our imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE the 7 of May 1463. Scanderbag having by the afore said messenger received these letters, and well considered of the same, returned answer as followeth: The champion of Christ jesus, George Castriot, otherwise called Scanderbag, prince of the Albanese and Epirots, to the most excellent Mahomet king of the Turks, greeting. Scanderbag his answer to the letters of Mahomet. You marvel (most noble Mahomet) that my soldiers (as you say) contrary to our league and the conditions of our peace, have entered into your confines, and from thence carried a great booty. Of which thing (you say) the Venetians are the authors, whom you call your mortal enemies: inferring afterward, that you are little therewith offended, for that you are a most mighty prince, and can easily digest such unkindness, for the great love you bear unto me: and the rather, for that I did it deceived (as it pleaseth you to say) by others. All these things you can easily forgive and forget: so that I will by solemn oath confirm the same conditions of peace that were in our former league betwixt us agreed upon. And thereunto you do greatly urge me, you admonish and counsel me to follow your advise, as tending to the great profit and security of me and my posterity, least happily whilst I seek to please the Venetians, I incur your heavy displeasure. Besides this, the more to terrify me, you reckon up as it were in a catalogue, the people, nations, kings, and princes, by you overcome and subdued. But what is that which is so strange (I pray you) and which you so much marvel at (most noble Mahomet?) Is it not for that my soldiers did that in the confines of your dominions, whereof they were (of right) sorr●e; and had thereof to me complained, that your soldiers had before done the like in their goods and possessions. Wherefore if they also upon a military bravery (as is your manner of phrase) have made themselves whole, and done one shrewd turn for another, revenging injury received, and not inferring any of new: there is no cause that you should either think it strange or blame me. I would myself have restrained my soldiers, although they were grievously injuried (I will plainly confess unto you a ●roth) I would have appeased their angry minds, inflamed with desire of revenge; if you (a prince of all others most rich and bountiful) would either have taken order, that full restitution might have been made unto them of all such things as they had lost, or else would with condign punishment have chastised the insolency of your soldiers: which you would seem to cover with the term of military wantonness or bravery; an excuse scarce currant amongst children. For although offences are in all places grievous, yet ought they most of all so to be deemed in martial affairs. What I pray you, would you have me to take it for a lasciviousness in your men of war? especially when I had received so great loss, when as you might with a word first have restrained them from doing of it, and at your pleasure corrected them after the deed was done. Wherefore (most excellent Mahomet) take you also in good part these our terms, which you have accustomed hitherto most gloriously to give and sell unto us, whilst you always cover your reach with some excuse or show of right. As for that in excusing me under colour of old acquaintance and friendship you inveigh against the Venetians, verily you do them wrong: for why those good, just, and virtuous princes are not to be slandered by you, as seducers of me or others. Beside, what need that invincible state to enter into counsel with me, or (as it pleaseth you to say) to allure me to fall at odds with you, or to prosecute you as their enemy? Who of themselves, yea (I say) of themselves alone, when occasion shall require, are able to dare you in plain battle, and to abate your pride. Further, whereas you advise me to reject their friendship, your labour is therein but lost: for what man is so desperate, or hated of his subjects, that would not choose rather to err with that most honourable Senate, than to be in the right with you? especially I, who have of long time been confederate with them, and am of all others unto them most dear: which you for all that had no regard of, but (according to your untrusty dealing) breaking in sunder the bonds of peace, spoiled and wasted their territory in PHLOPONESUS. Neither can your great threats terrify me, which you after the Turkish manner thunder & pour out against me, except I will be overruled by you: for it is the part of an Albanese both to endure when need shall require, and also to do such things as beseem a man of courage. You cannot make me afraid, being but a small prince, with my honourable friends the Venetians. And what are you? so great an emperor of the East and of the West, and of all parts of the World, as you vainly term yourself? Truly you make me smile, and other Christian princes laugh you to scorn, in usurping falsely to yourself the stately style of the emperor of the World. What possess you in ASIA the greater? verily nothing. Is all yours in ASIA the lesser? not so. What have you in EUROPE? except THRACIA, MYSIA, part of GRECIA, and PELOPONESUS, with the Isle of MYTILENE. As for AFRICA, you never set your foot therein. Is this to be emperor of all the world? But suppose, suppose (I say) worthy Mahomet, that all from the farthest part of the Ocean were yours, you ought not therefore so to swell, as to contemn all others. Cease to boast, and learn now (if you can) the special but true examples of human fragility. Where are now the Assyrians, which sometime swayed the world? Where be the Medes? where the Persians? and to be short, where are the Romans, the great commanders of all? Verily, Tamerlane the Scythian king (called the terror of the world) was far greater than you: who in triumph drew before his chariot thy great grandfather Bajazet in chains: who had before gained so many victories, whom nevertheless he overthrew in the plains of ARMENIA, with three hundred thousand Turks, having in his army (as is reported) twelve hundred thousand men, greater than Xerxes or Darius, whose armies covered the seas, and dried up the rivers before them as they went, yet for all this (noble Mahomet) they are all cast out by him that casteth out all nations, the finger of the highest hath brought them all to nought. Wherefore learn to know yourself to be a man also. Trust not too much to the multitude of your soldiers, and strength of your armies: for oftentimes great and puissant armies have been overthrown with far less, as all histories bear witness: whereof it is commonly said, Thou shalt not praise the valour of the General, before he be brought to the triumph. And do you not think Mahomet, that God will favour the better cause? you know, you well know, that all your kingdom is violently gotten, that it is wrongfully and unjustly possessed: for which cause I am not afraid not only to withstand you when you shall come, being so great a prince; but also valiantly and courageously to dare you into the field, and by the power of God both to hope for & have a notable victory over you. We have soldiers also, which know how to use their weapons, to march before their enemies, and how to bear themselves in the heat of the battle. Wherefore, to that you s●y unto me for the new confirming of the former league, you labour now but in vain to cirumvent me. with such fair gloss, I have your faith in such distrust, and your friendship in detestation: for as much as you cunningly and subtly, after the manner of your ancestors, whatsoever you do, or whatsoever you promise unto me, it tendeth all to no other end than to thrust me out of my kingdom. Yet thus long I have by Gods help well escaped all your policies, all your crafts and deceits. But I hope there will in short time be an end of all these matters, when all your sleights and devices shall not ease you, neither your working head or Turkish pride any thing profit you. It is not I alone that so much stomach you, there cometh after me a great number of Christian princes: Behold, the whole chivalry and glory of the Christian commonweal is in arms, and coming against thee with all their force: all the kings and princes of Christendom have combined themselves together, with the great Bishop, against thy state, and will in short time be present to destroy thee & thy kingdom. Wherefore (worthy Mahomet) I have thought it good in regard of our old friendship (although the same hath by you been greatly impaired and violated) to forewarn you of all these things, that you might gather your wits together, and in time provide for the safety of yourself and of your kingdom. You see the force and power of so many great princes, from which whether you can escape or no, I know not: yet you may, if you will follow my advise, you may ● say make both your name and empire of great, greater, of famous most renowned, of fortunate most happy and blessed; if casting off from you the gross errors of the Mahometan superstition, you will embrace the ●aith and truth of Christ jesus, and at length have regard of your soul's health. And you which excel all your predecessors in highness of spirit and pregnancy of wit, suffer not yourself and your subjects as it were by inheritance to be longer blinded in your wilful errors: but do that (as a wise prince) of your own accord, which otherwise you will shortly of necessity be constrained to do. To say, Had I wist, hath ever been accounted a great disgrace from the mouth of an emperor. At length amend and measure yourself. Behold, Almighty God doth offer you means, whereby you may quiet the whole slate of your kingdom, and all our kings and princes love, honour, and reverence you. Neither let the ambitious desire of sovereignty or immoderate care of those things you possess, trouble you from so doing: For whatsoever you have unjustly and unlawfully usurped, the Christian princes will grant, confirm, and establish unto thee, as if they had been your own by ancient inheritance. So shall you be a true monarch indeed, and rule and reign lawfully, if you shall embrace this faith, and worship God aright: which so soon as you shall feel the sweetness of, you will be sorry that you knew it no sooner, you will grieve at the time you have lost, and utterly detest and abhor all that filthy superstition which the most filthy false Prophet Mahomet hath left amongst you. From our camp the 26 of May 1463. With these letters Scanderbag dismissed the Turks ambassador. About which time he received letters from the great bishop, That he accompanied with the Christian princes, would without delay come over into EPIRUS with a strong army of valiant Christians, to join their forces with his against the common enemy of the Christian religion: exhorting him in all their names to denounce war against the Turkish king. Which thing Scanderbag most joyfully undertook: and without delay with all his power broke into the Turks dominion, burning and destroying the country before him as he went: from whence he returned laded with the spoil there gotten. When Mahomet had perused Scanderbag his letters, and certainly understood of the great preparation made against him in ITALY, as also of the great spoil of late made by Scanderbag, he became exceeding melancholy, as a man much troubled in mind, which daily more and more increased: for that he saw not the wont cheerfulness in his men of war, but all full of heaviness and despair, as if they had been men already vanquished. Nevertheless, he speedily took order for the levying of a great army; fortifying his cities and strong holds, leaving nothing undone that was possible, for the assurance of his state. And to repress the fury of Scanderbag▪ sent Seremet Bassa with fourteen thousand soldiers to lie upon the borders of EPIRUS, with charge only to attend upon him. Who mindful of his charge came into MACEDONIA▪ unto the city OCRIDA, now called ALCURIA, in the very confines of MACEDONIA towards EPIRUS, and there lay with his army; some part thereof lodged in the city, and the ●est in places more convenient near about the same. The coming of the Bassa, as also the manner of his lying, was not unknown to Scanderbag, who desired nothing more than to be doing with him. Wherefore he secretly in the ●ight marched towards OCRIDA with twelve thousand soldiers, and being come within three miles of the town, lay close in ambush, and upon the breaking of the day sent out 500 horsemen towards the enemy, under the conduct of Peicus Emanuel, and Petrus Angelus, two valiant and expert captains, to draw him if they could into the field. But Scanderbag had before commanded them, that if the enemy did come forth to fight, they should make but small resistance, but retire back as if they had fled, and so to train him on to the place where the army lay. Which was so well performed by the two skilful captains, that the Bassa with all his power was according as they could have wished, drawn into the field, and brought to the very place where Scanderbag lay: Who suddenly rising up with all his army, assailed the Turks on every side, and slew them as dear enclosed in a toil. Ten thousand Turks slaire. In this battle ten thousand of the Turks were slain, the treasurer of the army with twelve other of great mark were taken prisoners, and brought bound to Scanderbag, who were presently ransomed for 40 thousand ducats. Scanderbag having obtained the victory, returned with triumph into EPIRUS, daily expecting the coming of the great army out of ITALY: but fatal destiny, the mighty controller of men's highest designs, had not so appointed. For when Pius the great bishop had out of all parts of Christendom assembled a great army (whereof the greatest part were voluntary soldiers) and all things were now in such readiness, that he had put himself upon the way, and was come to ANCONA, a city upon the sea side (where Christophorus Maurus duke of VENICE came unto him, with ten galleys well appointed, to have accompanied him in those wars: and all men were now in expectation of some great matter to have been done) suddenly he fell sick of a fever, and died in the year 1464. Whereupon the army was forthwith dispersed, and all that great preparation frustrated, to the exceeding grief of many Christian princes; and no less joy of the Turks▪ who now rejoiced to see themselves delivered of so great a fear. About this same time, Victor Capella chief persuader of this war betwixt the Venetians and the Turks, was by the Senate sent General of their forces at sea, in stead of Lauretanus, whose year was then expired. He having received the charge from Lauretanus, and sailing out of EVBoeA, in short time took from the enemy the city of AULIS in PELOPONESUS over against CHALCIS, and also the city of LARSUM in the gulf of THESSALONICA, with the isle of HIMBER. Afterwards landing his men by night at PYRaeVS, he suddenly surprised the city of ATHENS (now called SET●INae) sometime the mother of learning, and most noble city of GRaeCIA; and from thence carried away with him into EVBoeA all the people he there found, as his prisoners, The Venetians attempting to win Patras, receive great loss. together with the rich spoil of that city. Whilst he lay in EVBoeA, he was persuaded that the city of PATRAS in PELOPONESUS would be delivered unto him by the Christians that dwelled therein, if he did but show himself before it. Whereupon he departed from EVBoeA, and coming into the gulf of PATRAS, landed 4000 footmen under the leading of Barbaricus, and 200 horsemen, of whom one Nicholaus Ragius was captain. Barbaricus marching toward PATRAS, was come within a mile of the city; when many of the horsemen, and of the unruly mariners, disorderly scattering abroad, neglected the intended service, and sought after pillage all about the country. The Turks garrisons taking this opportunity, set upon them with their horsemen, and so easily overthrew them, being scattered and out of order. At the first encounter, Barbaricus himself was slain: Ragius captain of the horsemen was taken, & alive empailed upon a sharp stake. Of all them that were landed, scarce a thousand were left, who saved their lives by flying unto the galleys. With this overthrow Victor the Venetian Admiral was greatly discomfited; yet having conceived some hope of better success, in few days after attempted again to have taken PATRAS, but with like hap as before. For having lost a thousand of his men about the city, and the rest glad to take their refuge to the fleet, he was constrained with great dishonour to depart thence. And so full of sorrow and heaviness returning into EVBoeA oppressed with melancholy, there suddenly died. The Venetians deceived of the great hope they had conceived of the general preparation made against the Turks, and much troubled with the hard proceeding of their wars against so mighty an enemy▪ by their ambassadors solicited Mathias, not long before chosen king of HUNGARY, to join in league with them, and to take up arms against the common enemy: offering presently to furnish him with a great sum of money, beside a large yearly pension for the maintenance of those wars: for which he should to his power by land defend all their territory betwixt the Rhetian Alps, and the Adriatic, against the invasion of the Turk. This Mathias surnamed corvinus, was the younger son of the most famous captain Io. Haniades▪ whose elder brother Vladislaus, a gentleman of such courage as might well sh●w whos● son he was, being not able to digest the injuries and disgraces done unto him and his brother, by Vlricus county of CILIA, and uncle unto Ladislaus the young king of BOHEMIA and HUNGARY; for the despite he always bare unto their father Huniades, slew the same Vlricus at ALBA REGALIS, even in the king's court. Which outrage the young king was glad for the present to wink at, and also to grant him pardon; as having taken away the man, whose immoderate power well stood not with the king's safety: but in deed fearing the citizens of ALBA & the men of war, who exceedingly favoured the sons of Huniades for their father's sake. For all that, Ladislaus returning into BOHEMA, caused both the sons of Huniades upon the sudden to be apprehended; and most cruelly executed Vladislaus, being then about six and twenty years old. Mathias the younger brother was kept in prison, expecting nothing else but to be partaker of his brothers hard fortune: as undoubtedly he had, had not Ladislaus the young king upon the sudden, as he was upon the top of his marriage with Magdalaine the French kings daughter, by untimely death been taken away. After whose death, the Hungarians for the love they bore unto the remembrance of Huniades, by a military election, chose this Mathias his youngest son, the● in prison at PRAGE, 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 choose king of Hunga●●e. to be their king. Whereof Pogebrache (who after the death of Ladislaus, of an old governor had made himself the young king of BOHEMIA) having speedy intelligence as he was sitting at supper, sent for Mathias his prisoner, and when he was come, commanded him to sit down at the upper end of the table: whereat the young gentleman being then but about eighteen years of age, and sore abashed, began to crave pardon. But when the king would needs have it so, and that he was set; the king to quiet his troubled thoughts, willed him to be of good cheer, for that he had good news to tell him. Good news, said he, if it would please your majesty to grant me liberty. Yea that, said the king, and more to: and then saluting him by the name of the king of HUNGARY, broke unto him the whole matter, how that he was by the general consent of the Hungarians, chosen their king. And so in few days after, married unto him his daughter: which done, he furnished him with all things fit for his estate, and royally accompanied him into HUNGARY, where he was with great joy and triumph received of the Hungarians: over whom he afterwards gloriously reigned for the space of eight and thirty years. In which time, he notably enlarged the kingdom of HUNGARY, and became a far greater terror unto the Turks, than ever was his father Huniades. And therewithal (which is not to be accounted in the least part of his praises) was always a great favourer and furtherer of good letters, and ingenious devices. But to return again to our purpose, Mathias having well considered of that the Venetians had requested: answered them, that they had many times before in like case refused to give aid unto the Hungarian kings his predecessors: yea and that more was, thought it a thing not reasonable, that any such thing should be requested at their hands; forasmuch as they then received no harm from the Turk, but were in league and amity with him: so that the Hungarian kings wanting their help, had many times received greater loss from the Turk, than otherwise they should have done, if they had been by them aided. Yet for all that, he was content to forget all such unkindness, and to grant them what they had requested: promising the next Spring to invade the Turks dominion, and according to their request, to take into his protection all their territory betwixt the Rhetian Alps, and the Adriatic: which thing he most honourably performed. For with the first of the Spring he passed over Danubius at BELGRADE with a puissant army, and razed the forts which the Turks had built thereabouts; and so entering into SERVIA, laid all the country waste before him: and afterwards laden with spoil, returned home, carrying away with him twenty thousand captives. Neither so rested, but with great good fortune maintained great wars against Mahomet during all the time of his reign: and afterwards against Bajazet his son also, wherein he most commonly returned with victory: so that it is of him as truly as briefly written, That no Christian king or chieftain, did more often or with greater fortune fight against the Turkish nation, or had of them greater victories. Mahomet delivered of the great fear he had before conceived of the general preparation of the Christian princes against him; determined now to work his will upon such as were nearest unto him, and afterward not to forget them that were farther off. The proceeding of Scanderbag, with the late overthrow of SEREMET with his army in EPIRUS, stuck in his stomach: in revenge whereof, he now sent one Balabanus Badera, a most valiant captain, with fifteen thousand horsemen, Mahomet sendeth Balabanus to invade Epirus and three thousand foot, to invade EPIRUS. This Balabanus was an Epirot borne, a churl's son of that country: and being of a boy taken captive of the Turks, as he was keeping of his father's cattle, and of long time brought up in servitude amongst them, framing himself both to their religion and manners; after long service, got the credit of a good common soldier. But when as at the taking of CONSTANTINOPLE, it was his fortune to be the first man of the Turks army that gained the top of the walls, and entered the city; he was for that piece of service, ever afterwards of Mahomet greatly esteemed: and beside his other great preferments, now sent General of his army into EPIRUS. Who as soon as he was come to ALCHRIA (a city upon the frontiers of that country) sent many rich presents to Scanderbag, making show as if he had been desirous peaceably to lie upon the borders committed to his charge, without farther purpose to trouble his country: yet in deed waiting nothing more than some notable opportunity, suddenly to do him the greatest mischief he could. But Scanderbag well seeing into the malice of the man, rejected his feigned friendship and gifts, and in derision sent him a spade, a mattock, a flail, with other such instruments belonging unto husbandry: willing him to take in hand those tools, and to follow his father's trade of life, and to leave the conducting of armies unto men of greater skill and better place. Which disgrace Balabanus took in exceeding evil part; purposing in himself, if ever it lay in his power, to be thereof revenged. Wherefore knowing that Scanderbag with a small power lay not far off upon the frontiers of his kingdom, Balabanus goeth against Scanderbag. he determined suddenly in the night to set upon him before he were aware of his coming, and so if it were possible to overthrow him: but Scanderbag having knowledge thereof by his scouts, set forward in good order to have met him. When Balabanus perceiving that he was discovered, stayed upon the way, and encamped within two miles of Scanderbag: who had then in his army but four thousand horsemen, and one thousand and five hundred foot, but all choice men and most expert soldiers: and then lay in a large pleasant valley called VALCHAL. At the farther end whereof Balabanus lay also encamped, near unto a rough and woody hill which enclosed that part of the valley. Whilst both armies thus lay within view one of another, Scanderbag well considering the ground the enemy had taken, and that it was like he would offer him battle, with cheerful speeches encouraged his soldiers: straightly charging them upon pain of his displeasure, that if the enemy upon the fortune of the battle, should chance to fly or to retire, they should not in any case pursue them farther than the straits of the hill whereby the enemy lay: guessing too truly, that he would in so convenient a place leave part of his army in ambush, as a sure refuge to trust unto whatsoever should befall. When he had thus encouraged and instructed his soldiers, he rise with his army, and in good order retired unto the rising of an hill, which was a good way behind the place where he before lay; of purpose to have the advantage of the ground, if the enemy should follow to give him battle. Balabanus seeing him retire, and the small number of his army, thought verily that he had fled for fear: and therefore to stay him who meant nothing less than to fly, set forward in great haste. The Turks thinking upon so great advantage to have found no great resistance, followed after Scanderbag as if they had had him in chase: and by that time they were come to the place where he stayed, were by their haste greatly disordered and out of array. Scanderbag his old trusty soldiers nothing dismayed with the hasty coming & hideous clamour of the Turks, The battle betwixt Balabanus and Scanderbag. received them with great courage: so that there began a fierce battle, with much slaughter on both sides, which for a great while stood doubtful. Yet such was the invincible courage of Scanderbag his resolute soldiers, that the Turks (who as then fought in great disorder) were at last put to flight: and with much slaughter chased unto the straits of the mountain, where Scanderbag had before commanded his men to stay. But certain of his best and principal captains forgetting what he had said unto them; and led on (whether with the heat and fury of the battle, or rather with inevitable destiny is hard to say) unadvisedly pursued the enemy into those straits, whereof they were by Scanderbag before warned, and charged that they should not enter: where they were on every side beset with their enemies, arising out of ambush: and after they had a long time desperately fought as wild beasts enclosed with hunters, at last oppressed with multitude, were there together taken and brought to Balabanus; by whom they were forthwith sent to Mahomet to CONSTANTINOPLE. Who as soon as he heard of their taking, is reported with great rejoicing to have said: Now am I sure that the strength of Scanderbag is broken. The names of the principal men which were there taken, was Moses Golemus of DIBRA, the greatest captain of EPIRUS next unto Scanderbag himself; Giuriza Vladerius, Scanderbag his kinsman; Musachius, Scanderbag his nephew by his sister Angelina; Ginius Musachius; joannes Perlatus, who valiantly defended SFETIGRADE against Amurath; Nicholaus Berisius; Georgius Chucca; and Ginius Manessius: whereof every one of them was able to have conducted a great army, and might worthily have been accounted amongst the greatest captains of that age. The taking of these worthy men brought such a general sorrow and heaviness upon EPIRUS, that the victory was nothing accounted of, every man lamenting the loss of such notable leaders. Scanderbag careful of their deliverance, presently sent an ambassador to Mahomet, requesting that he might redeem his prisoners; either by exchanging of others for them, or else for such ransom as it should please him to set down. But he knowing them to be Scanderbag his best captains, would neither exchange them for others, not grant that they should be ransomed for any gold: but after he had used them with all the despite he could devise, caused them all by little and little, to be slain quick: in which miserable torment they lived fifteen days, Moses and other 〈◊〉 captains cruelly executed by Mah●met. and so died. Scanderbag hearing thereof, was therewith rather encouraged than discouraged: and in revenge thereof, with fire and sword entered into the Turks dominion, sparing nothing that he could either burn, or possibly by any other means destroy. Mahomet glad of the taking of these notable men (although they were bought with the lives of many of his people) commended Balabanus highly, as the only man that knew how to fight against Scanderbag: and in reward of his good service, sent him divers rich gifts, with commandment to repair again his army, and to proceed in his wars so happily begun. Which thing Balabanus with all diligence performed. Yet trusting more unto his policy, than his strength; lying at ALCHRIA, sent again divers rich presents to Scanderbag, as desirous to live in peace by him: but seeking indeed to bring him into security, and so suddenly (if it were possible) to entrap him. Which thing Scanderbag well perceiving, rejected his feigned friendship together with his presents, as sent from a base peisant. Whereupon Balabanus entered into a new devise, and by secret means, with great rewards corrupted Scanderbag his scouts, whereof some were Balabanus his kinsmen, though it were to Scanderbag unknown. By which practice, he had upon the sudden in the night oppressed Scanderbag, lying encamped in ORONYCHEUM, if Scanderbag himself (who commonly spent most part of the night in careful watch) going about the camp, had not in the silence of the night a far off perceived the coming of the enemy by the noise of his horses: and thereupon with wonderful celerity putting his army in such order as he best could, was ready to receive him; and at last after a great fight, put him to flight: and having him in chase, slew most part of his army, Balabanus himself with a small remnant hardly escaping. Now when Mahomet understood that Balabanus was overthrown, and his army lost, he was in doubt, whether to send another General, or else again to prove the fortune of the old. But after he had well considered, that Balabanus was a right valiant captain, and one that well knew the country of EPIRUS, and withal a mortal enemy to Scanderbag: he resolved to stay upon him, and not to send any other. So committing to his charge fourteen thousand horsemen and three thousand foot, sent him again to invade EPIRUS: and the more to encourage him, promised to make him king of that country, if he could subdue Scanderbag. Balabanus with this army coming to ALCHRIA, and still in vain plotting how he might cirumvent his wary enemy, after his wont manner sent divers presents to Scanderbag; which he still scornfully refused. Three months he lay still at ALCHRIA, with nothing more troubled than with his own thoughts: but finding nothing that pleased himself, he determined to adventure by plain force to subdue him. And upon that resolution marched with all his army into the great plains near unto SFETIGRADE, whither Scanderbag came with his army also▪ which then consisted of eight thousand horsemen and fifteen hundred foot: with which small power he refused not to join battle with Balabanus, The battle of Sfetigrade betwixt Balabanus and Scanderbag. being in number two to one. But after they were come to hand●e blows, to have seen Scanderbag his men fight▪ a man would have said them to have been rather raging lions than men, they so furiously assailed their enemies▪ without regard of peril or danger, as men nothing afraid to die. Scanderbag with great skill governed that battle, carefully providing for every danger: himself valiantly fighting in the head of his battle, but not without care of the rest, still sending speedy relief where most need was, and bringing in fresh supplies in stead of them that were wounded or slain▪ performed all the parts of a most worthy cheefetaine and valiant soldier: where most peril was, there was he strait, and at his presence danger fled, as if victory had attended upon him. But whilst he thus fought in the midst of his enemies, his horse fortuned to be slain under him, and falling down with him, sore bruised one of his arms, whereof he complained long time after. The Turks seeing him down, pressed on fiercely to have slain him: but he was quickly rescued by his own soldiers, and remounted. And forthwith encountering with one Suliman, a great commander in the Turks army, slew him in fight hand to hand: whereupon such a terror fell upon the Turks, that they began to retire, and after a while to betake themselves to plain flight; Scanderbag pursuing them with such execution, that of that great army few escaped with Balabanus to carry news home. Balabanus now thrice vanquished by Scanderbag, and in the last battle having lost what he could lose, except he should have lost himself, returned to Mahomet at CONSTANTINOPLE, of whom he was sharply rebuked for the great overthrows he had so often received. At which time Balabanus at first gave place to the king's fury: but afterwards when the heat was over, he with a large discourse cunningly excused himself, imputing all those his mishaps unto the appointment of God, and the fortune of war: and in the end told Mahomet plainly, That it was but in vain to send such small armies into EPIRUS. But if it would please him at once to send two valiant captains with a puissant and strong army, who dividing the same betwixt them, and entering at one time into divers parts of EPIRUS, might spoil the country before them, and enclose Scanderbag betwixt them, if he should adventure to give either of them battle, being before resolved neither of them to offer him battle, or yet to accept of the same being by him offered, except the other were also at hand: and so by mutual consent to undertake him, but never single. By which course he promised unto him an easy and assured victory: for as much as it were impossible for any man so beset, and as it were on every side cooped up with his enemies, either to escape or yet to make any great resistance. This persuasion of Balabanus so well fitted the tyrant's humour, that he appointed Balabanus himself to be the man to put his own devise in execution: giving him commission to levy such an army as he should think sufficient for the performance of that service: and withal to associate unto himself for his companion which soever of his captains as he pleased. Balabanus according to his commission, took musters of the men of war, and made choice of forty thousand good soldiers, and chose one jacup Arnauth, (otherwise called james the Epirot, because he was also borne in EPIRUS, a valiant captain) to be his companion: whom he sent with sixteen thousand soldiers by the way of THESSALIA and GRECIA into EPIRUS, commanding him in no case to join battle with Scanderbag, until he himself were also come into the country with the other part of the army. And so setting both forward, Balabanus taking the nearer way through THRACIA and MACEDONIA, came first into EPIRUS with twenty thousand horsemen and four thousand foot, and encamped in the valley of VALCHALL. Scanderbag both by his espials and letters from his secret friends in the Turks court, having certain intelligence of all Balabanus his intent and purpose, had in readiness against his coming a strong army of eight thousand horsemen and four thousand foot, all choice soldiers. And now hearing that he was come into EPIRUS, and encamped in VALCAAL, sent out three espials to discover in what order he lay: one of which spies was Balabanus his kinsman (but not so known to Scanderbag) by whose persuasion the other two when they had taken full view of Balabanus his army, Scanderbag his 〈◊〉 traitoursly fl●e to Balabanus. and should have returned to Scanderbag to have given intelligence of that they had seen, like false traitors went over to Balabanus, and discovered unto him all that they knew concerning Scanderbag: hoping therefore to receive some great reward, as their fellow had before borne them in hand. Scanderbag marveling that his espials returned not again as they were appointed, and doubting that they had been by the enemy intercepted, and using many times in matters of such importance to trust himself best, presently went out with five lusty soldiers, and rid forth to discover the manner of the enemies lying. Balabanus like a crafty fox, mistrusting that Scanderbag deceived of his first espials would for like purpose send forth others, laid certain horsemen in secret ambush in divers places, to intercept them if it were possible. These horsemen lay not so covert, but that they were in good time descried by Scanderbag and his followers (who with Argus eyes, pried into every bush and thicket as they went) before he was altogether fallen within their danger: and yet but so that he came to handy strokes, where Scanderbag and his followers oppressed with multitude, were glad to fly as fast as they could into the next wood, the Turks horsemen following them at the heels. It fortuned that as they were flying, a great old tree was fallen cross the way, which Scanderbag putting spurs to his horse, leapt over, with one of his men after him; the other four not able to get over, turned back upon the Turks, and there fight were slain. One of the Turks which so hardly pursued Scanderbag being well mounted, forced his horse to leap the tree, and still followed after Scanderbag: who looking back and seeing but one, turned upon him and slew him: the other Turks having slain four of Scanderbag his men which could not get over the tree, returned. And Scanderbag accompanied but with one of his followers, came back again to his camp; and there with all speed put his army in readiness to go against Balabanus before the coming of his companion, with the other part of his army. Upon which resolution, after he had with cheerful persuasions encouraged his soldiers, and filled their minds with hope of victory, he set forward, and came with great speed into the valley of VALCHAL where Balabanus lay. Scanderbag had divided his army into four squadrons, whereof Tanusius had the leading of one, Zacharias Groppa of another, the third was committed to Peicus Emanuel, and Scanderbag himself conducted the fourth. So setting forward, he sent before certain companies of arquebusiers, and archers, to provoke the enemy and to draw him forth unto battle. Balabanus also showed himself with his army in seemly order before his tents, but there stood fast and would not stir, expecting continually the coming of his fellow. Which Scanderbag perceiving, and that he sought but to dally out the time, and as one unwilling to fight had again retired his army into the safety of his trenches; drew nearer and nearer unto him, continually skirmishing with such as he sent out, daring him into the field, and braving him unto his trenches, in such sort as if he would have forced the same, and by strong hand have ●et him out thence. Whereat the Turks fretted and chafed exceedingly: insomuch, that they were ready to rise against their General, because he would not lead them forth to battle, but suffer them to be so disgraced. Balabanus mindful of that he had promised unto Mahomet his great lord and master, did what he might to have deferred time: but when he saw that his fellow came not, and that he could no longer delay the matter; being so continually assailed and braved by Scanderbag his soldiers, that his Turks therewith provoked, were ready oftentimes to have issued out without his direction, and now no remedy but that he must needs fight; placed his men in good order, and so went out of his trenches to give battle, himself leading the left wing thereof: where betwixt him and Scanderbag was made a fierce fight, many falling on both sides. But Scanderbag strengthened with the old garrison of CROIA, and the most expert soldiers of DIBRA, prevailed upon the Turks and forced them to give ground, yet still keeping their order. The fight was so great in this part of the battle, that in other places they stood almost still as lookers on, expecting the doubtful fortune of their Generals: Which thing Scanderbag perceiving, drew certain troops out of the right wing, where as he saw was least danger, which speedily fetching a compass about, charged the side of the enemy's army; and again withdrawing themselves, and with wonderful celerity wheeling about, set upon the back of them that fought in the left wing so that the Turks there fiercely charged both before and behind, by the most valiant soldiers of Scanderbag his army, fell in other places with a great slaughter. Balabanus with exceeding courage gainstood his enemies, so long as there was any hope left: but when he saw the fortune of Scanderbag to prevail, and all about him to become desperate, he made shift for himself, and fled out of the battle as fast as he could. The rest of the army, being in other places before troubled and disordered, fled also, some one way, some another, every man as his fortune led him. Some few that followed Balabanus escaped: the rest were for most part either slain or taken prisoners. Scanderbag had scarcely well breathed himself after this victory, and divided the spoil amongst his soldiers; but that news was brought to him in post from the lady Mamiza his sister, then lying at PETRELLA, that jacuppe Arnauth was by the way of BELGRADE come into EPIRUS with an army of sixteen thousand horsemen, burning and destroying the country before him, and then lay encamped in the plains of TIRANNA the less. When Scanderbag to prove the minds of his soldiers, had cheerfully imparted unto them such news, as was like to be the beginning of new labour and peril; they were therewith nothing dismayed, but ready to follow him with such cheerfulness of countenance & mind, as if they should have gone to some great feast or banquet: reckoning of them, but as of the remnant of a discomfited army. This cheerfulness of his soldiers, Scanderbag took as an assured token of his good success: and having all things in readiness, presently set forward, and in short time came to the place where the enemy lay. jacuppe hearing of his coming, removed his camp into a corner of the plain of TIRANNA, near unto a little hill, as a place of more safety for his army to lie in. Scanderbag taking the plain, encamped his army in the same place from whence jacuppe was but a little before departed, where he rested one whole day. The next morning to terrify his enemies (who as yet had not heard of the overthrow of Balabanus) he caused divers of the Turks heads which were slain in the late battle (which he had brought for that purpose) to be cast before the trenches of the enemy, and withal, divers of them which were taken prisoners to be shown: Which jacuppe beholding, in great despair said, I see the evil hap of Mahomet. Immediately after, Scanderbag sent forth 500 horsemen to skirmish with the Turks, commanding them so soon as they were charged by the enemy to retire, if happily they might so be drawn into battle: which fell out accordingly. For jacuppe now seeing his fellow was not to be looked for, and willing also without farther delay to try his fortune, came readily into the field, and began a fierce battle: which endured not long, jacup slain by Scanderbag, and his army discomfited. for Scanderbag perceiving in what part of the army jacuppe was, bend his greatest force that way, and singling him out, with his own hand slew him. Wherewith the Turks being discouraged, forthwith betook themselves to flight, and in flying, were for most part slain or taken. Those which escaped the present fury of the sword, straggling through the country by thick woods and blind ways, were by the country people either slain or taken prisoners. In these two battles were slain of the Turks four and twenty thousand, and six thousand taken. And of Scanderbag his men, were lost about a thousand. Scanderbag and his soldiers were so weary of the slaughter of the Turks, that when it was told him the next day, that Balabanus was fled but with one cornet of horsemen, and might easily be surprised, if he were well pursued: he said, O let some of our enemies live to report their own slaughter and our victory. After that Scanderbag had in this sort vanquished these great captains, he presently entered into the frontiers of the Turks dominions, and roaming up and down at his pleasure without resistance, made havoc of all that came in his way. And after returning to CROIA with victory, broke up his army, and gave his soldiers leave to depart, every man to his own dwelling. Whilst these things were in doing, 1463 Mahomet had with great rewards procured two Turks to undertake to kill Scanderbag. These traitors came unto Scanderbag as fugitives, making such show of the detestation both of Mahomet his tyrannical government, and vain superstition, that they were both of Scanderbag and others reputed to be in deed the men they desired to be accounted: and so after they had learned the principles of the Christian religion, were by their own desire baptized. But treason against princes whom God hath in his most mighty protection, cannot be long covered; much less without his great sufferance performed. So fortuned it, that these two false dissembling traitors, expecting nothing but opportunity to perform their devilish devise, upon some occasion fell at variance betwixt themselves, and in their heat, let some such words fall, as being taken up by some there present, drew them both into suspicion: and thereupon being straightly examined, it was at last by them confessed, that they were sent by Mahomet of purpose to have slain Scanderbag▪ for which their treason they were both presently executed, as they had right well deserved. When Mahomet understood that Balabanus was overcome, jacup slain, and both their armies almost quite destroyed, he after his impatient manner fell into a great rage, and became as a man almost frantic: and afterwards calling together his great Bassas, resolved by their advise, not to send any more generals against Scanderbag, but to go himself in person with such an army as should at once make an end of his wars in EPIRUS for ever. Hereupon commissions were directed through all his kingdom, and an army raised of two hundred thousand men: whereof Scanderbag having certain advertisement, fortified all his cities and strong holds, especially the city of CROIA, upon the fortune whereof, depended the whole state of his kingdom. Into this city he put a strong garrison of his most valiant and faithful soldiers; and thoroughly furnished the same with all things necessary for the enduring of a long siege: and left one Balthasar Perduci (a grave and worthy captain) governor thereof. With like care he provided for the safety of his other cities, and took order that the country people were either received into the strong towns, or else conveyed into other places of refuge: and left nothing abroad in the country for the Turks to prey upon, as he had in like case done long before, at the coming of old Amurath to the siege of CROIA, as is before in his life declared. By that time that Scanderbag had set all things in order, his old friend Balabanus with eighty thousand horsemen (the forerunners of Mahomet his army) was entered into EPIRUS, and ranging over the country two days, came and sat down before CROIA: Upon whom the governor at his first coming, made many bravesallies. In few days after came Mahomet with his huge army, Mahomet cometh to the siege of Croia. and there encamped also. Who at his first coming summoned the city, requiring to have it delivered unto him, upon such unreasonable conditions as it pleased himself (as the manner of the Turk is:) whereunto the worthy governor returned him no other answer, than by continual thundering shot into his camp. Whereupon Mahomet caused such ordinance as he had, to be planted for battery; and commanded other new to be cast, of such metal as he had for that purpose brought in mass: all which he did rather to strike a terror into the minds of the defendants, than for any great hope he had of taking the city by force; knowing by his own experience, that it was a place almost impregnable. Whilst Mahomet was thus busied and little or nothing prevailed, Scanderbag lying abroad in the woods and mountains with a small army of most valiant and courageous soldiers, continually cut off the foragers of Mahomet's army, and such as brought in victual or necessaries for his camp: and many times in the night, suddenly broke into one quarter or other of the Turks great camp with great slaughter, and with continual alarms never suffered them to rest in quiet. Mahomet seeing his army to decrease daily, and no hope of winning the city but by famine, which would require a long siege: and fearing also to make that same place again famous by some notable mischance, which might happen unto himself under the walls of CROIA, as had before unto his father Amurath; determined to return himself to CONSTANTINOPLE, and to leave Balabanus with a great part of his army to continue the siege. Upon which determination he committed the charge and ordering of the whole matter for the continuing of the siege to Balabanus, joining unto him eight of his most expert captains; yet so, as that they should be all at Balabanus his command. And so leaving with him three and twenty thousand of his best soldiers, and with every one of the other eight captains seven thousand more, departed himself with the rest of his army from CROIA towards CONSTANTINOPLE. But by the way as he went he took from Scanderbag certain small forts, and with fair promises corrupting the Governor of a place called CHIDNA, wherein eight thousand of Scanderbag his soldiers lay, had the same delivered into his power, upon his faith before given, That all the soldiers with the rest of the people should in safety depart thence. But after the tyrant had them in his power, without regard of faith or promise, he caused them all most cruelly to be cut in pieces, sparing neither man, woman, nor child, to the great grief and weakening of Scanderbag, who had not at any time before received so great a loss. And after he had so raged, he in great melancholy returned unto CONSTANTINOPLE. Scanderbag disdaining to have his chief city besieged by Balabanus, sometime one of the basest of his father's subjects: and yet finding himself unable to relieve the same, for as much as his soldiers were with continual wars sore wasted, and his wary enemies lay so encamped, as that they were not but by a strong army to be removed, sent unto the Venetians and other the confederate princes of ALBANIA, ILLYRIA, and DALMATIA, praying of them aid now at his need against that enemy, which prevailing against him, would forthwith set upon them. All which princes promised forthwith to send their succours. At the same time also he passed over into ITALY secretly, and disguised in simple attire, came to ROME, to crave aid of Paulus the second of that name, then great Bishop: by whom he was honourably entertained, but obtained nothing of that he came for; so cold was his holy devotion: only at his departure he gave unto junetrio, Scanderbag his treasurer, a poor alms of three thousand ducats. Scanderbag returning into EPIRUS, found all such aid ready as was promised from the confederate princes, but especially from the Venetians, which was for most part drawn out of their garrisons of SCUTARI, DRIVASTO, ALYSSA, and DIRRHACHIUM: so that he had in few days in his army thirteen thousand four hundred choice soldiers. With this strength he marched towards CROIA: but understanding by the way, that jonima was within a days journey coming with a new supply to his brother Balabanus, he drew out certain troops of his best horsemen: and coasting over the country in the night, suddenly came upon the Turks, and put them to flight; Scanderbag surpriseth jonima the brother of Balabanus, and Hither his son. where amongst others, jonimas himself, with his son Hither, were taken prisoners, whom he showed the next day in bonds to Balabanus. This exploit so happily performed, he with all speed returned to his army: and so marching to CROIA, by plain force drive the Turks from the mountain CRVINA, their greatest strength, and nearest to the city of CROIA. Which thing when Balabanus saw, he with certain troops of horsemen rid even to the gates of the city, persuading the defendants to yield the city, making them in the name of his master such offers and promises as he thought might most move them. But they nothing regarding his words, but rather incensed with his presumption, sallied out upon him, and enforced him to retire: but he therewith enraged, and half mad for anger, came upon them with a fresh charge, thinking by plain force to have driven them back into the city. In which skirmish he was by one Georgius A●exius with a bullet shot quite through the throat; and feeling himself mortally wounded, setting spurs to his horse, ran as fast as he could to his camp, where he presently fell down from his horse and died. The Turks discouraged with the death of their General, and the coming of Scanderbag, rise the same night, and with great silence retired themselves unto the plain of TIRANA, about eight miles from CROIA. Scanderbag the next morning entering the forsaken tents of the Turks, found therein great store of corn and other victuals, which he caused to be forthwith conveyed into the city, and in great triumph followed after himself, to the great joy and comfort of his late besieged subjects: whom he highly commended for their fidelity, and bountifully rewarded according to their deserts. The same day he sent certain companies of soldiers to take the straight passages whereby the Turks must needs pass in their return out of EPIRUS; which when the Turks understood, they sent two messengers unto Scanderbag (who seemed to be men of good account in the army) offering in the name of the rest of the captains and commanders, to deliver unto him their horses and arms, so that they might in safety depart with their lives. Which their request Scanderbag propounding unto his counsellors & captains, was by them diversly digested. In conclusion, they received this answer from Scanderbag himself, That as they came into his country without his commandment, so should they not by his leave depart thence. The Turks receiving this short answer by their messengers, and considering that they must needs in that bare country in short time perish, either with famine or with the sword; the very same night departed from TIRANNA, and in the dead time of the night entering the aforesaid straits, by plain force desperately broke through and escaped, but not without their great loss: for whose escape the common soldiers murmured grievously against Scanderbag, and were not without much ado appeased. In short time after, Scanderbag recovered all such places as Mahomet had before taken from him, and put to sword the soldiers he had left for the keeping of the same: which done, he broke up his army, retaining only two thousand horsemen and a thousand foot for the defence of his frontiers. The Turkish tyrant hearing of the evil success of his affairs in EPIRUS, 1466 as that his General was slain, CROIA relieved, his army discomfited, and all that he had done, brought to nought; fretted thereat exceedingly, and was therewith so much grieved, that he could not for a season eat or drink or take rest, his discontented thoughts so much troubled him. In the end, to remedy the matter, he resolved the next Spring to go again in person himself with a most puissant army into EPIRUS, and so if it were possible, to make a full conquest thereof: of which his purpose Scanderbag understanding, provided for his coming, as he had in former time. The Spring being come, Mahomet according to his former resolution, with a mighty army entered into EPIRUS, and there with exceeding labour and charge first repaired or rather re-edified the old ruins of the city of VALMES, wherein he left a strong garrison, of purpose to trouble that part of the country. From thence he marched to DIRRACHIUM (now called DURAZZO, but of old time EPIDAMNUM) a city upon the sea coast, then in the possession of the Venetians, famous for many things in the time of the Roman empire, but especially for the flight of the Roman Senate thither, and their entertainment there in the time of the civil wars betwixt Caesar and Pompeius. This city Mahomet thought to have taken unprovided, and so upon the sudden to have carried; it; but was therein much deceived, finding it strongly fortified and manned both by the Venetians and Scanderbag. Where when he had there spent some time, and to his great loss in vain attempted the city, he rise upon the sudden: and retiring into EPIRUS, came and sat down again before CROIA, of purpose by his sudden coming to have terrified the citizens: and vainly persuaded, that he had left Scanderbag in DIRRACHIUM, for that in the assailing thereof he had discovered many of Scanderbag his men, and thereby supposed him to have been there also; the greatest cause why he so suddenly rise and came to CROIA. At his first coming he offered great rewards and large privileges unto the citizens, if they would forthwith yield up their city; otherwise he threatened unto them all the calamities of war, vowing never to depart thence before he had it: whereunto he received no other answer out of the city than was sent him by the mouth of the Cannon, or brought him by many most brave sallies. Scanderbag in the mean while continually molesting his camp, and every night falling into one quarter or another thereof. Mahomet taught by experience, to what small purpose it would be for him to lie there long, rise with his army, & marched again to the sea side to a place now called the head of REDON upon the gulf of VENICE, not far from DIRRACHIUM, where Scanderbag had begun to build a new city called CHIURILL, not yet finished: which Mahomet in despite of the man, razed down to the ground. After that, hearing that many of the Epirots were retired into the mountains, he went to seek them out, and was with gre●● loss by those mountain people repulsed: Scanderbag still following him at the heels, and awaiting all opportunities, daily cut off part of his army. So that at last the tyrant despairing of any good to be done in that expedition, was glad to depart out of EPIRUS, having atcheeved nothing worth his coming, and so full of discontentment and melancholy returned to CONSTANTINOPLE. After all these great troubles, Scanderbag rid over most part of EPIRUS, to view the state of his kingdom, and so at last came to LYSSA (a city of the Venetians, which he had always specially liked) there to confer with the Venetian legate and other the confederate princes, of matters concerning their state in general, as his manner was: but more particularly how they might take the city of VALMES, which Mahomet had the last year built in the signory of Aryannites Comynat, Scan●erbeg falleth si●ke. and much troubled that part of EPIRUS. But whilst he lay there, he fell sick of a fever, which daily so increased upon him, that he became sick even unto death: and now perceiving his end to draw nigh, sent for his wife and son, with the princes and lords his confederates, and the ambassadors of the Venetians, into his bed chamber. Where after he had at large with greater pain notably discoursed of his troublesome life led amongst them, than he had before passed the same, and carefully forewarned them of the dangers like to ensue; he earnestly exhorted them to continue in unity and concord, and valiantly to stand in defence of their religion, country, and liberty. And afterwards turning his speech to his wife and his son, commended them both with his kingdom to the tuition of the Venetians: who by the articles of the confederation betwixt him and them, were in honour bound to protect his son and kingdom, during the time of his minority, and afterwards peaceably to place him in the same. In fine, he willed his wife after his death to pass over with her son into APULIA, where they might in safety and quiet live upon such possessions as he there held by the gift of king Ferdinand. And so after he had with most fervent prayer commended his soul into the hands of Almighty God, departed in peace the seventeenth day of januarie, in the year of our Lord 1466, when he had lived about 63 years, The death of Scanderbag. and thereof reigned about 24. His death was worthily lamented of all Christian princes, but especially of the Venetians and princes of ALBANIA, who had now lost their most careful watchman and invincible champion: the sorrow of his subjects is not to be expressed, every man bewailing him, as the only stay of the commonweal▪ and as if with him they had lost all their hope. His dead●bodie was with the general lamentation of all men royally buried in the cathedral church of S. Nicholas at LYSSA: Scanderbag buried at Lyssa. where it rested in peace, until that about nine years after, the Turks coming to the siege of SCODRA, by the way took the city of LYSSA, and there with great devotion digged up his bones, reckoning it in some part of their happiness, if they might but see or touch the same: and such as could get any part thereof, were it never so little, The body of Scanderbag digged up by the Turks, and of them greatly honoured. caused the same to be set, some in silver, some in gold, to hang about their necks, or wear upon their bodies; persuading themselves by the wearing thereof to be partakers of such good fortune and hap as had Scanderbag himself whilst he lived: which is not unaptly by Gabriel Fairnus of CREMONA, thus in verse expressed. SCANDERBAG. In English thus. The bloody bane of faithless Turks, and terror of their name, EPIRUS strong defence and guard, lay buried there with fame: Within that tomb wherein long since, Great Castriotus lay, But now those limbs and tomb defaced, are carried quite away; The remnants of that worthy wight out of his grave were torn: And being dead could find no rest, but were for jewels worn. For after he far spent with age, gave place to fatal doom, And left his father's kingdom got, and kept with great renown: Forthwith the cruel Turks prevailed, and all things there possessed. Who worshipping his stately tomb, and place of quiet rest, Digged up his bones, and broke the tomb wherein he did remain: And glad was he that could thereof, some little part obtain. As if in them some martial force, or virtue great had been: Or fortune rare, such as before in him was living seen. So virtue which to others gives, a sepulture and grave, Bereft it him, yet forced his foe in honour it to have. Most part of the time of these wars betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag, the Venetians by sea and the Hungarians by land, Mathias king of 〈…〉 kingdom of 〈◊〉 from the Turk. kept the Turks thoroughly busied. Mathias corvinus king of HUNGARY (according to his promise made unto the Venetians) entered into the kingdom of BOSNA, where by force he overthrew the strong forts which the Turks had built for the defence of their frontiers, and manfully drove them out before him until he came to JAZIGA (of some called JAITZE) the chief city of BOSNA, which he at length took: and following the course of his victory, scarcely suffered the Turks to breath, until he had by force wrested all that kingdom out of their hands. Wherewith Mahomet being exceedingly grieved, in great fury came with a strong army into BOSNA, and laid hard siege to JAZIGA, which was by the Christians right valiantly defended: until Mathias with a puissant army came to the relief thereof, who so troubled the Turks camp with continual skirmishes on the one side, and they of the town with desperate sallies on the other; that at length the proud Turk was driven to such extremity, that he was glad secretly to steal away by night with all his army into SERVIA; and for haste to leave behind him both his tents and great ordinance, which (the Turks histories report) he caused to be cast into the river, because it should not come into the hands of the Christians. Mathias after he had thus valiantly put to flight his enemies and relieved his city, followed the Turks into SERVIA, and took part of that country also, which together with BOSNA he united to the kingdom of HUNGARY. In these wars, Mahomet had such proof of the force and power of Mathias and the Hungarians, that for a good while after he had no great stomach to provoke them farther: for why, the name of Mathias was now become unto the Turks no less dreadful, than was sometime the name of his father the valiant Huniades. The Venetians at the same time also with their galleys scoured the seas, and landing their men sometime in one place, sometime in another, did great harm in many places of the Turks dominion near unto the sea coast. Amongst other their generals at divers times sent from that state, one Nicholas Canalis succeeding Lauretanus (whom we have before spoken of) as soon as he had received his charge, came with his fleet into the bay of SALONICHI, and landing his men, burnt divers towns and villages alongst the sea side. Afterwards returning into PELOPONESUS, he fortified the town of LEGOSTICIUM in the gulf of PATRAS, which work the Turks with their often skirmishes laboured to have hindered, but in despite of all they could do it was brought to perfection, and a strong garrison therein left for the defence thereof, which done, he returned again to EVBoeA. Shortly after, he with the same fleet put to sea again; and sailing alongst the coast of MACEDONIA and THRACIA, surprised the city of AENUS which standeth upon the mouth of the river Meritza, called in ancient time Hebrus, upon which river the famous cities ANDRINOPLE and PHILIPPOPOLIS are also situate. Canalis after he had taken the spoil of the city returned to his galleys, carrying away with him two thousand captives into EVBoeA. At the same time also, the Venetians giving aid unto Nicholaus Duchaine against his brother Alexius, then at variance for the principality of ZADRIMA, near unto the river of DRINO in EPIRUS, gave a great overthrow to the Turks which came in the quarrel of Alexius. Mahomet not a little offended with the harms done unto him by the Venetians, 1470 and perceiving that the island of EVBoeA (now called NIGROPONTE) was for the commodious situation and strength thereof, the chief place from whence they wrought him all these wrongs, and whither they afterwards retired again, as unto a most sure place of refuge; determined with himself at once to be even with them for all, and to employ his whole forces both by sea and land, for the gaining of that place. This island of EVBoeA is about an hundred miles in length, and lieth over against that part of GRECIA which was of old called BaeOTIA, from whence it is separated with a narrow strait of the sea: it aboundeth with corn, wine, oil, fruit, and wood fit for shipping. The chief city thereof, was in ancient time called CHALCIDE, and of later time NIGROPHONTE, by which name also the whole island was known: albeit the Turks now call it EGRIBOS: a populous, rich, and strong city; so fortified with walls and bulwarks, that (in most men's judgement) it seemed a place impregnable. Unto this strong city Mahomet resolved to lay siege, knowing well that upon the fortune thereof depended the state of the whole island. Wherefore he assembled a mighty army, and made great preparation both by sea and land: and when all things were in readiness, sent Mahomet (the great Bassa of the court) with a fleet of three hundred galleys, and certain other small vessels well furnished with soldiers, mariners, and all things necessary, by sea into EVBoeA: and with a great army marched himself by land through ACHAIA, until he came over against the city of CHALCIS. The Venetian Admiral hearing of the coming of the Turks fleet, set forward to have met them near unto the straits of HELLESPONTUS: but after he had by his espials descried the great number of the enemy's fleet, finding himself too weak, shaped his course to the island of SCIROS. The Bassa coming out of the straits of HELLESPONTUS, covered the sea with his fleet, and holding on his intended course, without let came to EVBoeA: where at his first landing, he took STORA and BASILICON, Chalcis the chief city of Euboea besieged by the Turk●. two small towns, which he razed to the ground, and from thence went directly to CHALCIS. As soon as this great fleet was there arrived, Mahomet caused a bridge to be made of his smaller vessels over the straight betwixt ACHAIA and EVBoeA, whereby he passed all his army, and so belaid the city round both by sea and land. And after he had planted his battery, began most furiously to shake the walls: wherein he had in short time made fair breaches, and the sooner for that one Thomas of LIBURNIA (chief canonier of the city) before corrupted by the Turks, Treason in the city. by signs agreed upon, gave them certain knowledge in what places the walls were weakest: whereby they so aptly planted their battery, as if they had taken view on the inside of the walls. Which foul treason was at length perceived, and the traitor therefore worthily executed. Yet little prevailed the tyrant thereby, for such was the industry of the defendants, that whatsoever he had by the fury of his great ordinance beaten down by day, that they with restless labour repaired again by night. Thus was the siege continued thirty days, in which space many a sharp assault was given by the Turks, to their great loss; and the city still valiantly defended by the Christians. At length the Venetian Admiral (to the great comfort of the besieged) came with his fleet within view of the city, making semblant as if he would have given the Turks battle. Whereupon it is reported, that Mahomet was about to have raised his siege, and have got himself over into the main, for fear the Venetians should with their galleys have broken the bridge, and so have shut him up into that island: Which thing it was thought the admiral might have done to his great praise, if he would as a courageous chieftain have adventured the matter, as he was earnestly requested by the captains of every private galley; who generally grieved to see him so great a commander, to let slip so fair an opportunities But he fearing to come any nearer, came to an anchor and moved not, neither gave any sign of comfort or relief to the besieged. Which thing the Turkish king quickly perceiving; and therewith encouraged: having now in divers places beaten down the walls, and made them saultable; brought on his men to the breaches, promising them the spoil of the city, with many other great rewards and high preferments according to their particular deserts, whereof he said, he would himself be an eye-witness. Hereupon the Turks gave a most fierce and furious assault▪ which the defendants with invincible courage received, and made such slaughter of them, that the ditches were filled, and the breaches made up with the bodies of the dead Turks. But such was the number of that populous army (the greatest strength of the Turks) that the living little felt the loss of the dead: Mahomet continually sending in new supplies of fresh men, in steed of them that were slain or wounded: So that one could no sooner fall, but two or three slept up in his room, and so successively, as if new men had sprung out of the bodies of the dead. Twice they had even won the breaches, and were both times with wonderful slaughter beaten out again. This deadly and dreadful assault, was maintained a whole day and a night without intermission. At length the defendants being for the most part slain or wounded, Chalcis taken by the Turks. and the rest wearied with long fight, and unable to defend the town now assaulted almost round, retired from the breaches into the market place, and there like resolute men, sold their lives at a decree price unto the Turks. Amongst the slain Christians, were found the dead bodies of many notable women, who seeing the ruin of the city, chose rather to die with their friends in defence thereof, than alive to fall into the hands of their barbarous enemies. Mahomet being now become lord of the city, and having lost forty thousand of his Turks in that siege, in revenge thereof caused all the men that were found in the city alive, to be put to most cruel death, especially the Italians, upon whom he showed his tyranny with most exquisite and horrible torments. Paulus Ericus governor of the city, with a few others, who with him were fled into the castle, without resistance delivered the same unto him, upon his faithful promise, that they might in safety depart: but after that he had got them into his power, the perfidious tyrant without regard, commanded them all to be cruelly murdered. The governors daughter a maiden of incomparable beauty, was amongst the rest taken prisoner, and for her rare perfection, by them that took her presented to Mahomet, as the mirror of beauty: The barbarous tyrant greedy of so fair a prey, sought first by flattering words and fair persuasion, to induce her to consent to his desire: but when he could not so prevail, he fell into an other vain, and began to show himself in his own nature, threatening her with death, torture, and force, worse than death itself; if she would not otherwise yield unto his appetite. Whereunto the constant virgin (worthy eternal fame) answered so resolutely, and so contrary to the tyrant's expectation, that he being therewith enraged, commanded her to be presently slain. The horrible and monstrous cruelty, with the filthy outrages by that beastly and barbarous people committed, at the taking of that city, passeth all credit. CHALCIS thus won, the rest of that fruitful island without farther resistance yielded unto the Turkish slavery, The fruitful island of Euboea ta●en by the Turks. under which it yet groaneth. This calamity happened to the Venetian state, or rather (to say truly) to the general hurt of the Christian commonweals, in the year of our redemption 1470. Canalis the Venetian Admiral, who all the time of the siege, had in the sight of the city lain at anchor as a looker on; fearing now that the city was lost, to be set upon by the Turks fleet, hoist sail, and laded with dishonour returned in haste unto VENICE, where he was by the commandment of the Senate committed to prison, and afterward with all his family exiled to VTINUM. Shortly after, when Mahomet was departed with his army out of EVBoeA, and his fleet returned to CONSTANTINOPLE: 1471 the Venetians with their galleys, attempted to have upon the sudden surprised the city, a little before lost. But Mahomet had therein left so strong a garrison, that when the Venetians had landed their men, they were again enforced to retire to their galleys, and to forsake their island. CHALCIS thus lost with all the island of EVBoeA, the Venetians chose Petrus Mocenicus, a valiant and discreet gentleman, Admiral of their fleet, instead of Canalis: and by their ambassadors solicited Sixtus the fourth of that name, than bishop of ROME, and Ferdinand king of NAPLES, with Lewis king of CYPRUS, and the grand master of the RHODES, to join their forces together with theirs against the great and common enemy: which thing all the aforesaid Christian princes promised them to do. And the more to entangle the Turk, they at the same time sent Caterinus Zenus their ambassador with rich presents unto Alymbeius Vs●n-Cassanes, the great king of PERSIA, to incite him on that side against the Turk: in which negotiation Zenus so well behaved himself, that the next year following that great king took up arms against Mahomet, and had with him mortal wars, as shall be in convenient place hereafter declared. Mahomet not ignorant of these proceedings of the Venetians, and that they did what they might to stir up as many enemies as they could, and to bring him (if it were possible) into hatred with the whole world: and well knowing how much he had offended the minds of the Christian princes with the cruelty he had of late used against them of CHALCIS, thought it not best as then further to provoke them, and so happily to bring all at once about his ears, but for a season to lie still at CONSTANTINOPLE, as if he had been desirous now to live in peace, not meaning further harm: hoping thereby, that although he concluded no peace with any of them (which indeed he was not desirous of) yet that tract of time might mitigate the heinousness of the fact, and cool the heat of their displeasure: whereby it came to pass as he wished, that nothing worth the speaking of was that year attempted against him. And because the Persian king was the man of whom he stood most in doubt, he sought by his ambassadors to pacify him, and to withdraw him from the league of the Christians: requesting him, if it were for nothing else but for the community of the Mahometan religion, wherein they well agreed, and were thereby the professed enemies of the Christians, to withdraw his hand, and in their cause to cease to take up arms: urging now (for that it so stood with his purpose) the zeal of religion, whereas otherwise he regarded (as was thought) no religion at all. But Zenus the Venetian ambassador lying continually in the Persian court, so wrought the matter with Vsun-Cassanes, that he told the Turks ambassadors plainly, That he could not nor would not longer endure the manifest injury and wrong done unto him by the Turkish king: and farther, that he had made a faithful league with the Christian princes, and therefore would to the uttermost of his power make it known unto the world, that he would effectually perform what thing soever he had promised: and so dismissed them, now no less discontented than were before the Persian ambassadors at such time as they returned from the Turks court, having obtained nothing they then requested concerning the emperor of TRAPEZOND. The year following, 1472 Mocenicus the Venetian Admiral with his fleet arrived in the Isle of LESBOS, The Venetians aided by king Ferdinand, the bishop of Rome, and the great master of the Rhodes, do the Turks great harm all alongst the coast of the lesser Asia. where he did great harm. From thence he passed the bay of ADRAMITTIUM into the lesser ASIA, and sore spoiled the country about PERGAMUS. After that he landed again at CNIDUS upon the coast of CARIA, where he took a great booty: and so having done the Turks exceeding much harm in ASIA all alongst the sea coast opposite to GRaeCIA, he returned laden with spoil towards PELOPONESUS. In his return, about the promontory of MALEA, upon the coast of PELOPONESUS, he met with Richaiensis coming unto him with seventeen galleys from king Ferdinand: by whom he was certified, that the great Bishop's fleet was ready to come forth also. After mutual gratulation, as the manner at sea is, the Admiral's joining their fleets in one, landed at METHONE, now called MODON, than a city of the Venetians in PELOPONESUS: where after they had well refreshed their soldiers, and taken in fresh victuals, they put to sea again; and sailing through the Islands, landed in ASIA, where they were at their first landing encountered by the country Turks, whom at last they put to flight, and by the space of four days took what pillage they could in the country: where the soldiers found great store of rich booty, especially of Turkey carpets, which are there made in great abundance. From thence they sailed to HALICARNASUS, which is a part of CARIA (where sometime stood the stately tomb which queen Artemesia built for her husband Ma●solus, accounted amongst the wonders of the world) where they took a wonderful spoil. There came unto them Nicholas Bishop of MODRUSSA, with twenty galleys sent from the great Bishop: whom the other two Generals welcomed with great joy. At the same time also came thither two galleys from the great master of the RHODES. With this fleet of 85 galleys, they sailed to the Isle of SAMOS overagainst EPHESUS (sometime a place of great fame, but then altogether desolate and unpeopled) there to consult for their further proceeding in those wars. Losing from SAMOS, they took their course alongst the coast of ASIA, and landed at ATTALIA, the chief city of PAMPHILIA, a place of great traffic: where they found in the suburbs of the city great store of many rich commodities, brought thither out of EGYPT and SYRIA; whereof they took what pleased them, and burned the rest, together with the suburbs. Unto the city itself they began to lay siege, but perceiving that it was not without great loss of their men to be taken, they departed thence: and running all alongst the coast of PAMPHILIA, burnt and destroyed what came in their way, and so returned back again to the RHODES: where they met an ambassador from Vsun-Cassanes the Persian king, to the bishop and the Venetians, for great ordinance; whereof that so mighty a prince was altogether unfurnished. Of this ambassador they understood, that Vsun-Cassanes was entered into league with the Christian princes, and now busy in making preparation against the Turk. At which time Mahomet requited the Venetians with no less harm in EPIRUS and DALMATIA, than they had done to him in ASIA: for now that Scanderbag was dead, the Turks mightily prevailed upon the weak princes of EPIRUS and ALBANIA, with the countries adjoining. The Christian fleet departing from the RHODES, landed in the country of the Myndians, a part of CARIA, and with great spoil returned to the Island of NAXOS, one of the CYCLADESES: from whence king Ferdinand his galleys returned home, laded with much rich spoil; for now the year was far spent. Yet after the departure of the king's galleys, Mocenicus with the Legate returned back again into ASIA, and there landing their men, took the famous city of SMYRNA in JONIA, and when they had taken the spoil thereof, set it on fire. At which time also they did great harm about CLAZOMENE, not far from SMYRNA. So Winter drawing now fast on, they returned laded with the rich spoils of ASIA, the Legate into ITALY, and Mocenicus to METHONE. 1473 The insatiable desire of sovereignty, whereunto the Turkish king was naturally inclined, had continually armed him, Mahomet no 〈◊〉 troublesome unto the Mahometan princes than to the Christian. not only against the Christian princes, but against others also even of his own superstition: making no great difference betwixt the one & the other, if so he might extend his dominion. He had long before under the pretence of a friendly parley craftily circumvented the king of MYSIA, a country in ASIA, and having got him within his danger, cruelly put him to death, and by force subduing his kingdom, left not one of the king's blood alive. After that he invaded CILICIA, which the Turks call CARAMANIA, where the two young brethren, Pyramet and Cassambet reigned, and drove them both out of CILICIA: of whom Pyramet the elder, fled for refuge to Vsun-Cassanes; Cassambet the younger, assisted by his old friends, sought by force of arms to recover again his inheritance wrongfully by the Turks possessed, and was besieging certain towns upon the sea coast, which being taken from the Turke● would easily draw all the rest of the kingdom after them. Mocenicus the Venetian Admiral being now with the first of the Spring come upon the coast of CILICIA, at the request of Cassambet landed certain companies of his men under the leading of Victor Superantius, and certain pieces of great artillery, wherewith he so battered the walls of SICHINUM, that he enforced the Turks therein to yield up the city: which he delivered to Cassambet. In like manner he took the city of CORYCUS, which he also restored to Cassambet. At last he laid siege to S●LEVCIA, which standeth upon the river ORONTES, and was built by king Seleucus, one of the successors of Alexander the Great, distant from the sea about five miles: the Governor of this city discouraged with the sight of the great artillery, delivered the city to the Venetian captain, who by the appointment of the Admiral restored the same to Cassambet. Who by this means brought again into his kingdom, gave great thanks unto the Admiral, promising both for himself and for his brother to be always friends unto the Venetians. Mocenicus departing from CILICIA, landed his men in LYCIA, and harried that country all alongst the sea coast. After this Mocenicus sailed into CYPRUS, to appease a great insurrection there raised against the queen, who was by her husband at his death left to the protection of the Venetians: which rebellion when he had well quieted, hearing that Triadanus Grittus, was by the decree of the Senate appointed Admiral, and already come into PELOPONESUS, he with as much speed as he could hasted thither, to give up his charge, and so to return home again to VENICE. About this time the great Persian king Vsun-Cassanes began to make war upon the Turkish emperor Mahomet, for the better understanding whereof, it shall not be from our purpose briefly to show by what means this Vsun-Cassanes, of a small prince aspired to the kingdom of PERSIA, and so in short time grew to that greatness, that he was justly accounted amongst the greatest monarches of the world then living; as appeareth by these wars betwixt him and the great Turkish emperor Mahomet. This Vsun-Cassanes of whom we now speak, was the son of that Tachretin, who with other poor princes was driven into exile by the violence of Bajazet the first, great grandfather to this Mahomet the great emperor of the Turks, and was again restored by the great Tamerlane, as is before declared in the life of Bajazet. By the death of Tachretin, his son Vsun-Cassanes (of some called also Asymbeius) obtained that small territory which his father had in ARMENIA: nothing answering unto the greatness of his conceits. Wherefore not contented with such possessions as was from his father descended unto him, he began to shoulder for more room, with such weak princes his neighbours as he thought he might best deal withal; wring one province from this prince, another from that, and thrusting some others quite out of all that they had: And in short time so enlarged his dominion, that he had got into his hands a great part of ARMENIA, and was reputed both for a mighty and fortunate prince. Insomuch, that Calo joannes then emperor of TRAPEZONDE (whose power altogether answered not to the greatness of his style, being for most part shut up within the bounds of PONTUS; and fearing the greatness of the Turkish emperor Mahomet, whose name began then to grow dreadful unto his neighbour princes) gave to him his only daughter Despina in marriage: by such alliance to strengthen himself against the Turkish tyrant, if need should require. At which marriage it was agreed, that Vsun-Cassanes should in the right of his wife enjoy all the kingdom of PONTUS, after the death of Calo joannes her father, and of David his brother: and that Despina should so long as she lived have the free exercise of her Christian religion. By this woman, Vsun-Cassanes had a daughter called Martha, whom I willingly remember, for that she was the mother of Hysmael, afterwarwards the great king of PERSIA, commonly called Hysmael the Sophi: of whom more shall be said hereafter in the life of Selimus. Vsun-Cassanes honoured with this great marriage, and strengthened with this new alliance, ceased not after his wont manner daily to encroach upon his neighbour princes: and proceeded so far, that at length he began to lay hand upon a part of ARMENIA, which was then part of the dominion of the Persian king. Zenza (whom some call Tzokies, which was indeed the name of his father) reigning then in PERSIA, by his ambassadors admonished and in sort commanded Vsun-Cassanes to hold himself content with his own, or at least with that he had already wrongfully taken from others, and not to presume to come within the bounds of his dominion, threatening otherwise to take him as an enemy to his state, and to turn his forces upon him. With which embassage Vsun-Cassanes being much offended, gave the ambassadors no entertainment, but commanded them with speed to get them out of his kingdom, and to tell their master, That he would shortly himself in person come and debate the matter with him face to face. With which proud answer from so mean a prince, the Persian king moved, levied such an army for the invading of him, as was thought to have been sufficient to have subdued a far greater prince: and so appointed, set forward toward ARMENIA. Vsun-Cassanes much inferior to this great king in wealth and number of men, but not in haughtiness of mind and valiantness of courage, stayed not to expect the coming of so puissant an enemy, but full of hope set forward to meet him, & by great journeys sought to come upon him before he could have any knowledge of his coming: yet had he then in his army scarcely one man to ten, but all armed with courageous hearts, Vsun-Cassanes in a great battle overthroweth the Persian king. and conducted by a most fortunate chieftain which feared nothing. So holding on his way, at length he met with the great army of the Persians, with whom he presently joined battle; and after a long and cruel fight, overthrew them in the plain field, with such a slaughter, as might well have weakened the forces of a right great kingdom. The great king more enraged than discouraged with this overthrow, raised a far greater army than before, the very strength of his kingdom: resolving now not to send any more his lieutenants, but to go in person himself against so desperate an enemy. All things being in readiness, he set forward, and at length met with the Armenian prince, whom he found as ready to give battle as he was at the first. So being both desirous to try their fortune, they joined battle; wherein the Persians were again discomfited and put to flight, and more of them slain in that battle, than were brought into the field in the first army. Zenza the Persian king was there slain with Vsun-Cassanes his own hand, and Cariasuphus his son taken prisoner: whom the Armenian prince used with the greatest honour could be devised, giving unto him the honour and title due unto the Persian king, taking unto himself the bare name of the protector of the Persian state. Which he did only to please the Persians, and to keep them quiet until he had got some more assured possession of that kingdom. But after he had in the two former battles broken their greatest strength, and then under the colour of a peaceable governor got into his power the regal ci●●e of TAURIS, with the rest of the cities and strong places of that great kingdom, and that all men had him now in great reverence and admiration for his great virtues: he secretly dispatched out of the way the poor titular king his prisoner (the last of the posterity of the mighty Tamerlane) and took upon himself the highest place, which admitteth no partner. Whilst this restless prince was thus tumbling in the world, and not yet well settled in his new got kingdom, Mahomet the Turkish emperor no less ambitious than himself, had scornfully rejected the ambassadors and presents which Vsun-Cassanes had sent: and having shamefully put to death David the emperor of TRAPEZONDE his alliance, had converted all the kingdom of PONTUS (which Vsun-Cassanes of right claimed, as his wives dowry) into the form of a province, and so united it unto the Turkish empire. Which so manifest a wrong, Vsun-Cassanes in the newness of his so late achieved greatness, durst not adventure to redress: but after that he was surely seated, and had with the course of time overcome all dangers at home, being daily pricked forward with the remembrance of the former injuries (still suggested by the importunity of his wife Despina) and the solicitation of the Venetians, to whom he had by solemn promise bound himself; he determined now to take the matter in hand, and to try his forces upon his proud enemy the Turkish emperor. Hereupon he raised a great army, and being well appointed of all things necessary, passing through ARMENIA toward PONTUS, near unto the river EUPHRATES, was encountered by Mustapha (Mahomet his eldest son, a young prince of great hope) and Amurath the great Bassa of ROMANIA, whom Mahomet (fearing such a matter) had sent before with a strong army out of EUROPE to join with such forces as Mustapha had already raised in ASIA, so to withstand the invasion of the Persian. These two great commanders Mustapha and Amurath joining battle with Vsun-Cassanes, were by him in the plain field overthrown; where Amurath the great Bassa himself with thirty thousand Turks were slain: Mustapha with the rest of the army, by shameful flight saving themselves. 1474 Now when Mahomet understood that Amurath was slain and his army discomfited, he was therewith exceedingly troubled. Two huge armies of the Turk● and Persians in 〈◊〉 together. But purposing to be thereof revenged, gave order into all parts of his dominions for the levying of new forces: so that at the time by him appointed, was assembled a great and mighty army of three hundred and twenty thousand men. Vsun-Cassanes in like manner was in the field with an army, nothing in number inferior unto his enemy. These two Mahometan kings, drawing after them their huge armies, met together near the mountains of ARMENIA: where, at the first encounter, one of the Turks greatest Bassas was slain with forty thousand Turks. With which hard beginning the proud tyrant was so daunted, that he could hardly be persuaded to prove his fortune any farther, but contenting himself with that loss, was about to have retired: and had undoubtedly so done, if some of his most expert and valiant captains which might be bold with him, had not sharply reproved him, that having so populous an army as scarcely felt that small loss, he should once think of returning without victory. With which their comfortable persuasions, he was again encouraged to give battle. Yet for his more safety, he withdrew his army into a straight betwixt two mountains, and with his carriages fortified the front thereof, as with a trench: behind which carriages, he placed his great ordinance, and on either side his archers. The Persians, as men of great valour, and thereto encouraged with their former victories, came on as men fearing no peril, to have charged the Turks even in their strength; presenting their whole army before they were aware, into the mouth of the Turks artillery: which suddenly discharged amongst the thickest of them, broke their ranks, and took away a number of them. Besides that, the Persian horses terrified with the unacquainted and thundering report of the great ordinance, were not to be ruled by their riders, but starting back, ran some one way, some another, as if they had felt neither bit nor rider. Which their confusion Mahomet perceiving, presently took hold of the occasion offered, and with his horsemen fiercely charged them, being now by themselves entangled and out of order. Nevertheless the Persians made great resistance, and slew many of the Turks: but still fight confusedly and out of order, they were at the last enforced to fly. In which fight a great number of them were slain, and their tents also taken. Zeinal, Vsun-Cassanes his eldest son, labouring to stay the flight of the Persians, was slain with a small shot. So the honour of the day remained with the Turks: yet had they no great cause to brag of their win, having lost in that battle forty thousand soldiers: whereas of the Persians fell not above ten thousand. Mahomet contenting himself with this dear bought victory, returned homewards. And Vsun-Cassanes leaving another of his sons with his army for the defence of ARMENIA, returned likewise to TAURIS. But whilst the Christian princes were in their greatest expectation what might be the event of these wars betwixt these two mighty Mahometan kings; they upon the sudden concluded a peace, and confirmed the same with new affinity, excluding the Christians quite out of the same. This last battle betwixt Mahomet & Vsun-Cassanes, was fought in the year of our Lord 1474, about four years before the death of Vsun-Cassanes, who died the fifth of januarie, in the year 1478. In the time of these wars died the noble Mustapha, Mahomet his eldest son, at ICONIUM, having spent himself with reveling amongst his paragons: The death of the noble Mustapha, Mahomet his eldest sonn●. or as some write, commanded to die by his father upon this occasion. This youthful prince upon a time coming to the court to see his father (or as they term it, to kiss his hand) became amorous of the wife of Achmetes Bassa (a lady of incomparable beauty) and daughter to Isaac Bassa, the chief men in the Turkish empire, next unto Mahomet himself: but finding no means how to compass her in whom his soul lived, he awaited a time, when as she (after the manner of the Turks) went to bathe herself: and there as he found her all disrobed, shamefully forced her, without regard either of his own honour or of hers. Of this so foul an outrage, Achmetes her husband, with his clothes and hat all rend for madness, came and grievously complained to Mahomet, craving vengeance for the same: unto whom Mahomet again replied: Art not thou thyself my slave? and if my son Mustapha have known thy wife, is she not my bondslave he hath had to do withal? cease therefore thus to complain, and hold thyself therewith content. Nevertheless, he in secret sharply reproved his son for so heinous and dishonourable a fact by him committed, and commanded him out of his sight: and as he was of a severe nature, caused him within a few days after to be secretly strangled. Nevertheless, the wrong done unto the Bassa, sunk so deep into his haughty mind, as that he would never admit excuse therefore, but put away his wife, the ground of the implacable hatred betwixt him and the great Bassa Isaac, his father in law: and in fine, the very cause of his utter destruction, as is afterward declared in the life of Bajazet. Mahomet delivered of his greatest fear, 1475 by the peace he had lately concluded with Vsun-Cassanes the Persian king, was now at good leisure to employ all his forces against the Christians. And bearing a deadly hatred against the princes of EPIRUS and ALBANIA, with a wonderful desire to extend his empire unto the Ionian and adriatic, that he might from thence but look toward ITALY, which he began now to long after: he determined with himself first to subdue those countries, as standing in his way, both for the invasion of ITALY, and of the territories of the Venetians. And for as much as the strong city of SCODRA (otherwise called SCUTARIE) then in the possession of the Venetians, for the commodious situation thereof seemed to give him the best entrance into the countries of ALBANIA, EPIRUS, DALMATIA, and to such cities as the Venetians held alongst the sea coast, he resolved there to begin his wars. This city was of great strength, as well for the natural situation thereof, as for the strong fortifications therein made by the hand of man, which thing Mahomet was not ignorant of: but presuming of his own strength and power, vainly persuaded himself, that no place was now able long to hold out 'gainst him. Wherefore having prepared all things fit for the besieging thereof, he sent Solyman Bassa, an Eunuch (whom he had made his lieutenant General in EUROPE, in the place of Amurath Bassa, before slain by Vsun-Cassanes) with eighty thousand soldiers to besiege SCODRA. Sol●man Bassa besiegeth Scodra with an army of eighty thousand men. This great Bassa according to his charge came, and with great pomp encamped round about the city, the five and twentieth of May. Shortly after having planted his battery, he began most furiously to shake the walls, and ceased not by all means he could devise to trouble the defendants: and when he had by force of the cannon done what he could, gave divers sharp assaults unto the city, but was still with great loss valiantly repulsed by them of the city. Long it were to declare, how often and in what terrible manner that warlike Bassa, Mahomet his chief captain, attempted to have won the city: as also to show how they of SCODRA directed by their worthy Governor Antonius Lauretanus, valiantly defended themselves and their city: nothing was omitted, that the enemy could do or devise for the gaining thereof; but all his devices and attempts were so met withal by the defendants, that they served him to no other purpose but to the destruction of his people. Whilst the Bassa thus lay at the siege of SCODRA, Mocenicus having received such commandment from the Senate, came and joined himself to Grittus the new Admiral, who then lay with his fleet in the mouth of BOLIANA, a great river running out of the lake whereupon the city of SCODRA standeth. These two great commanders being met together, were both as one man, and with a wonderful consent did what they might for the furtherance of the common good, a thing not common: first they put strong garrisons, with all things necessary, into CHOLCHINUM, LYSSA, DIRRHACHIUM, and other cities of their signory upon the sea coast. After that they went up the river BOLIANA with certain galleys, and came within sight of SCODRA, and there by fires in the night, and other tokens of comfort, encouraged the defendants as with an assured promise of relief: which thing it grieved the Turks to behold, who therefore went about to have shut in those same galleys with a great chain drawn cross the river, where it was narrowest betwixt them and the sea: but in doing thereof, the Venetians out of their galleys slew five hundred of the Turks, and wounded divers others, and so returned again to sea. It was afterward attempted by the aforesaid Admirals, if a new supply might have been put into the city: but the enemy had so beset the same, that it was not possible to be done. Matt●ias ●ing of Hu●ga●ie 〈◊〉 the Turks to forsake the si●ge of Scodra. In the mean time, Mathias king of HUNGARY (receiving a great yearly portion of the Venetians for the defence of their countries against the Turk) hearing that SCODRA was besieged, began to make such spoil in the Turks dominions bordering upon him, that Mahomet was glad to call home the great Bassa from the siege of SCODRA, to defend his own frontiers. So the Bassa after he had lain three months with his great army at the siege, and lost fourteen thousand of his men, whereof the greatest part died of sickness taken by long lying in the rotten moorish ground near unto the river, by commandment from his master rise with his army and departed. The Venetians also, which lay all that while thereabout in their galleys, were touched with the same contagion: Triadanus Grittus died thereof, and Mocenicus the other Admiral fell thereof dangerously sick; but being somewhat recovered, returned home, and was shortly after for his good service chosen duke of VENICE, Marcellus the old duke being then dead. With this dishonour taken at SCODRA, Mahomet was so discontented, that he appointed a yearly fee unto one, to put him in mind daily of the siege of SCODRA. The same year that this great Bassa Solyman had in vain besieged SCODRA, he was afterward sent with a great army into VALACHIA, where he was so entangled in the woods and fens by Stephanus the Vayvod, that he lost all his army, and with much ado escaped himself by the wonderful swiftness of a mare whereon he rid. 1476 The year following, which was the year 1476, Mahomet sent out a great fleet to sea, under the conduct of Geduces Achmetes, his chief counsellor and man of war, (whose very name was dreadful in all places where he came) in hope to have by treason surprised the Island of CRETE: But that plot was in good time by the Venetians perceived, the traitors executed, and he of his purpose disappointed. Whereupon he changed his former purpose for CRETE, & sent the same Achmetes with his fleet into the Euxine (or as the Turks call it, the Black sea) to besiege the rich city of CAFFA. This city was in ancient time called THEODOSIA, situate in the country of TAURICA CHERSONESUS, fast by the sea side, and had of long time been in possession of the Genoese, and was a place of exceeding great trade, until that this great emperor Mahomet having taken CONSTANTINOPLE, and falling out with the Venetians, had by his strong castles built upon the straits of HELLESPONTUS and BOSPHORUS, taken away both the traffic of merchants into those seas, and all possible means for the Genoese to send succour to that city: yet it is credibly reported, that one valiant captain undertook to carry his company (in number not above an hundred and fifty men) by land from GENVA to CAFFA, not much less than two thousand miles, and worthily performed what he had undertaken. Achmetes coming thither with his fleet, enclosed the city both by sea and land: which divided in itself by reason of the divers disposition of the inhabitants, being of divers nations, some Genoese, some greeks, some Armenians, but most Tartars, could not long hold out, but was in short time given up to the Bassa, upon condition, That the Genua merchants, who were there both in number many and exceeding rich, might in safety depart thence with their wealth. Which promise the Bassa performed not: but when he was possessed of the city, sent such as he thought good to CONSTANTINOPLE, and commanded the rest upon pain of death not to depart thence, or to convey away from thence any part of their substance. In short time after, the whole country of TAURICA CHERSONESUS yielded unto the Turkish obeisance. At which time also the Tartar princes, namely the Precopenses and Destenses, terrified with the greatness of the Turk, cowardly yielded themselves as tributaries unto him; ever since which time they have lived a most servile and troublesome life, subject to every command of the Ottoman emperors: for whom they have done great service many times in their wars, against the Persians, the Polonians, the Hungarians, transylvanians, and Germans, as in the process of this history well appeareth; and as the aforesaid nations their neighbours, with others also farther off, have even of late to their great loss felt. Although the Venetians had in these late wars lost the great and fertile island of EVBoeA, 1477 with the strong city of CHALCIS, the surest harbour for their galleys: yet held they still divers strong towns and commodious havens by the sea coast, both within PELOPONESUS and without, as METHONE, CORONE, TENARUS, NAUPACTUM and others: which standing as it were in the bosom of his empire, Mahomet sore longed after. And therefore to satisfy his ambitious desire, sent Solyman (the great Bassa of EUROPE) with a strong fleet into PELOPONESUS: who entering the gulf of CORINTH, at his first coming laid siege to NAUPACTUM, now called LEPANTO, a city standing in the gulf of CORINTH, in the country of OZOLae near unto LOCRIS, over-against PELOPONESUS. Antonius Laurettanus (for his late good service done in defending of SCODRA) made Admiral for the Venetians, came with speed to NAUPACTUM, and in despite of the enemy, so furnished the city, both with men and whatsoever else was needful, that the Bassa now out of hope to win the city, rise upon the sudden with his army, and in a great fury departed, after he had lain there four months. In this fret returning towards CONSTANTINOPLE, he put certain companies of his men to shore in the island of LEMNOS, in hope to have upon the sudden surprised the city COCCINUM: but as they were about to have entered, they were contrary to their expectation manfully resisted, by such Christians as by chance were next the gate. Where the notable courage of Marulla (a maiden of that city) was much commended: who seeing her father slain in the gate, took up the weapons that lay by him, and like a fierce Amazon notably revenged his death, desperately fight in defence of her country with those few which were there at the first; and so kept the Turks out until the rest of the citizens (moved with the alarm) came to the gate, and forced them (not without some loss) to retire again to their galleys. Not long after, Laurettanus came thither with his fleet: but before his coming, the Bassa was departed thence for CONSTANTINOPLE, having in this expedition done nothing that was expected at his hands. M●homet after the death of Scanderbag, ceased not from time to time by one of his great captains or other to invade EPIRUS, and the other parts of ALBANIA; and so gaining sometime one part, and sometime another, had subdued most part thereof. And about this time, his army lay at the siege of CROIA: Croia besieged by the Turk. for relief whereof, the Venetians (in whose protection it was) sent Franciscus Contarenus a noble gentleman their lieutenant, with such forces as were sufficient for the raising of the siege. He finding the Turks in the plain of TIRANNA, gave them battle; which for a great while stood doubtful, at length victory inclining to the Venetians, the Turks began to fly: after whom, the Venetians made no great pursuit, but contented to have put them to flight, took their tents, with such forts as they had raised against the city. Thus whilst the Venetians think themselves in sure possession of the victory, and out of fear of their enemies, they were through their own too much security, by and by themselves overthrown: For whilst the common soldiers having their minds more set upon the spoil than upon the pursuit of the enemy (the battle as yet scarce ended) scatter themselves; and the captains were consulting whither they should lodge that night (which began then to approach) in the enemy's tents or not: in the midst of their consultation, the Turks having perceived their disorder, suddenly returned again upon them, and without great resistance overthrew them, and put them to flight. In which flight, a thousand of them fell; amongst whom Contarenus the General, and divers others of good place and calling were slain also. Contarenus the Venetian General slain. This overthrow, the Venetians took a great deal better than that which shortly after followed, in the confines of ITALY at the river of Sontium. Mahomet having conquered a great part of AL●ANIA, and daily encroaching upon the Christians, made divers incursions into the countries of DALMATIA, HISTRIA, and CARNIOLA, yea and sometime went so far, that he with his Turks entered into the province of FRIULI, called in ancient time FORUM JULII, a part of the Venetian signiory; and so carried away with them many prisoners with much spoil. For remedy whereof, the Venetians with exceeding charge and wonderful labour fortified alongst the river of Sontium from GORITIA to the fens of AQVILEA, the space of twelve miles, and there built two forts, wherein they continually kept strong garrisons for the defence of the country. Whereby the country people thinking themselves now in safety, began to fall into security (the dangerous sickness of all common weals) neglecting by their careful watch, to foresee a far off the enemies coming, as they had before used. The Turk● sh●w themselves at the river of Sontium It fortuned at this time, that Asa-beg (whom some call Marbecke) one of the Turks great captains, upon the sudden when no such things was feared, came and showed himself in an evening upon the farther side of the river of Sontium, with a thousand horsemen: upon the sight of whom, an alarm was raised in both forts, and every man put himself in readiness, as if they should even presently have joined battle. But it was so nigh night, as that nothing could as then be done: yet the Venetian garrisons joining themselves together, watched all that night in arms. There was at that time in both these forts, three thousand horsemen and some few companies of footmen, all under the command of Hieronimus Nowell County of VERONA, a famous captain of that time: who with the rest of the captains resolved if he could, to keep the Turks from passing the river; if not, then to give them battle. Marbecke General of the Turks army, taking good view of the place, in the night time secretly conveyed a thousand of his best soldiers over the river, four miles off, in such a place as the Venetians feared least, deeming it impossible for any man there to have passed over. These men he appointed to lie close in ambush behind a great hill in sight, not far from the other side of the river, and upon a sign given, presently to discover themselves and charge the enemy. The next morning very early he sent certain troops of his readiest horsemen over the river, which by offering to skirmish with the Venetians, might so draw them into the field; and then as men in doubt whether to fight or to fly, to toll them on unto the place where the ambush lay. The Venetians had divided themselves into three battalions; whereof the General himself had the leading of the first, who seeing these disordered troops coming to skirmish with him, encountered them fiercely, and easily put them to flight, being so determined before, and in that flight earnestly pursued them: especially the Counties son, a valiant young gentleman, who with others like himself, thought by that days good service to gain unto themselves great honour. When the Turks General saw that the Venetians following the chase, were gone a great way from the river, he forthwith passed over with the rest of his army, and followed the Venetians at the heels: which the Turks which before fled now beholding, turned again upon their fierce enemies, and valiantly withstood them. At which very instant, the other Turks upon sign given arising out of ambush, came down from the hill LICINIS, with such violence & clamour, that the Venetians therewith discouraged, would have fled if they could have told which way: but they were on every side so beset, that there was no way left for them to escape: but were there all slain, except some few which yielded themselves and so were saved. The other two battalions of the Venetians, discouraged with the slaughter of the first, fled incontinently; and in flying, were many of them slain. In this battle the County himself with his son, and many other notable gentlemen; and half the horsemen, The country of Friuli spoiled by the Turks. were lost. The Turks encouraged with this victory, the next day spoilt all the country of FRIULI, betwixt the rivers of Sontium (otherwise called Lisonzo) and Tiliaventum, and cruelly burnt all the country before them: so that at once an hundred country villages were to be seen on a light fire together; which stood so thick, that it seemed as if one continual fire had wholly covered all the face of the country. The barbarous Turks laden with the spoil of that rich country, and driving before them great numbers of miserable captives as if they had been flocks of sheep, returned to Sontium. But when they had passed the river, and had traveled homeward one days journey, and all men thought they had now been quite gone; they suddenly returned back again, and posting through the country they had before spoiled, came to the river of Tiliaventum, which they desperately passed, and did no less harm on that side the river, than they had before on the other: and so carrying away with than what they pleased, returned by the same way they came, having filled all that part of ITALY with terror and fear. This overthrow at Sontium, the Venetians account amongst the greatest losses which they received from the Turks in all these their long wars. 1478 The next year about Harvest, the Turks came again with a far greater power; and passing the river of Sontium, came before the forts at GRADISCA, where Carolus Fortebrachi●● lay with a strong garrison of the Venetians, offering him skirmish, so to have drawn him into the field. But the wary captain considering the great strength of the enemy, and the loss received the year before, would not be drawn out of his strength, but stood upon his guard, expecting to take the enemy at some more advantage: which thing the Turks fearing, durst not disperse themselves abroad for the spoil of the country, leaving so strong a garrison of the enemies behind them. And therefore when they had gone about four miles into the country, they turned their course up into the mountains (which are part of the Alps) towards GERMANY, and there grievously spoiled the mountain people: strangely passing through those abrupt and high mountains with their horses, where men could hardly either go or stand on foot without something to stay upon. And so when they had done what harm they could, taking a great compass about, returned home another way. Mahomet remembering the shameful repulse he had about four years before received at SCODRA, 1479 and having the name of that city daily sounding in his ears; determined now once again to gauge his whole forces upon the winning thereof, Vide Marinum Barletium de expug Scodrensi. and so to give peace to his ambitious desires. And because he would not again be dishonoured with that he purposed to take in hand, he gave out order into all parts of his dominions, both in EUROPE and ASIA, for the assembling of his best soldiers and men of war. Now when all things were in readiness, and such an army assembled as he seldom or never had a stronger; first he sent forth Alybeg (warden of the frontiers of his kingdom alongst the river Danubius) with eighty thousand of the soldiers called Achanzij, towards SCODRA. These Achanzijs are horsemen, which for their good service according to their deserts, have certain lands given them by the king to live upon during their lives; for which they are of duty bound to serve upon their own charge as the forerunners of the Turk his army, whensoever he goeth to besiege any place: These be they which first enter into the enemy's country, burning and spoiling what they can, until they come unto the place appointed: and have this privilege, That so soon as all the army is come to the place to be besieged, they may then at their pleasure either depart or stay. The governor of SCODRA understanding both by common fame and certain intelligence, of the Turks designs, with all care and diligence fortified the town, labouring continually both night and day at the rampires, as if the enemy had been already present, and plentifully provided all things necessary for the enduring of a long siege. The aged and unnecessary people, he sent out of the city into other places of more safety farther off: in whose stead he took in great numbers of strong and able men which dwelled in the country round about; among whom were many mariners taken out of the galleys, and other men of like quality, which got their living upon the river and lake of SCODRA, lusty bodies enured to hardness, who in the long siege following did great service. Whilst this preparation was making in SCODRA, The poor country people fly for fear of the Turks. behold the mountains a far off Northward from the city, began to shine with many great fires, and all the country was covered with thick smoke, which every hour seemed to draw nearer and nearer: when within short time after, the poor country people (which as yet were not all fled) with such trash as they could well carry, came running for life all over the country to the strong cities upon the sea side, crying out that the Turks were come. The next day which was the fourteenth of May, Alybeg with his eighty thousand Achanzijs, came into the suburbs of the city, and there encamped; so that none could go in or out of the gates: which was not the least part of his charge. To him by the commandment of Mahomet, had Scander-Beg governor of BOSNA, and Malcotius with seven thousand horsemen, joined themselves upon the way. Of this Malcotius it is reported (as was of Augustus) that the majesty of his countenance, with the resplendent beams issuing out of his eyes (as if it had been the rays of the Sun) were of such piercing brightness, that no man was able with immoved and fixed eye long to behold the same. These horsemen (the forerunners, as I said, of Mahomet's great army) the Christians much troubled with often sallies and shot, out of the town, and slew many of them with little or no loss unto themselves. When Alybeg had thus lain before the city ten days, came Taut Gaiola the great Bassa of CONSTANTINOPLE with five and twenty thousand soldiers, and about twelve thousand camels, for most part laden with metal in mass, for to make great ordinance of, and other necessaries for the camp. The Bassas great and stately tent of purple colour, was pitched upon the top of an high hill called the Bassa's hill, because in that place Solyman Bassa had lain in the former siege about four years before: The Bassa's army lay encamped betwixt the same hill and the town. This Taut Gaiola was borne in EPIRUS of base parentage, and was from thence by the Turks carried away young to CONSTANTINOPLE; where for his sharpness of 〈◊〉 and rare activity, he grew into such favour, first with Mahomet, and afterward with Bajazet his son, that he was by them promoted to the greatest places of honour, next unto themselves: wherein he became so popular, and had so possessed the hearts of the people, that it was suspected of some, he would have aspired to the Turkish empire himself. Presently after the coming of this great Bassa, workmen were set a work about the casting of the great ordinance, and making ready of other things for the siege. The Christians also were no less busy about their fortifications, the governor appointing unto every man his charge, and which part of the wall to defend: yet keeping continually in the market place certain companies (with the ensigns of S. Mark and S. Stephen) to serve as fresh supplies, as need or occasion should require. Whilst the great ordinance was in casting, the Bassa caused a great bridge of timber to be made over the river, that so he might at his pleasure pass over his men, and command both sides of the river. The Christians in the mean time with vigilant eye so attending the Turks, that none of them could stir within shot, but he was forthwith fet off and slain. The thirteenth of june, Mustapha the Beglerbeg or Viceroy of ASIA (commonly called the great Bassa of ANATOLIA) came also in great pomp to the siege with thirty thousand soldiers brought out of ASIA; personable men, but not accounted so good soldiers as they of EUROPE: for it is a common saying among the Turks, That the men of EUROPE, and the horses of ASIA do best service. This great Bassa was honourably met and welcomed by the other great Bassa of CONSTANTINOPLE, and was quartered upon an other side of the city, where his rich pavilion (all of green) was pitched in a vineyard about a mile from the town. Mustapha to prove the courage of his soldiers, propounded a reward to which soever of them, as durst adventure but to go and touch the walls of the city: upon which occasion, two of his soldiers passing well mounted, Two o● the Turk● attempting to touch the walls of 〈◊〉▪ are both slain, and one of their heads set up upon the wall. attempted to have performed that enterprise. But making what hast they could possibly, they were both slain from the wall, and one of their bodies recovered by certain valiant soldiers which sallied out of the town, and his head being cut off, was upon a lance set upon the walls for the Turks to behold. The fifteenth of june 5600 janissaries came into the camp, with four white ensigns: at whose coming all the soldiers of both the Bassas camps gave a wonderful shout, and welcomed them with great joy. These are the great Turk's guard and best soldiers, in whom the greatest strength of his kingdom consisteth, and are called the sons of the great Sultan: after whose coming, Mahomet himself was daily expected. Three days after came two other great men, attended upon with a number of followers, who by their countenance, and the great reverence done unto them by the rest of the Turks, seemed to be men of great place and authority: these men desired that they might with safety speak with the governor of the city and the rest of the captains, to deliver unto them such a message, as they had for their good (as they said) brought unto them from Mahomet. Which their request being granted, the elder of them, after he had with many glorious words set forth the power of his master, and what he had done to other great cities, with their princes; and farther showed into what danger they were like to fall, if they should long stand upon their defence: he began to persuade them to yield up the city, assuring them of all kind usage, with many rich rewards from the great emperor; whereas otherwise, they were to expect nothing but extreme misery and most shameful death. Whereunto answer was in the name of them all given by the mouth of Petrus Pagnanus, a grave and worthy citizen, That they were not afraid of the greatness of Mahomet, or of any thing he had done or could do: and that he should find it hard to enforce them, but impossible to persuade them to deliver their city: and therefore that he might at his pleasure use his forces against men fully resolved rather to yield unto nature her last due, than to hearken to any composition: and in conclusion told them, that if they should at any time after make any such motion, they should not expect any other answer than from the mouth of the Canon. With which short answer these great men departed, not a little discontented. At this same time the strong city of CROIA (which the worthy Scanderbag had living so honourably defended, and dying had left it with his kingdom, in the protection and possession of the Venetians) having holden out a years siege, after that all the kingdom of EPIRUS and most part of ALBANIA was lost, for lack of victuals was yielded up unto the Turk, upon condition, That the hunger-starved defendants (who then seemed rather ghosts than men) might at their pleasure in safety depart: which agreement the faithless Turk broke, and without mercy put them all to the sword. This heavy news was delivered to them of SCODRA by certain Christians in the Turks camp: wherewith they were much grieved, but nothing at all discouraged. Whilst the Turks thus lay at the siege, the watermen, of whom a great number lived upon the great lake of SCODRA (being in circuit about an hundred mile) came many times down the river by night, and did much harm in the Turks camp: for remedy whereof, they were enforced to build certain small galleys to keep them in, who for all that many times stole secretly upon them, and much troubled them. The two and twentieth of june the Turks mounted two great pieces of Ordinance upon the top of the hill whereon the Bassa lay: whereof the one carried a bullet, made of an hard kind of round stone, of three hundred pound weight, and the other a bullet of four hundred, wherewith they began to batter the town four days: after that, they placed a third piece of artillery at the foot of the same hill, which delivered a bullet of four hundred pound weight: and the next day they planted a fourth piece, greater than the rest, about the middle of the same hill, which carried a shot of six hundred and fifty pound weight. In this while, eight thousand of the Turks soldiers, called Asapi (which are known from the janissaries by their red caps, whereas the janissaries wear white) came into the camp. And shortly after came Mahomet himself with all his army to the river of Drimon, whether the two great Bassas of ASIA and CONSTANTINOPLE went with great pomp and triumph to meet him. The second of july Mahomet with all his army before the rising of the Sun came to the camp before SCODRA: where after he had well viewed the situation thereof, he is reported to have said: Mahomet in person himself cometh unto the siege of Scodra. The order of Mahomet's camp. O what a fair and stately place hath the Eagle chosen out for herself to build her nest, and to hatch her young ones in. divers rich pavilions were set up for Mahomet himself, but one far greater than the rest, distant from them about a flight shoot, which was the place wherein he held his counsel: the other were for his own private use. Round about these his tents lay the janissaries encamped, a good distance off; yet so close one to another, as if it had been a perpetual rampire or strong trench, whereinto was but one entrance, continually guarded with a most strong guard. Round about the janissaries lay all the rest of the army encamped: so that all the country, as far as a man could see, was covered and white with tents, much like as when the ground in Winter is covered over with a deep snow: and still more people resorted to the camp daily, so that it was deemed by men of great experience, that Mahomet had then in his army of all sort of people about three hundred and fifty thousand men, all gaping to devour that poor city: a sight of itself sufficient to have daunted the courage of right valiant men: But what can be terrible unto them that fear not to die? Against this terror of the enemy, the defendants were notably encouraged by the comfortable persuasions and exhortations of one Bartholom●us, a preacher (sometimes one of the worthy Scanderbag his soldiers) who afterwards giving himself to the study of divinity, became a zealous preacher, and in this siege did notably comfort the Christian defendants against the terror of so great an army of miscreants. All this while the battery was still maintained: and the fifth of july the Turks mounted two other great pieces, whereof the one was like unto the former before mounted, but the other placed upon the middle of the Bassas mount, was of an incredible greatness, discharging a shot of twelve hundred pound weight, and was called the Prince's piece, in whose name it was with much cunning and industry made: with which huge piece, the Turks even from the beginning of the siege had threatened the besieged, willing them to expect the coming of the Prince's Piece. The next day they planted upon the same mount a seventh piece, which carried a shot of five hundred and fifty pound weight: from which time they battered the city with the aforesaid seven great pieces; and ceased not oftentimes by night out of their great mortar pieces, to cast great balls of wild fire into the city, so to have set it on fire: whereby divers of the citizens were enforced to uncover their houses covered with shingle, and by men appointed for that purpose, to watch the fall of such fireworks, and so to quench the same: which they so carefully looked unto, as that the devise of the enemy took none effect at all. At the same time also the Turks out of their short mortar pieces cast huge great stones of incredible weight, which falling from high, did most terribly crush in pieces whatsoever thing they light upon, wherewith the defendants were wonderfully troubled. In few days after, the enemy mounted three other great pieces, whereof one was greater than that was called the Princes, and carried a bullet of thirteen hundred weight from which time they daily battered the city with ten such pieces, as the like hath seldom times been heard of: and arrows fell so thick into the city, as if it had been continuall-showers of hail, so that no man could go or well stir in the streets without hurt. Yet in the midst of al● these dangers the Christians valiantly defended the city, and with their deadly shot from the wal● and mounts exceedingly annoyed the enemy. The eleventh of july the Turks mounted another great piece like unto the former, upon the Bassas mount, and the same day battered the walls with 178 shot of this huge artillery. Mahomet having by the fury of his great ordinance beaten down a great part of the wall, and that now nothing stood in his way but such simple repairs as the defendants had made of timber and planks, with earth cast in betwixt, was in good hope in short time to become master of the town: and therefore sent certain companies of his janissaries and other soldiers (which he with continual supplies of fresh men still relieved) to assault the breaches, so if it were possible to enter the town, or at leastwise to burn such fortifications of timber as the defendants had made. But that which seemed unto him at first so easy, he found in execution full of difficulty and danger: for the Turks approaching the breach, found there resolute men, a surer defence than any wall: whose valiant courage served in stead of a strong bulwark. So whilst the Turks desperately strive in the face of the breach either to enter or to set fire upon the new fortifications made for most part of timber, and the defendants with no less resolution do what they may to the uttermost to repulse them, many were on both sides slain, but especially of the assailants. Which Mahomet well perceiving, and that by that manner of assault he gained nothing but notable loss and spoil of his best men, caused a retreat to be sounded, and his battery to be again forthwith renewed: every day shaking the wall with 160 or 180 most terrible great shot, and one day with 194, which was the greatest battery he made in one day during that siege. After this great battery, the tyrant caused a fresh assault to be given, but with little or rather worse success than before: for though divers of the defendants, & amongst them some of good place, as Franciscus Patavinus, Franciscus Scorbaro, two Italian captains, and some other of the better sort of the citizens were there slain with the great shot, whereof the enemy that day discharged into the breaches 193: yet were they with greater loss enforced again to retire, and with shame to give over the assault. Notwithstanding this repulse, Mahomet continuing his battery with no less fury than before, still sought by force of his artillery to open a way into the city: and the third day after the former assault gave a more furious and desperate attempt unto the city than before, insomuch that the Turks were in the breaches come to handy strokes with the Christians, and there made a most cruel and deadly fight; wherein many fell on both sides, but of the Turks most, yet were there many of the Christians also slain, especially with the Turks great ordinance. It was a right ruthful sight to have seen the rampires at the great gate of the city beaten down flat to the ground, and to lie full of the rend bodies of the Christians: at which place the enemy so prevailed, that he was even now ready to have entered; for the Turks so furiously assailed the defendants, and the murdering shot from the Bassas mount fell so thick and so terribly into the breach, beside the infinite number of arrows, that there was scarce any of the Christians which defended that place but they were either slain or grievously wounded. But when all seemed now almost desperate and forlorn, and the greedy enemy even ready to devour his prey, a new supply of lusty soldiers well armed, came courageously to the breach, and as lions encountering the enemy, drove him down again, and so enforced him with great loss to retire. Mahomet grieved with this repulse, in his fury caused 173 great shot to be discharged into the city, and afterwards sending for his great Bassas and other his principal men of war, declared unto them his mind as followeth: Mahomet purposing to give a general assault, encourageth his captains and soldiers thereunto. I think none of you are ignorant (right worthy soldiers) that now it is the third month since this city hath by us been most straightly besieged, and with all manner of artillery and engines of 〈◊〉 impugned, assaulted, and on every side assailed, the walls thereof utterly subverted, and the bulwarks laid flat with the ground, and (as you see) as good as razed: Besides that, so oft as we have set 〈◊〉 upon their fortresses, so oft we have provoked them of SCODRA to fight, and have also much vexed them with assaults. Last of all, as you know, we have left nothing unproved, nothing unattempted which could be devised, the easilier to overcome them, being wearied, worn out, & their strength spent. Wherefore (in mine opinion) the matter is not longer to be put off or delayed, but even to morrow before the enemy can recover his strength or repair his breaches, let us enclose the city round, and give them a general and terrible assault: and therefore every one of you make yourselves ready, and exhort your soldiers in the camp, that they every one of them to morrow with the dawning of the day come forth armed and well appointed for the winning of the city. Now will I prove and know them that are worthy of my pay. Thou the Bassa of CONSTANTINOPLE, with thy squadrons and certain companies of the janissaries our faithful guard, give charge unto the breach: in the mean time, let the Bassa of ASIA with his power assault the other parts of the city: let every man make ready and bring with him what so is needful for this general assault▪ my mind giveth me, that to morrow before this time we shall win the city: for who is there can resist us? The town (as you see) is bared both of wall and of all other defence: the bulwarks and ditches are laid even, and an easy way for us to come unto it: the citizens themselves weary with so many fights and assaults faint and want strength; whereas we are still fresh and lusty: they in number few; we almost innumerable: besides that, we far pass them in the force of our artillery, wherewith many of them shall perish in the defending of the breaches. Who then can gainsay, but that they of SCODRA are already our prisoners? Where, upon such as remain alive, I will at my pleasure use the law of arms and captivity. On therefore courageous hearts without further delay. Is not the very name of SCODRA hateful unto us? for which of you doth not with great disdain call to remembrance the death of your parents, or brethren, or friends, or companions, cruelly slain under these walls? Can you digest your hatred against them of SCODRA? and so many slaughters of your friends, by them made? But to forget elder times, and the harms received from them long since, let us but look upon our late slaughters and wounds as it were yet bleeding: it is not yet full four years since that we made war with these men of SCODRA, wherein so many thousands of our people fell, that their slaughter is yet almost object to our eyes, and their blood craving revenge. This very hill whereon we stand, and the stones yet seem besprinkled and polluted with their blood. Wherefore hast you as men of courage, take up arms, valiantly mount the hill, assault the town, and revenge your old injuries. Glut yourselves to the full in the effusion of the Christian blood, whereunto our laws do so much exhort us, and do what you may with force and sword, that not one of them of SCODRA may be left alive: which you may easily bring to pass, having all things thereunto needful: for there is nothing to withstand you, nothing wanting for the gaining of the victory. All things are prepared, all things are ready: an easy matter it is for a strong man to overcome the weak and feeble, that wanteth strength as do they. This speech of the barbarous tyrant, was received with great applause and good liking of the hearers: and now was SCODRA to be with all might and main assaulted, and not a man there left alive. Hereupon proclamation was made throughout the camp, That every man upon pain of death should be ready against the appointed time. And the great captains and commanders of the army departing from Mahomet, went up to the top of the hill whereon the Bassa lay, and from thence taking view of the city, and laying their heads together, consulted how they might best give the assault. The defendants on the other side always expecting their enemies hovering over their heads, left nothing undone that they could possibly devise, for the defence of themselves and the city. Now upon the top of the Bassas mount was a royal pavilion erected, richly covered with purple, from whence the proud tyrant might plainly behold all the assault: who with the dawning of the day (being the two and twentieth of july) entering the same, the Turks who in the covert of the night had conveyed themselves as near unto the walls as they could, The city of Scodra assaulted by the Turks the fourth time. (upon the signal of battle, given by a tire of ordinance discharged from the Bassas mount) suddenly ran to the breaches as thick as bees, in hope by their sudden approach to have taken the Christians at some advantage: wherein they were much deceived. For they always doubting such a matter, and carefully observing the least motion of the enemy, were always in readiness to meet with their attempts: so that the Turks desperately striving to gain the breaches, and the Christians valiantly defending the same, there was in divers places begun a most cruel and mortal fight; but especially near unto the great gate, where the fury of the Canon had made the walls most saultable. There the enemy was come to fight hand to hand, and prevailing upon the defendants, had set up one of the Turks ensigns upon the top of the rampires: which Mahomet beholding, rejoiced exceedingly, thinking the city now as good as taken. But the Christians seeing the danger, speedily repaired thither with new supplies, and by plain force drove the enemy out again, and beat him from the rampires. Upon them also that were coming up, they cast down pieces of timber, great stones, wildfire, pots of lime, and such other things as might most annoy them: as for shot, none fell in vain by reason of the wonderful multitude of the Turks, who stood so thick, that a man could hardly have cast down a grain of mustardseed from the wall but it must needs have light upon some of them: by which means the Turks were notably repulsed, their ensign plucked down, and they enforced to retire from the walls. Which sudden alteration Mahomet perceiving, fell into a great rage, and forthwith commanded his great ordinance, with greater fury than ever, to be discharged into the breach: And with great words commanded the two chief Bassas which stood by him upon the mount, to go presently down and enforce the soldiers which were already retired, to return again unto the assault. These great commanders seeing the tyrant in such a fret, forthwith descended from the hill, and where persuasion would not serve, with their drawn swords enforced the soldiers to return back again to the assault. The Turks knowing that they were now in the eye of their king, and in the presence of their greatest commanders, strive with might and main to win the rampires: for in that place, the walls of the city were beaten down to the ground, shaken before this assault with 2539 shot of the cannon or other pieces of no less force. The Christians likewise in defence of themselves and their city, with invincible courage opposed themselves against the Turks: A most terrible assault. so that a more desperate fight than there, was hardly ever to be seen; desperate men with desperate hand assailing one another: And the more to increase the terror of the day, the thundering shot, with the clamour of men and noise of the instruments of war, was so great, as if heaven and earth should have presently fallen together; and arrows falling into the city as if it had been showers of rain, oftentimes darkened the light of the day. In this dreadful fight, many of the defendants were slain; but of the Turks, twenty to one. near unto that gate where this terrible assault was given, were certain loupes hewn out of the main rock, which flanked the ditch all alongst that side of the city, out of which the Christians with their murdering shot made lanes amongst their enemies, and slew them without number. For all that, the mighty Bassas and great captains, one while by persuasion, another while by threatening, forced them still forward; and if any turned back, presently slew him: so that the Turks seeing no less danger in retiring, than in fight against the enemy, like desperate men thrust forward by heaps, and were slain without number. Yet still pressing on so long as life lasted, and others stepping forward in stead of them that were slain; they began again to prevail upon the defendants (who in that place were for most part either slain or hurt) and again recovered the top of the rampires, and there advanced the Turks ensigns. Then began the tyrant to lift up his head, making sure account that the city was now his own. But as the common saying is, He that reckoneth without his host, must reckon twice: so chanced it to Mahomet. For the companies, from the beginning of the siege left in the market place ready for all events, and oftentimes wishing for some occasion wherein to show themselves; being now in good time advertised of the imminent danger, came with speed to the place of the assault before the Turks had taken good footing; and there valiantly encountering them, slew a great number of them, and forced the rest from the rampires; and plucking down their ensigns before set up, in stead of them placed their own. With which repulse the Turks were so dismayed, that they quite forsook the assault, and in despite of their imperious commanders, not expecting any sign of retreat, in haste retired to their camp. Mahomet fallen from so great an hope, and grieved above measure with this shameful repulse, returned into his pavilion fretting and fuming as a man half mad, where two days he tormented himself with his own passions, not admitting any man to his presence. The Christians afterwards took the spoil of the dead Turks, and cutting off divers of their heads, set them up upon poles round about the city, to the terror of their fellows. Twelve thousand Turks slain in the last assault. In this assault were twelve thousand of the Turks slain, and many more wounded. Of the Christians were lost 400: and of them that came to the breach escaped none, but he was wounded more or less. After that Mahomet had two days digested the last repulse, the shame whereof grieved him more than the loss itself: he sent for both the great Bassas of CONSTANTINOPLE & ASIA, and other two of his chief councillors, with whom he resolved to give another assault, and thereon to gauge his whole forces: for they were all of opinion with him, that the defendants were so weakened and wasted with the former assault, that they could not possibly hold out another. Whereupon strait commandment was given through the camp, that every man without exception, should be ready to go to the assault whensoever they were called upon: and the more to encourage the soldiers, great rewards and preferments were promised to them which in time of the assault should perform any especial piece of service. The Turk● superstitiously reverence the new Moon. The first appearance of the new Moon (which the Turks worship with great devotion) was the time that Mahomet had appointed for this general assault: in the mean space he spared not to pour out his fury against the walls and rampires of the town, by the mouth of the cannon. The Christian defendants on the other side, first by hearty prayer commended themselves and their city to the protection of the most mighty, and afterwards with restless labour and no small peril, speedily repaired and new fortified whatsoever the fury of the artillery had overthrown or shaken; omitting nothing that could be done or devised for the defence of themselves and the city. Now as soon as the new Moon began to show herself, the Mahometan priests going about the army, gave the soldiers knowledge thereof (as their manner is) by singing of a song, in manner of a procession; whereunto the whole army answered with a short respond, but with such a terrible noise as was wonderful to hear: and at the same time bowing themselves to the ground, saluted the Moon with great superstition. All their fond ceremonies performed, they began to drawnie the city so thick, and in number so many, that all the ground for the space of a mile round about SCODRA was thick covered with men. The Christians expecting every hour to be assailed, were ready upon the walls and rampires of the city to repulse the enemy: but especially at the great gate where most danger was feared, for that the Turks with their great ordinance had made that place of all others most saultable. Here jacobus Moneta a noble captain, with his brother Moncinus a valiant gentleman, took upon them to receive the first assault which is commonly of all others most terrible: for the Turks use in their assaults to give three attempts, whereof the first is most furious and dangerous, as performed by their best soldiers; the other two are of less force: but if they fail in all three, they forsake the enterprise as men discouraged. Whilst both the assailants and the defendants stood thus in readiness, the one as it were facing the other a great part of the night, Mahomet before day went up to the top of the Bassas mount, from whence he had before beholden the former assault: at whose coming, there were presently eleven cannons discharged, and twelve smaller pieces (the signal appointed for the assault.) The Turks upon this sign given, Scodra again most furiously assaulted by the Turks. with exceeding tumult and most hideous outcry (as their manner is) began to assail the city round, and with such wonderful agility of body and courage mounted the rampires at the great gate, that they had there as it were in a trice set up one of their ensigns, which was forthwith plucked up by Moneta, and the Turks with great slaughter driven down, where many of them were slain with stones, timber, fire, and such other things cast down upon them; beside a great number slain or wounded with shot, arrows, and darts, whereof none fell to the ground in vain, by reason that the Turks stood so thick, that they violently pressed one another forward, in such sort, that the foremost could by no means shun any danger, were it never so great or terrible. In this sort the assault was with great slaughter of the Turks continued until it was day; they striving to win the breach, and the Christian's most valiantly defending the same: Moneta himself in this fight received diverse wounds, and was twice beaten down to the ground; yet still recovering himself, encouraged his soldiers, and worthily repulsed the enemy. Mahomet seeing his soldiers beaten from the breach, caused a tire of his great Ordinance to be discharged upon the Christians which stood therein thick for the defence thereof, by force whereof many of them were rend in pieces, and the rest sore dismayed: which the Turks quickly perceiving, and therewith encouraged, came on again with a fresh charge, forcing themselves to the uttermost to have entered. But the valiant captain nothing discouraged either with the loss of them that were slain, or with the danger of himself, courageously withstood the furious enemy, and maintained the place until new supplies came to relieve him, and never departed thence, either suffered any man to depart, until the assault was ended. Many were slain on both sides, yet nothing troubled the defendants so much as the great ordinance; which being discharged from the Bassas mount into the breach; at such times as the Turks were driven back, slew many of the Christians, leaving the breach almost clear: so giving occasion for the Turks to have entered, had not other courageous soldiers stepped up in stead of them that were slain, who manfully repulsed the enemy. The tyrant from the mou●● seeing the invincible courage of the defendants, was therewith exceedingly troubled: but fully resolved now or never to have it, commanded all his forces to be drawn from all other parts of the city unto the great gate, there to renew the assault; straightly charging his captains, never to return thence until they had taken the city. Hereupon the greatest part of that hug●● army was forthwith in the sight of himself brought unto the appointed place, and there gave a sharp and cruel assault at the breach, with such desperate fury, that in short time they had slain most of the defendants there present, and advanced divers of their ensigns upon the top of the rampires. Which Mahomet beholding from the mount, rejoiced exceedingly, making sure account that the city was now his own: but by that time he had well conceived this hope, new supplies of fresh and courageous men (of purpose reserved for all events) came to the place of danger, and with great resolution encountering the wearied Turks, drove them back, cleared the breach, and overthrew their ensigns. Which so sudden an alteration in the breach, wrought no less alteration in the proud tyrant's mind, his hope was turned into despair, and his rejoicing into choler: insomuch that in his fury, he commanded all his great artillery to be at once discharged into the breach; The assault fiercely again renewed by the Turks. whereby many of his forward and courageous soldiers were slain together with the defendants. At the same time, the great commanders and captains knowing themselves to be in the eye of their imperious lord and master, with their drawn swords forced the poor soldiers again forward to the breach; and the more to encourage them, adventured themselves also amongst them: whereby the fight became more fierce and terrible than before. Many of the Turks were there slain; yet such was the force and multitude of them which still stepped up in their place, and bullets and arrows flew so thick, that the defendants oppressed with multitude, and overwhelmed with shot, were hardly able longer to maintain the place, being for most part either slain or wounded. Whereupon a great one ran upon the sudden through the city, that every man without exception, should forthwith repair to the breach. Which was with such cheerfulness done, that in less time than was to have been thought, a wonderful multitude of all sort of people was there met together, encouraging one another against the present danger; who all as men resolved to lay down their lives in defence of their country, valiantly encountered the Turks upon the top of the rampires, and so hardly laid unto them, that notwithstanding their great number, they began now again to waver and shrink back. Which thing the tyrant perceiving from the mount, in great rage commanded his canoneers, as fast as they could to discharge the great ordinance into the breach, without any regard of his own men, so that together with them, he might also kill some of the Christians: and withal imperiously commanded his captains, with all their force and power to maintain the assault, threatening them with most horrible death, if they returned without victory. Hereupon the assault was again renewed, every man (in show at least) set down there to do his last devoir. But the great ordinance still playing upon the breach, slew many of the Turks as well as of the Christians. Thrice the great shot fell amongst the Turks themselves, and rend in sunder a great number of them which were foremost, to the great discouragement of the rest: whereof the tyrant had small regard, so that together with them he might also diminish the number of the defendants. Nevertheless, such was the desperate fury of the enemy, that the city was in no small danger to have been even presently taken, had not fresh supplies come from other places of the city which they were appointed unto; who with great courage resisted the enemy. Yet the Turks far exceeding in number (and fresh men continually stepping up in stead of them which lay by heaps under their feet, and served them in stead of steps to get up to the rampires) maintained a long and terrible fight: at which time the great ordinance also sore annoyed the defendants, so that with one shot (whereby the greatness of the harms done at other times may be gathered) eighteen of the Christian defendants were slain. As for arrows, they flew as thick as hail into the city; so that they obscured the light of the day, and lay in most places of the street a span thick: so that for the space of a month after, the inhabitants used no other fuel to burn, A woeful sight. but Turkish arrows. It was a ruthful sight to have seen the bodies of the valiant Christians rend in sunder with the great shot, and pieces of them cleaving upon every wall thereabout, every street was stained with their blood, the great ordinance continually thundered, churches and houses came rattling down, yea the heavy countenance of the air itself seemed to bewail the misery of the poor Christians: beside, the noise of trumpets, drum's, and other instruments of war, with the horrible cry of the hellish Turks, was so great and hideous, that it seemed as if heaven and earth should have gone together: nothing was to be heard but the very terror of the ear; nothing to be seen but death, and the very instruments of death. And now in this extremity a fearful cry ran through the city, That without present help all would be lost at the great gate: Whereupon, not only they which were whole (which were the fewest in number) but they also which lay wounded or sick in their beds, cheering up themselves, with weapons in their hands ran with speed to the place where the danger was; choosing rather there to die, than to be slain in their beds. Thus whilst the Christians of all sorts, and from all parts of the city ran desperately to the gate, the Turks were on every side hardly pressed and in great number slain: yet fresh men still coming up as if they had sprung out of the earth, the deadly fight was by them still maintained. For the Turks on the one side, for fear of the tyrant, laboured with might and main to win the city; and the Christians on the other, knowing no hope left for them if they should be overcome, with no less resolution defended the same. A doubtful fight. In this obstinacy of minds, many fell on both sides: sometimes the Turks seemed to have the better, and were strait way by the Christians put to the worse. Which manner of mortal fight with doubtful event, was continued most part of that day: until that at length many being on both parts slain, and the rest for most part sore wounded and hurt, the fury of the assault began to assuage: for the Turks now weary of that long and deadly fight, and fainting with their wounds, had no great stomach to mount up the rampires, where they saw no hope to prevail, but all things threatening present death. Mahomet beholding the wonderful slaughter of his men, and that having done what was possible for men to do, they now fought as men discouraged, and in despair of victory himself, caused a retreat to be sounded, which the Turks no sooner heard, but that they left the assault, and without order ran to their tents as men half feared out of their wits. Of this victory, the Christians (as they had good cause) rejoiced greatly: yet was this joy mingled with much sorrow and heaviness, for the loss of such worthy men as were slain in that assault, many of whose bodies, they were glad to gather up by peacemeale, some here, some there, some cleaving on this wall, and some on that: which they, as the time would give leave, honourably buried with the rest of the slain. At which time also, they with all diligence and expedition repaired their breaches, and put all things in such readiness, as if they should have presently received a fresh assault. Mahomet wonderfully grieved with the shameful dishonour and great loss he had received at the last assault, repented himself that ever he had taken the matter in hand, wishing that he had never heard of the name of SCODRA: and in his choler and frantic rage, most horribly blasphamed against God, most wickedly saying, That it were enough for him to have care of heavenly things, and not to cross him in his worldly actions. In which fury he descended from the mount and got him into his tent, where he again tormented himself with his melancholy passions by the space of two days; wherein he would neither be spoke withal, or admit any man to his presence. Upon the third day he called a general counsel of his commanders and best soldiers, and there openly before them all said, That he was determined to give the enemy a fresh assault, for that being weakened with so many assaults, he could not possibly be able to hold out another: and therefore hoped for an easy victory. But he had no sooner so said, but that all they that heard him, cried out with one voice to the contrary: saying, That it was not by any means to be attempted, forasmuch as his best soldiers were already slain, and the greater part of them that were left, either sore wounded, or brought to that weakness that they were not able to do any more service; and that therefore it were better for them to kill one another, or else himself to kill them one by one, than to expose them to be so shamefully butchered by the Christians. In this diversity of opinions, Achmetes Bassa the great champion of the Turks (a man reverend and of great authority, for his birth, years, and rare experience in martial affairs, and one by whom Mahomet had done great matters) standing up, with pleasing speech calmed his furious mind, and with substantial reasons persuaded him to desist from that his intended purpose, and to take another surer course, as followeth. Your great valour and worthy praises invincible emperor (said he) who is able to express? A notable speech of the great Bassa Achmetes. the greatness whereof the mind of man cannot conceive, and my dull spirit but wonder thereat; my tongue faltereth to speak of them, neither would this time serve so much as to recount them. It is of all men deemed a thing of great honour (most dread sovereign) when a prince hath received a kingdom from his ancestors, to be able in safety to keep and defend the same: greater than this is it, honourably to increase and augment it, so left: but of a small thing, by worthy prowess to bring it to the highest type of worldly honour, is of all other things the greatest. Which most rare excellency, all men worthily ascribe unto your perfection and felicity: and I of all others can thereof bring the most assured testimony, who have oftentimes heard it of mine ancestors (which following the fortune of the Ottoman princes out of ASIA into EUROPE) that your worthy predecessors at their first coming into EUROPE (without offence be it said) possessed but a corner thereof; to whom you afterward by divine appointment succeeding, have adjoined so many provinces, kingdoms, and empires, as were tedious to rehearse them. For who can worthily express, how you have in EUROPE subdued CONSTANTINOPLE, the imperial city of the East empire, with all THRACIA, ACHAIA, GRECIA, PELOPONESUS, BEOTIA, THEBES, and the noble city of ATHENS, the mother and nurse of all good learning. The empire of TRAPEZOND, with the emperor thereof, is by you overthrown: the kingdoms of SERVIA and BOSNA, with the princes of PELOPONESUS, are by you gloriously vanquished. You have at your command twelve kingdoms in ASIA the lesser, PONTUS, BYTHINIA, CAPPADOCIA, PAPHLAGONIA, CILICIA, PAMPHILIA, LYCIA, CARIA, LYDIA, PH●IGIA, NICHOMEDIA, and NICAEA, with the famous city of PRUSA. Besides these, JONIA, DORIS, SMYRNA, COLOPHON, EPHESUS, MILETUM, HALICARNASUS, PERGAMUS, with the country of TAURICA, are under your subjection. The great country of ARMENIA hath felt your force: the Islands of LESBOS, CHIOS, and EVEoeA, are parts of your empire. What should I speak of infinite people and nations, by you most victoriously vanquished? This may suffice for all, that you have gained from the Christians twenty provinces and two hundred great cities. For it were too long to rehearse the Mahometan kings and princes by you also vanquished: in all your expeditions 〈◊〉 things have yet given place to your fortune. The ancient monuments may now cease to extol the praises of Caesar, Scipio, Pyrrhus, Hannibal, and other cheefetaines of ROME, and foreign nations: for why, they are all inferior to you both for victories and countries subdued. The Ottoman family is undoubtedly fatal for sovereignty: all the world shall in short time come under your government, and all nations shall serve you. As for this town of SCODRA, let it not so much grieve you: worldly things (as you know) do oftentimes deceive our expectation: in them fortune beareth great sway. Yet for this matter, quiet yourself: for I dare gauge my faith unto your imperial majesty, that I will in short time find means, that this city shall stand at your devotion. Did not I of late bring into your subjection the impregnable city of CROIA, which you so long desired? But whereas you would now again forthwith attempt to win it by assault, I therein crave your pardon, in that I cannot be of that opinion, but must needs think far otherwise: for to attempt war, and to be overthrown, is an easy matter for every man to do; but to vanquish the enemy, and to carry away the triumph, that right few men know. He that consulteth of such great and weighty matters, aught to be free both from fury and desire, both evil counsellors. The Christians of SCODRA are not in my opinion to be again assaulted: for in so doing you shall but lose your labour. For if you could not subdue them, your army being then fresh and strong, how shall you now overcome them with much fewer, and they wounded, weak and feeble? I have viewed the whole camp, and searched every tent; and found no place, no tent, yea scarcely any cabin, without groaning, sighing, weeping, or wailing; in every place was heaviness, sorrow, mourning, and death itself: for in the last assault you lost thirty thousand and more of your best soldiers▪ many more are grievously wounded and maimed: none, but he carrieth about him some sign that he was there: few or none there be that dare again mount the hill to give a fresh assault, they are all afraid and discouraged. Whom when I demanded, how so great a fear was come upon them, and what was the cause they had so lost their wont courage? they answered me, That it was the look, even the very look of them of SCODRA, whose eyes did seem unto them to burn and sparkle with fire: their stern and terrible countenances (said they) have struck this terror into us. Wherefore I think it not good to give a fresh assault with men so dismayed: but rather to use policy and delay against such resolute enemies. This city of SCODRA is the eye and head of all this province, which the Venetians have notably fortified and planted with store of ordinance and of all things else necessary for defence thereof; but especially with most valiant soldiers, of purpose chosen out of many their garrisons for defence of this city: you have not now to do with the weak and effeminate people of ASIA, but with the hard and rough people of EPIRUS. And you know (most mighty emperor) the strength and courage of this nation: it is now thirty years that you have made war against this people, and have not yet altogether subdued them: and how dangerous and chargeable this war hath been unto you, who knoweth not? It is now six months since we came first before this city; we have entrenched ourselves round about it, we have day and night laid hard siege unto it, we have battered it of long with eleven cannons: I speak not of other smaller pieces or engines of war, with all kind of shot and firework, and whatsoever else we could devise. We have many times to our cost assaulted it: what could be done by force, strength, or multitude of valiant men, is already done in the former assaults. Nothing hath been left unattempted, no policy no direction hath wanted in your leaders, neither courage in your soldiers. What should I recount the innumerable great shot, or speak of our arrows and darts, delivered into the city as showers of hail? Did all this or any thing else we could do, any thing terrify these defendants? Were they not, nay are they not still ready, with great assurance and courage at all assays to encounter us. You take a wrong course by force to constrain them. They have taken upon them the defence of this place, and are not thence to be removed, there shall you be sure still to find them either alive or dead. And what account they make of their lives, you see; they will sell them unto us dear for their country, and prefer an honourable death before a servile life. Wherefore against men so set down, policy is to be used: and them whom we cannot by force subdue, let us by delay and time overcome. If you will win SCODRA, block it up, build strong forts in places convenient round about it, and furnish them with good soldiers: make a bridge over BOLIANA, with a strong castle on either side, to stop the passage: which done, besiege the other weaker cities of the Venetians, which are as it were the limbs of SCODRA: and subdue the country round about, which will be no hard matter for you to do, being master of the field: so must SCODRA at length of necessity yield unto you, as of late did CROIA, enforced thereunto by famine. Thus may you in safety without slaughter of your people come to the full of your desires. The wholesome counsel of the Bassa so well pleased Mahomet himself, and the rest there present, that the assault was laid aside, and present order taken for the speedy execution of that which was by him so well plotted. Whereupon the Bassa of CONSTANTINOPLE with his forces was sent to ZABIACHE, a city in the borders of DALMATIA, standing upon the lake of SCUTARIE, not far from ASCRIVIUM, which in few days was yielded unto him. The Bassa possessed of the city, thrust out all the inhabitants, and leaving therein a garrison of Turks, returned again to the camp at SCODRA. At the same time the great Bassa of ASIA was also sent by Mahomet against DRIVASTO, a city also of the Venetians: which when he had besieged and sore battered by the space of sixteen days, the great tyrant came thither in person himself, and the next day after his coming took the city, without any great resistance. Such as he found upon the walls, he put to the sword: of the rest he took three hundred away with him unto the camp at SCODRA, and there in the face of the city caused them all to be cruelly slain, of purpose so to terrify the defendants. The next day after he sent the great Bassa of CONSTANTINOPLE to LYSSA, called also ALESSA, a city of the Venetians, situated upon the river Drinus, about thirty miles from SCODRA. The Bassa coming thither, found the city desolate (for the citizens hearing of his coming, were for fear before fled) for which cause he set the city on fire. Here the Turks digged up the bones of the worthy prince Scanderbag, Lyssa taken by the Turks, and the bones of Scanderbag d●gged up by them, and had in great reverence. for the superstitious opinion they had of the virtue of them: and happy was he that could get any little part thereof to set in gold or other jewel, as a thing of great price, as is before declared. All these things thus done, Mahomet committed the direction of all things concerning the siege of SCODRA, unto the discretion of Achmetes. By whose persuasion, he leaving a great power for the continuing of the siege, departed thence himself with forty thousand soldiers for CONSTANTINOPLE, cursing and banning by the way all the country of EPIRUS, all the inhabitants therein, and every part thereof, their corn, their cattle, & whatsoever else was fruitful; but above all other things the city of SCODRA, with all that therein was, for that he had never received greater dishonour or loss than there. After his departure, which was about the seventh of September, the two great Bassas of CONSTANTINOPLE and ASIA, according to order before taken, built a great bridge over the river Boliana, and on either side a strong castle, to the intent that no relief should that way be brought into the city. Which work when they had brought to perfection, and furnished both castles with garrisons, ordinance, and all things necessary, they left Achmetes Bassa with forty thousand soldiers to continue the siege, and returned themselves the one to CONSTANTINOPLE, and the other into ASIA. The wary and politic Bassa mindful of the charge he had taken upon him, took such order, that no relief could possibly be brought unto the city either by land or by water: and so lying still before it a long time, brought it at length into such distress and want of all things, that the poor Christians were feign to eat all manner of unclean and loathsome things; horses were dainty meat, yea they were glad to eat dogs, cats, rats, and the skins of beasts sod: it exceedeth all credit to tell at what exceeding great price a little mouse was sold, or puddings made of dogs gu●s. All these bare shifts and extremities the poor Christians were content to endure even unto the last gasp, rather than to yield themselves into the hands of their merciless enemies. Whilst SCODRA thus lay in the suds, the Venetians weary of the long and chargeable war they had to their great loss now maintained against so mighty an enemy, by the space of sixteen years; and having no means to relieve their distressed subjects in SCODRA, thought it best to prove, if they could procure a peace from the tyrant. For which purpose they sent Benedictus Trivisanus, a grave Senator and a man of great experience, to CONSTANTINOPLE: who so well used the matter, that after long debating too and fro, at length a peace was concluded; whereof the chief capitulations were, That the Venetians should deliver unto Mahomet the city of SCODRA, the island of LEMNOS, and the strong castle of TENARUS in PELOPONESUS, and pay him yearly eight thousand ducats; That they might freely after their wont manner traffic into the Euxine by the straits of Hellespontus and Bosphorus Thracius, & other parts of his dominions. Concerning the citizens of SCODRA, it was comprised in the same peace, A hard choice. That it should be at their own choice either to live there still under the government of the Turkish emperor, or else at their pleasure to depart in safety with their goods whether they would. Trivisanus having in this manner concluded a peace, in his return homeward the fourth of April, found the Venetian Admiral riding at anchor in the mouth of Boliana, from whence they both by letters certified the Governor and citizens of SCODRA, in what manner the peace was concluded with the Turk, and what provision was therein made for them. Upon receipt of which letters, the governor calling together the citizens, declared unto them how the case stood: and there with them entered into consultation upon this hard question, Whether they would remain there still in their native country under the Turkish tyranny; or forsaking the same, live amongst other Christians in perpetual exile? But after the matter had been thoroughly debated, and many reasons on both parts alleged, at length it was by general consent concluded, That they should all forsake the city and the house of bondage, as dangerous both to their souls and bodies, and live as it should please God amongst other Christians. So the Turks giving pledges for the safe departure of the Christians in SCODRA, they all at an appointed day with bag and baggage came out of the city, and were by the Venetians carefully transported into other pa●●s of their territory in ITALY, where they lived in peace. The Turks (who had now besieged the city a whole year) after the departure of the Christians entered the city with great joy and triumph, which with many others thereabout, hath ever since to the great ruth of all Christendom▪ remained in the possession of the faithless infidels. Scodra yielded unto the Turks. Thus was the strong city of SCODRA lost, and the long wars ended betwixt Mahomet and the Venetians, which happened in the year 1478. 1480 Mahomet now at peace with the Venetians, sent the same Achmetes Bassa (by whom he had but a little before taken in SCODRA) with his fleet of galleys against one Leonard, prince of NERITUS, ZACYNTHUS, and CEPHALENIA, islands near unto PELOPONESUS: where the Bassa arriving, easily took the same islands, the poor prince for safeguard of his life being glad to fly into ITALY with his wife & treasure to king Ferdinand, whose nigh kinswoman he had married. About the same time Alis-Beg, surnamed Michal Ogli, Isa Beg the son of Cassanes, and B●l● Beg, surnamed Malcozogli (men of great account amongst the Turks, and most honourably descended) entered into TRANSYLVANIA with a great army of an hundred thousand men, and brought such a general fear upon the country, that Stephanus Batore the Vaivod, was glad with all speed to fly unto Mathias king of HUNGARY, to declare unto him the danger of his country, and to crave his aid. Mathias at the same time lay sick of the gout: nevertheless he took such order by his captains, Stephanus Cherepetrus, and Paulus Kinisius county of TEMESWARE, that the Turks were encountered not far from ALBA JULIA, and there in a great and bloody battle overthrown: wherein Isa one of their great captains was slain, with 30 thousand Turks more. Neither was this victory gained by the Christians without loss, Bator the Vayvod himself being sore wounded, and eight thousand men slain. Mahomet in his ambitious humour, Mahomet longeth after the Rhodes. had long time desired to have in his subjection the island of the RHODES. For why, it grieved him that so small an island should lie so nigh his great dominions in ASIA, holden by a few Christians, to the great trouble of his merchants trading in the Mediterranean, beside many other harms daily from thence received, and to have no feeling of his greatness. But forasmuch as the winning of that place was thought to be a matter of great difficulty, and in former times unfortunately attempted by some of the Mahometan princes: he purposed now with good advise to take this enterprise in hand. Wherefore calling together his grave counsellors and most expert men of war, after he had declared unto them the manifold injuries received from them of the RHODES; he propounded the matter, Whether it were best to attempt the winning of that island or not? Some forward men persuaded him to revenge those injuries done by those Christians, and to subdue that island, which for the nearness unto CARIA, might of right be accounted as part of his dominion; and not to forbear that enterprise for fear of repulse, forasmuch as he was able to bring more men to assail it, than were stones in the wall about it. Others better advised, declared the strength of the island, with the valour of the defendants; men always brought up in arms, and as it were chosen out of all parts of Christendom▪ so that it was (as they said) like to prove a matter of more difficulty than was by some supposed; whereof some of the Mahometan princes had to their no small dishonour, already made sufficient trial: Alleging farther, that that small island which scarcely appeared in the sea, was not of that worth, as that he should thereon gauge his honour, with the lives of so many good men, and most valiant soldiers as might serve for the conquest of a kingdom. For all that, Mahomet pricked forward with the spurs of ambition, and continual solicitation of Antonius Meligalus, a fugitive knight of the RHODES, resolved to follow the counsel of them which persuaded the war. This Meligalus was a knight of the order, which when he had prodigally consumed his substance which was great, with two others, Demetrius and Sophonius, men of his own quality and disposition, fled unto the Turkish emperor; presenting unto him a perfect plot of the city, with all the strength both of it, and the isle wherein it stood, and which way he might with most ease win it. In which service they frankly offered to spend their lives: but hoping indeed by such foul treachery to repair their broken estate. All things being now in readiness, Mahomet appointed Mesithes Paleologus, one of his chief Bassas (the near kinsman of Constantinus Paleologus the last emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE) General for that expedition; committing to his charge the whole managing of that so great an action. Mesithes embarking his army in number eighty thousand, and thoroughly furnished with all things necessary for the siege, set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE, and with a pleasant gale of wind, sailed alongst the coast of ASIA the less, towards the RHODES: where by the way he called unto him Demetrius (one of the fugitive knights) to learn of him the best means for the safe landing of his a●mie. As for the arch traitor Meligalus, and chief author of this war, he was fallen sick upon the way; and in the extremity of his sickness, growing both troublesome and loathsome unto the Turks that were with him in the same galley, was by the mariners thrown overboard alive: crying out in vain for help, no man vouchsafing to have any compassion upon him; A death right worthy such a traitor. and so swallowed up of the sea, received amidst the waves, the just guerdon of his treachery. At this time Peter Damboyse a Frenchman, an Auergnoys, a man of singular government, was Great Master of the RHODES; whose valiancy was such, that commonly once in eight days he had certain intelligence what great matters passed in the Turks court: and therewith o● such deep judgement, that he was seldom or never overtaken, or deceived with any false advertisements. This careful Grand Master, was not ignorant of all these great preparations, neither of the coming of the Bassa; and therefore had before strongly fortified the city, and so stored the same with all things needful, as might well have served for many years siege: but especially with such shot and powder, that it was deemed (as indeed it was) an especial means whereby the city was afterwards preserved. At the same time, many noble and valiant gentlemen hearing of the Turks designs, repaired thither out of ITALY, FRANCE, SPAIN, GERMANY, and other places of Christendom, cheerfully to adventure their lives, in defence both of the place, and of the Christian religion, against the common enemy of Christianity. The Great Master taking a general view of all the forces he had, to oppose against so puissant an enemy, found that he had in the city sixteen thousand able men: in which number were reckoned many jews and other men of servile condition; who in the siege following, did right good service. The great Bassa conducted by the false traitor Demetrius, safely landed both his army and artillery in the island the two and twentieth day of june, not far from the city. At which time the Great Master considering that the safety of the city consisted more in the lively valour of the defendants, than in the strength of the dead walls, or other warlike provision; thought 〈◊〉 requisite, as a part of his duty, by cheerful persuasions to encourage them, valiantly to withstand the force of their enemies. And therefore calling them all together, spoke unto them as followeth: The oration of the Great Master to the rest of the knights and soldiers, to encourage them valiantly to with s●and the Turks. At length valiant soldiers and fellows at arms, we see the Turks our mortal enemies (〈◊〉 we were before advertised, as well by letters from our friends, as by common fame) breathing after 〈◊〉 destruction; in readiness to destroy our churches, our oratory's, our altars, our religion, and whatsoever else we account sacred or religious; seeking the ruin of this noble city, and the cruel death of us all; gaping at once, to devour our lives, our wealth, our hope, with all our former honour. And 〈◊〉 as I cannot deny but that the chance of war is doubtful, and the event thereof uncertain: so when I consider your valiant courage and cheerfulness of mind, I presently conceive a most assured hope of victory. They have entered into arms against us, not so much for any desert of ours, or upon 〈◊〉 other quarrel; as for the unsatiable desire of rule, and the great despite they bear against us and the Christian religion. But to withstand their fury, and to frustrate their designs, we want neither weapon's, nor artillery, nor provision for many years; we have a most strong garrison of Frenchmen, Spaniards, Germans, English, and others, the very chivalry of Christendom: and that which 〈◊〉 is, Christ jesus our Captain and General, by whose power, we shall no doubt easily repulse the 〈◊〉 force of our most wicked and graceless enemies. The care we have for the defence of the Christi●● faith, whereunto we are by special profession bound, will animate and encourage us against them, which seek for nothing more than to extend their wicked and gross superstition, to the great dishonour of God, and of his son Christ jesus▪ Besides that, we are warlike Frenchmen, Italians, Germans, and other worthy Christians: they are of CARIA, LYDIA, CAPADOCIA, and the other delicate countries of ASIA; effeminate persons, brought up to pleasure. I say it not to draw you into any manifest or inevitable danger, neither to feed you with vain hope, or to fill your ears with windy words: b●● this I promise and assure you of, that if this siege shall continue long, hither will come such strong 〈◊〉 out of FRANCE, ITALY, GERMANY and SPAIN, as will serve not only to raise the siege, b●● to recover again the empires of CONSTANTINOPLE and TRAPEZONDE. Then shall our enemy's see no good end of their counsels; but all their devices so confounded, as that they shall hardly be able by speedy flight to save themselves. But suppose the hardest should happen, which I fear 〈◊〉: would not any man account his life most happily and honourably spent, in defence of a good conscience, and the quarrel of Christ jesus? Truly my great years and course of life now almost spent 〈◊〉 defe●● of the Christian religion (as I ever desired) doth call me forth, as one so assured of that good laid 〈◊〉 for me in heaven by Christ jesus (whose battle we are to fight) that I no whit fear any enemy's force or future chance: which for all that, I have as far as I could, and to the uttermost of my power so provided for, as that we will not (I hope) be therewith overwhelmed. Be you therefore of good che●re and comfort (as I know you are) and show yourselves valiant and courageous, which resteth wholly i● yourselves: and as for all the rest, time, and our discretion shall right well provide I doubt not. The valiant men and worthy soldiers, resting upon the assurance of their aged governor, departed every man to his charge, full of hope and courage. Now had the Bassa landed his great army, and sent Demetrius the traitorous knight, Meligalus his companion, with certain troops of horsemen and some foot, to view the ground, where he might best encamp with his army. Demetrius in great pride riding about the city, was known by Anthony Damboyse, the Great Master's brother; by whose leave, he sallied out with a troop of gallant horsemen, and skirmished with them: but the Turks being more in number, cast about to have enclosed them; which Anthony perceiving, turned upon them that were coming behind him, and that with such force, that he slew or wounded most part of them. In this hot skirmish, Demetrius having his horse slain under him, and himself overthrown, was there trodden to death under the horses feet: an end too good for so false a traitor. Muratius a French knight, unadvisedly dispoiling his dead body, was by the Turks slain, and his head presented unto the Bassa in stead of Demetrius. The Bassa approaching the city, at the first coming took a great orchard, which the Great Master had strongly entrenched, and therein placed certain companies of soldiers, with some small pieces of ordinance: which place if it could have been kept, might have fitly served the defendants to have at their pleasure sallied out upon the enemy. But they which were appointed to the keeping thereof, either terrified with the sight of so great an army, or else doubting to be able to hold it against so great a power, abandoned it by night, and retired into the city; leaving the great ordinance behind them for haste. In this place, the Bassa by the counsel of George Frapaine (a Christian fugitive of the RHODES, and now master of his ordinance) began to plant his battery, & from thence to batter the tower called Nicholea, or S. Nicholas his tower, distant from the city three hundredth paces. But against this place, Damboyse had so aptly mounted two great Basilisks, that he made him glad quickly to forsake the same: yet finding no other place more convenient for his purpose, shortly after he near unto the same place planted again his battery, of far greater force than before. Wherein beside the ordinance of greatest charge, he had three hundred smaller pieces for battery: wherewith at the first he did small harm, for that this George Frapaine repenting himself (as it was thought) of his foul treason, bestowed the shot to small purpose; for which cause the Bassa began to have him in distrust: which Frapaine perceiving, fled by night again unto the RHODES, and discovered unto the Great Master all the secrets of the Turks camp. The Turks continuing the battery, had sore shaken the aforesaid tower called S. Nicholas, and beaten down some part thereof: which the Christians with great industry, speedily repaired in best sort they could. For all that, the Turks gave thereunto a fierce assault, by the space of six hours, forcing themselves to the uttermost to have taken it: but perceiving that it prevailed them nothing, Eight hundred Turks slain. they retired, having lost eight hundred of their men, with many others drowned in the sea, of whom the number was not known, and a thousand others sore wounded. Mesithes disappointed of his former purpose, bend his artillery against the walls of the city, and with continual battery had made a fair breach. But Damboyse foreseeing the danger, had with great labour cast up such rampires with a countermure before the breach, that the Bassa durst not in any case adventure to enter the breach he had made. For performance of this so necessary a work, the captains themselves refused not to put to their helping hands: by whose example, all the rest of the people which were able to do any thing, being moved, willingly employed their labour until the work was fully finished. Whilst these things were in doing, Cali-Bassa the younger (a great courtier) was sent from Mahomet, to see with what success the siege went forward. Upon whose arrival, it was given out through all the Turks camp, That Mahomet was in person himself coming to the siege, with an hundred thousand men, and an hundred and fifty pieces of great ordinance. These news (of purpose devised to the terror of the defendants) being blown out of the camp into the city, struck an exceeding great fear into the minds of some of the defendants, and so discouraged the Spaniards, with their nigh neighbours that came from NAVARRE, that they began openly to reason in their conventicles, That it was not possible for the city to be defended against such a power; and therefore after an insolent manner, desired leave to be gone: to the great discouragement of the rest. The Great Master understanding of their doings, sent for these mutinous Spaniards: and after he had sharply reproved them both of disorder and cowardice, promised to ship them away forthwith out of the isle, saying, That he doubted not, right well to defend the city against the greatest power of the Turk, without the help of such base minded cowards. In the mean time he commanded them to surcease from their mutinous talk, threatening otherwise to make them examples to others, what it were so much to forget themselves. But these Spaniards shortly after, better considering of the matter, and what a dishonour it would be both to themselves and their nation, if they should so dishonourably be sent away; repenting themselves of that they had done, came and craved pardon of the Great Master: and to redeem their former fault, in all sallies and services during that siege, showed themselves most valiant and forward men: for all that, the Great Master would never afterwards trust them in any service alone. The Bassa attempting much and prevailing little, thought it would much further his designs, if he could by any means take the Great Master out of the way, by whose careful policy he saw all his devices still countermanded: wherefore to bring this his purpose to pass, he practised by the means of one janus a Dalmatian, to poison him. This janus having conceived this treason from the Bassa, was received into the city of the RHODES, as a Christian fugitive fled from the Turks: where he acquainted himself with one Pythius an Epiro●, of great familiarity with Marius Philelphus (of late secretary unto Damboyse, but as then out of favour and in disgrace, for that he was partaker with the Spaniards in the late mutiny.) janus by the means of Pythius, whom he had now thoroughly corrupted, sought after Philelphus, who then as he right well knew, Treason against the great Master d●sc●●ered, and the traitors executed. lived discontented, as a fit instrument whereby to work this treason; for that he was a man well acquainted with the cooks and butler's, and other servitors in the Great Master's house, and himself (yet) there very conversant also. Pythius presuming of his old acquaintance and familiarity with Philelphus, and waiting upon his melancholy humour, began to persuade him to revenge the disgrace he lived in, and withal to show him the means how to do it, by poisoning of the Great Master: which might (as he said) fall out to his greater good than he was yet aware of. Philelphus' making semblant as if he had not disliked of the motion, was desirous to know of him what farther benefit might thereby arise unto him, more than revenge. To whom Pythius forthwith showed the Bassas letters to janus, whereby he assured him, that whatsoever he should promise unto any man for the furtherance of the practice, he would to the full perform the same. Philelphus' having got full understanding of the treason, presently discovered the same to Damboyse. By whose commandment janus and Pythius were straightways apprehended, and being examined confessed the treason: for which janus lost his head, and Pythius (as he had well deserved) was shamefully hanged. Philelphus' for his fidelity, was pardoned his former error, and again received into the Great Master's favour. The Bassa understanding that the treason was discovered, and the traitors executed, was much grieved therewith. Nevertheless, he ceased not with continual battery to shake the city, but especially the tower of S. Nicholas, for the assailing whereof he made wonderful preparation. Amongst other things, he had framed a great bridge, stayed with strong ropes and cables, over a short fret of the sea, betwixt the place of his battery and the same tower, whereon six men might march a breast: in which devise he reposed great hope. But as the Turks were making fast this bridge, and had (as they thought) brought the work to a good perfection; Geruaise Rogers an English man of great courage, and very skilful in sea matters, found means by night to cut and break in sunder all the ropes and cables wherewith the bridge was stayed: which now loose, was by the violence of the sea quickly carried away, and the Turks disappointed of their purpose. For which good service he was by the Great Master honourably rewarded, and of him in public audience highly commended. Yet was the furious battery by the Bassa still maintained, and a new bridge framed upon small boats and lighters, fast moored with cables and anchors; and divers pieces of great ordinance placed in fusts and galleys. So that the tower was at one time battered both by sea and land, the defendants assailed with small shot and arrows innumerable, and the tower at the same instant desperately scaled. But Damboyse had so placed his great ordinance, that with the force thereof the bridge was broken in sunder, four of their great fusts sunk, with great store both of men and ordinance: the defendants also in the tower, with shot, timber, stones, and other such like things provided for that purpose, grievously overwhelmed the Turks that were scaling the walls, and beat them down with great slaughter. This hot assault was desperately maintained by the Turks, from three a clock in the morning until ten: when the Bassa seeing no hope to prevail, gave over the assault, Two thousand five hundred Turks slain in the assault. having therein lost above 2500 men; whose dead bodies shortly after driven on shore, were spoiled by the Christians. The same night two mercenary soldiers of CRETE, going about to have fled unto the enemy, were apprehended and put to death. And George Frapaine, who in the beginning of the siege fled from the Turks, now again vehemently suspected of treason, was executed also. Thus neither force nor treason prevailing, the Bassa because he would leave nothing unproved that might better his cause, sent certain messengers unto the great Master, offering unto him in the name of the Turkish emperor, great rewards, with many honourable preferments, if he would yield up the city; which he could not (as they would have persuaded him) long hold against so mighty an enemy: wishing him now in his declining estate not to refuse such honourable and princely offers, for fear he were afterwards constrained to accept of far worse, or else through his desperate wilfulness plunge himself and his people into such extreme peril, as should be impossible for him or them to find any way out of. Whereunto the great Master in brief answered: The resolute answer of the great Master. That he would not willingly in his sure estate use the counsel of his enemy: neither in his greatest distress refuse cheerfully to yield his life unto Almighty God, to whom he did owe it; and that with far better will than to yield up the city upon any conditions, bear they never so fair a show of honour or profit. The messengers perceiving his constant resolution, rather to die than to yield his city, began (according to instructions before given them by the Bassa) to temper with him another way, and to persuade him to yield unto the mighty emperor some small yearly tribute or other homage, as an acknowledgement of his greatness, and so to live as his friend in peace. But the great Master knowing by the woeful example of others, that in that small request lay included the beginning of the Turkish thraldom and slavery: utterly refused to pay him the least tribute, or to do him the least homage that could be devised. With which answer the messengers returned, having obtained nothing of that they were sent for. The resolute answer of the great Master reported by the aforesaid messengers unto the Bassa, troubled him exceedingly: for though he had small hope by force to win the city, yet he was always in hope until now, at his pleasure to forsake the siege with some such reasonable composition as might stand with his honour. But sith nothing remained now, but by plain force to constrain his enemies; he resolved for the safeguard of his honour, in that extremity to use that extreme remedy. Wherefore beside the great pieces of battery he had already planted against the walls, he mounted divers smaller pieces much higher, thereby the more to annoy the defendants, by beating down of their churches and high built houses. His ordinance thus placed, he battered the city day and night for the space of four days together without intermission: during which time, the Christians out of the city spared not liberally to bestow their shot amongst their enemies also: so that the air seemed to grow thick, and the light of the day to be darkened with the smoke of the great ordinance; and the great shot came so thick into the city, that the fearful women and children were glad to shroud themselves from the danger thereof, in cellars and caves under ground. So long continued this great battery, that at length the strength of the wall gave place to the fury of the cannon, and a fair breach was laid open for the enemy to enter: which was no sooner made, A fair bre●●h made by force of the Turks battery. but that with the first show thereof the Turks gave thereunto a desperate assault; and prevailing by reason of their multitude, had upon the sudden recovered the top of the walls, and there set up some of their ensigns: but the Christians speedily coming in on every side to the defence of the breach, they were again quickly repulsed and beaten down into the ditches, out of which most of them never rise more. At which time the Turks in another place with their scaling ladders had gained the top of the walls, and there advanced their ensigns also▪ and were now five hundred of them entered the city, and come into the street called the jews street: where they were encountered by the Great Master & his followers, and all slain that were already entered, and their ensigns that stood upon the walls thrown down. The rest yet scaling the walls, and ignorant of the fortune of their fellows, were likewise beaten from the walls, and with wonderful slaughter rejected. So that the Bassa not able longer to endure the slaughter of his men, being in both places repulsed, caused a retreat to be sounded, and left the assault; wherein he had lost of his most forward men about five thousand, with small loss of the Christians. In this assault the great Master himself received five wounds, whereof one under his right pap was thought to have been deadly: which yet afterwards was very well cured with the rest. After that the Bassa had by the space of three months to small purpose spent all his forces and devices upon the city, he began to doubt whether it were better for him to raise his siege and depart, or to tarry and expect some better fortune, which in all his former actions had seemed almost to have waited upon him: to forsake the siege, was dishonourable; and to continue it without hope, presented no less danger. Besides that, in the former assaults he had already lost nine thousand of his best soldiers, and all the rest of his army was filled with heaviness and despair, to hear the woeful sighing and groaning of their fellows, of whom fifteen thousand lay dispersed in the camp sore wounded, and ready many of them to give up the ghost: and also but even a little before two great ships sent from Ferdinand king of NAPLES with men and munition, were in despite of all the Turks galleys safely arrived at the RHODES, to the great joy and encouragement of the besieged, and no less discontentment of the Turks. Whilst the Bassa was thus deliberating what course to take, a rumour was raised in the camp, That the Christian princes were coming with great power to relieve the town: with which news the whole army was exceedingly troubled; whereupon he raised his siege. Some others say that Mahomet hearing of the evil success of his army in the island of the RHODES, with the difficulty of the siege, and now ready to go in person himself against the Sultan of EGYPT, sent for the Bassa, and that so the siege was raised. Howsoever it was, the Bassa before his departure caused all the vines and trees growing in that part of the island to be cut down and spoiled: and so after he had poured forth his fury upon the senseless creatures, The Bassa raiseth his siege. which he could not according to his desire exercise upon the people, again embarked his army, and with shame departed, the 17 day of August. At the same time that the RHODES was thus besieged, Mahomet sent his old and most expert captain Achmetes Bassa, with a great fleet and a strong army to make an entrance into ITALY (for no kingdom was so strong, which the ambitious tyrant in the pride of his heart thought not he might now command) and having long before conquered CONSTANTINOPLE▪ otherwise called New ROME, was still dreaming I wot not what of the conquest of old ROME also. The mischievous Bassa according to his great masters designs, embarked his army at VALLONA (otherwise called AULONA) a sea town in the borders of MACEDONIA; and from thence passing directly over that narrow sea, which is in breadth about sixty miles, landed his men in that rich and fertile part of ITALY, Achmetes land●th his army in Apulia near to Otranto, and spoileth the country. called in ancient time APULIA (now PUGLIA) near unto the old and famous city of HYDRUNTUM, at this day called OTRANTO: where as soon as this warlike Bassa had landed his forces, he foraged all that rich country alongst the sea coast, and took such infinite spoil as might well have satisfied the greedy desire both of himself and of his hungry soldiers: all which rich booty he caused to be conveyed unto his galleys. So when he had at his pleasure ranged up and down the country by the space of fourteen days, and saw that none made head against him, he laid siege to OTRANTO, the chief city of that country, and as it were the key of that part of ITALY: and having with such ordinance as he took out of his galleys made a breach, easily entered the same, and so without any great loss took the city. A thing not greatly to be marveled at, for as much as it was but weakly manned, and more weakly defended, Otranto taken by the Turks. by men altogether living in security in the midst of their wealth and pleasure. The Archbishop, with Zurlo the Governor, and the chief men of the city, for safeguard of their lives fled into the great cathedral church, as into a sanctuary; where they were altogether most miserably slain. The rest of the citizens, whose hard fortune it was to escape the sword (as people reserved to more misery) were afterward shipped over into GRECIA, and there sold for slaves. The landing of the Turks in APULIA, with the taking of OTRANTO, brought a general fear upon all ITALY, insomuch that Sixtus Quartus, than the great Bishop of ROME, forgetting all things save himself, was about to have forsaken the city for fear. Now after the Turks had at their pleasure ransacked OTRANTO, Achmetes caused the same to be strongly fortified (as the sure footing of the Turks in ITALY) and victualled for eighteen months, and there leaving eight thousand of his best soldiers in garrison, returned himself with the rest to VALLONA, and so by land to CONSTANTINOPLE to know his great Masters further pleasure▪ but purposing with himself, with the first of the next Spring to have returned with greater forces again into ITALY for the prosecuting of his former victory. Which if he had done, it was greatly to have been feared, that all that goodly country, sometime mistress of the world, but then and yet also rend in sunder by the discord and ambition of the Christian princes, had in short time become a prey unto the barbarous Turk for ever. But whilst the great Bassa (in his life time the great scourge of Christendom) thus proudly plotteth the ruin and destruction of fair ITALY, God in whose hands the hearts of kings are, put an hook in the great tyrant's nose, and led him quite another way. For at the same time, the Caramanian king, aided by the Persian and the Sultan of EGYPT, had in a great battle overthrown Bajazet (Mahomet's eldest son than living) and slain most part of his army: in revenge whereof, Mahomet with great expedition raised a great and puissant army, and taking Achmetes with him as his chief man of war, rejecting the wars of ITALY unto a more convenient time, passed over into ASIA: where upon the way, about a days journey short of NICOMEDIA, a city of BYTHINIA, 1481 at a place called GEIVISEN, he fell sick; and there for the space of three days grievously tormented with an extreme pain in his belly, Mahomet dieth at Geivisen in Bythinia, not without suspicion of poison. He is buried a● Constantinople. which some supposed to be the colic, died; but being indeed (as most men thought) poisoned: when he had lived about 52 years, and thereof reigned 31, in the year of our Lord 1481. His body was afterwards magnificently buried in a chapel near unto the great Mahometan temple, which he himself first built at CONSTANTINOPLE. The death of this mighty man (who living troubled a great part of the world) was not much more lamented by those that were nearest unto him (who ever living in fear of his cruelty, The description of Mahomet. hated him deadly) than of his enemies, who ever in doubt of his greatness, were glad to hear of his end. He was of stature but low, and nothing answerable to the height of his mind, square set, and strong limmed; not inferior in strength (when he was young) unto any in his father's court, but to Scanderbag only; his complexion was Tartarlike, sallow and melancholy, as were most of his ancestors the Ottoman kings; his look and countenance stern, with his eyes piercing, hollow and little sunk as it were in his head, and his nose so high and crooked that it almost touched his upper lip. To be brief, his countenance was altogether such, as if nature had with most cunning hand therein depainted and most curiously set forth to view the inward disposition and qualities of his mind: which were on both parts notable. He was of a very sharp and apprehensive wit, learned as amongst that nation, especially in Astronomy, and could speak the Greek, Latin, Arabic, Chaldey, and Persian tongues. He delighted much in reading of histories, and the lives of worthy men, especially the lives of Alexander the Great, and of julius Caesar, whom he proposed to himself as examples to follow. He was of an exceeding courage, and thereto very fortunate: a severe punisher of injustice, in them especially to whom he had committed the administration of justice. Men that excelled in any quality, he greatly favoured and honourably entertained: as he did Gentle Bellin, a painter of VENICE, whom he purposely caused to come from thence to CONSTANTINOPLE, to draw the lively counterfeit of himself, for which he most bountifully rewarded him. He so severely punished theft, as that in his time all the ways were safe, and a thief scarcely to be heard of. But these good parts were in him obscured with most horrible and notorious vices: for why, he was altogether irreligious, and of all others most perfidious, ambitious above measure, and in nothing more delighted than in blood: insomuch, that it is probably gathered, that he was in his time the death of eight hundred thousand men: craft, covetousness, and dissimulation were in him accounted for tolerable faults, in comparison of his greater vices. In his love was no assurance, and his least displeasure was death: so that he lived feared of all men, The sons of Mahomet, Mustapha, Bajazet, and Zemes. and died lamented of none. He had issue three sons, Mustapha (dead before him as is before declared) Bajazet, and Gemes, or rather Zemes, of some called Zizimus, competitor of the empire with his elder brother: whom he exceedingly troubled in the beginning of his reign, so that he could not well attend any other thing but him▪ which opportunity (by God himself no doubt offered for the safeguard of ITALY) Alphonsus duke of CALABRIA, (king Ferdinand his eldest son) taking hold upon, with all the power he could make in ITALY, besieged the Turks in OTRANTO: with whom he had many sharp skirmishes, wherein he lost divers of his great captains and commanders; as the county julio de Aquaiva, Joys de Capua, and the county julio de Pisa, with others, and was still by the strong garrison of the Turks put to the worse: until such time, as being strengthened with aid out of SPAIN and PORTUGAL, but especially with certain companies of most valiant soldiers sent from Mathias corvinus out of HUNGARY (whose forces the Turks most feared) he began to cut them short, and straightly besieged the city both by sea and land: until at length the besieged Turks hearing of the death of their great emperor, and now hardly pressed with the dangers of a straight siege, no longer expecting the return of Achmetes their General (than ready to have come to their rescue with five and twenty thousand soldiers) yielded up the city unto the duke upon composition before made, Otranto yielded up by the Turks upon composition That they might with bag and baggage in safety depart thence: which they did, after they had to the great terror of all ITALY holden that strong city by the space of a year. And so was that rich country rather by the mercy of God (in taking away the great tyrant) preserved, than by the strength or policy of the inhabitants; which was then in great danger to have for ever given place unto the power of the great tyrant, had he longer lived; yea and after his death to the power of Bajazet his son, had he not by domestical troubles been enforced to turn himself another way, and as it were to neglect in time to relieve his distressed garrison in OTRANTO, as shall hereafter be declared. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Mahomet the Great. Emperors Of the East Constantinus Palaeologus, last Christian emperor of Constantinople. 1444. 8. Of the West Frederick the third, Archduke of Austria. 1440. 54. Kings Of England Henry the sixth. 1422. 39 Edward the fourth. 1460. 22. Of France Charles the seventh. 1423. 38. Lewis the eleventh. 1461. 22. Of Scotland james the second. 1437. 24. james the third. 1460. 29. Bishops of Rome Nicholas the V. 1437. 8. Calixtus the III. 1455. 3. Pius the II. 1458. 6. Paulus the II. 1464. 7. Xystus the FOUR 1471. 13. BAJAZET. BAIASETHES' TWO TURCARUM IMPERATOR SECUNDUS FLORVIT ANᵒ 1481 Phil. Lo●icer. Turc, Hist. lib. 1. Arma manu quatiunt fratres hostilia, regnum, Hinc Baiazethes, Zizimus inde petit. Baizethes rerum potitur, Rhodon, inde Quiritum, Zizimus extrema moenia sort petit. Sustinet & bello, varias & pace, procellas, Baizethes, foelix & miser, inter opes. jam senio tremulus, fert bella domestica, regno Agnato eiectus, dira venena bibit. Like earthborne brethren, Bajazet and Zizimus in arms, Seek for the Turkish empire great, the one by th'others harms. Until that Bajazet prevailed, and Zizimus was feign To fly to RHODES, from thence to ROME, whereas he caught his bane. Great storms endured Bajazet, in peace and bloody broils: A man both happy and accursed, amongst his richest spoils. But now foworn with trembling age, and civil discord new, Thrust from his empire by his son, died poisoned by a Iew. THE LIFE OF BAJAZET, SECOND OF THAT NAME, AND SECOND EMPEROR OF THE TURKS. Upon the death of Mahomet the late emperor, Dissension among the Turks about the succession. great troubles began to arise about the succession in the Turkish empire; some of the Bassas and great captains, seeking to place Bajazet the eldest son of Mahomet in the empire; and others with no less devotion labouring to prefer Zemes, or Gemes, otherwise called Zizimus, Bajazet his younger brother. By occasion whereof, there arose two great and mighty factions, which in few days grew to such heat, that many great tumults and hot skirmishes were made in divers places of the imperial city, betwixt the favourites of both factions, and great slaughter committed. In these broils, the proud janissaries for an old grudge slew Mahomethes, one of the four great Bassas, a man by whose grave counsel most of the weighty affairs of the Turkish empire had been managed during the reign of the late emperor: And proceeding farther in their accustomed insolency, spoiled all the Christians and jews which dwelled amongst them, of all their wealth and substance; at which time the rich merchants and citizens of CONSTANTINOPLE which were natural Turks themselves, escaped not their ravening hands, but became unto them a prey and spoil also. The other three Bassas of the court, Isaac, Mesithes, and Achmetes (lately returned from the winning of HYDRUNTUM in ITA●IE) although they secretly maligned and envied one at the greatness of an other; yet to appease these so dangerous troubles, and to assure their own estates, joined hands together, and by their great authority and multitude of followers and favourites, found means that Corcutus (one of the younger sons of Bajazet, a young prince of eighteen years old) was as it were by general consent of the nobility and soldiers saluted emperor, and with great triumph and solemnity placed in the imperial seat. In whose name, the aforesaid Bassas at their pleasure disposed of all things, little or nothing regarding either Baiazet or Zemes, than both absent, the one at AMASIA, and the other at ICONIUM in LYCAONIA: for the jealous Turkish kings, never suffer their sons to live in court near unto them, after they be grown to years of discretion; but send them to govern their provinces far off: where they are also under the command of the emperors lieutenants general in ASIA or EURORE, and may not depart from their charge without great danger, not so much as to visit their father, without his express leave and commandment. So jealous are those tyrants, yea even of their own sons. Bajazet and Zemes hearing of the death of their father, Bajazet cometh to Constantinople▪ and of the troubles in the imperial city, hasted thitherward with all speed, where Bajazet being the nearer, first arrived: but finding the empire already possessed by Corcutus his younger son, and himself excluded; he in the grief of his heart, poured forth most grievous complaints before God and man, call heaven and earth to witness of the great wrong and injury done unto him by the proud Bassaes. And what by tears and humble obtestations, what by great gifts and greater promises, but most of all by the earnest labour & solicitation of Cherseogles the Viceroy of GRaeCIA, and the Aga or captain of the janissaries, both his sons in law, prevailed so much with the great Bassas and soldiers of the court, that Corcutus being of a mild and courteous disposition, overcome by their entreaty and the reverence of his father, resigned unto him the imperial government, which he presently took upon him with the general good liking of the people, and made Corcutus governor of LYCIA, CARIA, and JONIA, with the pleasant and rich countries thereabouts; allowing him a great yearly pension for the better maintenance of his estate, with promise also of the empire after his decease: and so sent him away to his charge, where he most pleasantly lived during the reign of his father Bajazet; giving himself wholly to the study of Philosophy, which made that he was afterwards less favoured of the janissaries and other men of war. Zemes riseth against his brother Bajazet. Zemes thus prevented by his elder brother, and understanding by his friends how all things stood at CONSTANTINOPLE, and that Bajazet was already possessed of the empire: returning with great speed, raised a puissant army in the countries which were under his command; and marching through the heart of ASIA the less, by the way as he went, took into his possession such cities and strong places as he thought best: and so entering into BYTHINIA, took the great city of PRUSA, the ancient seat of the Ottoman kings. Purposing in himself, that as Bajazet had shut him out of EUROPE, so he would also in requital thereof exclude him out of that part of the Turkish empire which is beyond HELLESPONTUS in ASIA, and to make himself lord thereof. Wherein fortune at the first seemed unto him most favourable, all the people wheresoever he came yielding unto him obedience as unto their prince and sovereign: so that in short time he seemed both unto himself and to others in strong possession of that part of the empire. B●iazet g●eth aga●●s● Zemes. Of these his proceedings Baiazet having intelligence, and perceiving the greater part of his empire now in danger to be lost; and doubting farther that Zemes his ambitious mind would hardly rest therewith long contented: for remedy of so great a mischief, levied a strong and puissant army, wherewith he passed over into ASIA, and came to NEAPOLIS, a city of ANATOLIA, near whereunto Zemes lay with his army strongly encamped. As Bajazet was upon the way against his brother, Achmetes the great Bassa (in the confession of all men the best man of war, and most expert captain amongst the Turks, and of all others most entirely beloved of the janissaries) came, and unarmed, presented himself upon his knees before Bajazet, his sword hanging at his saddle bow: to the great admiration of many, who could not but wonder to see so worthy a cheefetaine of so great place in time of service, without any apparent cause, in such humble manner to appear before his sovereign, as if he had had nothing to do with arms. It chanced many years before in the mortal wars betwixt Mahomet the late and great emperor of the Turks, and Asymbeius Vsun-Cassanes the king of PERSIA, that Bajazet having the leading of the right wing of his father's army, had not martialled it in so good order as was to Mahomet his liking: for which cause he commanded this Achmetes to go and set that part of the battle in better order. Which his sovereigns' command whiles he most skilfully performed, Bajazet taking it in evil part, as tending to his own disgrace, in great choler threatened the Bassa to find a time when he would be revenged upon him: But he being a man of great spirit, and one that durst both do and say much, perceiving his meaning, bid him do what pleased him; and laying his hand upon his sword, solemnly vowed, That whensoever he came to command as emperor, he would never after wear sword in field: the remembrance whereof was the cause that he then came in manner aforesaid, ready to serve if he were thereto commanded, or otherwise to endure what so his prince's pleasure was. Bajazet perceiving, that the unkindness so long before conceived, was not yet digested, in token of grace stretched out to him his sceptre, and taking him up, commanded him to gird his sword unto his side, and not to remember that which he had long before both forgiven and forgotten. And knowing right well that he was a most valiant and expert captain, Achmetes made General of Bajazet his army. made him General of his army, to the great contentment of the janissaries and the rest of the army: who so soon as they saw him, gave out divers great shouts for joy, as if victory had most assuredly attended upon him. Achmetes taking upon him the charge, came and encamped so near as he could to Zemes, and so lay by the space of ten days: during which time, many sharp skirmishes were made with divers fortune; sometime the one side prevailing, and sometime the other. At length the matter was brought to a general battle: wherein after a long and cruel fight, and great slaughter on both sides, the fortune of Bajazet, conducted by the policy of Achmetes, prevailed against Zemes. Who seeing his army overthrown, betook himself to flight, and came to ICONIUM: in which flight, many of Zemes his followers were taken prisoners, whom Bajazet would have pardoned and enlarged, but that by the persuasion of Achmetes he changed his mind, and to the terror of others suffered them all to be put to the sword. Zemes' doubting after this overthrow to fall into his brother's hands, Zemes flieth into Syria. and finding no means to make head again: when he had stayed three days at ICONIUM, caused his treasure, plate, jewels, and other things of great valour and light carriage to be trussed up, and taking with him his mother and his two young children, a son and a daughter, accompaied with a small retinue, fled into SYRIA, than part of the dominion of Caytbeius, commonly called the great Sultan of EGYPT and SYRIA. It was not long after the departure of Zemes from ICONIUM, but that Bajazet came thither with his army, to have surprised him: but understanding of his flight, he took order for the peaceable government of that part of his empire. And so having suppressed that dangerous rebellion, and again reduced that troubled part of his empire to his obeisance, returned with victory to CONSTANTINOPLE. The distressed prince Zemes traveling through SYRIA, 1482 came at length to JERUSALEM: where he stayed a good space, devoutly visiting the monuments of that most ancient and famous city. From thence he traveled into EGYPT; where at his first entrance into the country, he was met by divers of the greatest nobility of that kingdom, sent from the great Sultan, by whom he was honourably conducted to CAIRO, and there presented to Caytbeius, of whom he was graciously welcomed: unto whom after due reverence done, he declared the cause of his coming as followeth: If it were not to me certainly known (most victorious) that you are not ignorant either who I am, Zemes' his speech unto Caytbeius▪ Sultan of Egypt or from whence descended, or with what injury enforced, after long and painful travel I am here arrived; it would much concern me to use another manner of beginning of my speech, and with greater protestation of words to seek your gracious favour. But for as much as all these things are unto your most royal Majesty sufficiently known, as I do well perceive in this, that your infinite clemency hath entertained me with far greater kindness, than I in such my adverse fortune durst wish for, much less request: now nothing remaineth for me to say, more than justly to complain unto your invincible Majesty of the wrong and injury done unto me by Bajazet, whom I may more justly term my cruel enemy than kind brother. For he not contented to have taken unto himself my father's empire by great tumult and slaughter, hath with all hostility and force of arms persecuted me his brother, excluded out of the imperial city, and then living in BYTHINIA, troublesome neither to him nor any of his people, and never rested until he had chased me out of the bounds of my father's empire. Neither hath the jealous desire of sovereignty (whereof my father whilst he lived, had him always in distrust) so much moved him unto this so cruel a fact, as a certain unnatural cruelty towards all his kindred in general, and mortal hatred against me his brother in particular: for he which is already possessed of the empire, and doth with all hostility persecute a private person, subject and exposed to his injury, that man thirsteth not after sovereignty, but after blood; neither desireth he to conquer, but to kill. And whereas after my father's death great troubles arise in CONSTANTINOPLE, and many bloody skirmishes were fought betwixt the favourits of both of us, it cannot with any truth be laid to my charge, as done by my advise or counsel, I being at the same time so far from thence. Neither am I justly to be blamed, if that after my father's departure I put myself upon the way towards CONSTANTINOPLE, especially being sent for thither by many my good friends, men of great mark and quality: but his fortune prevailing, I gave place, and lest my coming to the imperial city might have been the occasion of new troubles, I turned aside into BYTHINIA, and so to PRUSA, with purpose there to have rested in quiet, if my brother would have given me leave. But so far was he from that, to suffer me there to rest, as that I was by him most cruelly assailed as an open enemy: and had I not by speedy flight withdrawn myself from the imminent danger, and departed quite out of my father's kingdom, I must have yielded myself, my blood, and life, as a sacrifice into his cruel hands. Neither is he to me so mortal an enemy, or thirsteth after my life so much for fear, as for very hatred and malice: for what is there in me to fear? Verily nothing: CONSTANTINOPLE is his, the favour of the great cheefetaines and men of war is his, the treasure and regal riches are all his; wherefore he hateth his brother, but feareth him not. He will sway all things alone, he will have all that belongeth to the Ottoman family alone, and he, yea none but he, must live alone. Xerxes was a mighty king, and yet in that great and large kingdom he not only preserved his brethren in safety, but had them also in great honour and estimation. What did Alexander the Great? Who not only took pleasure in his brother, but had him also as a companion of his most glorious expeditions: and many other famous kings of foreign nations, and of our own family, have ruled both more safely, and better strengthened with the counsel and aid of their most loving brethren, rather than with others. But Bajazet is of a far other mind, reputing violence and haughtiness of heart to be his greatest and surest defence: herein his fierce nature delighteth, more than in the lawful course of nature, justice, and equity; he had rather have his brother his enemy than his friend, and to drive him into exile than to make him partaker of his counsels. But I beseech thee most puissant Monarch, the faithful keeper and maintainer of our law and religion, by the sacred relics of our great prophet Mahomet, which thou hast at JERUSALEM and MECHA, suffer me not, a king's son, to live i● banishment and exile, poor and miserable, a scorn of his brother's cruelty, far from home, far from his country and kingdom: but regarding the law of the great Prophet, lift up the afflicted and oppressed, and by the great authority which you have, bridle domestical wrong; or if that will not take place, revenge it with thy sword, and suffer not our empire, with so great travel founded, by the cruelty or folly of one wilful man to be overthrown: which should be no more grievous and lamentable to us, than dangerous to your most high estate, and all other kings and princes of our religion. For you of yourself understand right well, what deadly enemies the Christian princes are unto the Turks: and do you think, that if any great war (which I wish not) should arise of this our discord, that they would long rest in quiet, and as idle beholders stand looking on until it were of itself appeased? Or rather, having such an opportunity presented, would not with might and main suddenly invade our kingdom, before shaken with civil wars, and seek the utter ruin and destruction of the same? Which their desire, if that hateful people could bring to pass (which thing Mahomet turn upon themselves) my mind abhorreth to think how far that mischief would run: for the Ottoman family once rooted out, there is none of our religion, your Majesty only excepted, which is able to withstand their power: wherefore you must then stand for yourself, and all the rest, you alone must withstand the force of the Christians, you must maintain that war with much loss, and greater charge, and most uncertain success. Wherefore invincible Monarch, I most humbly beseech thee, that pitying our estate, whiles the matter is yet whole, and remedy is yet to be had, to deal with Bajazet by your ambassadors, That though he will not receive me his brother as partner of the empire, yet at least to admit me into some small part of my father's kingdom: let him reign and rule, let all things be at his command; let it be lawful for me poor man, but to live in rest and quiet somewhere, possessing but so much as may suffice me honestly to lead a private life. Which thing if he shall refuse to grant, although he neither fear the laws of God or man: yet as I have at JERUSALEM, so will I also shortly at MECHA (if by your leave I may) complain unto the great prophet of the injuries done unto me by my cruel and unnatural brother; and afterwards make proof of your compassion towards me, all which I hope shall much avail. But if (which I would not) I shall prove all these things in vain, sith desperation enforceth men to all extremities, I will go with fire, sword, and slaughter, by secret and open force, by right and wrong; and hated, will vex my hateful brother by all manner of mischief, by all manner of revenge. Neither will I make an end of confounding of all, until I be either received into part of the empire, or else together with my life leave those desperate and lost things for him alone to enjoy. For I deem it much better, quickly to die, than with disgrace and infamy to protract a linger loathed life. The great Sultan in courteous manner comforted the distressed prince, willing him to be of good cheer, and patiently to bear his present hap: for as much as it became a man borne in so high fortune, not to be discouraged with any mischance, or dismayed if things fell out otherwise than he looked for: commending him withal, for that he saw in him no less courage than might well have becomed his better estate: and willing him to live still in hope, promised to do what in him lay, Caytbeius the Egyptian Sultan sendeth ambassadors to Bajazet. to reconcile him unto his brother, and to persuade him that he might be received into some part of the kingdom. And to that purpose shortly after dispatched away an honourable embassage to Bajazet. Zemes in the mean while, by the same Sultan's leave, upon a superstitious devotion traveled into ARABIA, to visit the temple of Mahomet at MECHA, and his sepulchre at MEDINA. Upon his return to CAIRO, the ambassadors before sent, returned also, but not having obtained any thing they desired: for Bajazet would not give ear to any agreement, but seemed altogether to contemn and despise his brother. Wherefore Zemeses more upon stomach and desire of revenge, than for any hope he had of the empire, determined with himself to make open war upon him: reposing some good hope in his secret friends, and in the revolt of some of the great captains, who discontented with the government of Bajazet, secretly wished for his return. Whilst he was thus plotting these weighty matters, 1483 a messenger with letters came fitly from the king of CARAMANIA, The king of Caramania sollici●e●h Zemes' to●● take up armès against Bajazet. offering with all the power he could make, to join with him, if he would take up arms against his brother. This poor titular king then lived in ARMENIA, and being able by his friends to make some good force, was in hope by joining with Zemes to recover some part of the Caramanian kingdom, from whence his father was not many years before driven by the force of the late Turkish emperor Mahomet the Great, Bajazet his father. It is hard to say, whether of these distressed and exiled princes gave the greater encouragement to the other, to take this desperate war in hand, being both together far unable by all the friends they could make to encounter with the great power of Bajazet. But what is so dangerous or desperate which aspiring minds will not attempt, in hope of a kingdom? whose brightness so dazzleth their eyes, that they can see nothing but it. Hereupon Zemes having received great gifts of the Egyptian Sultan, with promise of aid, departed from CAIRO (the Sultan earnestly persuading him to the contrary) & as it was before appointed, met with the Caramannian king upon the borders of ASIA▪ the lesser: where they concluded to join together such forces as they had, and to invade Bajazet. Which they accordingly did: for raising all the power they could, they entered into CILICIA, now called CARAMANNIA; and joining their armies together, encamped between ICONIUM and LARENDA. Neither did Baiazet in time of so great a danger sit still, not so much fearing his brother's power, as the revolting of his captains and soldiers; whom he knew either to love, or at least not to hate the young prince his brother. Wherefore he raised a great army, and sent Achmetes the great man of war before with the one part thereof, himself following after with a far greater strength: for at that time he had under his ensigns two hundred thousand men. As he was marching with this great army, a rumour was raised in the camp, That some of his chief captains had conspired to betray him into the hands of his brother, and that many of the soldiers secretly favouring Zemes, would upon the joining of the battle forsake him, and take part with his brother. Which report so troubled Bajazet, that he stood in doubt what to do, or whom to trust: but knowing that nothing winneth the heart of the common soldier more than the General's bounty, he forthwith caused a wonderful mass of money to be divided amongst the captains and soldiers, loading their minds with ample promises of far greater rewards, for their fidelity and valour to be showed in that present service. Having thus assured unto himself the wavering minds of his soldiers, he began to draw near to ICONIUM, where his enemies lay encamped: and by glozing letters and flattering messengers made show openly, as if he had been very desirous to come to some good agreement with them, but secretly went about to stop all the straits & passages, in such manner as that it should not be possible for them again to retire back into SYRIA: for he doubted nothing more, but lest they being but few in number, & so in strength far unequal unto him, would not upon so great disadvantage hazard the fortune of a battle, but retire themselves into SYRIA, and so to his exceeding trouble and infinite charge protract the war. Zemes' perceiving his brother's subtle drift, and seeing no such revolt as he had hoped for, and as had before by letters to him been promised; and weighing with reason his own weak forces, retired in good time unto the straits of the mountain AMANUS, which divideth CILICIA from SYRIA. Here, despairing of all good success in the enterprise he had taken in hand, he persuaded the Caramannian king his confederate to give place unto the time, and to reserve himself unto his better fortune: and so breaking up his army, with a few of his followers came down to the sea coast of CILICIA; where he hired a tall ship to attend in readiness, that if any sudden danger should arise, he might go aboard, and so save himself by sea. In the mean time he sent a messenger unto Damboy, Zemes flieth t● sea. Great Master of the RHODES, certifying him, That for as much as he had no place of safety left amongst his own people, wherein he might shroud himself from the fury of his brother, still seeking after his life, he would upon his safe conduct come unto him into his island of the RHODES. Which his request the Great Master easily granted, deeming the flight of so great a prince from the Turk, to be a thing much profitable to the Christian commonweal: and thereupon he presently sent forth certain galleys to fetch him from the troublesome coast of CICILIA. But before these galleys were come; Zemes was enforced by the sudden access of his enemies, for the avoiding of present danger, to go aboard on that ship which he had providently before prepared to be in readiness for such purpose. And having put a little from the shore, shot back again an arrow with letters made fast unto it, directed unto his brother Bajazet, containing as followeth: Thou knowest (most unkind and cruel brother) that I fly not unto the Christians, the mortal enemies of the Ottoman family, Zemes' his letters to his brother Bajazet. for hatred of my religion or nation; but enforced thereunto by thy injurious dealing, and dangerous practices which thou incessantly attemptest against me, yea even in my extreme misery. But this assured hope I carry with me, that the time will come when as thou the author of so great wrong, or thy children, shall receive the just guerdon of this thy present tyranny against thy brother. It is reported, that when Bajazet had read these letters, he was so troubled in mind, that for certain days he gave himself wholly to mourning and heaviness, and would in no wise be comforted: insomuch, that he was brought into the camp by the Bassas, as a man half distraught of his wits, shunning for a season all men's speech and company. Zemes flieth to the Rhodes. Zemes' sailing to the RHODES, was there honourably received of the Great Master, and all the rest of the knights of the order: to whom in their public assembly three days after, he openly declared the causes of the discord betwixt his brother and him: alleging for the colour of his rebellion, That although Bajazet were his elder brother, yet that he was borne whilst his father yet lived in private estate, under subjection and command, long before he possessed the kingdom, and so no king's son: whereas he himself was the first borne of his father, being an emperor, and so not heir of his father's private fortune (as was Bajazet) but of his greatest honour and empire; and yet not of such an haughty mind, but that he could have been content to have given place unto his brother, so that he could have been contented likewise to have granted him some small portion of the empire, wherein he might safely have lived as a poor prince, and his brother: but that such was his pride, as that he would not vouchsafe to suffer him to live so much as a poor private life in any corner of so large an empire, and was therefore by his unnatural and tyrannous dealing, enforced to crave aid of the Christian princes. Of whom (for so much as he had always heard much honour) he was in good hope to find succour and relief in that his distressed estate: protesting unto God and the world, that if ever it should be his good fortune by their means and help to obtain the empire, he would never be unmindful of so great a benefit; but to make with them a perpetual and inviolable peace, and so to rest their fast friend for ever. The Great Master on the other side comforting him with cheerful speeches, promised to keep him in safety from the fury of his brother; and farther, to commend his cause to the other great kings and princes of Christendom. The description of Zemes. This exiled prince Zemes was about the age of eight and twenty years when he came to the RHODES; of stature tall, somewhat corpulent and well limbed, grey eyed, but looking something a squint; hook nosed, and in the middle rising, in such manner as the Persians commend in their kings: of colour brown, spare of speech, and by nature choleric; a great feeder, so that he seemed rather to devour his meat than to eat it; much delighted in swimming, and to lie abroad in the night; pensive and melancholy, which men imputed to his great cares, never merry but in the company of the grand Master; a religious observer of his superstition, from which he could never be drawn during the long time he lived in exile; learned, as among the Turks, so that he writ the history of his father's life. But leaving him in safe keeping with the Grand Master of the RHODES, let us again return to the course of our history. Bajazet having now the second time chased away his brother, after he had well quieted that part of his troubled kingdom in ASIA, returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE, carefully attending when some new motion should be made by his brother, to his farther disquiet. But after he understood that he was with the Great Master of the RHODES, he sent certain of the Bassas (amongst whom Achmetes the great soldier is reported to have been one) unto the Great Master, requesting him to deliver up Zemes, offering for him a wonderful sum of money. Which dishonourable request, when it could by no means be obtained, the same ambassadors in the name of their master, concluded a peace very commodious for the Rhodians: wherein amongst other things it was agreed, That the Great Master should keep Zemes in safe custody, so that he should no more trouble the Turkish empire: in consideration whereof, and for his honourable usage, Bajazet should yearly pay unto the Great Master thirty thousand ducats the first of August, which was afterward accordingly paid. It fortuned that whilst Achmetes the great Bassa (employed in matters abroad) was absent from the court, 1484 Bajazet discoursing with the other Bassas his grave counsellors, upon his late expedition into ASIA against his brother, seemed to be highly offended with the untrustiness and doubtful faith of some of his greatest captains and soldiers: yet upon whom he might justly lay the blame, he well knew not, although it seemed by his talk he should somewhat distrust the great captain Achmetes. Hereupon Isaac the most ancient Bassa of the court, and of greatest authority next unto Bajazet himself (whose daughter, a lady of exceeding beauty, Achmetes had long before married: but doubting that she had yielded her honour to the wanton lust of Mustapha the eldest son of Mahomet the late emperoer, had put her from him, and would by no means be reconciled; for which cause there was a secret hatred ever after betwixt those two great Bassas) perceiving the emperors discontented and suspicious humour, and desiring nothing more than the destruction of Achmetes; took hold upon this opportunity, and by all means he could devise, increased the suspicion of the treason, which had already too much possessed the jealous emperor: sometimes craftily imagining, intelligence to have passed betwixt Zemes and Achmetes; and forthwith amplifying his power and authority, which (as he said) was so great with the janissaries and soldiers of the court, that they by reason of his often employments, were wholly at his devotion; so that he might at his pleasure do more in Zemes his quarrel, Achmetes his death contrived. than should stand with the safety of Bajazet: a matter to be well considered of, and also carefully prevented. For remedy of which dangers, it was thought necessary that Achmetes at his return to court, should be taken away and slain. Achmetes fearing nothing less than that which was contrived against him, came after his wont manner to the court: and was with the other great Bassas invited to a solemn supper, which Bajazet had commanded to be prepared, to solace himself after his travels (as it was given out) with his chief Bassaes. To this royal supper came Achmetes with the rest of the bidden guests, mistrusting nothing, and was there sumptuously feasted by Bajazet: who to make his guests the merrier, drunk wine plentifully himself, causing them also to drink in like manner, so that they were full of wine: a thing utterly forbidden by their law, yet daily more and more used, especially by their great men in their feasts. Supper now ended and the night far spent, Bajazet in token that they were welcome, and stood in his good grace, caused certain rich robes of pleasing colours to be brought forth, and to be cast upon every of his guests one, giving beside unto every one of them a fair guilt bowl full of gold. But upon Achmetes was cast a gown of black velvet, which amongst the Turks may well be called the mantle of death; being so sure a token of the emperor's heavy indignation, as that it is death for any man once to open his mouth or to entreat for him upon whom it is by the emperors commandment so cast. Achmetes seeing himself now under the shadow of death, and knowing it but vain to entreat for mercy; as he was a man of great spirit, broke forth and said: Oh cachpogli (which is as much as to say, thou son of a whore) sith thou intendedst so much cruelty against me, why didst thou not put it in execution before thou hadst enforced me to drink this impure and forbidden wine? and so casting his eyes upon the ground sat still. The other Bassas having leave to depart, giving thanks to the emperor, and craving pardon for their excess, kissed the ground at his feet and so departed: with whom Achmetes offered to have gone out also, but was forthwith commanded to sit still, for that the emperor had to talk with him in secret. The Bassas were no sooner departed, but the terrible executioners of Bajazet his wrath stepped in, and laid hands upon Achmetes to have slain him: when one of the Eunuches in greatest favour with the tyrant, standing by, advised him not to be too hasty in executing of so great a man, so entirely beloved of his best soldiers and men of war, but rather to stay his execution for a while, to see how the matter would be digested; and in the mean time, by torture to wrest out from him what might be got, to make it in some sort appear, that he died for his due desert. Hereupon Bajazet deferred his execution to a farther time, and caused him there presently to be stripped, and carried away to be tortured. Amongst other gallants of the court which attended the coming out of the great Bassas whom they followed, Achmetes his son stirreth up the janissaries to help his father. was one of Achmetes his sons, a gentleman of great hope, who missing his father amongst the rest, began presently to mistrust that all went not well: & speedily running from one of the Bassas to another, with much ado learned the hard estate of his father: whereof he was also at the same instant advertised by a secret friend near about Bajazet. Hereupon this young gentleman began forthwith piteously to lament his father's mishap, and to exclaim against the cruelty of Bajazet: calling upon the janissaries for aid, putting them in remembrance of his father's great and manifold deserts towards them, together with his imminent danger: and so running up and down the city in the dead time of the night, had in short space raised up all the janissaries in arms. Who understanding of the danger of their ancient commander, whom they generally loved and honoured as their father, came running by heaps from all parts of the city unto the court gate, there with terrible exclamation doubling and redoubling, their Bre, Bre (which barbarous word they commonly use in expressing their greatest discontentment and fury) and did indeed so furiously beat at the court gate, that Bajazet fearing lest they should break in by violence, caused the outer gate to be set open, and showing himself from above out at an iron window, demanded of them the cause of that tumult and uproar. To whom they insolently answered, That they would by and by teach him as a drunkard, a beast, and a rascal, to use his great place and calling with more sobriety and discretion: and amongst many other opprobrious words wherewith they shamefully loaded him, they called him oftentimes by the name of Bengi, Bengi (that is to say, Bachelor or Scholar) which amongst those martial men, contemners of all learning, is accounted a word of no small reproach and disgrace. And after they had in most despiteful manner thus reviled him, they proudly commanded him forthwith to deliver Achmetes unto them, Bajazet for fear delivereth Achme●es to the janissaries. or else to take that should ensue thereof. Bajazet terrified with this insolency of the janissaries, and fearing some sudden violence to be offered, commanded Achmetes to be without delay delivered unto them: which was done in such haste, that he was brought forth unto them almost naked, bare legged, and bore headed, bearing in his body the manifest marks of his hard usage. The janissaries receiving him with great rejoicing, supplied his want of apparel with such habiliments, as they for that purpose upon the sudden took from Bajazet his minions: and so taking him up upon their shoulders, with great joy carried him out of the court, still crying unto him, How he did, and how he felt himself? and so guarded him home, ready no doubt to have slain Bajazet and rifled the court, if he would have but said the word. But he yet loyal, laboured with good words to appease that tumult, and to pacify their fury: excusing that which Bajazet had done against him, to have been done only to correct him, for that happily he had forgotten some part of obedience and duty. Nevertheless, hereupon remained no small heart burning betwixt Bajazet and the janissaries for a long time after: yet Bajazet for fear of them reconciled himself to Achmetes, and in open show had him in greater honour than before, promoting him even unto the highest degrees of honour, howbeit he inwardly hated him to death. And the more, by the continual instigation of the old Bassa Isaac: by whose persuasion, when it was thought that all had been forgotten, he was by Baiazet's commandment as he sat at supper in the court, thrust through the body and slain. Achmetes slain. This was the miserable end of Achmetes, the great champion of the Turks, and one of the greatest enemies of Christendom that ever lived in the Turkish court: for by him, Mahomet subverted the empire of TRAPEZONDE, took the great city of CAFFA (called in ancient time THEODOSIA) with all the country of TAURICA CHERSONESUS, the impregnable city of CROIA, with all the kingdom of EPIRUS, the strong city of SCODRA, and a great part of DALMATIA; and last of all OTRANTO, to the terror of all ITALY: by him also Bajazet vanquished and put to flight his brother Zemes, as is before declared. In reward of which good services, he was by the tyrant (upon a mere suspicion) thus cruelly & shamefully murdered. About this time also Caigubus (Zemes' his son, then but a child) was by the commandment of Bajazet his uncle, strangled, in the new tower at CONSTANTINOPLE. Bajazet now grievously offended with the pride and late insolency of the janissaries, caused secret inquiry to be made, of them which were the authors of those late stirs: and finding them to be the officers of their companies, and especially those which had before slain Mahomet Bassa the great politician, immediately after the death of Mahomet the late emperor; at which time they had also raised great tumults, and done much harm in the city: he under colour of preferment, sent away those authors of sedition into divers parts of his empire, appointing unto them (as unto old soldiers and men of good desert) certain lands and revenues for their maintenance and preferment. But as soon as they were departed, he by secret letters commanded the governors and magistrates of those places whereunto they were sent, suddenly to apprehend them, 1485 and as traitors to put them to death; which was accordingly done. The janissaries of the court and about CONSTANTINOPLE, hearing what had happened unto their fellows, became wonderfully discontented, and began to mutiny in divers places of the city, uttering speeches against the emperor full of despite and revenge: which thing when Bajazet understood, and had well considered the late danger he was in, together with the intolerable pride and insolency of those his maisterfull slaves; he secretly purposed in himself for curing of so dangerous a disease, to use a most desperate remedy: which was, suddenly to kill and destroy all the janissaries, especially those which were belonging to the court, Bajazet purposeth to destroy the janissaries. or about CONSTANTINOPLE. This his purpose he imparted to divers of his greatest Bassas, charging them upon pain of his heavy displeasure not to disclose it: and for the execution thereof, had sent for great numbers of those soldiers which are called Acanzij, who are amongst the Turks reputed for the best sort of common soldiers. Most of all the Bassas to whom he had imparted this his cruel devise, much disliked thereof, as too full of peril and danger: yet seeing him fully resolved for the performance thereof, would not, or durst not say any thing to the contrary. Only Alis and Ishender Bassa, both descended of the honourable family of Michal Ogli, dissuaded him from attempting any such thing: alleging first, that the janissaries were in number many, soldiers of great courage and experience, resolute men, and such as would sell their lives dear: then, admitting that he should kill all them about the court and in CONSTANTINOPLE, yet forasmuch as all his strong towns and castles, especially in the frontiers and chief places of his dominions, were possessed and holden by strong garrisons of other janissaries, fellows and friends of these (who would undoubtedly take up arms in defence of themselves, and revenge of their dead friends) it were a thing very like to endanger himself together with the whole state of his empire, beside the great dishonour which would grow unto himself thereby for ever. This so dangerous an exploit, wherein the hands of so many were to be used, was not kept so secret, but that the vigilant and wily janissaries had got an inkling thereof: and thereupon began daily more and more to suspect the matter, both by the often and secret repair of the great men to the court, more than they had before seen; and also by the unwonted multitude of those Acanzijs which were daily brought unto the imperial city by great companies. Wherefore fearing to be suddenly surprised, they banded themselves together, and openly stood upon their guard: and by chance lighting upon Alis-beg as he came from the court (who was in deed their best friend) after their barbarous manner, with many opprobrious and contumelious words, demanded of him, if he were not one of them who had conspired their destruction: and without more ado had presently slain him, had he not (as a well spoken man) with great protestations and oaths persuaded them, that he never consented to any such thing, or that they needed to fear any such thing from him: and so with much ado rid himself out of their hands. Bajazet seeing his purpose discovered, & that he could not without great bloodshed and danger both to his state and person, work his will upon the janissaries: by the counsel and advise of them that saw farther into the matter, to colour his former intention, commanded by open proclamation, That the janissaries and other his men of war (of whom he had a great power now assembled at CONSTANTINOPLE) to be in readiness against a certain prefixed day, to go with him into MOLDAVIA: as if he had raised that power for that purpose only. But when the time was come that he should set forward, the janissaries put themselves in order of battle by themselves, and would in no wise join themselves with the rest of the army, or receive the emperor into the midst of their ranks, as they had always before accustomed; but furiously shaking their weapons at him, told him plainly, that he had sought their destruction: and bid him therefore if he thought it so good, to set his executioners to work upon them, whom he should find both ready and able to defend themselves. To pacify their fury, Bajazet was glad to give them good words, and to use all the means he could (by his great Bassas and other captains which were able to do any thing with them) to persuade them to be quiet; swearing unto them by the holy soul of his father (a solemn oath amongst the Turks) that he would not harm or wrong the meanest of them. So with much ado they were at length appeased, and received Bajazet into the midst of them as their wont manner was. This dangerous tumult so quieted, Bajazet invadeth Moldavia. Bajazet set forward, and passing oue● Danubius entered into MOLDAVIA, where he first laid siege to a strong town standing upon the Euxine sea, called of the Turks KEEL, but in ancient time ACHILLEIA, which was at length delivered unto him by composition. From thence he went to AC-GIRMEN, otherwise called ASPROCASTRON, which after a months siege was also delivered up by composition: which two strong places so won, he returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE. Many great princes sue to the Master of the Rhodes for Zemes. Many great princes desirous of Zemes, laboured by their ambassadors to have obtained him of the Great Master of the RHODES, first Bajazet his brother fearing lest he should at one time or other again break forth upon him, or else set up by the Christian princes, trouble his estate, offered great sums of money to have had him delivered into his hands: and Charles the French king purposing the conquest of NAPLES (which he in few years after performed) and after that to have invaded GRaeCIA, thought Zemes a most fit instrument for the furtherance of those his high designs, and was therefore wonderful desirous to have had him. Mathias also king of HUNGARY (a fortunate warrior against the Turk) persuaded that the having of him might be unto him a great furtherance in the course of his victories, sought by all the means he could to have obtained him. At which time also Innocentius the eight of that name, bishop of ROME, no less desirous than the rest, to have in his keeping so great a pledge of peace and war (the bridle of the Turks fury, together with the large pension) he was sure to receive yearly from Bajazet for the safe custody of him, so wrought the matter by Lionel bishop of CONCORDIA his ●●nning legate, that the Great Master fearing on the one side to be constrained by the great power of Bajazet to grant that he had so often refused, and now so earnestly solicited on the other side by the bishop, caused Zemes to be delivered to him at ROME in the year 1488: for which doing he was by the bishop honoured with the honour and title of a Cardinal. So Zemes to the great profit of the bishop (who received from Bajazet a yearly pension of forty thousand ducats) remained in safe custody at ROME all the time of Innocentius, and also of Alexander the sixth his successor: until that the French king, Charles the eight, passing through the heart of ITALY with a strong army, against Alphonsus' king of NAPLES in the year 1495, and making his way through the city of ROME, so terrified the great Bishop, who altogether favoured and furthered the title of Alphonsus, that he was glad to yield to such articles and conditions as pleased the king; and amongst the rest to give in hostage unto the king his graceless son Caesar Borgia Valentinus, and also to deliver unto him Zemes his honourable prisoner, as shall be afterwards in place convenient at large declared. In the beginning of Bajazet his reign, whilst he was busied against his brother Zemes in ASIA, john Castriot, the son of Scanderbag, aided by the Venetians, after he had fortunately overthrown the Turks in a battle near unto CROIA, recovered a great part of EPIRUS out of their possession. At which time also john Chernovich, a Christian prince of ALBANIA, casting off the Turkish yoke imposed upon him by the late emperor Mahomet, suddenly took up arms, and by the help of the Venetians valiantly expulsed his enemies out of that part of ALBANIA: and so troubled Bajazet, that he was glad to suffer him peaceably to enjoy all that he had by force recovered, and further to content him with a small tribute for the rest. 1486 Bajazet highly offended with Abraham (whom some call Pyramet) the king of CARAMANIA, for aiding his brother Zemes against him; Bajazet invadeth Caramania. in revenge thereof raised a great army both in EUROPE and ASIA: & marching alongst ASIA the less through the countries of PHRIGIA, MISIA, CARIA, LYDIA, and PAMPHILIA, entered at length into CARAMANIA. But the king of CARAMANIA hearing before of his coming, and knowing himself too weak to meet him in field, fortified the strong cities and places of his kingdom, and retired with his army into the straits of the mountain TAURUS, where it parteth CILICIA from SYRIA, wherein he was in more safety than in any of his strongest holds. Bajazet finding no way to come to him, spent most part of the Summer in spoiling of the open country: but perceiving his enemies could not so be drawn into the field, Tarsus in Cilicia yielded to Bajazet. he laid siege unto the famous city of TARSUS, being the chief city of the champain part of CILICIA (the native place of S. Paul the Apostle) and in short time so battered the walls of the city with his great ordinance, that he had made them saultable. The citizens considering the danger they were in, offered to deliver up their city, their liberty lives and goods reserved. Of which their offer Bajazet accepted, and most honourably performed his promise for their safety: not permitting any of his soldiers to enter the city, more than such as must needs for the guard of his person, and safe keeping of the city. And for as much as Winter began now to grow fast on, he dispersed his soldiers into the country villages round about, not suffering the country people to till or sow their land, or to do any thing else which might turn to their profit or good; whereby they were enforced to yield themselves wholly to his devotion. The Caramanian king seeing his people daily fall from him, and fearing to be at length forsaken of his soldiers also; in this his distress obtained aid both of men and money of Caytbeius the great Sultan of EGYPT, and so with all the power he could make, took the field with the first of the Spring, fully resolved to try the fortune of a battle, although in strength and power he knew himself much inferior to his puissant enemy. Bajazet glad to see his enemy so forward, speedily assembled his army, and without delay offered him battle: which the Caramanian king refused not. So betwixt them was begun a fierce and terrible fight; A long and terrible battle betwixt Bajazet and the king of Caraman●a. which by the skilful conduct of the leaders, and exceeding courage of the soldiers, was maintained the whole day, with doubtful victory and great slaughter on both sides, new supplies still coming on in stead of them which were slain. The day declining, the Caramanian king (whose fatal destiny had now appointed him unto his last work) seeing his wearied soldiers rather overlayed with multitude than by force vanquished, to begin to give ground unto their enemies; courageously thrust forward with his guard and other valiant soldiers about him, with such fury, that he broke into the midst of his enemy's battle: where being known, he was forthwith environed by the Turks, and so hardly charged on every side, that having his horse slain under him, he was enforced to fight on foot; where after he had with his own hand slain divers of his enemies, he fell down dead in the midst of them. His soldiers discouraged with his death, turned their backs and fled, and in flying, were for most part either slain or taken prisoners. After this victory, Bajazet speedily overran all that large country, and without resistance, in short time brought under his obeisance all the country of CILICIA. There was at that time in that part of CILICIA which is called TRACHEA, and lieth towards the seaside, an ancient Mahometan prince, who had under his command most part of that country, with the famous and populous city of SCANDELORO, the chief place of his resiance. This prince had of long time lived betwixt the Turkish kings and the kings of CARAMANNIA, as neuter, still fearing the greater, but indeed loving neither: and had until then chiefly maintained his state by the alliance he and his ancestors continually held with the kings of CYPRUS and the Grand Masters of the RHODES. Against this poor prince, the only one now left in ASIA the less, not subject unto the Turkish kings, began Bajazet now to turn his forces: purposing before he proceeded any further, to make a full conquest of the lesser ASIA, and so to make all sure behind him. Of which his purpose, the prince having knowledge, and wisely weighing his own small power to withstand so puissant an enemy: offered by his ambassadors to deliver unto Bajazet his chief city of SCANDELORO, with all the rest of his territory in CILICIA, upon condition, that Bajazet should give unto him other possessions for it in some other pa●t of ASIA the lesser, to the like value. Which his offer Bajazet accepted, and so became lord of all the sea coast, from the straits of BOSPHORUS unto the confines of SYRIA. After he had thus conquered CILICIA, with a great part of the mountain TAURUS, he descended into ARMENIA the less, and in short time brought under his subjection so much of that country, as also of CAPPADOCIA, as was sometime belonging to the Caramanian kings. When Bajazet had thus slain the Caramanian king, and subdued that most ancient kingdom of the Turks, which had long and many times mightily contended with the glory and power of the Ottoman kings; he left Mustapha (one of his great Bassas) at ICONIUM, with his Asian army to keep in obedience those new won countries: and as a triumphant conqueror returned himself to CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was of his subjects joyfully received. After that Bajazet had thus enlarged his empire with the kingdom of CARAMANNIA, 1487 and was now become an unwelcome neighbour unto the great Sultan of EGYPT and SYRIA; he began to swell in disdain against that mighty prince, for that he had given aid against him, first unto his brother Zemes, and after that to the Caramanian king in these late wars: of which wrong, purposing to be revenged; he shortly after appointed one Caragoses Bassa his lieutenant in ASIA, with Ishender, another of his great captains, with a strong army to invade SYRIA, than part of the great Sultan's kingdom. These two great commanders, well appointed for the purpose, when they were come to the uttermost parts of CILICIA, the new bounds of Baiazet's empire, were then to pass by the confines of Aladeules his kingdom, before they could pass the great mountain TAURUS to come into SYRIA. This Aladeules commanded as king over the rude and fierce people which dwelled alongst that great and rough mountain, and was then in league with the Sultan: he hearing of the approach of the Turks army, with a great number of his mountain people lay in ambush in the straits, whereby the Turks must needs pass, of purpose to intercept them. Ishender marching in the vanguard with a great number of the voluntary soldiers called Acanzij, as the manner of the Turks is, and fearing nothing less than to be set upon by the mountain king, before he was aware was come into the midst of his enemies; and was by them so fiercely charged on every side from their places of advantage, that he there lost most part of his men, and forsaken of the rest, which sought by flight to save themselves, he with his two sons and others were taken prisoners. Michael-beg the eldest of the two being fast bound, was slain by one of Aladeules his followers, whose brother he had slain in that skirmish: his head being cut off, was by the commandment of Aladeules carried to his father Ishender, the more to grieve him: who disdainfully willed the messenger not to show it unto him, but to bid his master eat it if he would: with which answer Aladeules was exceedingly moved: nevertheless pitying the old man's misery, he shortly after set jaxis Beg the younger brother at liberty; but Ishender himself he sent prisoner unto Caitbeius the great Sultan at CAIRO, where he remained in prison five years after. Caragoses the Bassa discouraged with the loss of so great a man, retired with his army back again into CILICIA, and from thence advertised Bajazet what had happened, by whom he was commanded to return to CONSTANTINOPLE, as a man unfit for so great an enterprise. 1488 The next Spring following, Bajazet constant in his former resolution for the invasion of SYRIA, sent Achmetes another of his Bassas, Achmetes Bassa discomfited and taken prisoner and sent to Cai●e. with a far greater army than had Caragoses, against the Sultan: who was no sooner come unto the farther part of CILICIA, but he was there at a place called of the Turks TZUCUR OVA, encountered by the Egyptians and Arabians, and there in a great battle overthrown; wherein he himself fight most valiantly, lost two of his fingers, and being taken prisoner was sent to CAIRO. 1489 Bajazet with this overthrow rather incensed than discouraged, made great preparation the next year against the Sultan both by sea and land, such as he had not before at any time made. And when all things were now in readiness, sent Alis Bassa (of some called Calibeus) and Cherseogles his son in law, two notable captains, with a great and puissant army by land against the Egyptian Sultan: at which time he requested of the Venetians, with whom he was then in league, that he might by their good leave, as occasion required, refresh his fleet (than ready to put to sea for the invasion of SYRIA, as he said) in their Island of CYPRUS. Which his request was by the general consent of the Senate denied, as a thing tending to the danger of their state: yet wisely doubting lest Bajazet taking that denial in evil part, should seek to have that by force which he could not obtain by request, they presently sent Francisco Privolo, their Admiral, to sea with thirty galleys for the defence of that Island. He hearing that one fleet of the Turks galleys, lately come out of HELLESPONTUS, lay hovering at the Island of SCIROS, expecting a far greater from the coast of JONIA; and carefully considering how secret and sudden the Turkish designments were, although it was given out, that all that great preparation was made against the Sultan: yet to provide that they should not suddenly surprise the Isle, he speedily sent sundry companies of soldiers, especially archers out of CRETA, into CYPRUS, for the better defence thereof: but stayed himself with his fleet at the Island of NAXOS, that so at hand he might be the readier to withstand whatsoever the Turks intended. But when he understood that all their fleet was met, and now set forward, he hoist sail, and held his course directly for CYPRUS. In the mean time, the Turkish fleet sailing alongst the coast of LYCIA, PAMPHILIA, and CILICIA, kept on their course, until they came upon the coast of SYRIA: by which time Calibeus and Cherseogles were come with a mighty army into CILICIA, near unto the mountain TAURUS. Caitbeius the Egyptian Sultan having before had certain intelligence of the great preparation that Bajazet had made against him, had before sent Vsbeg, a most valiant and politic captain, with a strong army of his Mamalukes and other his most expert soldiers into SYRIA, to be ready at all times to withstand the Turks. This worthy cheefetaine understanding of the coming of the Turks army, thought it greater policy to carry the calamities which always wait upon great armies, into the enemy's country, than to receive it into his own bosom. And therefore although he knew himself to be for number far inferior unto his enemies, yet supplying that want with the valour courage and assured confidence he had reposed in the approved and invincible force of his Mamalukes, he expected not the coming of the enemy into SYRIA, but passing over the mountain AMANUS, and so descending into CILICIA, met him not far from TARSUS, in the same place (as it was thought) where Alexander the Great had long before in a great battle vanquished Darius. These two puissant armies come from fa●re out of divers part of the world the one to find the other, A long and terrible battle between t●e Turks and the Mamalukes. were no sooner come together, but that with like cheerfulness they joined battle; and that with such violence and fury, that the earth seemed to tremble under their feet, and a most present destruction threatened unto them all: Which terrible and cruel fight was maintained all that day with doubtful victory and exceeding slaughter on both sides. The politic Generals with new supplies of fresh soldiers, continually relieving the most distressed par●s of their battles: and they likewise as men prodigal of their lives, resolutely offering themselves to all dangers. When this most dreadful fight had in this sort endured the whole day, and many thousands of valiant men of late alive, lay now dead upon the ground, the approaching night broke off the battle: and both the armies sore wearied and weakened (but especially the Turks) retired to their camps, where they rested that night. But the Egyptians coming to their camp, found all their carriages with their provision of victuals and other necessaries quite taken away and gone. Which thing (as some write) the bordering people of the country (for most part living upon robbery) had done in the time of the battle, to please the Turks: or as some others report, they which had the charge thereof, terrified with the greatness of the Turks army, and doubtfulness of the battle, fled away; and taking their way alongst the sea side, fell into the hands of the Turks which were put on shore out of the galleys, and so were of them spoiled. How soever it was (for in so great uncertainty I dare not affirm) certain it is, that the Egyptians were sore troubled with the loss of their provision; fearing that if they should now stay longer in the country, they should forthwith be driven to great extremities for want of necessaries. Wherefore, when they had evil rested that night, the next day early in the morning they presented themselves in order of battle before their enemies, braving them into the field, and daring them to battle. The Turks disdaining to see any prouder in field than themselves, after they had in goodly order ranged their battles, set forward with ensigns displayed against their proud enemies. There began a most terrible and bloody battle, fought with such desperate resolution, as if they had solemnly vowed either to overcome or die in the place where they stood. A man would have said, that the former days fury had been but a play in comparison of this. Many valiant soldiers covered with their dead bodies the same ground whereon they living stood when they received the first encounter of their enemies. Of both those great armies none was seen to give ground, or once look back. The Turks janissaries, and the Egyptians Mamalukes, the undoubted strength of the greatest Mahometan Monarches (soldiers for their valour much feared, and through the world renowned) there buckled together, and standing foot to foot, spent the uttermost of their forces one upon another: as if they would in that battle have made it known unto the world, which of them were to be accounted the better soldiers. Whilst victory stood thus doubtful, and the day was now far spent, Vsbeg (the Egyptian General) with fifteen thousand valiant horsemen (whom he had reserved for that purpose) gave a fresh charge upon the Turks squadrons, with such force, that they had much ado to keep their order, and began now to give ground; which was by and by made good again, by other fresh men speedily brought on by the Bassaes. Then became the battle more fierce than before, every man striving to the uttermost of his power, to sell his life unto his enemy as dear as he could. In which manner of fight all the rest of the day was spent, until that after the going down of the sun, the darkness of the night coming fast on, they were glad for lack of light to break off the battle and to retire themselves into their camps, not knowing as yet who had got the better. The Turks Bassas taking view of the army, and finding that of an hundred thousand fight men which they brought into the field, The Turks fly away by night. there was scarce a third part left, and most of them also maimed or hurt; and doubting to be set upon again the next morning by their resolute enemies, fled away secretly the same night, leaving behind them for haste, their tents well stored with victuals, and all other things needful. The Egyptians also having lost one half of their army (which was at the first seventy thousand) and wanting their necessary provision, were retired also the same night into the mountain TAURUS, not knowing any thing of the flight of the Turks. And some of the soldiers passing quite over the mountaite without stay into SYRIA, raised a report all over the country as they went, That the Sultan's army was overthrown, and that the Turks had got the victory: so uncertain was the true knowledge of the event of that battle, even unto them that were present therein. The Egyptian lying that night upon the side of the mountain, had speedy intelligence from Aladeules of the flight of the Turks: which being also confirmed by his espials to be true, he presently came down from the mountain, and entered into the Turks camp, where he found plenty of victuals and of all other things needful for the refreshing of his army. Aladeules the mountain king, with the people called Varsacide, by whose confines the Turks must needs in their return pass, robbed and slew many of them in their disordered flight; and had so stopped the passages, that they were in flying overtaken by the Mamalukes and slain, with so great a slaughter, that of all that great army of the Turks few remained alive to carry news home. Calibeius and Cherseogles the Bassas, were in that flight both taken prisoners, and afterwards presented to Caitbeius the Sultan at CAIRO; with eighteen ensigns of the Turks Sanzackes, which are great men amongst them, having every one of them the regiment and command of some one province or other, and are in degree next unto the Bassaes. Neither was the fortune of Bajazet his navy at sea, better than that of his army at land: for as it lay at road upon the coast of SYRIA at the mouth of the river Orontes, which runneth by the famous city of ANTIOCHIA, his galleys were by tempest and rage of the sea put from their anchors, and in the sight of their enemies swallowed up of the sea; or else driven upon the main, and there with the surges of the sea beaten in pieces. Bajazet not a little troubled with these losses both by sea and land, 1492 at length with much ado, by his ambassadors concluded a peace with the Sultan, A peace concluded betwixt Bajazet and Caitbeius. unto whom he restored all such places as he had before taken from him: for which the sultan delivered unto him, Calibeius, Cherseogles, Achmetes, and Ishender, with all the rest of the ●urkes prisoners, which he had in great number in his keeping. shortly after this peace was concluded betwixt these two great and mighty princes, Caitbei●● the Sultan died: who of a Circassian slave, by many degrees of honour, and by the favour of the Mamalukes his fellows, obtained the rich kingdom of Egypt, which he right worthily governed to his immortal praise by the space of two and twenty years; commanding at one time the great and rich country of EGYPT, with all AFRIQUE as far as CIRENE, Westward; and JUDEA, with a great part of ARABIA, and all SYRIA, unto the great and famous river Euphrates, Eastward. In the latter end of his reign, he (overcome with the importunity of his wife Dultibe an Arabian borne, a woman of an haughty spirit) joined his son Mahomethes, a young man of about four and twenty years old, with him in the fellowship of his kingdom; that so possessed of it, his father yet living, he might the better enjoy it after his death. Contrary to the custom of the Mamalukes, who of long time had not used to have their king by succession, but by their free election. Who grudging to be thus defrauded of their wont choice, immediately after the death of Caitbeius, slew Mahomethes his son; and in a few months after, four more, who one after another, without their good liking, had aspired unto the kingdom: neither could they be contented, until such time as that they had according to their wont custom set up a Sultan of their own choice. About the same time that the aforesaid peace was concluded betwixt the two great Mahometan princes, Bajazet and Caitbeius, Charles the French king was making great preparation against Alphonsus' king of NAPLES, giving it out, That after he had recovered that kingdom, he would forthwith from thence invade the Turks dominions in GRaeCIA. Which great attempt the haughty king was induced to take in hand, by the persuasion of divers of his nobility, but especially by the solicitation of Lodovicus Sfortia duke of MILAN: whereby the whole state of ITALY was in short time after sore shaken, and Sfortia himself, author of those troubles, at last carried away by the French, miserably ended his days as a prisoner in FRANCE. Alphonsus the Neapolitan king doubting the greatness of the French king his enemy, entered into a confederation with certain of the states of ITALY against the French, but especially with Alexander the sixth then Bishop of ROME: for the better assurance whereof, he gave his base daughter in marriage to Godfrey Borgia, the Bishop's son, and made him prince of CARINULA: his other son Francis he entertained also in great pay to serve him in his wars. And by his ambassador Pandonius Camillus, lately returned out of FRANCE, gave Bajazet to understand what the French king had purposed against them both, Alphonsus' king of Naples, and Alexander Bishop of Rome crave a●d of Bajazet against Charles the French king. requesting him to aid him with six thousand horsemen and as many foot against their common enemy, promising to give them honourable entertainment during those wars. And to further the matter, Alexander the great Bishop sent George Bucciarde, a Ligurian, skilful in the Turkish language, ambassador to Bajazet, to declare unto him with what great preparation, both by sea and land, the young French king (desirous of honour and the enlargement of his kingdom) was about to invade NAPLES; and then, with what great power (after he had dispatched his wars in ITALY) he purposed to pass over into GRaeCIA; and that he had to that end earnestly traveled with him, to have Zemes his brother delivered into his hands, whom he desired to use as a most fit instrument for the troubling of his state and empire, by reason of his many friends: yet that his Holiness (having the French in distrust as a proud and ambitious people, as also careful for the danger of the city of ROME, and of the state of ITALY in general) had entered into a confederation with Alphonsus' king of NAPLES, with their united forces to withstand that proud nation, both by sea and land; wanting nothing more for the accomplishment thereof, than money: by which only means Bajazet might (as he said) provide for the safety of his kingdom in GRECIA, if he would put to his helping hand, to furnish them with money for the entertainment of soldiers: for as much as the city of ROME, and the kingdom of NAPLES, were the surest walls of that side of the Ottoman empire; if he not altogether refusing the charge, would not spare for a little cost to maintain the war rather in that foreign country, than to receive it, brought home to his own door: concluding, That it were much more commodious and easy with his treasures to repress his enemy in a strange country a far off, than by dint of sword and plain battle in his own. A thing by experience well known, that they which have neglected and set at nought remote dangers, for sparing of charge, have afterwards been enforced with greater danger to receive the same into their own bosoms, when as they were become desperate and past remedy. Bajazet, who both by his espials and often letters and ambassadors from Alphonsus, knew all this to be true, gave great thanks to the bishop by his ambassador, for that he sitting in so high place, did so friendly and in so good time admonish him, both a stranger, and of a contrary religion, of things of so great consequence: yet for answer, he willed him to return again to his master with one Dautius his ambassador, who should carry with him both money and his other secret resolutions concerning those matters. Amongst other things given him in charge, was an Epistle written in Greek, wherein the barbarous king with great cunning persuaded the bishop to poison Zemes his brother, as a man of a religion altogether contrary to his: for indeed of him alone for his great virtues Bajazet stood in fear and doubt, lest he should by some chance escape out of prison to the troubling of his state. For the performance of this his request, Bajazet sendeth Dautius his ambassador to Alexander bishop of Rome. he promised faithfully to pay unto the bishop two hundred thousand ducats, and never after, so long as he lived, to take up arms against the Christians. Otherwise than had his father Mahomet and his grandfather Amurath done, who both as deadly enemies unto the name of the Christians, never ceased by continual wars to work their woe. But George the bishop's ambassador, Io. Rovereus robbeth the Turks ambassador. and Dautius, traveling towards ITALY, and having now happily passed the adriatic, as they were about to have landed at ANCONA were bourded by Io. Rovereus, brother to julianus the Cardinal (a man of great account in those quarters) and clean quit of their treasure and whatsoever else they had aboard. Rovereus' pretending for the defence of the fact, That the bishop did owe him a great sum of money, due unto him for his good service done in the time of Innocentius his predecessor, for which he now paid himself. Neither could the bishop, much troubled with that injury, ever after recover any one part thereof, although he threatened vengeance with fire and sword, and also sought for recompense of the Venetians, whom it concerned to save the Turks harmless in those seas: for why, Roverius bearing himself upon the French, which were now upon coming, whose faction he followed, kept the money, and set at nought the bishop's thundering curses and vain threats. Dautius himself, Baiazet's ambassador, being set on shore, was glad to go on foot to ANCONA; and so from thence passing up the river Padus, came to Franciscus Gonzaga, duke of MANTVA, of whom (for the ancient friendship betwixt him and Bajazet) he was courteously entertained and furnished both with money and apparel, and so spoilt returned into GRaeCIA, to carry news unto his master how he had sped. When Bajazet understood by Dautius the evil success he had in his late journey, he forthwith sent Mustapha one of the Bassas of the court, unto the great Bishop Alexander, with like instructions as he had before given to Dautius: who with better hap arrived in ITALY, and came to ROME in safety; where he forgot no part of that was given him in charge by his great master. But amongst many other things, the life of Zemes was that he most sought for at the Bishop's hands. 1495 At the same time, which was in the year 1495, the French king Charles the eight of that name, passing through the heart of ITALY with a strong army against Alphonsus' king of NAPLES: and taking his way without leave through the city of ROME, so terrified Alexander the bishop, who (as we have before said) altogether favoured, and as much as in him lay furthered the cause of Alphonsus; that he was glad to yield to all such articles and conditions as it pleased him then to demand: not purposing in himself at all the performance of any of those things, which for fear he had with great solemnity promised, as the sequel of the matter afterwards declared. Amongst other things, he was enforced to give unto the king his graceless son Caesar Borgia Valentinus (than one of the cardinals) in hostage, for the performance of the other of his promises. Which disgrace the crafty old bishop sought to cover, by gracing his son with the title of his legate: and with him he was also enforced to deliver Zemes the Turk, Bajazet his brother his honourable prisoner; who to the great profit of the bishop and his predecessor, had remained in safe custody at ROME about the space of seven years. Zemes dieth, poisoned by Alexander bishop of Rome. But Zemes within three days after he was delivered unto the French, died at CAIETA, being before his deliverance poisoned (as it was thought) with a powder of wonderful whiteness and pleasant taste; whose power was not presently to kill, but by little and little dispersing the force thereof, did in short time bring most assured death: which pleasant poison, Alexander the bishop skilful in that practice (corrupted by Bajazet his gold, and envying so great a good unto the French) had caused to be cunningly mingled with the sugar wherewith Zemes used to temper the water which he commonly drank. His dead body was not long after sent to Bajazet, by Mustapha his ambassador, who to the great contentment of his master, had thus contrived his death with the bishop. Not long after this dead body so far brought, was by the appointment of Bajazet, honourably interred amongst his ancestors at PRUSA. Caesar Borgia also the bishop's son, a little before given in hostage unto the French king, deceiving his keepers at VELITRAS, returned again to ROME before the French king was come to NAPLES. This wicked imp come of an evil strain, not worth the remembrance but by way of detestation, The evil life of Caesar Borgia. (the very monster of nature, if a man should well consider the course of his whole life) shortly after his escape, envying at the honour of Candianus his brother, who then was General over the bishop his father's forces, which were at that time great: when he had one night merrily supped with his said brother with their mother Vannotia, traitorously caused him to be unawares murdered in the streets as he was going home, and his dead body to be cast into the river of Tiber. Then casting off his priestly habit with his Cardinal's robes, he took upon him the leading of his father's army in his brother's stead, and gave himself wholly to martial affairs: a vocation best fitting his fierce and bloody disposition. And with exceeding prodigality, wherewith he exhausted his father's coffers and the treasures of the church, bound fast unto him desperate ruffians and soldiers (especially Spaniards, his father's country men) such as he knew fittest to serve for the execution of his most horrible devices. Which manner of his proceedings, although they were such as all good men detested; yet did the old hypocrite his father wink thereat, fearing as it was thought, to be murdered of the viper himself, when it should serve for his purpose. Now when he had thus strengthened himself, and that he was become a terror to all the nobility of ROME and the signiories thereabout, he by the devise and help of his father (who desired nothing more than to make him great) first drove the most honourable family of the Columnij out of the city, and afterwards out of LATIUM: and by most execrable treachery, poisoned or killed the honourable personages of the great houses of the Ursini and Caetani; taking unto himself their lands and possessions. With like cruelty he strangled at one time four noblemen of the Camertes: and drove Guido Feltrius out of URBIN. He took the city of PISAURUM from Io. Sfortia, who with much difficulty escaped his bloody hands: and drove the Malatestaes' out of ARIMINUM. The great lady Catherine Sfortia he thrust out of FORUM LIVII and FORUM CORNELIUSES, and shamefully led her in triumph through ROME. And never satisfied with blood, which he without measure shed, he took the city of FAVENTIA from Astor Manfredus, a young gentleman of rare perfection: whom after the beastly tyrant had most horribly abused against nature, he caused to be cruelly strangled, and his dead body to be cast into Tiber. Having thus filled the measure of his iniquity, and as a fretting canker, having either devoured or driven into exile most part of the Roman nobility; and purposing by the supportation of his father, to make himself lord and sovereign both of the city, and of all LATIUM; in the pride of his thoughts he was by the hand of the most highest attached and cast down, and that by such means as he least feared. For being with his father at a solemn supper in the Vatican, of purpose prepared for the destruction of certain rich Cardinals and some other honourable citizens, they were both poisoned by the fatal error of one of the waiters; who mistaking of a flagon, gave the poisoned wine to the accursed bishop and his son, which was prepared for the guests: whereof the old bishop in few days after died. But his son who had drunk the same more delayed with water, although he died not of long time after, yet presently fell into such an extreme sickness, that he was not able to help himself, or to command his desperate followers, whereof he had great store: but lying sick, in short time saw himself of them forsaken, and two of his enemies, Pius the Third, and julius the Second, one after another sitting in his father's place. Of which two, Pius enjoyed that pontifical dignity but sixteen days: and julius succeeding him, caused this Caesar Borgia (who of right had deserved a thousand deaths) to be shut up in the castle called MO●ES ADRIANI, from whence he set him at liberty upon the delivery of certain strong holds which were yet holden by his garrisons. After he had thus rid himself out of julius the bishop's hands, he fled to OSTIA, and so by sea to NAPLES: where he was by the commandment of Ferdinand king of SPAIN, apprehended by Consaluus the Great, and transported into SPAIN; for fear lest he being of a most troublesome nature, and much resorted unto by his old fauourits, should raise some new stirs in ITALY. He was no sooner arrived in SPAIN, but he was cast into prison in the castle of MEDINA, where after he had lain three years he deceived his keepers, and with a rope which he had gotten, let himself down from an high tower of the castle: and so escaping, fled to the king of NAVARRE, whom he afterwards served in his wars, and was in an hot skirmish against the king's enemies (wherein he had obtained the victory) slain with a small shot. The death of Caesar Borgia. Unworthy after so many horrible villainies, to have ended his days so honourably. His dead body was found stripped, and so brought unto the king upon a bad beast, as if it had been a dead calf all naked; which was by his commandment honourably buried at PAMPILONA. But to return again from whence we have something too long with this troublesome body gone astray. The French king invadeth Naples. The French king having thus lost both his great hostages, Zemes the Turk by death, and the Cardinal Borgia by escape, held on his journey towards NAPLES: and with wonderful success prevailed as he went, all places yielding unto him without any great resistance. Alphonsus' seeing himself destitute of such aid as he had in vain requested both of the Turkish emperor and of the Venetians, and now almost beset with his mighty enemy, to whom so many strong places had in shorter time been delivered than any man had before imagined; and withal, considering with himself, how that he had lost the hearts of his subjects (the strongest defence of princes) for that most of the nobility, and especially the Neapolitans, hated him for his too much severity in punishing the offenders in the late rebellion, wherein the princes of SARNE and SALERNE were chief; and the common people were no less offended with the grievous and heavy exactions, required of them for the maintenance of these wars, insomuch that their murmuring speeches came oftentimes to his own hearing; as oftentimes it falleth out, That the hatred of the subjects against their princes, which hath for fear of long time been dissembled during their prosperity, more frankly and fiercely breaketh out in their declining estate: For these causes, Alphonsus fearing to be forsaken of his people, as a man in despair, with abundance of tears openly in the sight of all the Neapolitans, resigned his kingdom of NAPLES unto his son Ferdinand, when as he had as yet scarcely reigned one whole year after the death of Ferdinand his father: and with four galleys passed over to MAZEREA a city of CICILIA. His son Ferdinand, a prince of rare perfection and singularly graced with all the virtues of true nobility, and thereto dearly beloved of all the people, was to the wonderful contentment of the Neapolitans with great joy and acclamations saluted king: and so having performed all the ceremonies belonging to his coronation, returned presently to his army. By this time the French king with all his forces was entered far into the kingdom of NAPLES: and having taken by assault certain cities which trusted too much to their own strength, struck such a general terror into the minds of the Neapolitans, that they thought no place now strong enough to abide his batteries, or power sufficient to encounter his forces. Ferdinand the young king with his army had taken the straits of the forest of S. German, thereby to impeach the further passage of the French king. But whilst he was there busied, he was suddenly advertised, that Fabritius Columna with a great power of Frenchmen had by the Apennineses broken into CAMPANIA, and so was marching towards him: wherefore doubting to be shut up betwixt two strong armies of the enemies, he retired speedily to CAPVA, a strong city situate upon the river Vulturnus; purposing there by means of that deep river, to stay the French from passing farther. But whilst he lay there, news was brought unto him, That all the city of NAPLES was in an uproar, and that the citizens were all up in arms, as men in doubt which way to turn themselves. Ferdinand not a little troubled with these bad news, commended the charge of his army and the defence of the city of CAPVA to his chief captains, Ferdinand departeth from Cap●a to pacify an uproar at Naples. and rid himself in post back again to NAPLES. It is a strange thing to tell, what a sudden alteration ensued upon his arrival there: for suddenly all the tumult was appeased, every man laid down his arms, and welcomed him with a general gratulation: for he was a man of a great and an invincible courage, and of so comely a parsonage as might easily win the hearts of his subjects; insomuch, that when he earnestly requested them, that they would not traitorously betray him unto his barbarous & cruel enemies, being their natural king, or rather their brother borne and brought up amongst them: they all with one consent answered, That they would spend their lives and goods in his quarrel, so long as he should keep his army whole, and defend the city of CAPVA: But if it should so chance, that the Arragonians should be overthrown, or else for fear abandon that city, and the French king, as victor, to approach the city of NAPLES; he should do both against reason and equity, if by exacting fidelity and allegiance of his subjects, apprehended with so just a fear, he should so expose that noble city with the fruitful country thereabout, to be spoiled and destroyed by a merciless and cruel enemy. Whilst Ferdinand was thus busied in appeasing and confirming his wavering subjects at NAPLES, the French king had taken divers cities, and was come before CAPVA. The citizens of CAPVA although they were always well affected to the Aragonian kings: yet seeing the French king as a most violent tempest to bear down all before him, began now to consult amongst themselves of yielding up the city; whereunto they were the more pricked forward, by the sudden revolt of the great captain Triwltius with his followers, as also by the departure of Verginius and Petilianus, two great and famous commanders, who seeing themselves forsaken of Triwltius, fled with their companies unto the city of NOLA. In this discomfiture of king Ferdinand his army, the Frenchmen had entered into the suburbs of the city: which thing Gothfredus and Gaspar (two valiant German captains) beholding, sallied with their companies out of the city, of purpose to abate the pride of the French, & to confirm the doubtful citizens: These worthy captains when they had with exceeding valour repulsed the French, and thought to have again returned into the city, could not be suffered to enter, but were by the citizens shut out of the gate, in danger to have had their throats cut by the enemy. In which perplexity they were glad upon their knees to entreat the cowardly citizens standing upon the walls, not in such traitorous manner to betray their friends ready in their defence to bestow their lives: and with much entreating, at length obtained of those heartless men, that they might by ten and ten in a company be received in at one gate of the city, and so put out at another, farthest from the danger of the enemy: in which sort when they had passed through the city, they took the way towards NAPLES: and upon the way met with the king at AVERSA, unto whom they declared all that had happened in his absence at CAPVA. Who although he saw his army dispersed, and all things now desperate, yet went he on forward, and came to the very gates of CAPVA, and there called upon divers of the chief men of the city, requiring to be let in. But when he saw there was none to give him answer, and an ensign of the French king displayed upon the wall, in token that the city was become French, he returned to NAPLES: where he found the gates now shut against him, and all the citizens up again in arms, and not willing to receive any of the soldiers which came from CAPVA, more than the king himself: for flying fame preventing his return, had filled every corner of the city with report, That all the chief captains of his army were either gone over to the enemy, or else for safeguard of their lives fled; That the whole army was broken up, and CAPVA yielded to the French. Wherefore the Neapolitans framing their fancies according to the condition of the time, began now also to fawn upon the good fortune of the French, and to have king Ferdinand in contempt: which he well perceiving, and fetching a compass farther off from the city, came unto the castle, whereinto he was received with his followers by his faithful captains therein before left. But providently foreseeing that he could not there long stay, but that he should be besieged by his enemies both by sea and land, he commended the keeping of that piece unto Alphonsus D'aualus, a most valiant captain, and departed himself with twenty galleys well appointed unto AENARIA, an Island not far from NAPLES, having in it a commodious harbour and a strong castle: where fortune, never firm but in misery, seemed again to deride the poor remainder of his honour: For coming thither, the captain of the castle, unworthily named justus, forgetting his duty towards his sovereign, of whom he had before received many extraordinary favours, most traitorously now in his so hard distress shut the gates of the castle against him at his landing, and unkindly refused to receive him. With which unexpected ingratitude, the poor king was wonderfully perplexed and almost abashed: yet with earnest entreaty and ample commemoration of the benefits and preferments which both his father and himself had in times past bestowed upon him, he prevailed so much with this unthankful man, that he was content to receive him into the castle, so that he would come but himself alone: of which his offer, when no more could be got, the king seemed to accept. So the captain having opened a port to receive him in, A most resolute fact of king Ferdinand. was in the very entrance thereof suddenly stabbed to the heart with a dagger by king Ferdinand and slain in the midst of his armed soldiers. Which was done with such a countenance and majesty, that the warders with their weapons in their hands, dismayed with his look, forthwith at his commandment opened the gate, and received him in with all his followers. Whereby it appeareth, That in the countenance of princes resteth a certain divine majesty, in all fortunes above the common course of nature: which is of power to daunt the hearts of most disloyal traitors in the performance of their unnatural treasons. The next day after the departure of king Ferdinand from the castle of NAPLES, Charles the French king received into Naples. Charles the French king was received into the city with such pomp, triumph, and acclamation of the Neapolitans, as if they had even then by the benefit of that foreign king been restored unto perfect liberty, and delivered out of some long and hard bondage. Shortly after, the castle of NAPLES, with all the strong places thereabout, were yielded unto the French, and ambassadors sent from all the princes and people of that kingdom, yielding themselves into the power of the French king. Then Ferdinand seeing all lost and gone, departed from AENARIA, where he lay expecting the event of his hard fortune, and sailed into SICILIA. Thus the house of ARRAGON in less than five months lost the kingdom of NAPLES, about 63 years after that it was first taken from the French by Alphonsus the elder, this Ferdinand his great grandfather. The report of the great preparation made by the French for this war, had long before filled the ears of them which dwelled in any part of the Turks dominions in EUROPE: but when they saw the French ensigns displayed upon the walls of the castles and strong towns alongst the coast of CALABRIA and SALERNE, such a sudden fear fell upon the Turks garrisons alongst the coast of EPIRUS and MACEDONIA on the other side of the adriatic, over against that part of ITALY, that many of them forsook their charge: the Christians in those places, as also in GRaeCIA and PELOPONESUS beginning then to lift up their heads in hope of their deliverance, and to make the best preparation they could to join with the French against the Turks: but especially the rough and wild people inhabiting the high mountains called ACROCERAUNII in the borders of EPIRUS, who presently took up arms, refusing to be any longer tributaries unto the Turkish emperor. This prosperous and speedy success of the French king in the conquest of NAPLES, filled the minds of most of the Christian princes, as also of the Turkish emperor, with a doubtful expectation, whither his greatness would grow: many being of opinion, that he covertly affected the empire of ROME, and to make himself the sole monarch of ITALY. Which conceit no little troubled both the great Bishop Alexander, and Maximilian then emperor. Bajazet also feared much, lest he should upon the sudden turn his forces into EPIRUS or GRaeCIA, to his no small disquiet. And Ferdinand, the advised king of SPAIN, was no less careful for the safety of SICILIA. Lodovicus Sfortia also (shortly after created duke of MILAN, the chief occasion of the French kings coming into ITALY, and a great aider of him in those wars) began now to consider better of the matter, and to stand in doubt of the king, whom he well perceived to make small reckoning of his word or promise, so that he might thereby enlarge his dominions. And the Venetians, who in all these wars had stood looking on as neuters (in hope that when the Arragonians and French had with long wars, which they vainly imagined, well weakened one another, that they might then at their pleasure share out something for themselves) were now in doubt with the rest of the states of ITALY to lose some part of their own territory: for now there was no prince or state in ITALY able to oppose themselves against the French, but stood as it were all at his devotion. A great league made by deuers Christian princes against the French king. Wherefore the aforesaid princes, namely Maximilian the emperor, Ferdinand king of SPAIN, Alexander Bishop of ROME, the state of VENICE, and Lodovicus Sfortia duke of MILAN, for the more assurance of their estates, by their ambassadors speedily sent from one to another, concluded a strong league amongst themselves, whereof the chief capitulation was, That if any of these confederates should upon their own accord make war upon any other prince, they should do it upon their own charges: but if any of them should chance to be invaded by any other, that then every one of these confederates should of their own charge send four thousand horse and ten thousand foot in aid of their confederate so invaded, until the wars were ended: which league was to endure for twenty years. The fame of this league was welcome to many other princes, but especially to Bajazet, who now feared nothing more than the forces of the French, and therefore had offered unto the Venetians, to aid them both by sea and land against the French, if their affairs should so require. This league so much pleased not other princes, but it troubled the French king more, as of purpose made against him, although it was by the confederates pretended to be made only for their own safety. Wherefore he with all expedition placed his best captains with strong garrisons in all the cities and strong holds of the kingdom of NAPLES, and left Mompenser his viceroy in the city of NAPLES, and with the rest of his army returned towards FRANCE; purposing by the way as he went to terrify the dissembling Bishop, so if it were possible to draw him from the league, and afterwards to deal with Sfortia and the rest as he might. But when he was come near unto ROME, the Bishop for fear fled out of the city to PERUSIUM, intending from thence to have fled to VENICE, if the French king should have further pursued him. Charles deceived of his purpose, in peaceable manner entered the city, and there stayed three days and so departed; using violence against none, but against such as were well known to be of the Aragonian faction. From ROME he marched to PISA, and so with much pain passing the Apennineses, was at the river of Tarrus, not far from PARMA, set upon by Franciscus Gonzaga duke of MANTVA, general of a great army which the Venetians and Sfortia had raised upon the sudden to have stopped his passage: in which battle he was in great danger to have been taken or slain, and there lost his tents, with all the rich spoil gotten in the rich kingdom of NAPLES: yet having at length with great slaughter valiantly repulsed his enemies, he afterwards returned in safety home. Ferdinand recovereth his kingdom of Naples from the French, and dieth. About the same time that this battle was fought at Tarrus, the young king Ferdinand, lately driven out of his kingdom by the French king, returned again out of SICILIA to NAPLES: where he was joyfully received of the Neapolitans, and by the help of his friends (but especially of the great Consaluus, sent in his aid by Ferdinand king of SPAIN) in less than a years space recovered the kingdom of NAPLES again from the French: and then dying without issue, left the same unto his uncle Federicus: wherein the uncertainty of worldly honours, the chief felicity of ambitious minds, is well to be noted; when as in that one kingdom the chief government was six times changed in less than the space of three years. For first Ferdinand the elder dying, left that kingdom unto his son Alphonsus, at such time as the French king was making preparation for these wars: Alphonsus despairing of his own forces, resigned the kingdom to his son Ferdinand, when he had scarcely reigned fully a year: Ferdinand in less than three months was driven quite out of ITALY by Charles the French king: Charles possessed of the kingdom, in short time after was again dispossessed by the same Ferdinand: Ferdinand having with much trouble thrust out the French, died within less than a year: After whom succeeded Federicus his uncle, no less unfortunate than the rest. And Charles the French king himself lived not long after, The death of Charles the French king. but died suddenly as he came from playing at Tennis, being then but seven and twenty years old, leaving the flourishing kingdom of FRANCE, with the troublesome title pretended to the kingdom of NAPLES, unto Lewes his successor, who lived with great trouble to conquer the same, and with greater grief to lose it again. 1496 But to return again to the course of our history, from whence the great occurrents of that time (not altogether impertinent to our purpose) have a little too far led us. 1497 Bajazet delivered of two great fears, The Turks invade Podolia & Russia, and in their return are for most part lost▪ first by the death of his brother Zemes, and after by the casting out of the French out of NAPLES; began now to turn his forces upon the Christians, and by his lieutenant Balt-beg, Sanzacke of SILISTRA, invaded the countries of PODOLIA and RUSSIA, being part of the Polonian kingdom, where the Turks did great harm, and carried away many prisoners. But coming again the second time, and making such like spoil as before, they stayed so long, that the cold of the Winter (which in those countries is very extreme) was now come on: and in their return, as they were about to have passed through MOLDAVIA, they were by Stephanus, prince of that country, denied both passage and victuals, and forced to take the way alongst the sea coast: where many of them straggling from the army, were by the way cut off and slain by the Moldavians; and the rest, what by the extremity of the cold, what for want of food, and foulness of the way, perished: so that of that great army very few returned home. The Turks histories report, That in this expedition were lost forty thousand Turks. He sent also Cadumes one of his Bassas into ILLIRIA; who spoiling that country, with a part of CROATIA, was encountered by nine thousand Croatians and Hungarians near unto the river Morava, under the leading of county Bernard Francopaine: where after a cruel and bloody fight, the Christians were put to the worse, and above seven thousand of them slain; the rest saved themselves by flight through the mountains and woods. Of the Christians that were lost, many were drowned in Morava, choosing rather so to end their days than to fall into the hands of their cruel enemies. This overthrow was imputed to the General, who would needs give the Turks battle in plain field, although he was earnestly entreated by county Io. Torquatus to have kept the straits of that country, whereby he might have had great advantage of the enemy. Torquatus himself having lost all his horsemen in that battle, and his horse killed under him, fought valiantly on foot, until he was by the multitude of his enemies oppressed and slain. The Bassa to give Bajazet a sure testimony of the victory, caused all the noses of the slain Christians to be cut off and put upon strings, and so by waggon sent them as a barbarous present to CONSTANTINOPLE. After the death of Charles the French king, Lewes the twelfth of that name having obtained that kingdom, writ himself also duke of MILAN, as descended of one of the daughters of Io. Galeatius first duke of MILAN: in which his supposed right he was fully resolved to make war upon Sfortia then duke of MILAN. And for his better success in those wars, sought by all means he could, to draw some other of the princes and states of ITALY into the fellowship of that intended war; but above all others the Venetians, as most commodious for his purpose, with whom he made a firm league; and for the aid they were to give him, covenanted that they should have for their share, the city of CREMONA, with all the pleasant country about AEDVA, than part of Sfortia his dominion: which was afterwards accordingly performed. Sfortia understanding of this compact made against him, and knowing himself far too weak of himself to stand against so puissant enemies; attempted first to set Maximilian the emperor, with the states of GERMANY upon the French king: But that not sorting to his desire, he sought to agree with the king by offering to hold his dukedom of him, by paying him a yearly tribute. 1498 After he had thu● in vain proved all the means he could devise to have appeased the French king, & provided for his own safety; he by his ambassadors sent of purpose, certified Bajazet of the confederation betwixt the French king and the Venetians, and that their purpose was, after they had oppressed him, and some other of the states of ITALY, then with their united forces to invade his dominions: and that therefore it were good for him in time to look unto it, and to give aid against those which would in short time become his most dangerous enemies. By this means the Duke was in good hope, so to busy the Venetians by bringing the Turk upon them, as that they should stand the French in small stead. At which time also the ambassadors of FLORENCE did what they could to prick forward the Turk to make wars upon the Venetians; for the malice they bore against them for protecting them of PISA against the oppression of the Florentines. Bajazet persuaded by the ambassadors, and calling to remembrance the injuries before done him by the Venetians; first in giving aid to john Castriot the son of Scanderbag, and john Chernovich another prince of EPIRUS (whereby he lost a great part of that country, and was also farther enforced to yield to such conditions as altogether stood not with his honour;) and again by denying to give his fleet leave to put into their harbours in CYPRUS, in the time of his wars against the Sultan of AEGYIT: all which he was glad then to endure, for fear lest that his brother Zemes (then living) should by their means be set up against him; promised now to do what these ambassadors had requested: glad in his mind that the discord of the Christian princes had presented unto him so fit an opportunity of revenge. 1499 Hereupon he made great preparation both by sea and land against the Venetians, and upon the sudden caused Scander Bassa (his lieutenant in ILLYRIA) with twelve thousand horse to break into the country of FRIULI, Friuly part of the Venetian territory spoiled by the Turks. part of the Venetian territory upon the frontiers of ITALY. The Bassa as he had in charge, passing over divers great rivers, at length entered the country, burning and destroying all before him as far as LIQVENTIA, carrying away with him all the poor country people prisoners. But when he was come to the banks of TILIAVENTUM, and understood that he came too late to pleasure the duke of MILAN (for why, the French with the Venetians had before without resistance driven him quite out of ITALY and GERMANY) he there, with more than barbarous cruelty put four thousand poor prisoners to the sword: and so having filled the country with mourning and with blood, returned from whence he came, loaded with the spoil of that rich country. At the same time also, Bajazet put to sea such a fleet as none of his predecessors had before set forth; and with a great army in person himself marched alongst the sea coast of MOREA, in such sort, as that his army by land and his fleet at sea (as near as they could) kept even pace, the one within sight of the other. Neither were the Venetians unmindful of themselves, but set forth a strong fleet under the charge of Anthony Grimani their Admiral; in number far inferior to the Turks, but for equipage, strength, skilful mariners, and all other manner of warlike provision, much superior. For which cause the Turks, although defied and braved by the Venetians, yet durst not at the first join with them in battle; but still crept alongst the coast of MOREA, not daring to put farther off into the sea. In this their course, the Venetians troubled them exceedingly, sometimes making show as if they would have constrained them to fight, and otherwhiles giving them chase, never departing far from them; wisely accounting it right good service, if they could but keep that huge fleet from landing in ITALY, or other places of the Venetian territory. Most men were in good hope, that if those great fleets should have joined in battle, the Venetians should have had a notable victory; for that the enemy as afraid, kept so dangerous a course and so near the main. The longer they thus sailed, the more was the state of VENICE offended with their Admiral, that he contrary to all expectation delayed to fight, and still suffered the dangerous enemy to approach nearer and nearer their territories: and there were none which had not rather he should have set all upon the hazard of one battle, than to protract by delay a long and doubtful war. Whilst all men's minds were thus in expectation of some great exploit to be done upon the enemy, news came to the city, That the Turks fleet had put into the haven SAPIEN●●A in the island SPHRAGA, to water, and was there embayed by the Venetians. This report was of most men joyfully received, as if the victory had been already assured: and so much the more, for that it was vainly supposed, that it would be gained without any great loss. But others which better known the place, deemed of the matter far otherwise, saying, That the place wherein the enemy lay was such, as that he might safely at his pleasure depart thence. Yet forsomuch as ●he Turk's fleet was more subject unto danger in putting out of the harbour than in the wide sea, Fight at sea betwixt the Turk● and the Venetians. there was no man but was of opinion, That the Venetian Admiral would set upon them as they should come forth again. Whilst men were thus divining to and fro, and the Venetians attended the coming forth of the enemy's fleet, it fortuned that Andreas Lauredanus, and Albanus Armerius (two valiant gentlemen) but a little before come from CORC●RA of purpose to be present at the battle, were the first that began the fight; and with their two nimble ships (after they had changed a few bullets) bourded a tall ship of the Turks, being of such beauty and burden that she seemed rather a castle than a ship, whereof one Baruch of SMYRNA (a notable pirate) was captain: who after a long and cruel fight, perceiving that he must either yield or by force be taken, desperately set fire on his own ship, by rage whereof both she and the Venetian ships fast grappled unto her, were all three together burnt down to the water: many of the men (to shun the violence of the fire) leapt over board into the sea, where some of them were taken up by other ships, and some perished. Some few others of the Venetian fleet courageously assailed the Turks at their coming out; and doing great harm, put the Turks whole fleet in no small fear. But the most part of the Venetian galleys lay looking on a far off; unto whom the other before in fight with the Turks, after they had done what they could, retired also. But by that they had done, it appeared plainly that the Venetian Admiral that day let ●lip out of his hands a most notable victory, if he as a resolute man had with his whole fleet charged the enemy. After this fight the Turks held on their course, still keeping MOREA on the right hand, whom the Venetians still followed: at length the Turks fleet was come to the entrance of the gulf of PATRAS, where the Venetians again faintly setting upon them, suffered them to recover the gulf; with no less dishonour than they had before let them escape at the port SAPIENTIA. For the Venetians, having the advantage of the place, and better appointed for fight at sea, might easily (as it was supposed) have gained the victory, if the commanders (but especially the admiral) had been so forward in the service as became men of their place. But many of them afraid to fight, lay aloof; so that Dauthes the Turks Admiral (who perceiving himself too weak, had purposed to have run his galleys on shore, and so to have fled to the army at land if he had felt himself over charged by the Venetian fleet) had now contrary to his expectation recovered the gulf he desired, though not without loss of some of his galleys. Within this gulf standeth the ancient city of NAUPACTUM (now called LEPANTO) then subject to the Venetians, Lepanto yielded to the Turks. whither Bajazet was then come by land with his army; and now by the coming of his fleet into the gulf, laid hard siege unto the city both by sea and land. They of the city seeing themselves on every side beset with their enemies, without any great resistance fell to composition with Bajazet, and so yielded unto him the city, which the Turks hold at this day. Grimanus the Venetian Admiral returning to Venice, was for his evil service (or rather for that he according to his mild nature had not used severity against such captains as refused to fight) cast into prison: and although he was a man mightily friended, yet was he by a public decree banished into one of the Absyrtideses, islands upon the coast of LIBURNIA. From the first foundation of the city of VENICE was never man impugned with more spite, or defended by greater friends: but common hatred prevailing, he was nevertheless exiled. Thus Bajazet having made a road into the Venetian territory by Scander Bassa, and taken from them the city of NAUPACTUM with the country thereabout▪ returned with victory to CONSTANTINOPLE. The next year following, 1500 which was the year 1500, Bajazet put to sea a greater and stronger fleet than he had the year before: Methone besieged both by sea and land by Bajazet. and himself in person, with a puissant army of an hundred & fifty thousand men entered by the straight of CORINTH into PELOPONESIUS, and marching through the country came and encamped before the strong city of METHONE (now called MODON) then under the government of the Venetians. At which time his great fleet met him there also by sea, as he had before appointed. When he had thus beset the city both by sea and land, and with long and continual battery made three great and fair breaches in the walls, he gave unto the same two terrible assaults, and that with such desperate fury that many of them which went foremost unto the breach, overthrown by the press of them which followed, were trodden to death. Yet nevertheless the city was both times valiantly defended by the citizens and garrison soldiers: so that when he had done what he could, he was glad to retire from the walls, having filled the town ditches with the bodies of his slain Turks. The Venetian Admiral Trivisanus lying at the islle of ZACYNTHUS (but far too weak to fight with the enemy) in the beginning of the siege sent Valerius Marcellus and Baptista Polanus, with two galleys full of men and munition in relief of the besieged: and now doubting their farther wants▪ scent Io. Maripetrus, Alex. Cothius of CORCYRA, and Cachuris of HYDRUNTUM, with three other great galleys, with men, munition, and such other things as he thought needful for the de●ence of the city. These three resolute captains coming with a full wind, and packing on all their sails, broke through the Turks fleet lying in their way, and ran themselves a ground under the walls of the town: for they of the town had so barred the haven for fear of the enemy, that they could not that way possibly get in. The citizens and soldiers joyful of the coming of this fresh supply, and withal fearing lest the galleys should be fet off again from them by the enemy, came running by heaps from all parts of the city towards the sea, to receive this new come aid: which was done with such a confused disorder, that divers places of the city towards the land, were left without defendants, as if there had been no enemy near. Which the janissaries quickly perceiving, presently entered by those forsaken places with little or no resistance. Then the citizens all too late began to make head: for the janissaries already entered, made way for the rest of the army; which swarming into the city, slew without pity all that came in the way, Methone taken by the Turks. as well Grecians as Venetians, with all the soldiers but even then newly landed out of the three galleys. In this slaughter Antonius Fabrius and Bardella, governors of the town, with Andrea's Falco, bishop of METHONE, in his pontificalibus and his mitre on his head, were slain: none escaped the fury, but such as were for their strength reserved for servile labour, or for their beauty, to the victor's lust: and of these a thousand bound fast together in long ropes were brought to Baiazet's pavilion, and there in his sight by his commandment cruelly murdered. Corone, Pylus, and Crisseum yielded to the Turks. The cities of CORONE and PYLUS, now called NAVARRINUM) sometime the dwelling place of old Nestor, terrified with the taking of METHONE, yielded themselves by composition to Bajazet. This city of CRISSEUM, now known by the name of Caput S. Galli, was taken also by Cherseogles, Bajazet his son in law. All these were cities belonging to the Venetians. NAUPLIUM was also besieged by Haly Bassa, but yet still defended by the Venetians. Bajazet having new fortified the city of METHONE, and stored it with new inhabitants, left in it a strong garrison, and so with victory returned to CONSTANTINOPLE. 1501 At this time Trivisanus the Venetian Admiral died (of grief of mind as some supposed) in whose place the Senate sent Benedictus Pisaurius, a noble and valiant gentleman, who with the Venetian fleet followed the enemy, then departing from the siege of NAUPLIUM, pursuing them even unto the straits of Hellespontus, still cutting off such as straggled or tarried behind the rest of the fleet: by which means he took above twenty of their ships and galleys, and in his return took from the Turks the Island of AEGINA, and landing in divers places of the Turks dominions, left unto them the woeful remembrance of his being there. Afterwards meeting with Consaluus, surnamed the Great (sent by Ferdinand king of SPAIN, to aid him against the Turks) at ZACYNTHUS, Cephalenia taken by the Venetians. he invaded CEPHALENIA, which Trivisanus his predecessor had in vain attempted the year before, and laid hard siege to the city, which was for a space valiantly defended by the Turks▪ yet at length by the good conduct of Consaluus it was by force taken, when as Gisdare the Governor thereof, with his garrison of Turks, had before fought it out even to the last man. The city being taken, all the whole Island yielded forthwith to the Venetians. Pisaurius having taken CEPHALENIA, repaired the city, and leaving a strong garrison for defence of the isle, departed to CORCYRA: where he was advertised, That the Turks were rigging forth a great fleet against the next Spring; whereof some part lay in the bay of AM●RACIA not far from CORCYRA, some at EANTE, and the rest within the straits of HELLESPONTUS. Wherefore purposing to do some exploit upon those galleys which lay in the bay of AM●RACIA, to avert the mind of the enemy from perceiving of that he had secretly with himself intended, he sent the greatest part of his fleet unto the island of NERITOES, who suddenly landing, should put the inhabitants in fear. The captains sent about this business, cheerfully put in execution what the Admiral had commanded, and by their sudden landing raised such a tumult, that all the countries thereabout were filled with the expectation of that which should ensue thereof. The Bay of AMERACIA is so straightened on either side with the mountains of EPIRUS, that the entrance thereof is but half a mile over: but by and by opening itself into a great wideness, and running up into the land, maketh a most pleasant and safe harbour for ships and galleys to ride in. Pisaurius with a fair wind coming thither with eight galleys well appointed, when the Turks thought him to have been at NERITOES, and entering the straight, rowing farther into the bay, burned one of the Turks great galleys, to the terror of all them that dwelled round about the bay, and carried away with him eleven more, laded with munition and victual, through the straight; the Turks in vain fretting thereat, and doing what they could with their great ordinance from shore to have sunk him in going out of the bay. But having done what he came for, he returned with his prey again to CORCYRA▪ Not long after he also recovered the castle of PYLOS in MOREA, Pylos taken from the Turks, and again yielded unto them. which as it was suddenly gotten, so was it as suddenly lost. For Camalia, a notable pirate of the Turks, who had been abroad seeking after purchase▪ putting into that harbour by chance▪ took three galleys▪ there left by the Admiral for defence of the place, and so terrified the fainthearted captain, that he fell to composition with the pirate▪ to yield him the castle▪ so that he and his soldiers might in safety depart▪ which the pirate, granting, had the castle delivered unto him, which he could not with far greater strength have possibly won. So was PYLOS for fear twice in one year yielded up unto the Turks▪ and was both times the death of the cowardly captains▪ which gave it up▪ being both beheaded by the commandment of the Admiral. About the same time Pisaurius attempted to have burnt other of the Turks galleys lying in the river EAN●E, upon the coast of MACEDONIA, but not with so good success as before▪ For the Turks, made more careful by the loss they had but a little before received at AM●RACIA, did now more vigilantly look unto their galleys. So that when Pisaurius had in certain small vessels, made of purpose for that service, embarked two hundred resolute soldiers to have gone up the river to have fi●ed the galleys▪ they were by the way, after they had entered a good way into the river, encountered by the Turks, and enforced to return. But before they could get out of the river, the wind rise so contrar●● with such a stiff gale full in the mouth of the river, that the mariners overmastered with the violence of the weather, when they had done what they could, and spent all their strength, were driven ashore, some on the one side of the river, and some on the other, and so fell into the hands of their enemies, of whom it boo●ed not to crave mercy. About this time Bajazet took also the ancient and famous city of DIRRACHIUM, now called DURAZO, Dyrrachium taken by the Turk● from the Venetians▪ being before ruinous and almost quite abandoned by the inhabitants, as a place of danger, and not to be kept, now that the Turk had got all the country▪ round about it. The Venetians sore pressed with these wars so long maintained against the Turk, had many times prayed aid of other Christian princes, and were well holpen by the Spaniard in the taking of CEPHALENIA: and now Lewes the French king upon a good devotion to that war, sent the lord Ravesten with seven tall ships and fifteen galleys well appointed out of PROVINCE and GENVA, to aid the Venetians his friends. This fleet departing from NAPLES, where they had by the way put in, and passing about ITALY, and so through the Ionian sea, came to MELOS, one of the CYCLADESES; at which Island Pisaurius with his fleet in short time arrived also: from whence they by mutual consent departed together to invade the Island of LESEOS. And being there safely arrived, landed their forces, and laid siege unto the strong city of MYTILENE, Mytil●ne besieged. where by the fury of their artillery they in short time had made a fair breach in the wall. In the time of this battery whilst the breach was in making, Pisaurius with part of his fleet sailed to TENEDOS, for it was reported, That certain of the Turks galleys were then coming for that place out of Hellespontus. Which report, as some write, was of purpose given out by the French, thereby to withdraw the Venetian Admiral from the siege, that so in the mean time they being in good hope to take the town in his absence, might themselves carry away the honour thereof, together with the rich spoil. Others favouring the French, blame the Venetian Admiral, as if he had of purpose departed, envying at the honour of the French: which is hard to be believed in so honourable a parsonage, and in an action so much concerning the good of his commonweal. Howsoever it was, the breach being made, in his absence was by the Frenchmen presently assaulted: although that Paulus Valatesius the Venetian vice-admiral earnestly requested the French Admiral to defer the assault for a while, and to expect the return of Pisaurius. Which his counsel the French Admiral gave him the hearing of, but yet went forward with the assault. The Frenchmen after their manner furiously assailing the breach, were valiantly repulsed by the Turks: so that in the breach was made a deadly and most terrible fight, many falling on both sides. Yet for all that, the city was manfully defended by the Turks, and the Frenchmen enforced to retire. The French Admiral having taken this repulse, commanded all things to be carried aboard, purposing to have forsaken the siege, and so to have departed: when in the mean time the Venetian Admiral returned, and with much ado persuaded the French to stay. Whereupon the battery was again begun with greater fury than before, and now the leaders were consulting of a fresh assault to be given, when suddenly news was brought, that the Turks fleet was coming to relieve the city: and thereupon the assault was for a time deferred, and the battery continued. But those Turks which came, being in number but few, were for most part by them in the galleys taken and cast over board; some few that got to land, saved themselves in the woods and desert places of the Isle. By this time the city was again made saultable, and the Venetians with great courage assailed the breach, and had twice gained the top of the rampires, from whence they were again both times beaten down by the Turks, the French all the while looking on. Many valiant men were there slain and hurt, and in the end the Venetians were glad with loss to retire, as had the French done before. Whilst this was in doing, a pinnace came to the fleet with news, that the Great Master of the RHODES was coming with his galleys to the siege: whereupon the Admiral's determined to maintain the siege until his coming. The siege of Mytilene broken up. But the next day after, the French Admiral changing his purpose shipped his men, and hoising sail departed to CHIOS: and sailing thence towards ITALY, was overtaken with a most terrible tempest, wherein the Admiral galley with two others were lost with eight hundred good soldiers, the Admiral himself with above forty others were by chance contrary to all hope saved, and with much danger with his weatherbeaten fleet recovered the 〈◊〉 of TARENTUM. The Venetian Admiral thus forsaken of the French, and seeing the time past wherein he expected the coming of the Great Master of the RHODES, broke up the siege, and departed from LES●OS to CHIOS, and from thence to PAROS, where he found the Master of the RHODES with his galleys; unto whom he complained greatly of the inconstancy of the French, imputing it unto them, that the city of MYTILENE was not won: neither were they behind with him, but in every place where they came, laid the fault as much or moreupon him. From PAROS the Venetian Admiral took his course to the Island of MELOS; where he found one Rhichius, an arch pirate of the Turks, who by force of tempest was driven on shore, and by the sudden coming down of the Island people, taken him (for that he had exercised exceeding cruelty upon certain Christians whom he had taken) Pisaurius caused to be fast bound to a spit, and with a small fire to be roasted to death. From MELOS he returned to CORCYRA, and there wintered. 1502 The next Spring Pisaurius with certain galleys which Alexander bishop of ROME had sent unto him under the command of jacobus Pisaurius bishop of PAPHIA, sailed to NERITOES, now called S. MAURA, which is an Island parted from the firm land with a little fret of the sea, long time before that way let in by the Corinthians. Here Pisaurius suddenly landing his men, N●ritos taken by the Venetians. surprised the Island, and with wonderful celerity and industry cast up two great trenches in such sort and to so good purpose, that three thousand of the Turks horsemen coming at a low water over that narrow strait which parteth the island from the main, were with loss repulsed, and forced to retire. Whereupon S. MAURA the chief city was forthwith delivered unto Pisaurius, with the rest of the island. The Venetians weary of this long and chargeable war against so mighty an enemy, sent Lodovicus Manetius their ambassador, to Bajazet, to entreat with him for peace: but Bajazet stood upon such hard points, that nothing could at that time be concluded: yet Manetius so discreetly used the matter, that Bajazet sent with him at his return to VENICE, his ambassador, to propound unto the Senate such conditions as it pleased him to grant them peace upon. This ambassador had audience in the Senate twice, where he in the name of his master propounded such proud and unreasonable conditions, that they were by the Senate rejected, and so he himself dismissed and sent back again. 1503 The year following the Venetians sent an ambassador to Bajazet, who moved with the pitiful complaints of his own subjects, for the daily harms they received from the Venetians alongst the sea coast, as also for want of trade; and fearing also some troubles like to arise in his kingdom in ASIA (as indeed there did not long after) yielded himself now more willing to hear of peace, than before. This ambassador called Zacharias Phriscus, was well heard of Bajazet, and after long suit had brought the matter he came for into some good terms: and being honourably rewarded by the Turkish emperor, returned home, carrying with him unto the Senate far more reasonable conditions of peace than had at any time before been by Bajazet propounded. Hereupon the Venetians shortly after sent Andreas Gritti (an honourable Senator) a man well known to Bajazet both for his famous traffic in former time at CONSTANTINOPLE, and also for that in these late wars he was taken prisoner at the winning of METHONE, and his life spared at the intercession of Cherseogles (Bajazet his son in law) and afterward ransomed: he in the name of the state from whence he came, concluded a peace with Bajazet. A peace concluded betwixt Bajazet and the Venetians. The capitulations whereof were, first that the Venetians should deliver-up the islands of NERITOES and LEUCADIA, reserving unto themselves the island of Cephalenia only: Then, that Bajazet should restore all such goods as had been taken from the Venetian merchants, in these late wars; and that it should be lawful for them (as they were wont) safely to traffic into the Euxine sea, and to CONSTANTINOPLE▪ and there to have their Consul or governor as they had had in former time: And last of all, that the Venetian territory should be certainly known, and separated from the Turks by certain bounds and limits. These conditions were solemnly agreed upon, and confirmed both by Bajazet and the state of VENICE and so afirme peace concluded in the year 1503, after the wars had continued betwixt them about the space of five years. The same year Bajazet assembled a great and puissant army of his best and most approved soldiers, as well in ASIA as EUROPE, which met together at SOPHIA, purposing (as it was thought) to have invaded HUNGARY: but worthily doubting the success of that war against so warlike a nation, he changed his purpose, and leaving Achmetes Bassa with his Asian soldiers at SOPHIA, turned himself with the rest of his army into ALBANIA (to reduce those rebellious people again to his obeisance) and had before sent a fleet of galleys to stop the passages of that country alongst the sea coast. But the country people understanding of his coming, fled into the high and rough rocks and mountains, from whence they did the Turks great harm: who nevertheless with incredible labour and adventure, mounted those difficult places; and killing an exceeding number of those mountain and savage people; carried all the women and children they could light upon, away with them prisoners: and with fire and sword made all the country desolate. After which spoil done, Bajazet returned with his army to MANASTIRUM; and departing thence, Bajazet in danger to have been slain by a Deruislar or Turkish monk. upon the way met with a Deruislar (which is a fantastical and beggarly kind of Turkish monks, using no other apparel but two sheepskins, the one hanging before and the other behind) a lusty strong fat fellow, attired after the manner of his order with a great ring in each ear: who drawing near unto Bajazet, as if he would of him have received an alms, desperately assailed him with a short scimitar which he had closely conveyed under his hypocritical habit. But Bajazet by the starting of the horse whereon he rid (being afraid at the sudden approach of the hobgoblin) partly avoided the deadly blow by the traitor intended, yet not altogether unwounded: neither had he so escaped the danger, had not Ishender Bassa with his horseman's mase presently struck down the desperate villain as he was about to have doubled his stroke; but being now struck down, he was forthwith rend in pieces by the soldiers. This treacherous and desperate fact so much moved Bajazet, that he proscribed all them of that superstitious order, and banished them out of his empire. After so many troubles Bajazet gave himself unto a quiet course of life, spending most part of his time in study of philosophy, Bajazet by nature peaceable▪ and conference with learned men: unto which peaceable kind of life, he was of his own natural disposition more inclined than to wars; albeit that the regard of his state, and the earnest desire of his men of war, drew him oftentimes even against his will into the field. As for the civil government of his kingdom, he referred it wholly unto his three principal Bassas, Alis, Achmetes, and jachia, who at their pleasure disposed of all things. After he had in this quiet and pleasing kind of life to his great contentment passed over five years, of a little neglected spark suddenly arose such a fire in ASIA, as was hardly after with much blood of his people and danger of that part of his empire quenched: the relics whereof yet troubleth those superstitious people at this day. Which thing was brought to pass by the crafty devise of Chasan Chelife, and Schach Culi his boy (whom some call Teckel Scachoculis, and others Techellis) two hypocritical Persians: who flying into those countries, and with the counterfeit show of feigned holiness having procured unto themselves a great name amongst those rude people, with a number of windy headed followers (filled with the novelty of their new doctrine) raised first such a diversity of opinions about the true successors of their untrue prophet; and afterwards such a rebellion amongst the people, as that the one yet remaineth, and the other was not in a good while after with great bloodshed appeased. But for the better understanding of the ground of these troubles, which happened at this time in the reign of Bajazet by occasion of these two fugitive Persians; as also of the mortal wars which afterwards ensued betwixt Hysmael (commonly called the great Sophi of PERSIA) and Selimus, Bajazet his successor: it shall not be much from our purpose briefly to declare the great mutation which at this time happened in the Persian kingdom, as well in the state itself, as in matters of their superstition. At such time as Asymbeius Vsun-Cassanes reigned in PERSIA, there was one Haider Erdebil (whom iovius calleth by the name of Harduelles) a man honourably descended amongst the Persians; who contemning worldly honour, riches, pleasure, and whatsoever else belonged unto delicacy of life (commonly accounted the greatest part of human felicity) as mere vanities and trifles, led such a strait and austere kind of life, with such continency and contempt of the world, as that the vulgar people, for most part given to pleasure▪ wondering at that in him which they could not or would not themselves imitate, began to have the man in singular admiration for the opinion they had conceived of his upright life and rare virtues. The fame of this new prophet (for so he was accounted) was grown so great in the Persian kingdom, that people without number resorted out of all parts of PERSIA and ARMENIA unto the great city of TAURIS to see the man. And he the more to seduce the multitude (delighted with novelties) began to inveigh against the common received opinion of the mahometans, concerning the true successors of their great prophet; and to revive the opinion of Gi●ni, surnamed So●i: persuading the people (as if he had been inspired with some divine inspiration) That none of the professors of the Mahometan religion should inherit the kingdom of heaven after they were dead, The Turks and Persians differ not about the interpretation of their 〈◊〉, but about the true successor of their great prophet Mahomet. but such as were the followers of Haly, the true successor of the great prophet Mahomet, and his fellow in writing. Whom he taught them only to honour as privy to the mind of the great prophet, and so to receive his writings as of all others most authentical; rejecting Ebubekir, Omer, and Osman, with their writings, as most wicked & accursed men; whom the Turks had ever, and yet do with the other mahometans, honour and worship as the true successors of their great prophet Mahomet, and his sincere interpreters, together with the aforesaid Haly, whom the Persians do only acknowledge: and therefore in their prayers do commonly say, Cursed be Ebubekir, Omer, and Osman, and God be favourable to Haly and well pleased with him. Which their difference about the true successor of their prophet, in whom was no truth, hath been, and yet is, one of the greatest causes of the mortal wars between the Turks and Persians: and not the divers interpretation of their law (as many have written) which among the Turks and Persians is all one. Vsun-Cassanes moved with the fame and virtues of this new prophet, or rather (as some thought) desirous to win the hearts of the multitude of them that had received this new fantasy; Haider marrieth Ma●tha the daughter of the great king Vsun-Cassanes. gave him in marriage his daughter Martha, begotten of the Christian lady Despina the daughter of Calo joannes emperor of TRAPEZONDE. Which marriage the Christian emperor made with that Mahometan prince, and he also accepted thereof, thereby to strengthen themselves against the Turkish emperor Mahomet the Great; whose power was then become a terror unto all his neighbour princes: but to how small purpose this policy served them both, is before declared in the life of the same Mahomet. At the conclusion of this marriage, the emperor had specially covenanted with Vsun-Cassanes, that his daughter Despina might have the free exercise of the Christian religion. Whereby it easily came to pass, that this Martha her daughter, instructed by her mother, became a Christian also: who now married by her father unto this precise hypocrite Haider Erdebil, in short time bore him a son called Hysmael, whom she so much as she could trained up in the principles of the Christian religion. Whereby it came to pass, that afterwards when he had by rare fortune obtained the kingdom of PERSIA, he always during his life had the Christians in good regard, and never found fault with their religion. Haider thus graced with the marriage of the great king's daughter Martha, only for his rare virtues and purity of life, as was commonly supposed; grew now into far greater credit and estimation of the people than before. So that his doctrine and opinions began to be generally received, and the number of his followers so greatly augmented, that jacup succeeding his father Vsun-Cassanes but lately dead, began to have the power and credit of Haider his brother in law in suspect; and to distrust least the Persians (who secretly favoured the remainder of the posterity of their ancient kings) should assemble together under the colour of this new superstition, and raise some dangerous rebellion before he were well settled in his seat. For he was not ignorant, that Asembeius Vsun-Cassanes (his father) had but by force and policy usurped the kingdom, having killed Moloonchres the lawful king: whereof there arose two factions, some favouring the usurper, and other some the poor remainder of the descent of their ancient kings of the race of Tamerlane. Haider Erdebil secretly murdered. For which causes jacup (as he was of suspicious and troublesome nature, and above measure jealous of his state, nothing regarding the near alliance or reputed holiness of his godly brother in law) caused him, suspecting no such matter, to be secretly murdered: and so having struck off his head, with fire and sword persecuted all the professors of that new doctrine; so to deliver himself for ever of that his vain and needless fear: Hysmael the son of Haider (who was afterwards called the great Sophi of PERSIA) being then but a child, as it were by fatal destiny escaped the fury of his cruel uncle jacup, and fled into HYRCANIA unto one Pyrchales his father's friend, who then ruled in a small territory near unto the Caspian sea. Amongst many other of the disciples and followers of Haider (which in that cruel persecution were glad to fly for safeguard of their lives) the two before named Chasan Shelife, and Schach Culi, afterwards surnamed Cuselbas', in outward show both of virtue and learning not inferior unto their master, flying that dangerous tempest and passing over the river Euphrates, came into ARMENIA the lesser, and there took up their dwelling at the great mountain ANTITAURUS: at the foot whereof the broken rocks have divers dark and obscure caves, made partly by art, and partly by nature; which place is of the inhabitants called Teke-Ili: whereof divers historiographers, I know not whether deceived by the name of the place, or else wittingly transferring the name of the place unto the man that lived therein, have called this Schach Culi (who of the two proved of greater fame) by the name of Techellis, by which name we will also from henceforth call him. A thing heretofore much used amongst the religious, and also some of the children of great princes, who oftentimes bore the names of the places where they were borne, or where they most lived. This place is both wholesome and exceeding pleasant, for the variety of fruits and lively springs, wherewith the plains adjoining are continually watered, and the mountains at all times of the year garnished. Here Shelife with his companion Techellis, having separated themselves far from the company of men, and given themselves wholly to a contemplative life, for divers years lived most straightly and austerely, contenting themselves with such things as the earth of itself afforded them, without seeking for better. These hypocrites were first seen, and afterwards acquainted with the shepherds and herdsmen living upon the mountains: and in process of time with the rude husbandmen and country people, who wondering at their strait and devout kind of life, relieved them with all things necessary. Yea Bajazet himself hearing of their austere and devout manner of living, sent them yearly six or seven thousand aspers▪ as his alms given them upon charity and devotion. But afterwards when they began to tell fortunes, and as it were by the way of divination to prognosticat of things to come, the rural people held them for more than men, and conceived of them a firm opinion that they were some divine prophets. And so were by the country people first drawn into the country villages, and afterwards as if it had been against their wills, into the cities; where they had in short time filled all the country far and near, with the admiration of their fame. But after they began to publish their new phantasied doctrine concerning the true successor of their great prophet Mahomet, they wanted not their newfangled followers (as had Haider their master before among the Persians) who had them in singular reverence; persuaded now by them, that they should be condemned for ever, if they did not (as they were by them taught) give the honour of the true succession of their great prophet, only to Hali, and him only to reverence and call upon next unto the great prophet himself. When they had thus with their often sermons and blind prophecies seduced the people, The beginning of the Cuselbassas. and in short time won great credit amongst the vulgar sort, of themselves too much given to novelty and superstition; they commanded their disciples and followers to wear upon their Turkish hats a red band or ribbon, whereby to be known from others that were not of their profession. Of which red bands or ribbons, they which professed this new superstition, were and yet are over all the East part of the world called by the name of Cuselbassas, which is to say Red heads. Hysmaell his behaviour in the time of his exile. Hysmaell also living in exile, most earnestly embraced that new superstition which Haider his father had before taught in PERSIA, but with far better fortune and success. For as soon as he was grown to man's estate, he following his father's manner of life, and being by nature wonderful eloquent, comely of person, exceeding wise, and of an invincible courage, was of the rude vulgar people accounted of more like a god than a man: so that he grew to be of great fame and power amongst those barbarous people with whom he lived. And not the base and vulgar sort only, but divers noblemen also and others of good reputation, once alured with the novelty of his doctrine, the more to manifest their good will towards the author of their sect; after they had forsaken their old superstition, ceased not (as the manner of men is) to commend him in the highest degree of virtue & honour. And he himself as yet but a youth, altogether bending his wit to the setting forth of himself, making semblant of more than was indeed in him, obtained, as if it had been against his will, riches, honour, fame, and authority; of all which things, he as a notable dissembler seemed to make no account or reckoning: neither were there some wanting which would swear, that Haider his father (as he was an excellent Astronomer) calculating his nativity, should say, That he should prove a great prophet, and the author of true religion, who subduing the greatest part of the East, should become as glorious both in matters of religion and martial affairs, as was Mahomet the Great prophet himself. Which report being bruited abroad amongst the vulgar people, greatly increased his authority, and gave them occasion to talk of wonders. Not long after Hysmaell was first by the admiration or rather assentation of his friends and followers, and afterwards as if it had been by a general consent, surnamed Sophos: which amongst those people signifieth a Wise man, or the interpreter of the gods. These prosperous beginnings, with the troubled state of the Persian kingdom, encouraged him to take in hand great matters: for his uncle jacup the Persian king was long before dead, being together with his son poisoned by his adulterous wife: which thing he presently perceiving, enforced her to drink of the same cup; and because he would be sure that she should not escape, with his own hand struck off her head, and immediately after died, with his son. After whose death great troubles arose about the succession: and divers great men one after another aspired to the kingdom, which they enjoyed not long. And amongst the rest Eluan-beg (whom iovius calleth Aluantes) at that time stood in no sure possession of the kingdom, being mightily impugned by his brother Moratchamus. Hysmaell returneth into Armenia, and recovereth his inheritance. Hysmaell taking hold of this opportunity, armed divers of the most able men of his followers, and receiving some small aid from his poor old friend Pyrchales, entered into ARMENIA, and there partly by the fame that ran of him, and partly by the good will of the people, rather than by any force, recovered his father's inheritance, whereunto the remembrance of his dead father did not a little further him. He encouraged with this good beginning, daily grew stronger and stronger, by the continual repairing unto him of such as having once received the doctrine of Haider, were glad of long for (fear of persecution) to dissemble the same: but now having got an head and cheefetaine to cleave unto, began openly to show themselves again, and in great number to resort unto him, in hope of the good success of their religion, not so happily begun by his father. Suma●hia taken by Hysmaell. His power thus daily increasing beyond his expectation, he laid siege unto SUMACHIA, a city in the confines of MEDIA, which he took by force and sacked: and with the spoil thereof both enriched and armed his soldiers, which before were for most part naked men. The taking of this city wonderfully increased both his fame and courage, as oftentimes it falleth out, That haughty minds, courageously attempting high exploits, by the good event of their first attempts make way unto the full of their stately desires. So after this, Hysmaell his thoughts were not so low, Hysmaell cometh to Tauris. as to think of the taking of this or that little city; but how he might now compass the great city of TAURIS, the very seat of the Persian kings, and afterwards the kingdom itself. Whereupon reposing no less confidence in his own good fortune, than the valour of his soldiers, he marched with his army directly to the city of TAURIS, and that with such expedition, that he was come before it before any such thing was feared, much less provided for. Eluan the Persian king was then at TAURIS, and had but a little before fought a great battle with his brother Moratchamus for the kingdom: and having vanquished him, drove him out of ARMENIA and PERSIA; and afterwards, as it commonly falleth out in the winding up of civil wars, had caused divers of the chief citizens of TAURIS, which had taken part with his brother against him, to be severely executed, filling the eyes of their friends with the horrible spectacle of their dismembered bodies, and the hearts of most men with sorrow and heaviness: whereby he had so alienated the minds of the citizens from him, that now upon the approach of Hysmaell, they were all ready to forsake him: of which their disposition Hysmaell was beforehand informed, and upon the good hope thereof had hasted his coming. Eluan the Persian king thus overtaken on the sudden, had not time to raise such forces as might suffice either to encounter his enemy, or defend the city; wherefore despairing of his own strength, and justly fearing the revolt and fury of the discontented citizens, as a man dismayed, suddenly fled out of the city. After whose departure the gates were presently set open unto Hysmaell. For the citizens which in those troublesome times (wherein the two brethren contended for the kingdom) had suffered great calamity, chose rather in that present danger to receive a conqueror of so great fame as was than Hysmaell, than to their utter destruction to oppose themselves against him in the quarrel of their cruel king: and the rather, for that they saw a general security and open way to preferment proposed unto all such as should receive the reformed religion of this new conqueror. Hysmaell entering the city, Hysmaell taketh the city of Tauris, and defaceth the tomb of his uncle jacup. slew certain of the king's guard which were not yet departed, and then utterly razed the stately tomb wherein his uncle jacup was after the manner of the Persian kings royally buried. And to mitigate the sorrow he had so long conceived of his father's death, and with revenge to appease his angry ghost, he caused the tyrant's bornes to be digged up and scattered abroad, and the memorial of his name to be quite razed out of all places of the city. Although Hysmaell was thus possessed of the regal city of TAURIS, and had thereby made a way for the obtaining of the whole kingdom; yet he knew that so long as Eluan lived, his conquest was not unto him assured: and therefore to the uttermost of his power he augmented his army with new supplies taken up in that populous city, whom he furnished with armour and weapons taken out of the king's armoury. In the mean time news was brought unto him, that the Persian king before fled into the farthest part of his kingdom, was now coming from SCYRAS with a great army against him; and that Moratchamus his brother, forgetting in this common danger all former quarrels, had raised a great army about BABYLON in ASSYRIA, in short time to join with his brother. Hysmaell nevertheless nothing terrified with the report of the great preparation of the two brethren against him, to the intent he might seem to undertake this war by the appointment of God, and upon a greater assurance than upon his own strength, resolved to go against them. And so after he had mustered his army, and in best manner he could provided all things necessary, he set forward from TAURIS: Hysmaell goeth against the Persian king. using no other persuasion to encourage his soldiers, but that they should as became resolute men, make haste and follow him whom God had given them for a cheefetaine and leader, unto a most assured victory. The Persian king was at the same time ten days journey from TAURIS, when Hysmaell with incredible celerity preventing the fame of his coming, was come to the mountain NIPHATES, which parteth ARMENIA from ASSYRIA: which mountain Eluan purposing shortly to pass over with his populous army, had sent before his scouts to discover the strait passages, and a multitude of pioneers to make the ways more commodious for his great army to pass. Which thing Hysmaell understanding, and politickely considering that it should be much for his advantage, if he should first himself pass over those great mountains, and so upon the sudden set upon his enemies then lying in security, and fearing nothing less than such a desperate attempt: upon that resolution advanced his ensigns up the mountains; and having with small resistance discomfited them which kept the passages, came down the same mountains like a tempest, and furiously assailed the king, then lying in his camp on the other side at the foot of the mountain: upon the approach of whom, such a hurly burly was raised in the king's camp, that what for the confused tumult of the soldiers, and fearful outcries of the multitude of base people which followed the camp, the king could scarcely give order unto his captains what he would have done, or yet encourage his soldiers, or put them in order of battle. So that Hysmaell giving a fierce onset with his Armenian soldiers, there was suddenly begun a most terrible and bloody battle. Neither did that day the fortune of Hysmaell fail him, whose courage and prowess never failed: For assailing the king's battle of footmen, with three squadrons at once, he had overcome them and put them to flight before that the horsemen could arm themselves and mount their horses, which were for most part unsaddled and unbridled at his coming. The king, who had nothing either feared or foreseen this so sudden a mischief, but had vainly persuaded himself, That the very fame of his coming with so huge an army, would so terrify his enemies, as that he should find none either at TAURIS, or in all ARMENIA, that durst make resistance; was glad now to run too and fro to encourage his soldiers, to stay his discomfited battles, yea and to come to handy blows himself. But when neither his captains nor soldiers could put in execution his sudden directions which he was enforced to give in that imminent danger, being at once overcome with shame and desperation, he resolutely thrust himself into the head of his battle, and there valiantly fight, Eluan the Persian king slain. was slain. Whereupon the Persian horsemen, the greatest strength of the king's army, having now no king for whom they should fight, betook themselves to flight, after whom followed the archers and all the rest of the king's army. When as Hysmaell had with less loss than a man would have thought so great a victory could have been achieved, possessed the enemy's tents, he made no great pursuit after them, for that he thought it more requisite to refresh his soldiers, thoroughly wearied and almost spent with long travel and the late fight: wherefore for certain days he reposed himself with his army in those his enemies forsaken tents. Afterwards, when he had received ambassadors from divers places, yielding their cities and towns, and that the favour of the people generally inclined to him, together with the victory; he marched with his army to SCYRAS, where he was of the citizens, who had before heard of the victory, joyfully received, and his army relieved with all things he could desire. Hysmaell there entertained with the greatest honours that the fearful citizens could possibly attribute unto him, did oftentimes preach unto them of the truth and excellency of his father's doctrine, and withal gave out strait proclamations, That he would account all them for his enemies, which did not within the space of thirty days renounce their old superstition, and receive this new found verity (as he would have it.) Wherefore for as much as on the one side were proposed most certain rewards, by the happy course of his victories; and on the other, was threatened exile and torture to such as should obstinately persist in their opinion; in short time he drew all the vulgar people to embrace his new doctrine. And afterwards having paid his soldiers with the riches of that great city, he gallantly furnished both his old and new soldiers that wanted armour, with most excellent armour and furniture: for in that city, one of the greatest and most famous of the East, were many shops full of all kind of armour, which the armourers with wonderful cunning used to make of iron and steel and the juice of certain herbs, of much more notable temper & beauty than are those which are made with us in EUROPE; not only headpieces, cuirasses, and complete armours, but whole comparisons for horses, curiously made of thin plates of iron and steel. Departing from SCURAS, he took also the great cities of SAPHA, supposed to have been the city in ancient time called SUSA, and SULTANIA, which for the wonderful ruins of the huge buildings, is deemed to have been the ancient and famous city TIGRANOCERTA. Hysmaell goeth against Moratch●mus. These great matters quickly dispatched, and having in every city placed governors of his own sect, he passed over the river of TIGRIS into MESOPOTAMIA, of purpose to expulse Moratchamus the late king's brother out of BABYLON, who was yet in arms, and had intended (as is before said) to have passed into ARMENIA, to have joined his forces with the king his brother: but now terrified with his brother's calamity (who together with a most puissant army, and the strength of the Persian kingdom, was in one day fallen from the height of so great a fortune) thought it not best to try his fortune in the field against so fortunate an enemy, but forthwith to withdraw himself into the remotest places of that large kingdom, and from thence to expect some better fortune. For he well knew that he was not able to withstand his victorious enemy, now leading after him a most puissant army, who not long before had with a small power vanquished & slain his brother in a great battle. Hysmaell now by the greatness of his fame and forces, and as it were by the favour of God himself, become a terror to all the princes of the East, entered into MESOPOTAMIA after the flight of Moratchamus, & received all that great province into his subjection, every man as it were striving who should first by his speedy submission purchase the favour of the victorious conqueror. To be brief, Moratchamus already terrified, and reposing no great hope in himself, or his own power, neither deeming it for his safety to shut himself up within the walls of any strong city, trussed up his things of greatest price, and with his wives and children fled into ARABIA. This Moratchamus is he whom some historiographers call Mara Beg, and is in the Turks histories called Imirsa Beg, who (as they report) afterwards marrying the daughter of Bajazet, and recovering part of the Persian kingdom, was suddenly murdered by some of his nobility, whom he purposed secretly to have put to death, if they had not prevented the same by murdering of him first. Hysmaell having victoriously subdued a great part of the Persian kingdom, and filled all the East part of the world with the glory of his name, returned out of ASSYRIA into MEDIA, and took in such cities and strong holds as were yet holden by the garrisons of the late Persian king. And afterwards returning into ARMENIA, made wars upon the Albanians, Iberians, and Scythians, which dwell upon the borders of the Caspian: For that those nations, in ancient times tributaries unto the Persian kings, taking the benefit of the long civil wars wherewith the kingdom of PERSIA and all the Eastern countries, with the ruin of the king's house, had been of late turmoiled; had neither paid any tribute by the space of four years, nor sent any honourable embassage as they were wont, and as was expected, especially in so great a victory and alteration of the state. Hysmaell having thus obtained the Persian kingdom, in short time became famous through the world, and was justly accounted amongst the greatest monarches of that age. But nothing made him more to be spoken of, than the innovation he had made in the Mahometan superstition: for by his devise and commandment, a new form of prayer was brought into their Mahometan temples, far differing from that which had been of long time before used. By reason whereof, Ebubekir, Homer, and Osman, the successors of their great prophet Mahomet, before had in great regard and reverence, began now to be contemned, & their writings nothing regarded: and the honour of Hali exalted, as the true and only successor of their great prophet. And because he would have his subjects and the followers of his doctrine known from the Turks and other mahometans, he commanded that they should all wear some red hatband, lace, or ribbon upon their heads; which they religiously observe in PERSIA until this day: whereof they are of the Turks called Cuselbas' or Redheads. Hysmaell exceedingly beloved and honoured of his subjects. And in short time he had so used the matter, that he was wonderfully both beloved and reverenced of his subjects: insomuch that his sayings were accounted for divine oracles, and his commandments for laws. So that when they would confirm any thing by solemn oath, they would swear by the head of Hysmaell the king: and when they wished well to any man, they usually said, Hysmaell grant thee thy desire. Upon his coin which he made both of silver and gold, on the one side was written these words, La illahe illalahu, Muhamedun resul allahe: which is to say, There are no gods but one, and Mahomet is his messenger. And on the other side, Ismaill halife lullahe; which is to say, Hysmaell the Vicar of God. Whilst Hysmaell was thus wrestling for the Persian kingdom, 1508 Chasan Chelife and Techellis (whom we have a little before declared to have been brought out of the mountains and deserts into the country villages, and afterwards into the cities; and to have filled the countries of ARMENIA and a great part of the Lesser ASIA with the novelty of their new doctrine and opinions, first phantasied by one Giunet Siech, and afterward revived by Haider Erdebill Hysmaell his father) having gathered a great army of such as had received their doctrine, Chasan Chelife and Techellis invade the Turke● dominions. invaded the Turks dominion. For after that Techellis (this cold prophet) had with wonderful felicity in the presence of many prognosticated of things to come; and Hysmaell the Sophi (of late a poor exiled and banished man) was thought to have grown unto the highest type of worldly honours, not by man's help, but by uprightness of life, and the fortunate passage of an undoubted religion: such a desire of receiving that new superstition possessed the minds of the people in general, that the cities and towns thereabouts were now full of them which in token of their new profession had taken upon them the wearing of the red hat, the known 〈◊〉 of the Cuselbas'. First they met together at the city of TASCIA at the foot of the mount●●●ne ANTITAURUS, or as the Turkish history reports, at the city of ATTALIA, to the number of ten thousand upon a great Fair day; where they laid hands upon the chief magistrate of the city and executed him, setting his quarters upon four of the highest towers of the city: and farther persuaded by these new masters of this new superstition, to take up arms in defence of themselves and of their sincere religion (as they termed it) in case that any violence should be offered them by the irreligious Turks; they all swore never to forsake their captains for any distress, or yet refuse any labour or adventure for the honour of their most holy religion (as they would have it) in defence whereof, they had already vowed their souls and bodies. These ringleaders of rebellion, seeing the minds of their frantic followers so well prepared for their purpose, and reposing a great confidence in their valour and resolution; and withal considering that the money which was bountifully brought in unto them by the country people, partly for devotion, partly for fear, was not sufficient to maintain so great a multitude; gave leave by public proclamation to their unruly followers, to forage the country round about them, and to live upon the spoil of them which would not receive that new found doctrine. Whereupon they dividing themselves into divers companies, and ranging up & down the country, brought into the camp great abundance of cattle and other such things as the country yielded: and forthwith (their multitude still increasing) they entered into LYCAONIA, a populous and fruitful country, where they refreshed themselves many days, roaming up and down to the great grievance and terror of the people: and brought such a fear upon the whole country, that they which dwelled in open dorpes and villages, were glad to fly with their wives, children, and goods into the strong city of ICONIUM: for proclamations were in many places set up in the names of Chasan Chelife and Techellis, wherein many both spiritual and temporal blessings were in most ample manner proposed to all such as should forthwith take part with them, and follow that their new doctrine already established in PERSIA: But unto such as should obstinately persevere in their old superstition, after they had once drawn their sword, was threatened utter destruction without hope of pardon or life. So that all the inhabitants thereabouts, terrified with the terror of this proclamation, some for fear of death, some upon unconstancy; some for safeguard of their goods and possessions (dearer unto them then any religion) some other indebted, infamous, in danger of law: beside many fugitive servants daily resorted to these new masters. Not long after, whilst the Turks were making preparation for the suppressing of this dangerous rebellion, certain troops of horsemen sent from Hysmaell came in good time to these new prophets: for Hysmaell in favour and furtherance of that new superstition, had a little before by fit messengers, exhorted them to proceed courageously in their so religious an enterprise, and to join martial force unto the religion they professed: promising further, not to be wanting unto them at their need, but to send them skilful leaders, and from time to time to furnish them with coin for the maintenance of that war. All this Hysmaell did openly in despite of Bajazet, of small beginnings to sow the seed of greater war. For he bearing an old grudge against Bajazet, for the former wars betwixt the Turks and the Persians, as also for their disagreement in matters concerning their superstition; and pricked forward with the heat of youth, desired nothing more in the greatness of his power, and prosperous success of his affairs, than to have occasion to make wars with the Turkish king: ●●smaell sendeth ●mbassadors unto the Venetians, to ●oyne in league with them against Bajazet. For which purpose he sent his ambassadors unto the state of VENICE to join with them in league and amity, in such form and sort, as they had long time before by Catarinus Zenus, Barbarus and Contarenus their ambassadors, concluded with Vsun-Cassanes the great Persian king his grandfather. The chief things that he requested of the Venetians was, That they would send him out of ITALY by the way of SYRIA, men skilful in the casting of great ordinance, and with their fleet to trouble Bajazet by sea: promising in the mean time himself to fill ASIA the less with his army by land, and so to give a fair occasion unto them, to recover by sea all such places, as they had before in the late wars lost unto the Turks upon the coast of PELOPONESUS and GRaeCIA. The Venetians having with all courtesy entertained the ambassadors, gave them answer, That they would never be forgetful of the ancient league and amity they had made with the Persian king; the remembrance whereof, was unto their state a thing most pleasant: and that they were wonderful glad, that the new king was an enemy unto the Turk, and had them in suc● 〈◊〉, as to participate unto them the causes of that war: and farther to promise unto them those t●●ngs, which if his grandfather Vsun-Cassanes or his uncle jacup would have performed, he should not now have had need to make wars with the Turkish emperor. But such was the alteration of things and times, that as the Persian kings then living at home in peace, thought it not good to stir whilst Bajazet was busy in EUROPE; so now their state standing in far worse condition and fortune, could not perform that which they heartily wished, and most of all desired: for that they thought it not good to break the league which they had not long before made with Bajazet the Turkish emperor: especially then, when sundry warlike nations of EUROPE conspiring together, and divers mighty kings provoked with no injury, but only envying at their happy estate, made wars upon them; yet were nevertheless in good hope, that God would stand in their just defence, and still preserve their state, which no enemy's power had for the space of 700 years and more, ever been able to overcome. Wherefore they should show unto their king, that they would as occasion should serve, and as it should stand with the good of their state, do their uttermost devoir, to make him understand, that nothing was dearer unto them than the friendship of so great a king: nor any thing more honourable than by mutual counsel and combined forces, to assail the Turk their common enemy. Shortly after, the ambassadors (having obtained nothing more than the hope of a league to be in time concluded, and being honourably rewarded) returned with their galleys to CYPRUS, and so from thence to SYRIA, where they had secret conference with Petrus Zenus (the son of Catarinus Zenus, a man famous for his embassage unto Vsun-Cassanes into PERSIA) governor of the Venetian merchants at DAMASCUS. Which thing Bajazet having intelligence of, and of the passage of the Persian ambassadors that way, complained grievously both by his ambassadors and letters unto Campson Gaurus Sultan of Egypt, that he dealt not as a friend and confederate with him; in suffering those ambassadors so to pass through the midst of SYRIA unto the Christians their common enemies, to stir them up to war. Whereupon, all the Venetian merchants which were at TRIPOLI, ALEPPO, DAMASCUS, BERYTUS, and ALEXANDRIA, and especially Zenus himself, were forthwith apprehended by the commandment of the great Sultan, and carried in bonds to CAIER: where they were many times enforced in chains to answer unto such things as were laid to their charge, and after they had by the space of a year endured the manifold despites of the proud Mamalukes, hardly obtained to escape with life and liberty. The two seditious prophets Chasan and Techellis well strengthened with the aid of the Persians, were now come unto ICONIUM the most famous city of LYCAONIA; and wasting all the country before them, drew a great multitude of people to receive their new doctrine. For the repressing of which outrages, Orcanes and Mahomethes, two of Bajazet his nephews (who instead of their fathers Alem Schach and Tzihan Schach, Orcanes and Mahomates two of Bajazet his nephews overthrown by Techellis. the sons of Bajazet before dead, governed those countries) gathered together their forces, and disdaining to suffer such disgrace by such a rabble of rascal people, in the sight of so famous a city, came into the field to give them battle. But they in their youthful heat making too much haste, and joining battle in a place of disvantage, were by the rebels overthrown and put to flight. Neither would these ringleaders in that victory have forborn to have assailed ICONIUM, but that they wanted artillery and engines of war requisite for the besieging of cities. Corcutus also one of the sons of Bajazet, having at the same time levied a convenient army about THYATIRA, SYPILUS, MAGNESIA, and PHOCEA, durst not farther stur or set forward against the rebels, although they lay dispersed about the country fast by him. These new prophets with ensigns displayed, marching from country to country through the heart of the lesser ASIA, entered at length into BYTHINIA, where near unto the river Sangarius they met with Caragoses Bassa the Viceroy of ASIA, coming against them with a great army well appointed, which he had a little before raised upon the bruit of the coming of these rebels; and had also commanded Acomathes (whom the Turks call Achmetes) the eldest son of Bajazet then living, governor of the great countries of CAPADOCIA and PONTUS, to raise his power, and to follow at the back of the rebels: who if they should hap to be put to the worse, would neither be able to retire, neither to keep the field, being so shut up betwixt two great armies. But Techellis by his speedy coming, frustrated these designs of the Viceroy: for marching with all possible speed, he was upon Caragoses before he was well aware of his coming, near unto the mountain HORMYNUS; as he was then taking up of more soldiers, and daily expected the coming of others, as if he had been going against some puissant enemy. The Viceroy seeing the rebels approach, although he had before not purposed to have encountered them before he had raised far greater forces: thought it not now to stand with his honour to refuse to give them battle, although his army for most part consisted of the rude country peasants, taken up upon the sudden out of PAPHLAGONIA, GALATIA, PONTUS, and BYTHINIA, raw soldiers, and for most part unarmed: as commonly they are which in those countries are pressed against their wills out of the towns and villages, and are of the Turks called Asapi, who of the janissaries are scarcely accounted for men. But his greatest confidence he reposed in the approved valour of his ancient horsemen, by whose means he doubted not, in safety to retire out of the battle, and to save himself if any thing should fall out otherwise than well; making no great account of the common soldiers more than by them if he could to weaken the force of the rebels: who on the other side (their greatest force consisting of footmen) had no hope to save themselves by flight, but only by plain valour and dint of sword. Which Techellis well considering, exhorted his soldiers to remember into what country they were come, and that there was no cities of refuge, no new power, no other gods of defence to fly unto, if they should not that day play the men: Wherefore let us courageously (said he) set forward against our enemies, and by victory defend our lives, together with the truth of our religion, The battle between Caragoses and Techell●s. for which we have vowed both our souls and bodies. He had scarce said thus much, but that his whole army (in token of cheerfulness) gave a most terrible shout, & without farther stay, set upon their enemies. The Viceroy had placed his footmen in the main battle in the middle, and his horsemen in the wings, thereby to have compassed in his enemies: but Techellis had set all his footmen in one great square battle, and his Persian horsemen for a refuge. But the Viceroy his freshwater soldiers, could scarcely abide the sight of Techellis his army: for in the front of the battle stood soldiers thoroughly armed, and all the rest of his army with red hats upon their heads, as if they had been imbrued with blood, which wonderfully terrified the Bassas cowardly and unskilful soldiers: so that having endured the fight scarcely half an hour, they all turned their backs and fled. The Turkish horsemen which had valiantly assailed the rebels army on both sides, although they had slain many with their arrows and lances, and somewhat disordered the battle, for that the footmen were enforced to leave their places, and to press still on forwards against them; yet when Techellis his soldiers (having overcome the footmen, and dividing themselves into divers squadrons) began with their long pikes to kill their horses, and to lay hardly unto them, they likewise betook themselves to flight also. Then the Persian horsemen (which all this while had stood still as lookers on) left their standings, and following the chase slew many of the Turks in their disordered flight: and following fast on, enclosed the Viceroy as he was staying of his horsemen, and could not for the thickness of the dust well discern his enemies; so that he had been there taken, if he had not been speedily rescued by his guard, and so delivered from that danger: The rest of the Turks horsemen saved themselves by flight. In this battle seven thousand of the Turks footmen were slain, and all their ensigns taken, with great store of provision. After which victory, Chasan and Techellis resting their army one day, marched to the city of CUTAIE, near unto the mountain HORMINIUS: This city is situated as it were in the midst of ASIA the less, and is the seat of the Turkish emperors Viceroy in ASIA; as SOPHIA in MoeSIA is for his other Viceroy in EUROPE: For it was reported, that the country people had for fear of the present war, conveyed thither the greatest part of their wealth; and the rebels well knew, that the Viceroy himself with his chief horsemen were fled thither also: Neither doubted they, but that all the army might be greatly enriched by the wealth of that city, if they should without delay employ their whole forces for the gaining thereof; their enemies now altogether discouraged with their late overthrow. Techellis besiegeth Caragoses the Viceroy in the city of Cu●aie. Techellis also deeming that enterprise of so much worth as whereon to gauge his whole forces, coming before the city, placed such field pieces as he had before taken in the battle, and his archers in such fit places as might most annoy the defendants; afterwards he caused scaling ladders to be set up, and proclamation made through all his camp, That the whole spoil of the city should be the soldiers, if they could take it; with promise of greater rewards to them that should first recover the top of the walls. Filled with this hope, the rebellious multitude approached the wall, fearing neither enemies force, multitude of shot, or danger of death; striving who should first mount the ladders, and some clambering one in the neck of another, so to get up by the ruins of the wall. The defendants in the mean time from above casting down upon them great stones, timber, fire, scalding water, lime, sand, and such like without measure: Wherewith although many were overthrown and crushed to death or spoiled, yet others presently stepped up in their place; neither was any of them seen for fear of so present danger, to shrink back or be discouraged. For the Viceroy on the one side, and Techellis on the other, were both eyewitnesses of every man's valour in that hot service: the one pricked forward with doubtful hope, for fear to be enforced to give over the assault so begun; and the other, with the due regard of his honour, life, and state, all subject to that danger; and therefore in person himself performed all the parts of a worthy cheefetaine and courageous soldier. Caragoses the viceroy with his wives and children taken by Techellis in the city of Cutaie. But at length the defendants wearied with the fierce assault of the enemy, and for most part wounded, Techellis continually sending in fresh men, and withdrawing such as were hurt, by plain force broke into the city in two places over the heaps of the dead bodies: and having repulsed the defendants, burst open one of the gates, and thereby brought in his whole army. Then began a miserable slaughter of the soldiers and poor citizens in every house and corner of the city. At which instant, the palace whether the viceroy had retired himself with his family, was also taken. The viceroy himself, with his wives and children, were there also taken prisoners, and the stately palace built of marble, in a trice consumed with fire. The rich city of CUTAIE, the seat of the great commander of the Turkish empire in ASIA, thus taken by Techellis, and his whole army both beautified and enriched with the spoil thereof: he persuaded himself, that it was now no hard matter for him to take the city of PRUSA also, the ancient seat of the Turkish kings in BYTHINIA, and so to endanger the whole state of the Turks empire in ASIA, if he should now without delay carry the terror of himself thither, before the Turks could in that country make head against him, or the citizens be able in so sudden a fear to make any sufficient provision for the defence of themselves and their city; and so in the course of his good fortune to use the courage and cheerfulness of his soldiers. Wherefore appointing a day when he would set forward, he commanded all things necessary to be made ready for the taking of that rich city, being neither strongly walled neither furnished with any good garrison for the defence thereof. But whilst he was making this preparation, a new army, lately shipped over the Hellespont from CALLIPOLIS into ASIA, Bajazet sendeth Alis Bassa against Techellis, out of Europe. enforced him to change his former determination. For Bajazet awaked at the name of Techellis, and the fame of the new superstition now generally received in PERSIA, had long before given commandment to his sons, nephews, and the viceroy of ASIA, That they should with all carefulness provide, that that part of his kingdom took no harm thereby. But after he saw Techellis of a poor hermit become a great captain, and backed also with the Persian king, and all his dominions in ASIA now in danger of some great alteration, he sent Alis Bassa over with his Europeian army. This Alis an eunuch, borne in MACEDONIA (yet for his courage comparable with the greatest captains) had for his many and worthy deserts, in the time of the great emperor Mahomet, Bajazet his father, got unto himself both the honour and name of a most famous cheefetaine. He having made choice of the principal horsemen of EPIRUS, MACEDONIA, SERVIA, ILLYRIA, and THRACIA, and joining unto them seven thousand janissaries (the most assured hope of the Turks in all their expeditions) passed over from CALLIPOLIS into PHRYGIA, and upon the way directed his letters unto Achomates and Corcutus, Bajazet his sons, and to all the other Sanzackes and Governors of the Turks provinces in ASIA, That they should with as much speed as they could raise their forces, and meet him in GALATIA. But Techellis advertised of his coming, thought it best for him to depart out of PONTUS, and to retire to some place of more safety, lest by longer staying he should be enclosed by his enemies, repairing thither wards on every side, or else upon some great disadvantage be enforced to join battle: for he saw, that if he stayed never so little, he should find no safe passage or place of refuge to retire unto, having left such large and spacious countries, so many enemy's cities, so many great rivers, so many discontented people behind him; all which the first favour of the vulgar sort, and speedy course of his victory, had a little before laid open unto him. Wherefore calling together his captains and most expert men of war to consult upon the matter, it was generally thought to be a point of mere madness, or else of extreme necessity, with so small a power of unskilful soldiers, without any sufficient strength of horsemen, to join battle with such an enemy as better knew the country than he, and far exceeded him both for the number and expertness of his soldiers. Wherefore Techellis trussing up the rich prey he had before gotten, began now with speed to retire back again with his followers through GALATIA. But the Bassa having intelligence almost every hour by letters and espials both of the retiring of Techellis, and the way he held, passed over the river Sangarius; and coasting the country, came and encamped betwixt the cities of CUTAIE and ANCYRA, which way it was supposed the enemy would pass. Where when he had there a while rested his wearied soldiers, and was certainly advertised, that the rebels had taken another way, he set forward again, and after five days march in the plains of GALATIA, overtook the stragglers of the enemies, who wearied or wounded, were not able to hold way with the army: all whom the Bassa commanded to be cruelly put to the sword. And Techellis to terrify the great Bassa; or at leastwise with a most horrible spectacle to stay his pursuit, caused Caragoses the viceroy, whom he had carried along with him in chains, to be cruelly empaled by the high way side upon a great sharp stake set fast in the ground, and so left him sticking for the Turks to wonder at. But Alis Bassa nothing dismayed with the horrible death of so great a parsonage, held on his way with more haste than good speed, exhorting his soldiers patiently to endure the painfulness of the long march, and to strain themselves to take revenge of those rebellious thieves and robbers, who destroying the country before them, spared not so much as the Turks children and the temples of their religion: and so the day following came into the plains of ANCYRA. The same day also Achomates came unto the Bassa with ten thousand soldiers. Alis Bassa perceiving that he could not possibly with his whole army overtake his enemies marching with greater speed before him, and grieved at the heart to see them escape out of his hands, resolved to prove if he could with his horsemen overtake them: whereupon leaving his footmen with Achomates, he himself with eight thousand horse following the enemy upon the spur, overtook the rearward of their army at the mountain OLYGA, a little from the city of ANCYRA, unto whom he gave an hot skirmish. The battle betwixt Alis Bassa and Techellis. Techellis which a little before had taken a fit place for his camp, upon the rising of the hill, although he saw his men faint with long travel and the scorching heat of the Sun, yet quickly perceiving that he should have to do only with horsemen, and that in a place of advantage; turning his army, and orderly placing his soldiers, as the ground and the shortness of the time would give leave, valiantly received the impression of the Turks, and with their long pikes and arrows at the first repulsed them: so that it seemed, they would neither have given ground unto the bragging horsemen, neither have done any thing not beseeming their former victories, had not Alis Bassa sent in a thousand Carbines, who in troops orderly following one another, delivered their shot as thick as hail upon the enemy: with which storm many of them being slain, and more wounded, their ranks began to be somewhat disordered: whereupon the other horsemen breaking in, with great slaughter overthrew the vanguard of Techellis battle: in which conflict Chasan Chelife himself was slain. Chasan Chelife slain. Techellis always at hand where most need was, even in the midst of the slaughter of his men, set in order a new battle of his most ready and best armed soldiers, the only remedy in so great a distress; and bringing them on into the front of the battle, opposed them against the horsemen, now (as they thought) in possession of the victory: commanding them by little and little to retire unto the mountain, to the intent that they might seem to do that by commandment of the general, which they were like enough to have done of themselves for fear; hoping that it would so come to pass, That the Turks finding the disadvantage of the place, would leave so hardly to assail them. But the Bassa encouraged with the first success of the battle, exhorted his soldiers to urge the victory, now almost as good as gotten, and not to give the enemy space to recover the strength of the mountain, but valiantly to charge them, and with a little short pains that day to end all that war, to the honour of Bajazet their sovereign, and worthy commendation of themselves in general. In this sort encouraging them, he with a troop of his best horsemen (to animate the rest, and to show his own valour) broke through the enemy's battle: which thing he in the same heat, with more courage than discretion, attempting to perform the second time, was enclosed by his enemies and slain: Alis Bassa slain. upon whose fall the fortune of the battle was in a moment changed. For the Turks, which erst fought courageously, having beaten back and almost overthrown their enemies, now dismayed with the death of their General, began to fight but faintly, and by little and little to give ground, and at last turning about their horses, fled. On the other side, Techellis his soldiers, who but a little before had reposed greater hope in the strength of the place and the mountain, than in their weapons and valour, now encouraged with new hope, and taking heart in the faint charge of their enemies, began to thrust forward, and with a most terrible noise crying victory, put to flight the Turks horsemen, before wearied with long travel, when as they had by the rashness of their General lost a notable victory almost already gained. Techellis although he knew that the enemy could neither refresh his horses, nor yet with any assurance keep the field, if he should have pursued him; yet having lost many of his best soldiers, and the rest of his army sore weakened with travel, fasting and fight, determined to refresh his wearied followers upon the mountain OLYGA. From whence after a few days he marched over the river Halys unto the city of TASCIA, his old dwelling place, and so to the city of CELENIS, which the river Marsya (much spoken of by the Poets) runneth thorough, and is now called by the name of MARAS, but as then the regal seat of the mountain king Aladeules. The Turks horsemen having thus in some small sort rather revenged the injuries done by the rebels than obtained any victory, returned to Achomates, who was then coming on with the footmen. Not long after Bajazet understanding of the death of Alis Bassa his General, jonuses' Bassa sent by Bajazet▪ General of his army against Techellis. sent jonuses Bassa, a warlike captain, and of great experience (borne in EPIRUS) in his stead. Who as soon as he had received the charge of the army from Achomates, marching forthwith into CAPPADOCIA, and keeping the way on the right hand towards the mountain ANTITAURUS, came in few days unto the city of TASCIA, the place of Techellis his abode: where burning and destroying the country all about, he came and encamped with his army at the foot of the mountain. The Bassa had in his army above forty thousand horse and foot, well appointed with many field pieces, and plenty of victuals which he brought with him, for fear of want in that bare country. Techellis terrified with his coming, having of late received no aid from Hysmaell the Persian king, and wanting also great artillery; and besides that, seeing his soldiers greatly both diminished and discouraged with the late battle at OLYGA; determined not upon so great disadvantage to meet his enemy in the plain field, but to keep the rough mountain and thick woods, hoping that if he could be able any time to keep those strong places, he should either receive some aid from Hysmaell, or by the heat of the Turks leaders take them at some notable advantage. In the mean time many notable skirmishes passed betwixt the soldiers on both sides: for the Turks fetching a compass oftentimes about the mountains, and seeking for the best passages, by the easy rising of the hills, came to skirmish with their enemies: and Techellis his soldiers on the other side, sallying many times out of the woods and abrupt places of the mountains, valiantly assailed the Turks. After they had a long time in this sort, as if it had been in disport, rather proved their forces one upon another than done any great matter, the Turks prying into every corner, at length perceived two ways whereby their whole army with ensigns displayed might without any great difficulty be brought unto the top of the mountain, and so into their enemy's strength. The Bassa having well viewed and considered the places, caused the janissaries at one instant to march up to the mountain by one of the aforesaid ways, and the rest of his army by the other: who with soft pace climbing up the steep mountains, with their targuets defended themselves as well as they could against their enemy's darts and shot. For Techellis his soldiers having before taken the high mountains and places of advantage, cast down upon the Turks great stones and shot without number, as if it had been out of some strong forts. But the Turks bending certain small field pieces against the places which most annoyed them, easily drove them from their standings; the arquebusiers still following their ensigns, shrouded close under the targuetiers, and delivering their deadly shot as showers of rain upon their enemies. Whose desperate approach Techellis perceiving, caused a retreat to be sounded, and with all his army retired farther off into the higher mountains and rougher woods. The night following, perceiving that by the evil success of the former skirmish he had lost a great part of his credit and strength, he with great silence forsook the woods, and passing quite over the mountains fled into ARMENIA, than part of the Persian kingdom. Neither did the Turks perceive their departure until it was light day, and that their scouts entering the thick woods, and finding the enemy's baggage with some wounded soldiers not able to fly, brought news unto the Bassa of the enemy's departure and of his speedy flight into ARMENIA. Which thing when he by them which were taken, understood to be certainly true, fretting and chafing like a mad man, that he had not presently upon the enemy's retreat beset the wood round, he sent his horsemen forthwith to pursue them: but all in vain, for Techellis was by direct and known ways gone into ARMENIA. Some few stragglers not able to make so much haste as the rest, were overtaken by the Turks horsemen, and brought back to the Bassa. Techellis thus put to flight, jonuses caused straight inquisition to be made through all the cities of the lesser ASIA, for all such as had professed the Persian religion: and them whom he found to have borne arms in the late rebellion, he caused to be put to death with most exquisite torments, & the rest to be burnt in their foreheads with an hot iron, thereby for ever to be known; whom, together with the kinsfolks and friends of them that were executed, or fled with Techellis, he caused to be transported into EUROPE, and to be dispersed through MACEDONIA, EPIRUS, and PELOPONESUS: for fear lest if Techellis now fled into the Persian kingdom, should from thence return with new forces, they should also again repair unto him, and raise a new rebellion. This was the beginning, course, and ending of one of the most dangerous rebellions that ever troubled the Turkish empire: wherein all, or at leastwise the greatest part of their dominions in ASIA might have been easily surprised by the Persian king, if he would thoroughly have prosecuted the occasion and opportunity then offered. The remainder of Techellis his followers, flying into PERSIA, by the way lighting upon a Caravan of merchants laden with silks and other rich merchandise, took the spoil thereof: for which outrage coming to TAURIS the captains were all by the commandment of Hysmaell executed, Techellis burnt at Tauris. and Techellis himself to the terror of others burnt alive. The next year (which was the year 1509, the fourteenth day of September) chanced a great and terrible earthquake in the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, 1509 and the countries thereabouts: by the violence whereof, A great earthquake at Constantinople. a great part of the walls of that imperial city, with many stately buildings both public and private, were quite overthrown, and thirteen thousand people overwhelmed and slain. The terror whereof was so great, that the people generally forsook their houses, and lay abroad in the fields: yea Bajazet himself, then very aged and sore troubled with the gout, for fear thereof removed from CONSTANTINOPLE to HADRIANOPLE; but finding himself in no more safety than before, he left the city and lay abroad in the fields in his tent▪ This earthquake endured by the space of eighteen days, or (as the Turks histories report) of a month, with very little intermission; which was then accounted ominous, as portending the miserable calamities which shortly after happened in the Ottoman family. After this earthquake ensued a great plague, wherewith the city was grievously visited, and for the most part unpeopled. But after that the earthquake was ceased, and the mortality assuaged; Bajazet caused the imperial city to be with all speed repaired, and to that purpose gave out commissions into all parts of his dominion for the taking up of workmen: so that there were at once in work eighty thousand workmen, who in most beautiful manner, in the space of four months again repaired the ruins of that great city. Bajazet had by his many wives, eight sons and six daughters, which lived to be men and women grown, and the sons all governors in divers provinces of his large empire: whom the Turkish histories reckon up in this order, The children of Bajazet. Abdullah Zelebi, Alem Schach, Tzihan Schach, Achmet, Machmut, Corcut, Selim, and Muhamet. Yet Antonius Vtrius a Genua, who long time lived in Bajazet his court, and (as he of himself writeth) waited in his chamber at the time of his death, reckoning up the sons of Bajazet, maketh mention but of these six, Sciemscia, Alemscia, Achomates, Mahomates, Selimus, and Corcutus: naming the forenamed by names something differing from the other. Sciemscia the eldest, governor of CARAMANIA, for his towardliness most dearly beloved of his father, died of a natural death before him, and was of him and his subjects greatly lamented. Alemscia died in like manner, of whose death as soon as he was advertised, by mourning letters written in black paper with white characters (as their manner of writing is, in certifying of heavy news) he cast from him his sceptre with all other tokens of honour, and caused general mourning to be made for him in the court, and through all the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, by the space of three days; during which time all shops were shut up, all trading forbidden, and no sign of mirth to be seen: and for a certain space, after the manner of their superstition, caused solemn sacrifices to be made for the health of his soul, and 7000 Asper's to be given weekly unto the poor. His dead body was afterward with all princely pomp conveyed to PRUSA, and there with great solemnity buried. Tzihan governor of CARIA, and Mahomet governor of CAPHA, upon their father's heavy displeasure, were by his commandment both strangled. Of his other four sons, Achmet, otherwise called Achomates; Machmut or Mahomates, Corcut or Corcuthus, and Selimus; the second (namely Mahomates) was of greatest hope and expectation, not given to sensuality or voluptuous pleasure as Achomates his eldest brother, neither altogether bookish as was Corcuthus, nor yet of so fierce and cruel a disposition as Selimus: but of such a lively spirit, sharp wit, bountiful disposition, and princely carriage of himself, that in the judgement of most men, he seemed already worthy of a kingdom. Which immoderate favour of the people, caused his elder brother Achomates, yea and Bajazet also himself to have him in no small jealousy, as if he had affected the empire; and was in short time the cause of his untimely death. Which thing he nothing doubting, hastened (as fatal things are) by such means as he least feared might have procured any such mortal distrust or danger. Most of Bajazet his children were by divers women, yet Achomates and this Mahomates were by one and the same mother: for which cause, Mahomates took greater pleasure in him than in any his other brethren, although it were not answered with like love again. Achomates was lord and governor of AMASIA, and this Mahomates of MAGNESIA; who desirous to see the manner of his brother's life and government, disguised himself with two of his familiar and faithful friends, as if they had been religious men, of that order which the Turks call Imailer. [These men are for most part comely personages, borne of good houses, who in cleanly attire made after an homely fashion, do at their pleasure wander up and down from town to town, and country to country, noting the disposition and manners of the people; whereof as fitteth best their purpose, they make large discourses afterwards to others: they commonly carry about with them silver cymbals, whereon they play most cunningly, and thereunto sing pleasant and wanton ditties: for which idle delight, they receive money of the people, as an alms given them of devotion. These are the common corrupters of youth, and defilers of other men's beds; men altogether given to ease and pleasure, and are of the Turks called, The religious brethren of Love: but might of right better be termed, Epicurus his hogs, than professors of any religion at all.] Mahomates and his two consorts, as men of this profession, traveled up and down the countries of PONTUS and CAPADOCIA, where Achomates commanded, and so to the city of AMASIA; receiving for their merry glee by the way as they went, the alms and devotion of the foolish country people. And being at the length come to AMASIA upon a solemn holiday, they awaited the coming of Achomates to the church: who passing by, stayed a while listening attentively unto their pleasant and alluring harmony; which was for that purpose most curiously and skilfully before devised, and by them both with their instruments and voices, performed. When they had ended their music, and according to the manner of their idle profession expected his devotion: Achomates being a man of a spare hand, commands five aspers to be given them in reward [which is about six pence of our money.] Mahomates disdaining his brother's base reward, as a sign of his miserable disposition, would in no wise discover himself, as he had before determined; but taking horse, returned with speed to MAGNESIA: from whence he writ taunting letters unto his brother Achomates, scoffing at his good husbandry (no praise to a prince) and in contempt sent him back again his five aspers: which thing Achomates took in so evil part, as that he was never afterwards friends with him. The report of this fact was in short time dispersed throughout all parts of the Turkish empire, divers men diversly deeming of his purpose therein. Not long after Mahomates had in this sort played with his brother Achomates, he attired himself with certain of his trusty followers as if they had been seafaring men, Mahomates disguised as a seafaring man, cometh to Constantinople, and so to the court. and with a small bark came to CONSTANTINOPLE, and there landing as adventurers from sea, took diligent view both of the imperial city and of the city of PERA standing opposite against it, curiously noting how all things were by his father's appointment ordered and governed. It happened whilst he was thus staying at CONSTANTINOPLE, that Bajazet had appointed a solemn assembly of all his chief Bassas at the court; which Mahomates was desirous to have the sight of, as also of the fashion of his father's court: but as he with his companions pressed to have entered in at the court gate, they were by their base apparel taken of the porters to have been rude mariners, and so by them kept out. Wherefore consulting what to do in that case, he went and presently bought a most beautiful Christian captive boy, and the next day coming again to the court with two of his companions (as if they had been adventurers at sea) requested to be let in, for that they had brought a present for the emperor. So finding means to be admitted unto the presence of Bajazet, one of his consorts (as if he had been a sea captain) boldly stepped forth, and with due reverence offered the present unto the emperor; which he thankfully took, and in token thereof gave him his hand to kiss, and commanded a rich garment wrought with gold to be given unto him, with two other of less valour unto Mahometes●nd ●nd his fellow, supposed to be the said captains followers: who all this while stood a far off, as if it had been for reverence of the emperor, but in deed for fear to be discovered. As these counterfeit guests were returning from the court in their garments of favour, they happened to meet with three courtiers which knew Mahomates; who dismounting from their horses, had done him honour and due reverence, as to the son of the great emperor, had he not by secret signs forbidden them, as one unwilling to be known. When he had thus seen his father, the court, and the imperial city, he went again aboard, and so with speed returned to MAGNESIA. The report of this his doing, had in short time filled both the city and the court, and was at last brought to Bajazet his ears: which raised in his suspicious head many a troublesome thought, greatly fearing, that in these sly practices lay hidden some secret and desperate conspiracy, dangerous to himself and his other children. Wherefore after long discourse had with the three great Bassas then of his secret counsel, concerning the matter; to rid himself of all fear, he resolved in any case to take him away. And therefore caused them in his name to write unto Asmehemadi, a gallant courtier, and always near unto Mahomates, to poison him with a secret poison, for that purpose enclosed in those letters sent unto him: with promise of great rewards and preferments for that his service, to be afterwards received from the emperor: Charging him withal, that if he could not effect the matter, he should so conceal it, as that Mahomates should have no distrust thereof; the least suspicion whereof, would tend to his utter destruction. This Asmehemedi for some unkindness bore a secret grudge against Mahomates, which Bajazet knowing of, made choice of him the rather: And he on the other side, partly to perform the old tyrant's command, and partly to revenge his own private; vigilantly awaited all opportunities to bring to effect that he had in charge. At length it fortuned, that Mahomates having disported himself in his gardens of pleasure, Mahomates poisoned by Asmehemedi. and being thirsty after his exercise, called for drink: Asmehemedi always at hand, in a gilt bowl fetched him such drink as he desired, wherinto he had secretly conveyed the deadly poison sent from Bajazet. Mahomates having drunk thereof, in short time began to feel himself evil at ease, and presently sent for his physicians: who thinking that he had but something distempered himself with drinking too much cold drink in his heat, perceived not that he was poisoned, until that within six days after he died. Of whose death Bajazet advertised, could not abstain from mourning, although he himself had been the only author thereof: and the more to manifest his heaviness, commanded all the court to mourn with him, and prayers to be made in their temples after their superstitious manner, and alms to be given to the poor for the health of his soul. His dead body was afterwards carried to PRUSA, and there honourably buried with his ancestors. Asmehemedi the traitor in reward of his unfaithfulness towards his master, was by the commandment of Bai●zet cast into prison, Asmehemedi iu●●ly rewarded for his treachery and never afterwards seen, being there (as it was thought) secretly made away. Now had Bajazet but three sons left, Achomates, Selimus, and Corcutus. Achomates governor of AMASIA, was a man both politic and valiant; but much given to pleasure and delight: him Baiazet and most part of the great men of the court favoured above the rest of his brethren; except such as were before corrupted by Selimus. Corcutus for his mild and quiet nature was of most men beloved, but not thought so fit for the government of so great an empire; especially by the janissaries and soldiers of the court, for that he was (as they thought) altogether drowned in the study of philosophy, a thing nothing agreeing with their humour. Yet might Bajazet seem to do him wrong, if he should not according to his promise again restore him unto the possession of the empire, which he had almost thirty years before received at his hands; as is before in the beginning of his life declared. But Selimus being of a more haughty disposition than to brook the life of a subject under the command of either of his brethren, and altogether given to martial affairs; sought by infinite bounty, feigned courtesy, subtle policy, and by all other means good and bad, to aspire unto the empire. Him therefore the janissaries with all the great soldiers of the court, yea and some of the chief Bassas also (corrupted with gifts) wished above the rest, for their lord and sovereign: desiring rather to live under him which was like to set all the world on a hurlie burlie, whereby they might increase their honour and wealth, the certain rewards of their adventures, than to lead an idle and unprofitable life (as they termed it) under a quiet and peaceable prince. Whilst men stood thus diversly affected towards these princes of so great hope, Bajazet now far worn with years, and so grievously tormented with the gout that he was not able to help himself: for the quietness of his subjects and preventing of such troubles as might arise by the aspiring of his children after his death, determined whilst he yet lived (for the avoiding of these and other such like mischiefs) to establish the succession in some one of his sons; who wholly possessed of the kingdom, might easily repress the pride of the other. And although he had set down with himself, that Achomates should be the man, as well in respect of his birthright, as of the especial affection he bore unto him; yet to discover the disposition of his subjects, and how they stood affected, it was given out in general terms, That he meant before his death to make it known to the world, who should succeed him in the empire, without naming any one of his sons; leaving that for every man to divine of, according as they were affected: which was not the least cause, that every one of his sons with like ambition began now to make small account of their former preferments, as thinking only upon the empire itself. First of all Selimus, 1511 whom Bajazet had made governor of the kingdom of TRAPEZOND, rigging up all the ships he could in PONTUS, Selimus aided by Mahomates his father in law, riseth against his father sailed from TRAPEZOND over the Euxine (now called the Black sea) to the city of CAPHA, called in ancient time THEODOSIA, and from thence by land came to Mahomates king of the Tartars called Praecopenses, a mighty prince, whose daughter he had without the good liking of his father before married: and discovering unto him his intended purpose, besought him by the sacred bonds of the affinity betwixt them, not to shrink from him his loving son in law in so fit an opportunity for his advancement: and withal showed unto him, what great hope of obtaining the empire was proposed unto him by his most faithful friends and the soldiers of the court, if he would but come nearer unto his father (than about to transfer the empire to some one of his sons) and either by fair means to procure his favour, or by entering with his army into THRACIA, to terrify him from appointing either of his other brethren for his successor. The Tartar king commending his high devise, as a kind father in law with wonderful celerity caused great store of shipping to be made ready in the Pontic sea, and MoeOTIS, but especially at the ports of COPA and TANA, upon the great river of Tanais, which boundeth EUROPE from ASIA; and arming fifteen thousand Tartarian horsemen, delivered them all to Selimus, promising forthwith to send him greater aid if he should have occasion to use the same. These things being quickly dispatched, Selimus passing over the river Borysthenes, and so through VALACHIA, came at length to Danubius, and with his horsemen passed that famous river at the city of CHELIA: His fleet he commanded to meet him at the port of the city of VARNA, called in ancient time DIONYSIOPOLIS, in the confines of BULGARIA and THRACIA: he himself still levying more men by the way as he went, pretending in show quite another thing than that he had indeed intended: which the better to cover, he gave it out as if he had purposed to have invaded HUNGARY. But Bajazet a good while before advertised, that Selimus was departed from TRAPEZOND, and come over into EUROPE, marveling that he had left his charge in ASIA (the rebellion of Techellis and the Persian war yet scarce quieted) and that upon his own head he had entertained foreign aid to make war against the most warlike nation of the Hungarians; and farther, that with his army by land, he had seized upon the places nearest unto THRACIA, and with a strong navy kept the Euxine sea, he began to suspect, as the truth was, That all this preparation was made and intended against himself: for the crafty old sire had good proof of the unquiet and troublesome nature of his son, especially in that without his knowledge he durst presume to take a wife from amongst the Tartars, and afterwards with no less presumption of himself raise an army both by sea and land: Whereby he easily perceived, that he would never hold himself contented with a small kingdom, so long as he was in hope by desperate adventure to gain a greater. Bajazet sendeth ambassadors to Selimus. Yet thinking it better with like dissimulation to appease his violent and fierce nature, than by sharp reproof to move him to farther choler, he sent unto him ambassadors to declare unto him with what danger the Turkish kings had in former times taken upon them those Hungarian wars: for example whereof he needed not to go further than to his grandfather Mahomet the Great, who many times to his exceeding loss had made proof of the Hungarian forces: wherefore he should do well to expect some fitter opportunity, when as he might with better advise, greater power, and more assured hope of victory, take those wars in hand. Whereunto Selimus answered, That he had left ASIA, enforced thereunto by the injuries of his brother Achomates, and was therefore come over into EUROPE, by dint of sword and the help of his friends, to win from the enemies of the Mahometan religion a larger and better province for that little barren and peaceable one which his father had given him, bordering upon HIBERIA and CHOLCHOS, bare and needy people, living as connies amongst the rocks and mountains. As for the Hungarians, whom they thought to be a people invincible, and therefore not to be dealt withal, he was not of that base mind to be daunted with any danger, were it never so great: and yet that in his opinion the war was neither so difficult or dangerous, as was by them pretended; for as much as the ancient prowess of that warlike nation was now much changed, together with the change of their kings; and their discipline of war not only much decayed, but almost quite lost, after that Vladislaus, far unlike in policy and prowess, had succeeded the renowned Mathias in that kingdom. Neither had he (as he said) from his cradle learned to be afraid of death, or of the common chances of war, as knowing that neither God nor man would be wanting to him, who with an honourable resolution did adventure upon virtuous and worthy attempts: and that therefore he was fully resolved for his own honour (which his father had in some sort blemished by the immoderate advancement of his brethren) either to die honourably in the field in battle against the enemies of the Mahometan religion, or else gloriously to extend the bounds of the Turkish empire: and that he would not (though one of the youngest in the Ottoman family) be accounted inferior to any of his brethren in virtue and prowess. Thus was the Hungarian war never by Selimus intended, notably by him pretended; Presents given to Selimus by his father's ambassadors. and with no less dissimulation by Bajazet dissuaded. The ambassadors, although Selimus in all his speeches showed no token of peace: yet in his father's name presented unto him divers gifts, thereby if it might be to appease his fierce and cruel mind. Unto his old government they adjoined SAMANDRIA, which the Hungarians call SCHENDEROVIA, a strong city of SERVIA upon the borders of HUNGARY, with many other strong towns in the same country: they gave him also threescore thousand ducats, beside a thousand garments of cloth and silk: with good store of provision wherewith to relieve and content the soldiers by him entertained; lest that they drawn far from home in hope of spoil, should take it in evil part if they should be sent away empty handed. Selimus in a happy time having received these gifts, returned the ambassadors unto his father, with more doubtful answer and uncertain hope than before: yet changing nothing in himself of his former resolution, secret messengers and letters from his friends in the court still whetting him forward (too much already inflamed with desire of sovereignty) persuading him to make haste and to repose his greatest hope in his quick speed; for that they understood, that about the time of his setting forward, his brother Achomates was coming with a great power, being sent for out of CAPADOCIA by his father. Bajazet would appoint his successor whilst he yet lived. In the mean time Bajazet, moved the rather with the fear of Selimus, resolved upon that, whereof he had long before in his mind deeply considered, and now said openly, That he would appoint his successor, who in stead of himself, spent with years and sickness, should bring with him the flower of youth and strength of body, fit to govern so great an empire. But when these things were propounded unto the soldiers of the court by the four great Bassas (who in all things both of peace and wars had next place unto the emperor himself) it was forthwith gainesaied by those martial men, crying aloud with one voice, That they would know no other emperor but Bajazet, under whose conduct and good fortune they had now served above thirty years: and therefore would not suffer him to live a private life in obscurity, who with so many victories and strong cities taken, had brought the Ottoman empire unto that height of renown and glory. They said moreover, that there was in him yet strength enough, if he would but with the reverend honour of his age retain the majesty of his place, and the glory he had gotten with his long and happy reign, and most famous victories: and that of his children, such a one should undoubtedly in his due time succeed in the empire, as of right aught: only they wished, that the old emperor might in the mean time live in health with a long and happy reign: neither needed he (as they said) to fear that after his death any controversy should arise amongst his sons about the succession; for that the Ottoman progeny used to attain the imperial seat, according to the old custom of their ancestors the Ottoman kings, by right and order only, and not by corruption or faction. But if he would needs upon his own private good liking, or as it were by new adoption proceed to make choice of such a one, as the people and the men of war (his most loyal and faithful subjects) could not so well like of, it would be an occasion of much more trouble, and happily the means to bring in that confusion of the state, which he thought thereby to eschew. For then, beside the dislike of the people, the other brethren would never endure so notable an injury, or ever be at quiet, until they had (as men wrongfully cast off and disinherited) by strong hand and endangering of all, recovered their honour lost by the headstrong will of their aged father. The soldiers thus before instructed by the friends and favourites of Selimus, who with money and large promises had corrupted their captains and chief officers, spoke these things frankly to have deterred the old emperor from his purpose. But he thinking that they had (as he himself did) especially affected Achomates his eldest son; for that they had generally protested, that they would against all injuries defend his honour unto whom the empire should of right appertain: Bajazet seeketh to pre●er Achomates to the ●mpire. said he would make choice of Achomates, if it should stand with their good liking. But the chief of the soldiers, who corrupted by Selimus, had together sold both their faith and themselves, cunningly commended Achomates, and seemed wonderfully to like of him; yet to accept of him for their sovereign, Bajazet yet living, they said was not agreeing with the ancient custom of the Ottoman kings, neither for the behoof of the men of war, neither yet good for the state of the empire: for as much as neither his brethren Corcutus and Selimus, neither the soldiers of the court, could with patience endure the least touch of the suspicion of infidelity; which they must needs do, if he as a suspicious father should doubt either of the love or loyalty of his most dutiful sons, or of the faith or constancy of his most faithful servants, whereof he had made so many trials. Besides that, it seemed unto them all unreasonable, that by the odious prejudice of that fact, the soldiers should be defrauded of the rewards usually granted unto them during the time of the vacancy of the empire, arising of the spoil taken from them which are of religion different from the Turks. For it is a custom, that immediately upon the death of the Turkish emperor, all the jews and Christians which live at CONSTANTINOPLE, PERA, HADRIANOPLE, THESSALONICA, and PRUSA, especially merchants, exposed unto the injuries of the Turks, are by the janissaries and other soldiers of the court spoiled of all their wares and goods, and become unto them a prey: neither will they give their oath of allegiance unto the new emperor, until he have granted unto them all that prey, as a bounty, and have solemnly sworn by his own head (the greatest assurance that can by oath be given amongst the Turks) freely to pardon all the offenders, and for ever to forget all the outrages before committed. When Bajazet saw his men of war thus generally to oppose themselves against the translation of the empire to Achomates, he of purpose to corrupt the minds of them which were already before corrupted, promised to give them five hundred thousand ducats, if they would stand favourable to Achomates and accept him for their sovereign: which mass of money his customers and receivers undertook to levy of the same merchant strangers and jews, and to pay it as Bajazet had promised. Yet the overthwart frowardness of these men of war overcame the good fortune of Achomates, although the reward proposed, were great: For why, they had in their martial minds conceived far greater rewards and preferments, if instead of a peaceable and quiet prince, a monstrous tyrant of restless nature (as was Selimus) might by their help and means aspire to the empire. Thus Bajazet driven from his hope, thought it best for the present to dissemble the matter; and concealing his grief, with patience to put up that dishonour until a fitter opportunity were offered for the effecting of that he so much desired. Selimus advertised from his friends, with what affection and fastness the soldiers of the court had in the secret favour of him openly withstood the earnest desire of Bajazet for the preferment of Achomates, because he would not longer frustrate the expectation of his fauourits by linger and delay, or seem to distrust the ready good will of the men of war towards him, left the borders of HUNGARY; Selimus marcheth with his army towards Hadrianople. and with his army marching through THRACIA, encamped at length upon the rising of an hill not far from HADRIANOPLE, from whence the neighing of his horses might easily be heard, and his tents from the high places of the city discovered. From thence he sent a messenger unto his father then lying in the city, to certify him, That for as much as he had not of many years before seen him, Selimus his dissembling embassage unto his father. he was now therefore desirous to come unto his presence to visit him, before he crossed the seas back again by his appointment to TRAPEZOND: and the rather, because it might chance that he should never see him again, being now become both aged & diseased: besides that, it much concerned (as he would have had him to believe) the quietness of his kingdom in ASIA, and the unity of his children, if the controversies betwixt him & his brother Achomates, which could not safely be committed to messengers, might by themselves be discovered to him their father, as an indifferent hearer and decide● of the same. Wherefore he humbly besought him, to appoint him a time and place to give him audience in, and not to deny him leave to come and kiss his hands; which thing his ancestors never refused to grant unto their poor friends, much less unto their children. Bajazet who a few days before understanding of the coming of Selimus, and thoroughly seeing into his devices, had called unto him certain of his Sanzackes or chief captains, with their select companies out of the nearest parts of GRaeCIA, and had also set strong watch and ward through the city: fearing lest under the colour of parley his soldiers attending about his person, corrupted by Selimus and his friends (who even then loaded with gifts and promises, were secretly upon the point of revolt) should be quite drawn away from him, and so he himself at length be either by open force oppressed, or secret treachery circumvented, thought it best to cut him off at once from all hope of conference or access unto his presence. Wherefore seriously blaming him, that he had upon his own head brought his army into another man's province, that he in arms required audience, and last of all so insolently abused his father's lenity and patience; he by the same messenger sent him farther word, That he should not presume to approach any nearer unto him, or expect any thing appertaining to peace: who guarded with foreign power, had without his fathers leave entered into arms, and spoiled the countries of his friends: and that therefore he should do well with all speed to depart out of THRACIA, yea and out of EUROPE also, and disbanding his forces, again to retire himself unto his own charge in PONTUS; in which doing he should find greater favour and kindness with him his father, than ever he had before: but if he would needs proceed in the course by him begun, that then he would no more take him for his son, but for his enemy; and before it were long, sharply chastise him for his malapert insolency, little differing from unnatural treachery. The messenger with this answer dismissed, it was not long after but that Bajazet was by his espials advertised, that Selimus the night following was risen with his army, and marched directly towards CONSTANTINOPLE: whether he was sent for by his friends, in hope that upon his approach with his army, some sudden tumult and uproar would to his avail arise in that so great and populous a city. Whereupon Bajazet fearing least in staying at HADRIANOPLE, he might lose the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, early in the morning by break of the day departed from HADRIANOPLE towards CONSTANTINOPLE: upon whose departure Selimus peaceably entered the city of HADRIANOPLE, the citizens fearing, that if they should have made any resistance, their unseasonable faithfulness towards Bajazet might have turned to their utter destruction. Selimus after he had a while refreshed his army with the plenty of that city, according to his former determination set forward again, of purpose by long and speedy marches to have prevented his father's coming to CONSTANTINOPLE. Bajazet was yet scarcely come to CHIURLUS, or rather TZURULUM, Selymu● overtaketh his father. an ancient ruinous city almost upon the mid way betwixt HADRIANOPLE and CONSTANTINOPLE, when warning was given him of them that followed his army, that the forerunners of Selimus were at hand, cutting off the stragglers of his army, and with hot skirmishing stayed and troubled his rearward. The aged emperor more moved than terrified with the strangeness of the matter, because his marching should not seem as if it were a flight or chase, commanded his standard to be set up, and all his army to make a stand, of purpose, that if Selimus should so fiercely come on to give him battle, The chief men about Bajazet secretly favour Selimus, and dissuade him from giving him battle. he might ●ind him in readiness. The great captains and noblemen then present with Bajazet, whether it were for old acquaintance, or upon some new inclination of their affection, or else upon hope of new alliance and preferment, wishing well unto Selimus, and therefore indirectly and cunningly favouring him, seemed not to like of Bajazet his resolution, to be so far moved (as they said) with the youthful heat and lightness of his son, as to seek revenge by battle, whereas the victory itself could yield him nothing but sorrow, but the overthrow threatened destruction both to himself and all them that were with him: the imminent event whereof seemed to be so much the more dangerous and fearful, by how much he was at that time inferior unto his son both in warlike provision and number of men. Wherefore it were good for him (they said) to moderate his anger, and not now in the winding up of his life to make too much haste by a miserable death in a woeful battle to stain the whole glory of his former life. There was (as they would have persuaded him) but one only course to be taken full of wholesome policy and safety, and that was, That he should with such speed as he had begun, march on forward to CONSTANTINOPLE; that so Selimus excluded out of the city (his chiefest hope) and then not knowing which way to turn himself, should either of his own accord, or for fear of his father's greater forces think of return: and so with his rascal followers more honestly perish by the hands of them whose countries he had spoiled, and upon whom he must of necessity live in his retire, than by the sword of his father. The author of this counsel was Mustapha, the most ancient Bassa of those which being in greatest authority about the emperor are only of his privy counsel, and sway all matters of importance concerning either peace or war: he then upon an unthankful and malicious mind loathing Bajazet, as one that had too long reigned, hated him also for certain private displeasures conceived of the emulation of the other younger Bassas by him promoted: and secretly bore great affection to Selimus, both in condition and favour resembling his grandfather the Great Mahomet, by whom he was brought up himself, and him of all the sons of Bajazet he thought most worthy of the empire. This Mustapha was borne in the town of SERES (near unto AMPHIPOLIS) the son of a Greek priest, a man of a sly crafty and subtle wit, always subject to corruption: which diseases of mind were in him well to have been discovered by his froward look and squint eyes, the certain notes of a nature to be suspected. Next unto this Mustapha was Bostanges' Bassa, borne of the honourable family of Ducagina in AETHOLIA, and thereof called Ducaginogli: a man for his covetousness, ambition, and treachery, infamous; as the foul and miserable end of his life afterwards declared: Unto this man Selimus had by secret promise betrothed one of his daughters now marriageable, as a reward of his corrupted faith. By which slight, he had also alured ajax (Aga or captain of the janissaries, and great master of the household) to promise his aid for the obtaining of the empire; whereunto he said he was by destiny called: and by his means drew other inferior captains secretly to favour his quarrel, unto whom he spared not to promise whatsoever might please them. Yea the captains almost generally either corrupted with reward, or for fear following the inclination of the greater commanders, Cherseogles Bassa the only great man faithful to Bajazet, persuadeth him to give battle to Selimus of themselves leaned that way. Of all the rest, only Cherseogles Bassa (whom the Turks histories call also Achmet Hertezaec-ogli) a faithful, constant, and upright man, free from all double dealing and deceit, a fast and assured friend unto Bajazet his father in law, was of opinion, That the immoderate pride and insolency of Selimus, was even there by force of arms and strong hand forthwith to be repressed, before he should approach any nearer unto the imperial city, for fear of raising some farther trouble and tumult there than were well to be appeased; which was the thing that Selimus his friends most of all desired. Neither was it to be thought (as Cherseogles said) that the naked Tartarian horsemen, although they were in number more, would ever be able to abide the first charge of Bajazet his well armed pensioners. As for the janissaries, of whose approved faith and valour tried in many dangers, he had before had good experience: there was no doubt but that they would now to the uttermost of their power, defend the person and honour of their aged and victorious emperor, who had of long time so well of them deserved; and also revenge his quarrel upon disobedient Selimus, who neither fearing God the just revenger of such ungracious dealing, neither the infamy of men, had most unnaturally lift up his sword against his father, wickedly to deprive him of life of whom he had received life. Wherefore he persuaded him in his own just quarrel, to go forth unto his soldiers with cheerful countenance, and putting them in remembrance of the benefits they had from time to time most bountifully received at his hands, as also of their allegiance and duty; to make them to understand, that reposing his trust in their fidelity and valour, he had resolutely set down with himself, in that place before he went any farther, by their faithful hands to chastise the presumptuous insolency of his unnatural son, together with his rebellious followers. But now that we are fallen into the remembrance of this Cherseogles, it shall not be amiss both for the honour of the man, and the great love he always bare unto the Christians, to step a little out of the way, to see the cause why he being a Christian borne, turned Turk. For he was not (as almost all the rest of the great men about Bajazet were) of a child taken from his Christian parents, and so brought up in the Mahometan religion; but being now a man grown, turned Turk: yet so, as that he never in heart forgot either the Christian religion or love toward the Christians; a thing not common among such renegates. He being the son of one Chersechius a small prince of ILLYRIA, near unto the Black mountain, and going to be married unto a lady whom he most entirely loved, and unto whom he was already betrothed, honourably descended of the house of the Despot of SERVIA: his intemperate father, with lustful eye beholding the young lady of rare feature and incomparable beauty, desired to have her for himself; and regarding more the satisfying of his own inordinate desire, than his own honour or the fatherly love of his son, took her in marriage himself: all his friends labouring in vain to dissuade him, and with open mouth crying shame of so foul a fact. Wherefore the young man, moved with the indignity of so great an injury, and driven headlong with despair, fled first to the Turks garrisons which lay not far off, and from thence to CONSTANTINOPLE: where the fortune of the man was to be wondered at: For being brought before Bajazet, who with cheerful countenance entertained him for that he was honourably descended, and well liked both of the man and of the cause of his revolt: smiling upon him said, Be of good cheer noble youth, for thy great courage is worthy of far greater fortune than thy father's house can afford thee; now in steed of thy love wrongfully taken from thee by thy father, the kinswoman of a poor exiled prince, thou shalt have given thee in marriage the daughter of a great emperor, of rare and singular perfection. And not long after, abjuring his religion, and changing his name of Stephen to Achomates and Cherseogles, he married one of Bajazet his daughters, a princess of great beauty: and deserved to have a place amongst the Bassas of greatest honour in the court. Yet still retaining the remembrance of his former profession with a desire to return thereto again: insomuch, that he kept in his secret closet the image of the crucifix, which he showed to Io. Lascaris as to his trusty friend, as he himself reported. This man at such time as the city of MODON was taken by the Turks, and a multitude of poor Christian captives cruelly put to death in the sight of Bajazet, by earnest entreaty saved the Venetian Senators there taken: and afterward by earnest suit delivered Andreas Gritti, being prisoner at CONSTANTINOPLE and condemned to die, who not many years after was chosen duke of VENICE. He was the chief means whereby the Venetians to their great good obtained peace of Bajazet. He also by his great authority and of his own charge, redeemed innumerable Christians from the servitude of the Turks, and set them at liberty. Neither is his kindness towards the furtherance of good learning to be forgotten: for at such time as the aforesaid Io. Lascaris, the notable and learned Grecian, by the appointment of Leo the Tenth sought for the ancient works of famous writers, he procured the Turkish emperors letters patents, that he might freely at his pleasure search all the libraries in GRaeCIA, to the great benefit of good letters. Now Bajazet encouraged by this man's persuasion (as is aforesaid) and hearing as he lay in his pavilion the alarm of the enemy, with the tumult and clamour of his own soldiers, as if they had been men afraid; and sundry messengers also at the same time coming unto him with news, That Selimus with his Tartarian horsemen had almost enclosed the rearward of his army, and already taken some of his baggage: grinding his teeth for very madness and grief of mind, with tears trickling down his hoary cheeks, got him out of his pavilion in his horselitter (for he was at the same time so troubled with the gout, that he was not able to sit on horseback) and turning himself unto the pensioners and janissaries standing about him, as their manner is, said unto them: The speech of Bajazet to the janissaries and soldiers of the court. Will you (foster children, valiant soldiers, and faithful keepers of my person, who with great good fortune have served me in field above the space of thirty years; and for your faithful and good service, have both in time of peace and war, of me received such rewards, as by your own confession and thanksgiving far exceeded your own expectation, and the measure of our treasures) Will you I say suffer the innocent father to be butchered by his graceless son? And your old emperor tormented with age and diseases, to be cruelly murdered by a company of wild Tartars, little better than arrant rogues and thieves? Shall I be now forsaken in this my heavy old age and last act of life? and shall I be delivered unto mine enemies by them, by them I say, who many years ago with great faithfulness and invincible courage defended mine honour and right against my brother Zemes? and have many times since, not only valiantly defended this empire against most warlike nations, but also most victoriously augmented the same? But I will not so easily believe that which to my no small grief is brought unto mine ears, concerning the revolting of mine army: neither if I did believe it, am I so fearful as to be therewith discouraged, or to seek to make shift for myself. For to what purpose should I think of flight? as though I could in any other place find more faithfulness or surer defence than with you? And concerning yourselves, what should be your hope by this so infamous treachery? If any of you (for I cannot believe that you are all so mad) without regard of faith, of worldly shame, or the fear of God, have polluted your minds with the pernicious conceit of so foul a treason; do you think to gain greater rewards and preferments by your treachery and villainy, than by your fidelity and constancy? There be many which careful of my person, persuade me to reserve this my sick and feeble body unto my better fortune, and to commit myself to flight; so rather to save my life with shame and infamy, than to end my days with honour and glory: Which is so far from my thought for the apprehension of any fear to do, that I will to the contrary forthwith give the fierce enemy battle; and in this my last danger make proof of all your fidelity and valour, and of every one of your goodwills in particular: and so by the conduct of the highest, either defeat the power and break the strength of this graceless man, or else having reigned above thirty years an emperor, end my days together with them which shall unto the end continue with me in their faithfulness and loyalty, although I should be most shamefully and dishonourably betrayed and forsaken of some of mine own guard: which thing though lying fame would make me believe, yet will I not fear it until I see the proof thereof. The common sort of the janissaries, The common sort of the janissaries faithful to Bajazet desire battle. unto whom the great commanders and captains corrupted by Selimus, had not for their levity and multitude communicated their purpose of transferring the empire to Selimus: began to cry out as if it had been with general consent, That he should not doubt to join battle with his enemies, and so to make proof of their constant fidelity and wont valour. Which was done with such a cheerfulness and desire expressed by great shouts, clapping of hands, and clattering of armour, that it seemed they would play the parts of resolute soldiers, and that as guiltless men they took it grievously to be once suspected of treason or infidelity. Others also who secretly and in heart were well affected to Selimus, for fashion sake followed them with like cry: but especially the great commanders both of the army and of the emperors court, now changing their affection (whether it were for shame of the fact, or for fear of discovering themselves out of season, is uncertain.) Wherefore according to the manner of such men, which through their mutability and mischievous disposition, fearing to be convinced and discovered, add unto the present a second and new treason or treachery, to cover the former: so Mustapha and Bostanges (not daring now to show themselves for Selimus) to make a great show of their feigned loyalty towards Bajazet, departed themselves out of his pavilion, to encourage the soldiers and to martial the battle. Bajazet sick in his chariot, The battle betwixt Bajazet and Selimus. by the advise of Cherseogles the faithful Bassa, placed his battle in this order: The Sanzakes (which are the governors of provinces) with their horsemen, in number about six thousand, he set in the front of the battle: The Spachi-oglans and Siliphtars, which are the chief horsemen of the court (and as it were the emperors pensioners) were placed as two wings on each side of the great squadron of the janissaries; in the midst whereof was old Bajazet himself. Other four thousand horsemen (servants to the great men of the court) were left in the rearward, and to guard the baggage. These slaves (for so indeed they are) for their apparel and furniture, yea and valour also, are little inferior to their masters, by whom they are so sumptuously maintained both for strength and ostentation. The battle thus ordered, Bajazet commanded the trumpets to sound, and a red ensign in token of battle to be displayed. On the other side, Selimus placing his Tartarian horsemen in both wings, and his Turks in the midst in manner of an half moon, for that he in number of horsemen far exceeded his father, did almost on every side enclose him, and so charge him. The Tartars when they were come within an hundred paces of their enemies, casting themselves (after the manner of their fight) into great rings, empty within in manner of a crown, and so running round, that they might both backward and forward deliver their arrows, cast upon their enemies whole showers of shot as if it had been hail, to the great annoyance of the Turks: when as in the mean time, the other Tartarian archers farther off, shooting their arrows not right forth, but more upright towards heaven, which falling directly down sore gauled the Turks horses also. But the old soldiers (taught by the example of their captains) serred close together, and casting their targets over their heads, as if it had been one whole roof or penthouse, received their arrows with less harm, and hasted with as much speed as they could to come to handy blows. The pensioners also at the same instant bravely charged the middle of Selimus his battle, where his Turkish horsemen stood: and Atax (captain of the janissaries) drawing out seven hundred ready arquebusiers out of the squadron of the janissaries, with them assailed the hindmost of one of the wings of the Tartars: and the four thousand servants left in the rearward, as desirous as the rest to show their forwardness, with great slaughter repulsed the other wing of the Tartars, which came to have spoiled the Turks carriages. This fierce battle betwixt the father and the son▪ with doubtful event endured from noon until the going down of the Sun: Selimus in many places still restoring his declining battle, and fight himself, as for an empire. But after that the Tartars, hardly charged by the arquebusiers, were not able to abide the shot, especially their horses being with the unwonted noise thereof wonderfully terrified, Selimus his army put to flight. and so carrying back their riders whether they would or no, began to fly; the rest of the horsemen could neither by commandment, threatening, or wounds, be enforced to stay, but turned their backs and fled. The footmen also whom Selimus had attired and armed after the manner of the janissaries, being forsaken of their own horsemen, were now by Bajazet his horsemen compassed about and almost all slain. Selimus his army thus overthrown, and himself hardly beset, was by certain troops of his Turkish horsemen which yet stayed with him, delivered from the present danger; and being wounded, was mounted upon a fresh horse, and so with all the speed he could fled after the Tartars. But doubting to be pursued and overtaken by his father's speedy horsemen, he changed his horse, and took another of a wonderful swiftness: and so reserving himself to his future fortune, with a few of his followers fled to VARNA, and from thence by sea to CAPHA. The estimation Selimus had of his horse whereon he escaped from his father. The horse whereon Selimus fled, was all coal black, called Carabulo (that is to say, a Black cloud) whom Selimus as a good servitor ever after exempted from all service: and had him in such estimation, that covered with cloth of gold, he was as a spare horse without a rider led after him in all his great expeditions, first into PERSIA, and afterward into EGYPT, where he died at CAIRO, and there to the imitation of Bucephalus, Great Alexander's horse, had a monument erected for him: wherein Selimus showed himself more kind than to his own brethren, whom he cruelly murdered, and hardly afforded to some of them so honourable a sepulture. In this battle of forty thousand which Selimus brought into the field, escaped not above eight thousand, but they were either slain or taken prisoners. Of Bajazet his army were lost about seven hundred, and three thousand hurt with Tartarian arrows: which loss he presently revenged, with extreme cruelty causing all such as were taken prisoners, to be without mercy put to the sword in his sight; whose heads were laid together by heaps, and their dead bodies as if they had been towers. Of this notable battle betwixt the father and the son in the year 1511, CHIURLUS, called in ancient time TZURULUM, before an obscure old ruinous city (or as iovius calleth it, a village) became famous; but much more afterwards by the fatal destiny of Selimus: who not many years after (strucken with a most loathsome and incurable disease) ended his days in the same place with an untimely and tormenting death, God (as is to be thought) with revenging hand in the same place taking just punishment for his former disloyalty towards his aged father, as shall hereafter be in due time and place declared. Three days Bajazet lay still in the same place where he had obtained the victory, until such time as all his soldiers were again returned from the chase of the enemy: after that, he held on his way to CONSTANTINOPLE, and there bountifully rewarded his soldiers. In the mean time Achomates hearing of all the trouble which had happened betwixt his father and his brother Selimus, with the event thereof, came with an army of twenty thousand from AMASIA, through the countries of GALATIA and BYTHINIA, unto the city of SCUTARI, called in ancient time CHRISOPOLIS (though some suppose it to have been the famous city of CHALCEDON) which city is situated upon the straight of Bosphorus directly against the city of CONSTANTINOPLE. In this place Achomates encamped his army, near unto the sea side, expecting what course his father should take after so great a victory. For beside the prerogative of his age, and the especial love of his father towards him, the general affection of the vulgar people, with the good opinion he had of himself, had already filled his mind with the hope of the empire: wherefore he ceased not night and day to send messengers over that narrow strait to CONSTANTINOPLE, & earnestly to solicit Bajazet his father in so fit an occasion to make haste to dispatch what he had so long before determined, concerning the resignation of the empire. He also importuned his friends and familiars in best manner he could to commend him to his father, and in most ample sort to extol his grave purpose for translation of the empire, and to do the uttermost of their devoir, that seeing God and good fortune had justly overthrown the rash attempt and force of his brother Selimus, he by their good means might the sooner obtain the empire, whereof he was the undoubted heir. Bajazet, who of himself and according to his old good liking was altogether desirous of the preferment of Achomates, Bajazet willing to pre●er Achomates to the empire. was by their persuasions easily entreated to hasten the performance of that he had before determined for the transferring of the empire. And making no great secret of the matter, commanded certain galleys to be made ready for the transporting of Achomates from SCUTARI to CONSTANTINOPLE. But the great Bassas with the soldiers of the court (the secret fauourits of Selimus) understanding the matter, began again openly to resist and impugn his purposed determination, and to allege the same reasons they had before at HADRIANOPLE alleged: in fine they said plainly, That they would by no means suffer him so far to disable himself as an insufficient man to resign the empire, who of late had with so valiant and courageous an heart fought for the honour of his crown and dignity; and that therefore so long as he lived, they would acknowledge no other sovereign but Bajazet: yet for all that as they meant not thereby to cut off Achomates his hope, so neither ought he to distrust the good will of the men of war; but that he being a man of most approved & known valour, might in due time with their general good liking enjoy his right, which should then without all question be due unto him as the eldest son of their emperor. They said moreover, that they had in the late battle against Selimus sufficiently declared what minds they were of both towards their emperor and Achomates, and what confidence they were to repose in the fidelity of their soldiers; who to manifest their faithfulness and loyalty, had not refused to offer themselves unto the hazard of a most unequal battle, yea their lives unto death itself. O foul dissimulation, the covert mask of all mischief, under which, mere treachery is here pretended for great loyalty, the aged emperor too too much flattered, Achomates shamefully deluded, and (the man that might not as then without some addition of disgrace be named) Selimus, even bloody Selimus, secretly sought for above all men to be preferred! Bajazet by this offwardnesse and insolency of the soldiers again disappointed of his purpose, or else (as some thought) delighted with the sweetness of sovereignty: for that after the late victory he seemed (as one grown young again) neither to feel himself old or unable still to govern so great an empire; sent word to Achomates, how the matter stood, and that he should forthwith depart from SCUTARI to his old charge at AMASIA, from whence he would again call him at such time as he had with new bounty won the minds of the soldiers, and procured the good liking of other the great men in court, whereby so great a matter and not usual, might the better and with more security be effected. Achomates thus deceived of his hope and expectation, grievously complaining that he was so mocked of his father, and contemned of the soldiers of the court, began to mix his new requests with words of heat and discontentment, and to inveigh against his father, for making him a byword (as he termed it) and a laughing stock unto the world, after he had taken the pains to come so far, and that by his special appointment. But if he proceeded so to dote, and to make so great reckoning of the soldiers of the court, that in respect thereof he neither regarded his promise, nor that was right and just, he would himself by force of arms take upon him the defence of his own honour and right, so light esteemed by his father, and revenge the disgrace offered unto him by others. Whereunto Bajazet answered by the Cadelescher (which is a man of greatest place and authority amongst the Turks in matters concerning their superstition, and therefore of them honoured above others, as the sacred interpreter of their law) that he did neither well nor wisely without just cause to fall into so great rage and choler, as by his speech and force to think to extort that good which was only by love and loyalty to be gained: whereas all things should be surely kept for him, and the empire undoubtedly descend unto him, if by untimely hast he did not mar that hope which he ought by sufferance and patient expectation to cherish: he might (as the Cadelescher told him) learn by the late example and fortune of his brother Selimus, what might be for his own good and welfare; and that it was a thing of far more danger, desperately to thrust himself headlong into such an action as he could not possibly see the end of, than moderating by reason his hot passions, to expect with patience the opportunity of time, and fitness of occasion, with the alteration of matters, all tending to his good. Achomates inflamed with anger and grief of the repulse, all the while the Cadelescher was delivering his father's message, gave him many sharp taunts, and had much ado to stay himself from offering of him violence; oftentimes threatening him, that in short time both his father should dearly buy the changing of his purpose, and the soldiers of the court their treacherous dealing: and so sending him away with this short answer, he presently rise with his army, and passing through BYTHINIA, cruelly spoiled the country in his return to AMASIA. There daily more and more inflamed with the grief and the indignity of the repulse before received, he determined to invade the lesser ASIA: that if it should so fall out, that he must needs by force of arms try his right against either of his brethren, he might therein use the wealth of that rich province. Whereby if it should chance that he should by the practice of any fail of the whole empire, yet he should at the leastwise be possessed of the one half thereof, and be the readier for all events, having all those great and rich provinces in his power. Wherefore calling unto him his two sons, Achomates inciteth his two sons 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 to take part with him against their grandfather 〈◊〉. Amurathes and Aladin, young princes of great hope, after he had grievously complained of the unkindness of his father Bajazet, and of the injuries done against him by his enemies in the court, he declared unto them, that there was now no hope left for him to obtain the empire, except they would forthwith enter into arms with him, and so together with him defend both his and their own right and honour, against the malice and injuries of their enemies: which he said, would be an easy matter to do by surprising the lesser ASIA, if they would courageously adventure upon it; for as much as all PISIDIA, LYCAONIA, PAMPHYLIA, with the sea coast of JONIA, were not as then kept with any army or navy: and as for his brother Corcutus, there was no great doubt to be made of him, who according to his quiet disposition would be content either to sit still, or else in regard of his just quarrel take part with him; or if he would needs intermeddle his quiet estate with the troubled, and so enter into arms, might easily be thrust out of whatsoever he possessed: as for the governors of the rest of the provinces, he doubted not, but that they would also yield either to his command or fortune. Wherefore he willed them to pluck up their hearts as men of courage, and to go into the countries thereabouts to take up men, and whatsoever else were needful for the wars. These gallants, of their own youthful disposition ready enough for such a matter, and now encouraged with their father's persuasion, did what they were by him commanded, and had in short time raised a notable army of voluntary soldiers, of whom the greatest part were of servile condition. But Achomates himself, besides his old army which he had in former time lead against the Persian rebels, levied new forces also, and called forth into the field all the able men that were to be found in the cities round about: and so running through the province, proclaimed himself king of ASIA, and such as would not forthwith yield unto him, those he and his two sons in divers places prosecuted with all hostility: by which means many cities, especially such as were but weakly fortified, partly for fear, partly by constraint were delivered over unto him. After that, he entered with his army into LYCAONIA, and the borders of CILICIA, where by ambassadors and often letters he requested Mahomates his brother's son (who then governed those countries) to aid him in his just quarrel against them, who by crafty and sinister persuasions had to his dishonour and disgrace withdrawn his father's good will from him, and so far seduced him, as that he was determined to appoint another successor in the empire, than him his eldest and first begotten son: which their malice he would (as he said) prevent, & by force of arms recover his right, which his father knowing to be due unto him, was about to have put him in possession of whilst he yet lived, had he not by the sinister practice of others been hindered: for the recovery whereof, if Mahomates would out of his province aid him with men and victual, and so further his just cause, he promised that he should find a far better uncle than he had found a father; and that his present friendship should in time be most amply and bountifully requited. Whereunto Mahomates answered, that he could not do what his uncle had required, except he were so commanded by his grandfather Bajazet, whom alone he acknowledged for his dread sovereign: & that it was not for him to judge, whether he did right or otherwise, That he would not in his life time resign the empire to his son. But this (he said) he was not ignorant of, that he was not to yield his obedience to any other, so long as he lived possessed of the empire: to whom both his father Tzihan Shach whilst he lived, and himself also had given their oath of obedience and loyalty. Wherefore it were good for him to pacify himself, least in seeking untimely revenge of his enemies, he should to the offence of all men wrong his father: and by too much heat and hast overthrow both his hope and honour; which of right should be most great, if he could but in the mean time have patience, and stay himself a while. A●homates, who expected nothing less than such an answer, but thought that Mahomates would either for love or fear have presently come unto him; and now finding his requests to be with greater gravity and consideration denied by his nephew, than they were by reason of him demanded; entered with his army into the borders of his province, and with fire and sword began to destroy the country before him. Which Mahomates with such power as he had thinking to remedy, was by the way encountered by his uncle not far from LARENDA, and there overthrown: and taking that city for refuge, was the●e certain days besieged by Achomates; and at last together with his brother (than but a child) delivered into his hands, at such time as the city was by the fearful citizens by composition yielded unto him. Achomates having taken the city with his two nephews, caused Mahomates his counsellors, with his foster brother, by whose persuasion it was supposed that he had so answered his uncle and endangered himself, to be all put to death. These proceedings of Achomates filled Bajazet with grief and indignation, 1512 that he should in so great years be set upon by two of his own sons, Bajazet sends ambassadors to Achomates. one after the other. Yet to prove if those troubles might with out more bloodshed be pacified, he sent his ambassadors unto him to reprove him for his disloyalty; and to command him forthwith to set at liberty his two nephews, Mahomates and his brother, and so without more stir to get him again to AMESIA: which if he should refuse to do, then to denounce unto him open war. But he, which by how much the more he had after his repulse ambitiously affected the empire, had resolved with himself to deal so much the more cruelly in his proceedings: having received this message from his father, caused the chief ambassador (for that he had in frank speech delivered his message and denounced unto him wars) to be in his own presence put to death; Achomates ki●leth his father's ambassadors. and threatened the rest with the like, if before the going down of the sun they voided not his camp. This outrage highly offended Bajazet, and alienated the minds of many before well affected to Achomates: for that without any reverence of his father and contrary to the law of nations, he had violated the ambassadors sent to him for peace. Upon the first brute hereof, the soldiers which then waited at the court gate, in the hearing of Bajazet exclaimed, that the insolency of Achomates was not longer to be suffered, but forthwith by force to be repressed; that by sufferance and delay he would grow from evil to worse; and that if Bajazet should prolong the time, and in fatherly sort seek by fair means to reclaim him, he should afterwards in vain crave the aid of his best soldiers against his rebellious son strengthened by his own long sufferance. Mustapha also the chief Bassa, with Bostanges and others of great place (who secretly favoured Selimus, and had cunningly caused these things by fit men to be dispersed amongst the soldiers) began at the first to mutter, and as it were to wonder at the strangeness and heinousness of the fact; in such sly sort, as if they had condemned the deed done, but not the doer. But afterward, when they saw that Bajazet was thoroughly heated, both by his own angry disposition and the speech of the soldiers, and upon the confidence of his former victory against Selmus, now ready to seek revenge; they began then to heap fresh coals upon the fire, and bitterly to inveigh against Achomates, as a traitor to his aged father and the state; and withal highly commended the fidelity and courage of the janissaries and soldiers of the court, who for the safety and honour of their aged emperor, were most priest and ready to expose themselves, their lives, and whatsoever else they had, unto new dangers. So was Achomates by the craft and subtlety of these great men, by the anger of his father, and the judgement of the soldiers, Achomates proclaimed traitor▪ proclaimed traitor; and order taken, that the soldiers of the court with the Europeian horsemen, should with all possible speed be sent against him into ASIA. But when choice was to be made ofsome valiant and worthy General that might take upon him so great a charge, which seemed especially to appertain unto some one of the great Bassas: it was strange to see, how they all began to strain courtesy at that preferment, and every one to refuse the place and disable himself, saying, That it were a great indignity, that the emperors army should be led against his son by any of his servants: and the soldiers (having their lesson before hand) said plainly, That they durst not, nor would not draw their swords or lift up their hands against the son of the emperor, and heir apparent of the empire, except they were conducted and commanded by some of the Ottoman blood in person present with them: for so had his brother, long before when he rebelled in CILICIA, and now of late Selimus his rebellious son, been both overthrown and vanquished, even by the conduct of Bajazet himself, and not by any of his servants. These things all tended to this purpose, that Selimus might by indirect means be reconciled to his father (whom they secretly favoured, although for fear of displeasure they durst not so much as name him but by way of disgrace) and by this very means to make way for his return to CONSTANTINOPLE, and so consequently, give him power to seize upon the empire. For it was probably supposed, that neither Baiazet himself, being very aged and diseased; neither Corcutus, altogether buried in his study, would undertake the managing of those wars: so that of the Ottoman family only Selimus was left to whom that charge might be committed, all the nephews of Bajazet by reason of their tender years, as yet unfit for the same. At these speeches of the Bassas and the soldiers, Bajazet as a man perplexed and in a chafe, flung away into his palace, excusing himself by his great years and diseased body: but complaining deeply, that Corcutus in following the vain title of learning, with a quiet contented kind of life, had in the mean time neglected other studies and honourable qualities, better beseeming his princely birth and calling. As he was thus reasoning with himself, and devising what course to take; Mustapha the old Bassa, who all the time of his reign had used to disburden him of his cares, having by way of talk drawn him into a full discourse concerning the proceeding in the intended war, set upon him with this crafty and premeditated speech, framed of purpose for his destruction. Your Majesty may not (most dread sovereign) although by years and strength of body you were never so well able, The crafty oration of the great B●ssa Mustapha to Bajazet, for the bringing home of Selimus you may not I say, either transport your army, or yourself pass over in person into ASIA; lest whilst you are there, from place to place chase Achomates, you leave a far more dangerous enemy behind you in EUROPE; who may in your absence seize upon THRACIA, GRaeCIA, yea and the imperial city itself, destitute of sufficient defendants. Do we not hear, that Selimus is raising of new forces above VARNA? to expect a new supply of horsemen from the Tartar king his father in law? and already as it were hovering over our heads? Is he not of greater spirit and courage, than to be daunted or dismayed with the misfortune of one battle? Or if you shall end over your old beaten soldiers into ASIA, and call Corcutus into EUROPE with the forces he levied the last year, who in time of your sickness may withstand the attempts of Selimus: will he fear these fresh water soldiers of ASIA, or their philosophical General, which feared not the soldiers of your court, the picked and chosen men of the world, and yourself a most worthy and victorious emperor? You are deceived, and (if I may be bold so to say) you thoroughly see not into the doubtful event of things, if you think not that you must at one time wage war against two dangerous enemies, even i● the remotest parts of your empire, in ASIA and EUROPE: For whilst you shall go about to expulse Achomates out of CAPADOCIA, Selimus nearer at hand, and waiting all opportunity; will by and by at your back, raise a most dangerous war in the very heart and chief strength of your e●pire. But if you moved with the greatness and due consideration of the danger, shall go about to defend THRACIA, and for that purpose retain with you the most approved and faithful soldiers of the court, you shall see all ASIA on a fire before your face: neither will Achomates make an end of waist and war, until such time as he have drawn the empire of ASIA to himself. Wherefore if it be not to be imputed to your fault, but to your fate or fortune, that two begotten of yourself, should by yourself and the consent of all men be adjudged traitors unto your crown and dignity; whereof the one through rashness, the other upon pride and vain discontentment, hath risen up in arms against you: why do you not in so doubtful and perplexed a matter, prefer safe and sound advise before that which masketh under the show of majesty and honour? and whom you cannot both at one time correct and be revenged upon, to set upon them as occasion shall serve when they are together by the ears betwixt themselves? This is the only hope of your safety, this is the only way, if you shall resolve (as the common proverb saith) to drive out one nail with another, and so to overcome your enemies. Moderate a while your hot desire of revenge, and for the present dissemble yo●● grief; grant unto one of them pardon, and in show take him into your grace and favour, employ him against the other: so shall you without danger, howsoever it fall out, persecute the one whom you love not, with the hazard of the other whom you trust not: and at your pleasure oppress him, to whom you shall commit your ensigns and army; the hands of your faithful and trusty soldiers being ever at your appointment ready to take revenge. So shall you with security make an end of this war, exposing unto the danger him whom you had rather to overcome (as your enemy) by him whom you wish also to perish. Mustapha had scarce made an end of speaking, but the other Bassas (as they had before agreed amongst themselves) began where he left, and with all their cunning laboured to persuade Bajazet to call home his son Selimus, and to make him General of his army against his brother: saying, That he had already endured sufficient punishment for his former disloyalty, and that therefore it was like that he as a well corrected child would from thenceforth contain himself within the compass of his most dutiful obedience: whereas Achomates proud of his birthright, having of late violated his father's ambassadors, and filled all ASIA with rebellion, was not like to be brought to any reasonable conformity, until he were by force of arms plucked down, and so made to know himself, in like manner as was his brother Selimus of late. Bajazet seeing that in resolving of a matter of so great consequence, Cherseogles Bassa (his son in law, and the only faithful counsellor then about him) sat all silent, hanging the head, as a man not of the same opinion with the rest, stood a great while in doubt what to resolve upon: he could not so easily forget the late injuries done against him by Selimus, it was yet fresh in memory, how that he had out of ASIA invaded EUROPE, surprised HADRIANOPLE, given him battle, endangered his person with his Tartarian horsemen, and that only by the goodness of God he had obtained the victory: on the other side, his Majesty contemned, his nephews imprisoned, his ambassadors violated, the cities of ASIA ransacked, and all those goodly countries presently smoking with the fire of rebellion, so filled his old heart with anger and indignation, as that he desired nothing more than to be revenged. Whilst he was thus struggling with his own thoughts, and doubtful what to do, the unfaithful Bassas by deep deceit and treachery (Cherseogles most instantly persuading the contrary) overcame him so far, as with his own hand to write letters to Selimus, promising him, that forgetting all injuries past, he would upon the hope of his loyalty, receive him into his former grace and favour, and make him General of his army, if he would without delay repair to CONSTANTINOPLE, and so pass over into ASIA against his rebellious brother Achomates. Whilst these things are in doing at CONSTANTINOPLE, Corcutus advertised by letters from his friends of the weak estate of his aged father, and by what persuasions he had been induced (after Achomates was proclaimed traitor) to call unto him Selimus, and to make him General of his army; came down out of MAGNESIA to PHOCIS, and there embarking himself in his galleys, Corcutus comes to Constantinople. sailed to CONSTANTINOPLE: where being arrived, he went presently to the court, attended upon with a great number of his friends and favourites; and entering into the privy chamber, humbled himself before his father, and kissed his hand: and after much talk had betwixt them of divers weighty matters, is reported to have spoken unto him as followeth. It is now above thirty years passed (most reverend father, Corcutus his Oration unto his father Bajazet. and dread Sovereign) since that I (being chosen and proclaimed emperor by the prerogative of the soldiers of the court, by general consent of the citizens of this imperial city, and by the grave judgement of the wise and grave Bassas of the Court) have cheerfully and willingly, and as I may truly say, with mine own hand delivered from myself unto your Majesty the possession of this most glorious kingdom and empire: Which thing what worldly wight would have done? but either a mad man, or else a most kind and loning son? Unto which so rare an example of a religious and loving heart, I was not by any fear or constraint enforced, but only by regard and contemplation of your own sacred person, and the due consideration of my duty. Neither did it in the course of so many years, ever repent me of that my singular kindness and duty done, when as I contenting myself with such things as you had unto me assigned, and with the general commendation of my well doing, as well as with a kingdom, thought this your great estate and highest type of worldly honour, not to be compared with the quiet contentment of my pleasing studies: when as I accounted it a vain thing, and not beseeming the resolution of a settled and quiet mind, to long after these worldly things, which being had and enjoyed to the full, work no full contentment in the insatiable desire of man: and that surmounting virtue, and the sweet, o most sweet meditation of heavenly things promised unto my contemplative and ravished mind, things of far more worth and majesty than all the kingdoms and monarchies of the world. But whilst I was tracing this path, little regarding worldly honour, or the glory of an empire, and was for pure devotion and desire of knowledge traveling into the furthest part of ARABIA, unto the altar of our most sacred prophet Mahomet, and so to the Indians, as to men of a more exact knowledge and sincere profession; you in the midst of my travel drew me out of EGYPT by the long hands of the Egyptian Sultan, back again into PHRYGIA; commanding me, that eschewing the manifold dangers (which in my long travel I must needs have fallen into) I should from thenceforth have more regard of my life and health, and to expect the fruit both of my loyalty towards you, and of your fatherly love towards me: as if you had been then of opinion, that the time would come, when for the evil disposition of some, an innocent man, devoted unto the study of wisdom and learning, might be a stay both to yourself and the whole Ottoman family. Since which time I have ever both dutifully obeyed your command, and with as much care and integrity as I possibly could, discharged my charge: and in the late Persian war raised and brought into the field mine army, wherewith I defended the frontiers of my province from the incursions of the Barbarians. But after that they were vanquished, and by your forces driven out of the lesser ASIA, and that my unnatural and graceless brethren, the one of them in EUROPE, as a most desperate recreant, had in plain battle assailed the person of your most sacred Majesty (his reverend father, far spent with age, and then grievously tormented with the gout) of purpose to have at once deprived you both of your life and empire: and the other in ASIA seeking by like disloyalty and most horrible treason there to possess himself of a kingdom, had besieged and taken prisoners his brother's sons your nephews, young princes of great expectation, your faithful and loving subjects; and proceeding further, had set all that part of your empire on a broil: I thought myself in duty bound to repair hither unto your imperial Majesty, for that I saw it came to pass, not without the providence of the most mighty, that I might at such time especially request the just reward of my due desert of you my most reverend and loving father, the most religious observer of equity and justice: when as you having had too great proof of the infidelity of my unnatural brethren, might most fitly and most commodiously perform that which you upon great reason might now grant unto me your dutiful and obedient son, although my former deserts had merited no such thing. Wherefore most gracious, I humbly pray and beseech you by all your fatherly love and affection towards me, and my known loyalty towards you, to vouchsafe before the coming of Selimus, to have regard of mine honour, with the state of your empire: for when he shall once in arms break in, he will at a trice cut off all hope of pacification, and supported by the men of war, confound all things at his pleasure: for I hear, that the very guarders of your person, and chief commanders of your armies, altered in disposition towards you, do but expect the good offer of time, when they may willingly salute for their emperor and sovereign, him, whom your good fortune of late full sore against their wills, overthrew in open field. Wherefore that empire whereof I was sometime possessed, and for the rare desert of mine ancient loyalty towards you, is of good right due unto me, restore to me again whilst you may, and whilst it is yet in your power, in this sudden and momentary occasion now presented. For your Majesty shall in vain favour my most just and upright claim, after that you (having once received into the imperial city a most desperate and ambitious man) have for ever lost your liberty, together with yourself. Bajazet com●●●●eth Corcutus, and promises to resign to him the empire, af●er that Selimus a as passed ever into Asia. Corcutus with tears standing in his eyes having ended his speech, the aged emperor moved with a fatherly affection, and the reasonable persuasion of him, his only loyal and most kind son, comforted him up with good words, and willed him to be of good cheer; and withal discovered unto him the very ground of his resolution, in calling home of Selimus: telling him farther, That he could be well content to resign unto him again the empire, but that it was not in his power so presently to do, for fear of the soldiers of the court; who had (as he said) of late withstood him in the like motion, and would again with tooth and nail gainsay it, if he should but give the least occasion for them to suspect any such matter: but that by the plot now laid, Selimus should under the title of honour be drawn out of EUROPE, together with the soldiers of the court, into ASIA against Achomates, both bars unto his present desire for transferring of the empire; in whose absence it should be in his power freely to dispose thereof at his pleasure: which he promised presently to resign unto him, so soon as they were once passed over into ASIA. Which thing once done, although it were not altogether to their liking, yet feared he not that either the captains or soldiers, who had of late so honourably and faithfully defended him against Selimus, should now for his sake dislike of Corcutus, or attempt any thing not beseeming the glory of their late desert: but rather hoped, that if his two unnatural and rebellious sons Achomates and Selimus▪ should once join in battle (as it was most like they would) that either the one or both should by the just judgement of God perish for their so great disobedience, murdered by the hands one of an other. Corcutus not much misliking of his father's purpose, and resting himself wholly upon his favour, thought it not good farther to argue the matter his father had so well considered of: but taking his leave returned to his lodging, not without hope of obtaining the empire, and so remained many days after at CONSTANTINOPLE: during which time he sought neither by gifts nor golden promises to procure the love and good liking of the great Bassas, or soldiers of the court; for that he as a plain upright man, thought it not good by suit and corruption (the great promoters of the unworthy) to seek for that at their hands, which was of right due unto him by his father's favour and promise. In the mean time Selimus his fast friends, advertising him of the coming of Corcutus to the court, advised him to make haste, and with all speed possible to come to CONSTANTINOPLE; for that it was to be feared; lest Bajazet being very aged, and withal easy to be drawn away, might by the persuasion of Corcutus be induced to alter, yea and perhaps quite break off the course before well set for his most ready preferment. Upon which news, Selimus attentively waiting upon nothing more than to have access unto his friends in court, and before resolved at his first coming thither, not to spare for any cost in corrupting the men of war, and so to possess himself of the empire: made now no stay, but with certain troops of horsemen commanding the rest to follow after, came with wonderful sceleritie to CONSTANTINOple. Corcutus with the great Bassas and courtiers▪ and most part of the soldiers of the court, going to meet him at the gates of the city: at his entrance received him with a kiss (as is the manner of the Turks) and brought him through the midst of the city, all the people running out by heaps to have a sight of the man; of late in every man's mouth for his desperate rebellion, but now welcomed with much thundering shot in token of triumph, and the joyful acclamation of men, women, and children, and people of all sorts. So that it easily appeared, that all the hatred before conceived against him, for his late outrage against his father, was now quite forgotten; and that he would in short time before his other brethren aspire unto the empire. The next day after Selimus came to the court, and having access to his father, fell prostrate before him and kissed his feet, and with the greatest show of humility possible, craved of him pardon for his disloyalty. O deep dissembler, and traitor of all others most treacherous! of late in field with sword drawn to have slain his aged father, but now prostrate at his feet; and within an hour, mounted perforce into his imperial seat! The old emperor smiling upon this Crocodile, in most kind manner took him up, and courteously said unto him: Thy faults son Selimus are so much the less, The crafty speech of Bajazet unto his son Selimus. for that they have found speedy repentance, wherefore I do the more willingly grant thee pardon: but from henceforth endeavour thyself, that God who hath given thee a notable spirit and courage, may also be thought to have endued thee with a good and well disposed mind. There is a martial matter ready worthy thy hardiness, wherein thou mayest sufficiently manifest unto the world thy forwardness and courage: there when time serveth let it appear. Shortly after was called a counsel for the wars, The crafty dissimulation of Selimus. but especially for the choosing of a General to go against Achomates: the honour of which place, when many would have given to Selimus, he began with great dissimulation to refuse, making as though he would not in any case be preferred before his brother Corcutus, to whom he would (as he said) willingly give place▪ both in respect of his years and learned discretion, who could no doubt with greater authority and wisdom manage that war: as for himself, now he had obtained his father's gracious pardon and favour, he could well content himself with any corner of the empire, were it never so little. But Corcutus and his friends, who had reposed all their hope and all their devices in the departure of Selimus with the soldiers of the court; as if they had with great modesty contended on both sides, again persuaded him, yea and instantly requested him not to refuse that honour, by general consent without any disgrace to his brother, given to him as to a worthy chieftain of greater experience in martial affairs. So Selimus with wonderful cunning deluding Corcutus and his favourits, whilst he seemeth craftily to refuse the thing he most desireth, is by the general consent of all parts, chosen General of the army to go against his brother Achomates. Which was no sooner made known unto the soldiers, especially the janissaries and other soldiers of the court; but they before instructed, with loud acclamations saluted him, not for their General only, but for their sovereign lord and emperor also: and so without farther delay put themselves in arms to defend and make good that they had done, if any better disposed should seem to withstand them or dissent from them. Selimus by the soldiers thus saluted emperor, at first made show as if he had been half unwilling to take upon him the empire; and so began faintly to refuse it, as moved so to do by the due reverence and regard of his father, yet living. But after a while he suffered himself to be entreated: and then commending himself and his cause wholly to the men of war, to bind them unto him the faster, promised beside the particular favours he ought them, to bestow a right great and general largesse amongst them: which he afterwards accordingly performed. After that, he requested the chief Bassas and commanders of the army there present, to go forthwith unto his father, and to take such order (seeing it was the mind of the whole army it should be so) that the empire might by his goodwill without farther trouble or tumult, be forthwith transferred unto him. Mustapha the great Bassa, in whose wily head all this matter was (to his own worthy destruction) first hammered; whether it were upon a new fineness of his own, or that Selimus (as it was given out) had threatened to kill him except he would go and show all the whole process of the matter to his father: coming as a man dismayed to Bajazet (who awaked with clamour and tumult of the soldiers was come out of his chamber into the open rooms of his palace) in few words delivered unto him this most unwelcome message as followeth: The blunt speech of Mustapha to ●a●azet, persuading ●im to resign the empire to Selimus. Emperor (said he) the men of war have in their counsel saluted Selimus both their General and Emperor: which their choice they require thee to ratify; being ready presently to break into the court to kill us both, if thou shalt refuse forthwith to resign the empire. They all with one consent request that of thee, which they ha●● already put into the hand of another. Wherefore it is a thing of far more danger to seek to 〈◊〉 that thou hast already lost, than willingly to yield that which is already taken from thee, seeing it is not by any force or policy to be regained. They in arms, in ●urie, and now entered into rebellion, think upon some greater mischief. Bajazet troubled with fear and choler, and then too late perceiving the treachery of the Bassas, and how he had been by them betrayed; pausing a while at the strangeness of the matter, afterwards in fu●ie broke out into these words: The resolute answer of old Bajazet to Mustapha and the other Bassas. False and forsworn, do you thus betray me? and with such monstrous villainy requite mine infinite bounty? Why do you not also as murderers take away my life, which could not endure for a while to expect the dissolution of this my weak and aged body? but deposing your just & lawful sovereign, must needs in post hast set up a most wicked and graceless man to reign over you. But much good do it you with your desired emperor, the contemner of God, and murderer of his father: to whom ●re it belong, you shall full dearly pay the price of this your perfidious dealing and treachery against me. And he himself beginning his empire of most unnatural treason, murder, and bloodshed, shall not (I hope) escape the heaume hand of God, the undoubted and ●euere revenger of so great impiety and treason. Mustapha, with Bostanges and ajax as false as himself, returning back again to the soldiers speaking not a word of the sorrow and indignation of Bajazet; told them how that he was well content to resign the empire, and so had appointed Selimus (unto whom both God and the general consent of the men of war had already delivered the empire) to succeed him in the empire. When this their speech was generally reported, they whom Selimus had before corrupted, began now to hold up their heads, and look big on the matter: and others who before stood doubtful what to do seeing now no other remedy, in haste joined themselves unto the same faction. Whilst all things were thus disorderly carried by the unruly soldiers, Selimus was by them mounted upon a courageous horse, and so with all pomp conducted up and down most of the fair streets of the imperial city: and with the general voice and clamour of the people (how soever their minds were for most part otherwise affected) saluted emperor. And the same day both the great Bassas and the soldiers in general, were all solemnly sworn unto Selimus, as their only lord and emperor. Corcutus, whether it were for grief of his hope now lost, or for fear of his life, although Selimus had promised to give him the city of MYTILENE, Corcutus 〈◊〉 with the Island of LESBOS, secretly embarked himself, and so returned to MAGNESIA. Bajazet of late one of the greatest monarches of the world, but now thus thrust out of his empire by his son, detesting both him and the treachery of his subjects, and overcome with sorrow and melancholy, determined of himself, before he were thereto enforced by Selimus, to forsake CONSTANTINOPLE, and to retire himself to DIMOTICA (a small city wholesomely situated in THRACIA, not far from HADRIANOPLE; where in former time he had for his pleasure bestowed great cost, & now as he thought best fitted his present estate.) Wherefore causing great store of treasure, plate, jewels, and rich furniture to be trussed up, he with five hundred of his household servants, full of heaviness and sorrow, with tears trickling down his aged cheeks, departed out of the imperial city towards HADRIANOPLE, with purpose from thence to have gone to DIMOTICA. Selimus brought him about two miles upon his way, and so returning again to CONSTANTINOPLE, took possession of the palace. Bajazet being then about seventy six years old, or as some report full fourscore; and beside his old disease of the gout, sore weakened with heaviness and grief of mind, was not able to travel above five or six miles a day, but was constrained by the extremity of his pain and weakness, to stay sometimes two or three days in a place. Whilst he was thus traveling, Selimus no less careful of the keeping of his estate, than he had before been for the obtaining of the same, began now to doubt, That if he should depart from CONSTANTINOPLE, and with all his forces pass over into ASIA against his brother Achomates, Bajazet in the mean time might in his absence return to CONSTANTINOPLE, and so again possess himself both of the city and the empire. Wherefore to rid himself of that fear, he resolved most viper like before his going, to kill his father, and so most unnaturally to deprive him of life of whom he had first received life: such is the cruel and accursed nature of ambition, that it knoweth neither father, mother, brother, wife, kindred, or friend, no, sometimes not her own children: the fury whereof was never in any one more pregnant, than in this most monstrous and cruel tyrant Selimus. The readiest and most secret way he could devise for the effecting of this his damnable devise (which without great impiety could not be so much as once by him thought upon) was to work it by poison: Selimus practiseth with Hamo● a jew, Bajazet his physician, to poison him. upon which resolution he secretly compacted with Hamon a jew, his father's chief physician, to poison him; promising him for his reward a pension of ten ducats a day during his life. And for that men are oftentimes with terror and fear, as well as with reward, enforced to be the ministers of mischief; he to be the more sure of this jew (prone enough for gain to do evil) threatened him with most cruel death, if he did not both secretly and speedily work this feat, commanding him so soon as he had done it to return unto him to CONSTANTINOPLE. The deceitful jew moved both with the fear of death, and hope of reward (two great motives) coming shortly after to Bajazet, and finding him very weak, seeming to be very careful of him, told him, That he would prepare for him a potion, which should both restore to him his health, and also strengthen his weak body, if it would please him to take it the next morning early lying in his bed. Bajazet nothing mistrusting his old physician whom he had so often & so long trusted, said he would gladly take it. Early the next morning cometh the jew with the deadly potion in a cup of gold, Bajazet yet sleeping, which he set down in the chair of estate, and so stood waiting until the aged prince should of himself awake. But Bajazet still sleeping sound (as oftentimes it chanceth when men sleep their last) and withal somewhat longer than stood with the jews purpose, he presuming of his wont practice, awaked him, and told him, that the time to take the potion was almost past, and asked him if it were his pleasure then to take it. Bajazet doubting no treason, willed him to bring it: whereof when the jew had taken the say (having before himself taken a preservative against that poison) he gave it to Bajazet to drink, Bajazet poisoned by the I●●. who cheerfully drank it up: the physician commanding them that waited in his bedchamber, and attended on his person, to keep him well covered with warm clothes, and not to give him any thing to drink until he had well sweat. This cursed jew having thus poisoned the aged prince, to avoid the danger of the fact, and to carry the first news thereof to Selimus, secretly conveyed himself away, and fled in haste to CONSTANTINOPLE. But Bajazet attainted with the force of the poison, began first to feel most grievous gripings in his stomach, the strong pain whereof appeared by his miserable complaining and heavy groaning; in the midst of which torments he gave up the ghost in the year 1512, The death of Bajazet. when he had reigned thirty years. The Turks report that he died a natural death: but Antonius Vtrius, a Genua, who at that time served in Bajazet his chamber, and was present at his death, reporteth, That upon his dead body the evident tokens of poison were to be seen. His dead body, with all his treasures were presently brought back again to CONSTANTINOPLE, and delivered to Selimus, who caused the body of his father to be with the greatest solemnity that might be, buried in a most sumptuous tomb, in a chapel near unto the great Mahometan temple, which he had before built for himself at CONSTANTINOPLE, which monument there remaineth at this day to be seen. His servants were all by Selimus restored to their places which they before held in the Court in the time of their old master, excepting five of the pages of his chamber, who lamenting the death of their master above the rest, Selimus causeth 〈◊〉 of his father's pages to be put to death for mourning for their master. had attired themselves all in mourning apparel: for which cause, they were by the commandment of Selimus cast in prison; where two of them were put to death, the other three at the suit of Solyman, Selimus his son, and of other two Bassas, were saved: but being stripped of their rich apparel, and whatsoever else they had gotten under Bajazet, they were enroled for common soldiers under Sullustares Bassa. Of these three this Antonius Vtrius the Genua (before spoken of) was one, who after ten years miserable captivity amongst the Turks, at last escaped, at such time as Selimus was by the Persian discomfited: and with much ado returning again into ITALY, writ the history of all such things as he himself had there seen, with the calamities of Bajazet his house, and a great part of the tyrannous reign of Selimus. Hamo● the jew ●●stly rewarded for his treachery. Hamon the false jew (as the same author reporteth) coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, and expecting some great reward for his foul treason, by the commandment of Selimus had his head presently struck off: with this exprobration of his treachery, That opportunity serving, he would not stick for reward to do the like against Selimus himself. Of this Bajazet, janus Vitalis writeth this Elogium: Paulus iovius Illust, virorum, Elog. lib. 4. Dum rerum exquiris causas, & dum procul Huns Carmannos, Cilices, Sauromatasque domas: Baiazete, domi proles tua te petit armis Et te per fraudes amovet imperio. Adijcit inde nowm sceleri scelus, & tibi miscet, Pocula lethiferis illita graminibus. Intempestivos crudelis vipera foetus, Per sua sic tandem funera, rupta, parit. Quid tutum est, cui sint ingentia regna tiranno? Si timeat natos, progeniemque suam? In English thus. Whilst that thou Baiazethes seeks of things the hidden cause, And feign wouldst bring the Hun and Russee under thy Turkish laws: Thy son at home steps up in arms against thy royal crown, And by false treason and deceit finds means to pluck thee down. Whereto he addeth mischief more, and strait without delay, By poison strong in glittering bowl, doth take thy life away: The cruel viper so brings forth her foul untimely brood, Which eat and gnaw her belly out, their first and poisoned food. What things may princes hold for safe, that do great kingdoms sway? If of their children they must stand in dread and fear alway? R. K. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Bajazet the second. Emperors of Germany Frederick the third, Archduke of Austria. 1440. 54. Maximilian the first. 1494. 25. Kings Of England Edward the fourth. 1460. 22. Edward the fifth. 1483. 0. Richard the third. 1483. 3. Henry the seventh. 1485. 24. Henry the eight. 1509. 38. Of France Lewis the eleventh. 1461. 22. Charles the eight. 1483. 14. Lewis the twelfth. 1497. 17 Of Scotland james the third. 1460. 29. james the fourth. 1489. 25. Bishops of Rome Xystus the FOUR 1471. 13. Innotentius the VIII. 1484. 8. Alexander the VI 1492. 11. Pius the III. 1503. 26 days. julius the II. 1503. 9 SELYMUS. SELYMUS PRIMUS TURCARUM IMPERATOR TERTIUS: FLORVIT ANᵒ 1512 Phil. Lo●icer. Tur●, Hist. lib. 1. En Selimus, scelere ante alios immanior omnes: In patris, & fratrum, dirigit arma necem. In Persas movet inde ferox: Memphitica regna Destruit: & Syros Aethiopasque domat. Hinc in Christicolas irarum effundere fluctus, Ipsorumque imo vertere regna parat. cum diro victus prosternitur ulcere: Christus Scilicet est populi portus & aura sui. Lo Selimus, in cruelty exceeding others far, His father, and his brethren both, destroys with mortal war. The Persian fiercely he assails: and conquers Egypt's land: The Sirian, and the Moo●e likewise, he tamed with mighty hand. But purposing in his mad mood, the Christians to confound, And the memorial of their name to root from off the ground; A loathsome Canker eat him up, and brought him to his end: Christ is to his the safest port, when he will them defend. THE LIFE OF SELIMUS, FIRST OF THAT NAME, THE THIRD AND MOST WARLIKE EMPEROR OF THE TURKS. THis Selimus, by favour of the great Bassas and men of war whom he had before corrupted, having deprived his father Bajazet first of the empire, 1512 and shortly after of his life also, and now fully possessed of the empire himself; first took view of the treasures which the Turkish kings and emperors his ancestors had before of long time heaped up in great abundance: out of which he gave unto the soldiers of the court two millions of ducats; and for a perpetual remembrance of his thankfulness towards them augmented their daily wages, allowing unto every horseman four aspers a day, and to every footman two, above their wont allowance. By which exceeding bounty, he greatly assured unto himself the minds of the men of war. Shortly after he passed over with a great army into ASIA, Selimus goeth into Asia against his brother Achomates. leaving the government of the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE unto his only son Solyman: and marching into GALATIA came to the city of ANCYRA, in hope there to have oppressed his elder brother Achomates. But he understanding before of his coming, withal wisely considering how unable he was to withstand his forces, fled before into the mountains of CAPADOCIA upon the confines of ARMENIA, taking up men by the way as he went, and praying aid of all sorts of people, yea even of such as were but of small ability themselves, and unto him mere strangers; that so he might in best manner he could, provide such strength as might serve him to make head against his brother, and for the recovery of ASIA. Selimus having spent that summer without doing any thing worth the speaking of, and considering that he could not well winter in that cold country near unto the great mountain TAURUS, by reason of the deep snows and extreme cold there usually falling; and that to go farther was to no purpose, forasmuch as Achomates flying from place to place and mountain to mountain was not to be surprised, he retired back again into BYTHINIA, and sending his Europeian horsemen down towards the sea coast, and the janissaries to CONSTANTINOPLE; resolved to winter with the rest of his army at PRUSA. At which time being wholly bend against Achomates his competitor of the empire, he for certain years continued the league which his father Bajazet had before concluded with Vladislaus king of HUNGARY, Sigismundus king of POLONIA, and the Venetians. And thinking no care (no not of children) superfluous which might concern the establishing of his empire, Selimus m●rthereth five of his brothers sonis he called unto him five of his brother's sons, Orcanes the son of Alem Schach; Mahomates the son of Tzihan Schach; Orcanes, Emirsa, and Musa, the sons of his brother Mahomates; all young princes of great hope, of years betwixt sixteen and twenty, excepting Musa who was not passed seven years old: of all these, Mahomates (whom his uncle Achomates had a little before taken prisoner at LARENDA, as is before declared, and upon the death of Bajazet had again set him at liberty) being about twenty years old, was for rare feature and princely courage accounted the paragon and beauty of the Ottoman family: Which great perfection as it won unto him the love and favour of the men of war, and also of all the people in general: so did it hasten his speedy death; only Selimus his cruel uncle envying him life. After he had got these poor innocents into his hands, he sent for divers of his great doctors and lawyers, demanding of them, Whether it were not better that some five, eight, or ten persons should be taken away, than that the state of the whole empire should with great effusion of blood be rend in sunder, and so by civil wars be brought in danger of utter ruin and destruction? Who although they well perceived whereunto that bloody question tended, yet for fear of displeasure they all answered, That it were better such a small number should perish, than that the whole state of the empire should by civil war and discord be brought to confusion; in which general calamity those few must also of necessity perish with the rest. Upon colour of this answer and the necessity pretended, he commanded these his nephews before named, to be led by five of his great captains into the castle of PRUSA, where they were all the night following most cruelly strangled. It is reported, that Mahomates with a penknife slew one of the bloody executioners sent into his chamber to kill him; and so wounded the other, as that he fell down for dead: and that Selimus being in a chamber fast by, and almost an eyewitness of that was done, presently sent in others, who first bound the poor prince, and afterward strangled him with the rest: whose dead bodies were buried at PRUSA amongst their ancestors. The cruelty of this fact wonderfully offended the minds of most men, insomuch that many even of his martial men filled with secret indignation, for certain days absented themselves from his presence, shunning his sight as if he had been some fierce or raging lion. 1513 Of all the nephews of old Bajazet, only Amurat and Aladin (the sons of Achomates) yet remained, Selimus seeketh a●●●r the lives of Amurat and Aladin, the sons of Achomates his brother. whom he purposed to surprise upon the sudden, and so to rid himself of all fear of his brother's children; having then left none of the Ottoman family, but them and his two brethren upon whom to exercise his further cruelty. These two young princes had a little before recovered the city of AMASIA, from whence they were the Summer before expulsed by their uncle Selimus, at such time as Achomates their father was glad to fly into the mountains of CAPADOCIA. Selimus fully resolved upon their destruction, sent Vfegi one of his Bassas with five thousand horsemen, who by great journeys traveling to AMASIA, might upon the sudden come upon these two young princes, and take them altogether unprovided and as then fearing no such danger: which was thought no great matter for the Bassa to do, forasmuch as he might with his light horsemen easily prevent the fame of his coming; and the city of AMASIA where they lay, was neither well walled, nor as then furnished with any sufficient garrison for defence thereof: beside that, Achomates himself was at that time absent, busied in taking up of soldiers upon the frontiers of CARAMANNIA. But Mustapha the old Bassa, by whose especial means Selimus had obtained the empire (as is before declared in the life of Bajazet) being privy unto his wicked purpose, and now in mind altogether alienated from him, detesting his most execrable tyranny, both for the unworthy death of Bajazet his father, and the guiltless blood of so many young princes his nephews by him shed without all pity; and having compassion of the imminent danger whereinto these two brethren were now like also to fall; by secret and speedy messengers gave them warning of the coming of the Bassa, and of all that was intended against them. Who upon such knowledge given, presently advertised Achomates their father thereof, and laid secret ambush themselves for the intercepting of their enemies. So that within few days after, the Bassa coming with his horsemen towards AMASIA, fell before he was aware into the midst of his enemies: at which time also Achomates following him at the heels, so shut him in with his army on every side, that most of his men being slain, he himself with divers other captains were taken prisoners and brought to Achomates, Vfegi Bassa taken prisoner. and by his commandment committed to safe custody. Now it fortuned, that some of Achomates soldiers scoffing at the prisoners whom they had taken, told them how they had been deceived, and how all the matter had been carried (so hard a thing it is to have even the greatest counsels in court kept secret) boasting that they wanted not their friends, even of such as were most inward with Selimus, who secretly favoured the better cause, and would not long suffer the cruel beast to rage further: All which things Selimus his soldiers reported again after they were ransomed and returned home. But Vfegi the Bassa lying still in prison, and getting certain knowledge of the whole matter, by secret letters gave Selimus to understand, that Mustapha the great Bassa whom he most of all trusted, had secret intelligence with Achomates, and had been the only cause of the loss of his army. Selimus of late envying at the great honour and authority of Mustapha, and wishing him dead (whose desert he was not able, Mustapha Bassa shamefully murdered. or at leastwise not willing to requite) caused him upon this accusation without farther trial to be secretly strangled in his own sight, and his dead body (as it werein scorn of his former felicity) to be cast out into the street for every man to gaze upon. This was the shameful end of this traitorous Bassa, who had of long time at his pleasure commanded all things in the Turkish empire, and was for riches, power, and authority, next unto the emperors themselves: but now lieth as a dead dog in the street, no man daring for fear to cast earth upon him. A rare spectacle of the uncertainty of worldly felicity, and a worthy example of disloyalty. But Achomates hearing what had happened to Mustapha, in revenge thereof in like manner executed Vfegi Bassa his prisoner; Vfegi Bassa p●● to death. and according to his courteous nature set all the rest of the prisoners at liberty. Selimus thirsting after nothing more than the guiltless blood of his brethren and nephews, upon whom he had against all right usurped the kingdom, whereof he never thought himself sufficiently assured so long as any of them breathed: began with the first of the Spring, to devise with himself how he might first take away his brother Corcutus, who then lived at MAGNESIA, and having cast off all hope of the empire, gave himself wholly to the study of philosophy, which he (seduced with ambition) had in evil time a little before forsaken; but now retiring himself thereto again, as to his greatest contentment, spent his time in quiet contemplation, not attempting any thing against his cruel brother usurping the empire. Selimus resolved upon the destruction of this harmless prince, suddenly commanded his captains to make choice often thousand horsemen to be in readiness within three days, giving it out that he would make an inroad upon the sudden into CAPADOCIA. In the number of these horsemen Antonius Maenavinus a Genua, author of this history (as he reporteth of himself) was one. All things being in readiness against the appointed time, Selimus in person himself set forward with his army from PRUSA, still keeping the way on the right hand; so that the soldiers who thought they should have marched directly into CAPADOCIA and so to AMASIA, as it was before commonly reported; began now to perceive by the contrary course they held, that they were to go for LYDIA and JONIA. When a valiant soldier among the rest, who had sometime served one of the Bassas in Corcutus his court, by divers circumstances gathering the intention of Selimus, secretly conveyed himself out of the army; and being excellently well mounted, taking the nearest way, came to MAGNESIA and gave Corcutus warning of the coming of his brother. Corcutus considering the great danger he was in, richly rewarded the messenger; and leaving his house in such order as it was wont to be, fled with two of his servants to the sea side, in hope to have found passage either into CRETE, or else to the RHODES. The next day after Corcutus was departed, early in the morning came Selimus to the castle of MAGNESIA before the rising of the sun, in hope to have found Corcutus yet in his bed: but being deceived of his expectation, he fell into a great rage, and with cruel torments examined all his brother's servants & eunuches, What was become of him and where he had hid himself? and with much ado got it out of them, That he had warning of his coming by a fugitive soldier, and was thereupon fled; but whither they knew not. Wherefore Selimus stayed there fifteen days, during which time he caused diligent search to be made all over the country, and alongst the sea coast for to have apprehended him. But when after much search he could hear no tidings of him, Selimus taketh the spoil of his brother Corcutus he caused all his brother's treasure and rich furniture to be trussed up, and to be sent by sea to CONSTANTINOPLE. So leaving one of his captains with a thousand horsemen in garrison at MAGNESIA, he returned again to PRUSA with as much speed as he came from thence: verily supposing that his brother was for safeguard of his life, by sea fled into ITALY. All this while Bostanges, Selimus his son in law, lying with a fleet of galleys upon the coast of JONIA, had taken from Corcutus all hope of escaping by sea: so that he was feign to hide himself in a cave near unto the sea side not far from SMYRNA, living in hope that after a few days the fleet would depart, and so he should find some opportunity to escape. After he had thus a great while in fear most miserably lived with country crabs, and other like wild fruit (a poor diet for a man of state) and was with extreme necessity enforced to send his man for relief to a poor shepherds cottage thereby, he was by a country peasant discovered to Cassumes, taken. who with too much diligence sought after his life: and being by him apprehended, was carried towards the tyrant his brother at PRUSA. Right welcome to Selimus was the report of his taking: who as soon as he understood that he was within a days journey of PRUSA, sent one Kirengen-ogli (who of his squint look was called Chior Zeinall) to strangle him upon the way, and to bring his dead body to PRUSA. This captain coming to Corcutus in the dead time of the night, and awaking him out of his sleep, told him his heavy message; how that he was sent from his brother Selimus to see him executed, which must as he said presently be done. Corcutus exceedingly troubled with these heavy news, and fetching a deep sigh, desired the captain so long to spare his life, until he might write a few short lines unto his brother Selimus. Which poor request being granted, he called for pen and paper, and readily in Turkish verse (for he had spent all his time in study) reproved his brother of most horrible cruelty; upbraiding him, that he had not only most disloially thrust his father out of his empire, but also most unnaturally deprived him of life, of whom he had before received the same: and not so content, had most tyrannously slain his brother's children; and now like an unmerciful wretch thirsted after the guiltless blood of himself, and Achomates his brethren. At last concluding his letters with many a bitter curse, he besought God to take of him just revenge for so much innocent blood by him most unnaturally spilled. And when he had thus much written, he requested the captain, that it might together with his dead body be delivered unto Selimus. So without any farther delay he was according to the tyrants command presently strangled. The lamentable death of 〈◊〉. The next day after, when the dead body was presented unto Selimus, he uncovered the face thereof to be sure that it was he, and seeing a paper in his hand, took it from him: but when he had read it (for all his cruel nature and stony heart) he burst out into tears; protesting, that he was never so much grieved or troubled with any man's death as with his: for which cause, he commanded general mourning to be made for him in the court, and with princely solemnity buried his body. Three days after, he caused fifteen of those diligent searchers who first found Corcutus, to have their heads struck off, and their bodies to be flung into the sea, saying, That if he were by any extremity driven to fly and hide his head, they would not stick to serve him in like manner as they had done his brother. Now of all the posterity of Bajazet remained none alive to trouble the cruel tyrant's thoughts but only Achomates and his two sons: who upon the approach of the Spring, set forward with his army from AMASIA, excited by the often letters of his friends, who assured him that Selimus might upon the sudden be easily oppressed, if he would with all expedition come to PRUSA; forasmuch as the janissaries and Europeian horsemen, the undoubted strength of his army, were at that time absent, and he himself as one hated both of God and man, could not in so sudden and unexpected danger tell what he were best to do, or which way to turn himself: wherefore they willed him without delay to hasten his coming, and not to expect the milder weather of the Spring, least in the mean time Selimus should call together his dispersed forces: God (they said) did oftentimes offer unto men, both the opportunity and means to do great matters, if they had the power to lay hold thereon, and therefore he should do well now by celerity & courage to seek to better his evil fortune, which but a little before had bereft him of his father's kingdom: for if Summer were once come on, he must either gain the victory by plain battle, which would be a hard matter, or else get him packing out of CAPADOCIA and all ASIA the less. Achomates, who before had promised unto himself better success, as well for the great strength he had of his own, as for the new supply of horsemen he had procured from Hysmaell the Persian king; but especially for the hope he had, that Selimus generally hated for his late cruelty, should in the time of the battle be forsaken of his own soldiers; yielded to the persuasion of his friends, who with many pleasing words set before his eyes glorious things, easy to be spoken, but hard to be effected. Wherefore, when he was come into GALATIA with somewhat more than fifteen thousand horsemen, having for haste left his footmen by easy marches to come after him: Selimus advertised of his coming, by speedy messengers sent for his horsemen to PRUSA. In the mean time whiles he is levying other common soldiers, and respecting the rest of his forces; fortune, which always favoured his attempts, did then also avert the danger prepared for him by the unfaithfulness of his followers, and showed unto him the open way to victory. For Achomates secret friends which were in Selimus his camp, continuing firm in their good will towards him, did earnestly by letters persuade him (being already set forward, and now come as far as PAPHLAGONIA) to make haste, and to come before Selimus his forces were come together: for that he had sent for the janissaries and Europeian horsemen, and did with all speed and diligence make all the preparation he could possibly; which for all that would all come too late, Treason against Selimus discovered. if he should upon the sudden come upon him before he were provided. Which letters being by chance intercepted, gave Selimus certain knowledge both of his brother's purpose and coming, together with the treason intended against him by his own servants: wherefore executing them who had writ those letters, he in their names caused others to the same effect to be written to Achomates, persuading him with all speed possible to come still on, and not to stay for his footmen, for that Selimus might easily be oppressed with a few troops of horsemen, if Achomates would with speed but come & show himself unto his friends and favourites: who upon the first signal of battle would raise a tumult in the army, and upon the sudden kill Selimus, unadvisedly going too and fro in the battle. Which letters so written, Selimus caused to be signed with the seals of them whom he had before executed, & found means to have them cunningly delivered to Achomates, as if they had been sent from his friends: who giving credit to the same, and presuming much upon his own strength, doubted not to leave his footmen, who followed easily after him, under the conduct of Amurath his son; and came and encamped with his horsemen near unto the mountain HORMINIUS, upon the bank of the river Parthemius. Selimus also departed from PRUSA, and having received into his army ten thousand janissaries (but a little before come over the straight) sent before Sinan Bassa, General of his Asian horsemen, to know & make proof of the strength of his enemies. The Bassa not knowing as yet where Achomates lay, neither of what force he was, being deceived by the darkness of the morning, Sinan Bassa discomfited by Achomates. fell into a place of disadvantage, where he was set upon by Achomates, and having lost seven thousand of his men, was glad with other eight thousand which were le●t, to fly back unto Selimus. For all this loss, was not Selimus discomfited, or doubtful of the victory, but forthwith marched on forward to the river Elata, which runneth directly out of the mountain HORMINIUS into PONTUS, watering most large fields upon the right hand, which at this day are called the plains of the new land. So did Achomates also, who although he knew his brother to be every way too strong for him: yet being encouraged with the late victory, and in hope that his friends in Selimus his army (whom he vainly supposed to have been yet living) would in the very battle do some notable matter for him, and that victory would follow his just quarrel; resolved neither to retire back, neither to expect the coming of the rest of his army. The river was betwixt the two camps, and the number of both armies certainly discovered: yet could not Achomates (to whom the open fields offered a safe retreat unto the rest of his army) possessed with a fatal madness, be persuaded (considering the greatness of the danger) in time to provide for the safety of himself and his army, carried headlong (as it seemed) by inevitable destiny to his fatal destruction, which presently after ensued. Selimus a little before the going down of the Sun, with his army passed over the river Elata, and gave general commandment through all his camp, Selimus with his army passeth o●er the river. that every man against the next day should be ready for battle: and in a wood not far off placed a thousand horsemen in ambush, under the leading of Canoglis his wives brother, a valiant young gentleman, whom his father had a little before sent from TAURICA unto his son in law with a chosen company of Tartarian horsemen: unto him Selimus gave in charge, that when the battle was joined, he should show himself with his horsemen upon the back of his enemies, and there to charge them. As soon as it was day, Selimus in a great open field put his army in order of battle, placing his horsemen in two wings, so that all his spearemen were in the right wing, and the archers and carbines in the left: in the main battle stood the janissaries with the rest of the footmen. On the otherside Achomates, having no footmen, divided his horsemen into two wings also. Whilst both armies stood thus ranged, expecting but the signal of battle, a messenger came from Achomates to Selimus, offering in his master's name, to try the equity of their quarrel in plain combat hand to hand: which if he should refuse, he then took both God & the world to witness, that Selimus was the only cause of all the guiltless blood to be shed in the battle, and not he: whereunto Selimus answered, that he was not to try his quarrel at the appointment of Achomates: and though he could be content so to do, yet would not his soldiers suffer him so to adventure his person and their own safety: and so with that answer returned the messenger back again to his master, giving him for his reward a thousand aspers. Achomates having received this answer, without further delay charged the right wing of his brother's army, who valiantly received the first charge: but when they were come to the sword, and that the matter was to be tried by handy blows, they were not able longer to endure the force of the Persian horsemen; who being well armed both horse and man, had before requested to be placed in the foremost ranks, by whose valour the right wing of Selimus his army was disordered, and not without great loss enforced to retire back upon their fellows. Which thing Selimus beholding, did what he might by all means to encourage them again, and presently brought on the left wing with their arrows and pistols, in stead of them that were fled: and at the same time came on with the janissaries also, who with their shot enforced Achomates his horsemen to retire. Achomates himself carefully attending every danger, with greater courage than fortune came in with fresh troops of horsemen, by whose valour the battle before declining was again renewed, and the victory made doubtful: but in the fury of this battle whilst he was bearing all down before him, and now in great hope of the victory, Canoglis with his Tartarian horsemen rising out of ambush, came behind him, and with great outcries caused their enemies then in the greatest heat of their fight to turn upon them: at which time also the footmen standing close together assailed them affront, and the horsemen whom the Persians had at first put to flight, now moved with shame, were again returned into the battle: so that Achomates his small army was beset, and hardly assailed on every side. In fine his ensigns being overthrown, and many of his men slain, the rest were feign to betake themselves to flight. Where Achomates having lost the field, and now too late seeking to save himself by flight, fell with his horse into a ditch, which the rain falling the day before, had filled with water and mire: and being there known and taken by his enemies, could not obtain so much favour at their hands as to be presently slain, but was reserved to the farther pleasure of his cruel brother. Selimus' understanding of his taking, sent Kirengen (the same squinteyed captain which had before strangled Corcutus) who with a bow string strangled him also. Achomates Evangled. His dead body was forthwith brought to Selimus, and was afterwards by his commandment in royal manner buried with his ancestors in PRUSA. Now Amurat, Achomates his son, understanding upon the way by the Persian horsemen (who serred together, Amurat and Aladin, the son● of Achomates, ●lie the one into Persia, an● the other into Egypt had again made themselves way through the Turks army) of the loss of the field and the taking of his father, returned back again to AMASIA: and there after good deliberation, resolved with his brother to betake themselves both to flight; he with the Persian horsemen passing over the river Euphrates, fled unto Hysmaell the Persian king: but Aladin the younger brother passing over the mountain AMANUS in CILICIA, fled into SYRIA, and so to Campson Gaurus the great Sultan of EGYPT. After this victory, Selimus having in short time and with little trouble brought all the lesser ASIA under his obeisance, and there at his pleasure disposed of all things, determined to have returned to CONSTANTINOPLE: but understanding that the plague was hot there, he changed his purpose, and passing over at CALLIPOLIS and so traveling through GRECIA, came to HADRIANOPLE, where he spent all the rest of that Summer, and all the Winter following: and afterward when the mortality was ceased, returned to CONSTANTINOPLE; where it was found, that an hundred and threescore thousand had there died of the late plague. Hysmaell the Persian king, whose fame had then filled the world, hearing of the arrival of Amurat, sent for him, and demanded of him the cause of his coming. The distressed young prince, who but of late had lost his father, together with the hope of so great an empire, & now glad for safeguard of his life to fly into strange countries, oppressed with sorrow, by his heavy countenance and abundance of tears, more than by words, expressed the cause of his coming: yet in short strained speech, declared unto him, how that his father, his uncle, with the rest of his cousins, all princes of great honour, had of late been cruelly murdered by the unmerciful tyrant Selimus: who with like fury sought also after the life of himself and his brother, the poor remainders of the Ottoman family, who to save their lives, were both glad to fly, his brother into EGYPT, and himself to the feet of his imperial majesty. Hysmaell moved with compassion, and deeming it a thing well beseeming the greatness of his fame, to take the poor exiled prince into his protection and to give him relief, willed him to be of good comfort, and promised him aid. And the more to assure him thereof, shortly after gave him one of his own daughters in marriage. For it was thought, that if Selimus for his tyranny become odious to the world, should by any means miscarry (as with tyrants it commonly falleth out) that then in the Ottoman family, sore shaken with his unnatural cruelty, none was to be preferred before this poor prince Amurat: besides that, it was supposed, that if he should invade him with an army out of PERSIA, that upon the first stir, all the lesser ASIA, mourning for the unworthy death of Achomates, would at once revolt from him, who for his cruelty and shameful murders had worthily deserved to be hated together both of God and man. Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring Hysmaell furnished Amurat his new son in law with ten thousand horsemen, willing him to pass over the river of Euphrates at ARSENGA, and to enter into CAPADOCIA, as well to make proof how the people of that country were affected towards him, as of the strength of the enemy: after whom he sent usta-ogli, the most famous cheefetaine amongst the Persians, with twenty thousand horsemen more, with charge, That he should still follow Amurat within one days journey: and he himself with a far greater power stayed behind in ARMENIA, doubting to want victual if he should have led so great an army through those vast barren and desolate places, whereby he must of necessity pass. Amurat marching through the lesser ARMENIA, 1514 and entering into the borders of CAPADOCIA, had divers towns yielded unto him by his friends; Amurat spoileth Capadocia. some others he took by force, which he either sacked or else quite razed; and brought such a general fear upon the inhabitants of the province, that the people submitting themselves unto him all the way as he went, it was thought he would have gone directly to AMASIA, had not Chendemus (an old warlike captain) whom Selimus had left for his lieutenant at ASIA, with a great army come to meet him at SEBASTIA, which at this day is called SIVAS. This Chendemus had also long before advertised Selimus both of the preparation and coming of the Persians, as soon as he had learned by his espials that they were passed the river Euphrates. Upon which news Selimus came presently over into ASIA, and commanding all his forces to meet together at PRUSA, had with wonderful celerity levied thereabout forty thousand common soldiers. Which so soon as Amurat understood, as well by such prisoners as he had taken, as by advertisement from his friends; although he was very desirous to have fought with Chendemus, yet doubting that if Selimus should with his wont celerity come against him, he should be entangled in the straits of the mountain ANTITAURUS, he retired back again to usta-ogli. But Selimus who all that year had in his haughty thoughts been plotting some such notable exploit as were worthy his greatness, standing in doubt whether he should by sea and land invade HUNGARY, the RHODES, or ITALY, at that time sore shaken with civil wars: having now so fit an occasion given him by the Persian (to the great joy of all Christendom) converted himself wholly unto the East, and in thirty days march came to ARSENGA. Where joining his army with Chendemus, when he understood that his enemies having harried the country, were again retired; pricked forward with the grief of the injury, and desire of revenge, with hope of victory he resolved to follow after them foot by foot, Selimus resolveth to invade the Persian. and forthwith to enter into ARMENIA the greater, the principal province of the Persian kingdom. But the difficulties of this notable expedition, which were in counsel propounded by them which had best knowledge of those countries, were great and many, all which by his own good hap and invincible courage, he himself afterwards overcame: for the soldiers which had in short time already marched by land out of ILLYRIA, EPIRUS, and MACEDONIA, into CAPADOCIA, must of necessity in this long expedition take upon them new labours; they were to endure the sharp and pinching cold of the huge mountain TAURUS, and by and by after the most vehement and scorching heat in the plains of ARMENIA the lesser, with extreme thirst, hunger, and most desperate want of all things; and well the more, for that the Persians in their retreat spoiling the country as they went, had utterly destroyed all that might serve for the use of man, of purpose to leave nothing unto their enemies, but want of all things, if they should pursue them: besides that, his most expert captains stood in no small doubt of the petty princes of ARMENIA the less, and the mountain king Aladeules, whom they were to leave behind them at their backs, without any great assurance of their friendship, who they well knew would fail them, if any thing should happen otherwise than well to Selimus, either in battle, or for want of victuals, or in the difficulties of the passages. For they were to be relieved with victuals from the Armenians: and Aladeules forces then in readiness, were neither for number nor power to be contemned; who also with castles commodiously placed and strong garrisons, at his pleasure commanded all the straits, passages, and entrances, which led out of CAPADOCIA into ARMENIA and the Persian kingdom: for all the mountain countries were under his command, and his kingdom stretched from the mountains called SCUDRISC● near unto PONTUS, all alongst the great mountain TAURUS unto AMANUS, which divideth CILICIA from SYRIA. Amongst the rest, old Chendemus viceroy of ANATOLIA, a man of great experience, and of all others in greatest credit favour and authority with Selimus, persuaded him to stay a while in CAPADOCIA, and there to refresh his Europeian soldiers already weary of their long travel, and so to expect the coming of his enemies. And to dissuade him from the dangerous expedition into PERSIA, spoke unto him as followeth: It is not to be thought (most mighty and invincible emperor) that the Persians are fled for fear, because they retired before they set eye upon us their enemies: C●●●demus Bassa 〈…〉 from going ●●ther against the Persians. it is a fineness, and they plainly go about to entrap us, whiles they by flight make a false semblant of fear. Know we not what cunning heads, what able bodies PERSIA breedeth? will they fear the naked Turkish light horseman or archer, which with their courageous barbed horses and themselves strongly armed, feared not the Scythian shot? or (if that be too little) which by their valour have vanquished so many nations, and gained unto their king so great and large an empire? Think you, that you have either greater or better forces than had long ago Cassumes your uncle? or great Mahomet your grandfather? who divers times proving their forces upon this enemy, were more than once put to the worst, I myself th●n serving in their camps near unto TRAPEZONDE and the mountains of NICOPOLIS. I will not deny, but that the great ordinance which you carry with you may stand you in great stead, so that sit place may be found to bestow so many field pieces in: but this scorched ground, the frozen and abrupt mountains, with the vast and solitary plains beyond them, terrify me, whom all the armed forces of our enemies in place of great advantage could not dismay. You must fight, not only with your valiant enemies, but with the difficulties of nature also. Neither may your majesty give any credit to the Armenians, or Aladeules, princes of most doubtful faith; although at your first setting forward, they show a fair face and seem never so friendly: for they will but expect and await some fit occasion to take you at an advantage, and so to set upon you when you least fear them. But admit you were assured of victory, o with how much warm blood of your best soldiers shall you buy the same? with what other soldiers, with what other forces will you defend GRaeCIA, if the Christian kings hearing that you ●or enlarging your empire, or desire of fame being gone into the farthest part of ARMENIA, shall in the mean time invade you? Wherefore if it be better and more wisdom with safety to defend your own, than with danger to seek for that is other men's; if princes of greatest policy have reposed the glory of their victories, not in the greatness of the slaughter of their enemies, but in the safety and preservation of their own soldiers: spare to object yourself and your army to most manifest danger, and unadvisedly to commit all at once to the hazard of good fortune: which being a most tickle and unconstant mistress, if she shall but once dally with your dangerous attempts, you shall through your rashness in far shorter space tumble down headlong from the type of so great majesty, than you have thereunto a while ago by your rare virtues worthily aspired. Selimus as he was of a rough and fierce nature, so would he have all things done according to his own devise and direction. And though he were not a little moved with this speech of so grave a counsellor and most expert commander, and saw many of his captains troubled with the imagination of the future danger: yet in a fume, refuting some little of that which Chendemus had said, he dismissed the counsel; protesting openly, that he would proceed in his intended purpose, hap what hap should, from friend or so: although that old fellow were (as he said) so careful of his life, that he feared to die an honourable death. Which Selimus had no sooner said, but presently others about him, accustomed to serve his humour, which envied at the glory and wealth of old Chendemus, took hold upon those words: and beginning with the greatness of his forces, the valour of his soldiers, the store of his artillery, with his own invincible fortune; made easy matters of all the former difficulties, and with great words laboured to extenuat all that the grave Bassa had before said concerning the prowess and power of the enemy. After that, they began to discredit Chendemus, saying▪ That he (being a martial man, and of known resolution in all his most warlike actions) had not said as before, for want of courage, or any distrust he had of the victory, but of purpose to hinder that most honourable expedition, and to cut off all hope of victory, which was (as they said) as good as already gotten; being before loaded with Amurat his great promises, and the gold of PERSIA. Wherefore they wished him to beware of the sly old Fox his wiles and treason, and to proceed on in his expedition so much the more boldly: and not to think that his soldiers would refuse any danger or labour, so long as they saw courage in himself, but would be ready (as they said) to undertake the most desperate difficulties of war; and desired nothing more, than to be conducted into those far countries, where by their martial prowess and valiant acts they might make their emperor Selimus equal with the Great Alexander, and themselves comparable to his Macedonians. And to work the utter destruction of this most faithful counsellor without all recure, these false flatterers suborned bold faced accusers, who falsely and shamefully affirmed, that he had received great sums of money from Amurat, and did not therefore in time go against the Persian robbers, Chendemus Bassa by the commandment of Selym●● slain. whereby all the former calamities happened (as they said) to that province: for which pretended causes, Selimus commanded Chendemus without farther hearing, to be slain. But in deed to terrify others from like liberty of speech, and withal to teach them to deem those devices and counsels as most excellent, which their sovereign should as it were by divine inspiration find out himself; and so to accept of them without contradiction. The sudden death of this most faithful counsellor Chendemus, struck an exceeding fear into the minds of all men, for that so honourable a parsonage, of late in so great favour and credit with his sovereign, was without hearing executed; whom they had known as a man of great account, both for his prowess and policy, to have stood fast on Selimus side, first in his wars against his father, and of late against his brother: not doubting but that Selimus by nature cruel, and suspicious even of trifles, would with like tyranny not spare men of meaner calling, which spared not his dearest and most ancient friends. Selimus marching from ARSENGA came to the confines of the lesser Armenian kings, and of Aladeules: where by his ambassadors he requested the kings of those nations (who were then in arms) that they would join their forces with his against the Persian, and to go with him into ARMENIA the Great: promising that when the wars were happily ended, he would g●ue unto them all such territory as should chance in those wars to be taken from the enemy, as a reward of their aid. But these poor kings, which hated both Hysmaell and Selimus for the manifold injuries they daily received in the frontiers of their dominions, lying in the midst between them, (as commonly it falleth out that the weakest goeth to the walls) craftily expecting the event of this war, would not openly show themselves, but answered that they had taken up arms for no other purpose, but for the defence of themselves and their kingdoms. Not meaning in that doubtful war, to bear themselves as enemies unto either of those great princes their friends and neighbours, of whose just grievances they were not able or worthy to determine: yet if he would without hostility, in peaceable manner pass through their dominions, they promised to give free passage unto him and his army: and after he were entered into ARMENIA the greater, to relieve him with such provision of victual as their bare countries could afford. Selimus thus deceived of this his first hope (for why, he thought those poor kings would at the first either for love or fear have been ready to have done him all the service they could) dissembled his grief for the present, as wholly bend against Hysmaell: fearing, that if he should by word or deed offend those neuter princes, he should have them at his back his most assured & undoubted enemies. Wherefore passing the mountains called SCODRISCI, he came in eight days unto the great mountains called MOSCHII, which the famous river Euphrates with his mighty stream and huge broken banks separateth from the great mountain ANTITAURUS, and with perpetual steep ridges runneth into IB●RIA and COLCHIS, and on the East discovereth ARMENIA the greater. Here Selimus with ensigns displayed marching alongst the bank of the river, departed not from the same, for fear to lack water in that hot and dry country: and so held on his way directly Eastward, leaving the country of ARMENIA the less upon his left hand, and the frontiers of the kingdom of Aladeules on the right, until he came to the mountain PERTARDO. This great mountain, famous by the rising of two great and notable rivers out of it, is for the wonderful fertility of all things, of the barbarous people called LEPRUS, which is to say, fruitful: for Euphrates and Araxis there running out of two diverse and contrary marshes, with many arms, water and enrich that champain and dry country. Selimus having made so great a journey, and yet not able so much as by report to understand what was become of Hysmaell his great and populous army, which he knew was but a little before departed out of CAPADOCIA; as a man in doubt, and half afraid, stayed and encamped his army at the head of the river Euphrates: and from thence sent out his scouts every way, if happily they could intercept some which might give him knowledge of his enemies. But the Armenians, whether it were for fear of the coming of the Turks, or that Hysmaell their king had so commanded, were all before fled out of that part of the country whereby Selimus was to pass with his army, and having forsaken their houses, had carried away with them, or else by fire destroyed whatsoever might serve for the use of man. Selimus sendeth out his scouts, who return with bad news. The Turkish scouts after they had by the space of two days scoured up and down the country, returned back again to Selimus, not having taken so much as any one man; showing unto him, that all things were destroyed before him, and nothing left but wide fields and a most desolate country, without any appearance of man or beast: and that they were of opinion, that either their Armenian guides were deceived in the way, or else had of purpose brought them into such desert places, whereas wanting pasture for their horses, and food for men, they must needs together perish with hunger. Which their present fear was greatly increased by the weak kings whom they had left behind them at their backs; but especially Aladeules, who either for shame or fear had a few days at the first holpen the Turks with victuals, but after they were farther entered into ARMENIA, performed nothing of that he had before most faithfully promised: seeking therein the favour of Hysmaell, who he thought would with the same good fortune vanquish the Turks, that he had not long before the greatest part of the East. Selimus perplexed in mind, began now to suspect treason, to fear famine, to dread the deserts and forsaken places, and with grief of mind to call to remembrance all that old Chendemus his faithful counsellor had before most truly told him: for all that, he showed himself unto his soldiers with cheerful countenance, as a man nothing dismayed: which his firm constancy seemed to promise unto their discouraged minds good success, with speedy victory. Wherefore calling unto him his guides, and such as best knew the country; and understanding by them, that on the right hand beyond the mountain PERIARDO lay the most fruitful country of all ARMENIA, he rise with his army, and compassing the hill toward the North, turned down toward the river Araxes, and above the city of COY passed his army over the river, his footmen by little bridges, and his horsemen by fords: Selimus passeth 〈◊〉 Araxes. for Araxes, until it have received such rivers as fall into it out of the marshes of the PERIARDO, runneth but with a small stream, and is in some place easy to be passed over. Selimus had scarcely well got over the river, and encamped his army, when usta-ogli, who having joined his forces with Amurath, lying encamped not far off; and fearing least the city of COY and the unprovided citizens should by the sudden coming of the enemy be oppressed, quickly rise with his army, and set forwards to meet with the Turks: for that city of all others in that country, for fresh fountains and rivers most pleasant, wherein the Persian kings for the great plenty of all manner of fruit, and wholesomeness of the air, leaving TAURIS, were wont to spend most part of the Summer, had then in it many rich citizens and sumptuous buildings; which usta-ogli thought good betimes to rescue, and not with dishonour to lose that rich city, looking as it were upon it, and leaving it unto the enemy, to suffer him there to refresh his hunger-statued soldiers with plenty of all things. Cassinus an Armenian borne, and present in those wars, did by many probabilities (as iovius writeth) show unto him, that this city of COY was in ancient time that most famous city called ARTAXATA, which Domitius Corbulo destroyed. Neither did Hysmaell himself (although he had but a little before sent the greatest part of his forces against the Coraxeni, who were then risen up against him in rebellion, as he that made no great reckoning of the Turks, or ever thought that they durst have come so far into ARMENIA) make any delay, but forthwith, as soon as he had heard of the coming of Selimus, came also in person himself unto his army. By chance usta-ogli (who contrary to all men's expectation had until then shunned to fight, or come in sight of his enemies, of purpose with less danger and loss of men, to overthrow them afterwards, being sore weakened and almost spent with long travel and want of victuals) lay then encamped near the city, when as the Turks scouts, upon the coming of Hysmaell, perceived by the great rising of the dust, and by the neighing of the Persian horses, that some greater power was at hand. Which so soon as it was noised in the Turkish camp, they began to rejoice exceedingly, and to conceive the first hope both of their safety and victory; glad, that now meeting with their enemies, they should either by victory turn their labour, toil, famine, and extremities wherewith they had of long time striven, into ease and plenty of all things, or else by honourable death end all their miseries at once: for many of the horsemen, especially of them that came out of EUROPE, whose horses were starved for want of forage, and the common footmen spent with long travel, & grievously troubled with the flux (who traveling in the extreme heat of the Sun, had for most part lived upon crabs and other wild fruits, with a bad supping made of meal and vinegar, and almost despairing to get the sight of their enemies) began now to die in every corner. Hysmaell as soon as he was come within sight of his enemies, Hysmael sendeth an herald to Selimus. reposing great confidence as well in the valour of his soldiers as in his own rare fortune, the more to terrify them, thought it good forthwith to give them battle: whereupon he sent an herald unto Selimus, accompanied with certain skilful soldiers, which should in best fort they could take view of the number and force of their enemies, of their artillery, and in what sort they lay encamped: and to tell him, That for as much as he had no title unto ARMENIA, nor that the Turks had at any time claimed any interest therein, he could not but marvel, why he had against all right entered with his army into his dominion: but if he happily upon a vain presumption, to the imitation of Alexander of MACEDON, should think so much of the world his own as he could by the sword and his own fortune win, he should then make himself ready against the next day to make proof of his own fortune and the forces of others, not inferior to his own. Whereunto Selimus answered, Selimus his answer unto Hysmael. That the fresh remembrance of the manifold injuries done to the Turks by the Persians, was such, as might give him just cause to take up arms: for as much as long ago both his grandfather Mahomet the Great, and his uncle Cassumes, and even of late his father Bajazet, and he himself also in his wars against his brother Achomates, had received great wrong and dishonour from the Persians. All which things, although they were of themselves important, yet he esteemed not of them as sufficient causes of war, but only sought after his enemy Amurath, his brother's son, who had of late spoiled CAPADOCIA: whom if he would quietly and friendly deliver unto him, as the mutual laws of amity and friendship amongst princes for the maintenance and preservation of their estates and kingdoms required, than he would withdraw his forces, and peaceably return into his kingdom: otherwise, he threatened with fire and sword to destroy, not the frontiers of ARMENIA, but even the heart of PERSIA. And so dismissing the herald, both the armies for that day lay still in their trenches, expecting the dreadful event of battle. The next day Selimus by persuasion of his captains brought his army into the open field, and in order of battle set forward against his enemies, which lay about two miles off, thinking that Hysmaell, The order of Selimus his battle. a prince of so great name, would without delay accept of battle: yet what strength the Persian king was of, what number of men he had, what manner of horsemen, how armed, and with what weapons, he could not certainly learn: for beside that the Persians are by nature ingenious and subtle, the soldiers generally so reverenced and loved Hysmaell their king, that no one was found to have gone from him to the Turk; whereas many revolted from Selimus to him, as it was afterwards learned of the Persian captives. Selimus, who had at that time fourscore thousand horsemen under his ensigns, placed Casan Bassa his lieutenant General of EUROPE, with his Europeian horsemen in the right wing; and Sinan Bassa with his Asian horsemen in the left: and before them both, the Acanzijs (which are voluntary horsemen, the forerunners of the Turks army) who in hope of spoil follow the Turks wars out of all countries: in the middle battle he placed the Asapi or common soldiers; which base and halfe-naked people, as men of little worth or estimation, are commonly thrust into the front of the Turks battles, to receive the first fury of the enemy, and to blunt their swords, more than for any other good service: directly behind them he bestowed his great artillery, guarded with four thousand horsemen: last of all followed himself with his chosen pensioners and janissaries compassed about with small field-pieces and his carriages, as with a double trench: for he had (as their manner is) so environed himself round with his saddled camels, made fast one to another with long chains, that they stood him in stead of a strong trench, from whence he might speedily relieve any part of his distressed army; and in case of extremity, being in the middle of his strength, he might as out of a sure fortress repress the furious assault of his enemies. He also commanded his footmen in the vauward of his battle, that upon the approach of the enemy's horsemen they should speedily withdraw themselves aside into two parts, leaving space for the great ordinance which was placed behind them to play in the middle between them. On the contrary part, Hysmaell, who by the Turk's fugitives understood all the devices of his enemies, calling unto him the chief commanders of his army, showed unto them, that there was no doubt of the victory, so that they could shun the fury of the great artillery: which he assured them would easily be done, if when they saw the Turkish footmen divide themselves, they would also in like manner withdraw themselves into two parts, and give place to the fury of the great ordinance: for which purpose he caused two great ensigns to be displayed, whereunto they should at the time appointed retire, the one for himself and those whom he conducted, the other for usta-ogli, and the rest of his army. Hysmaell (as iovius reporteth) had in his army about thirty thousand horsemen, without any footmen, Hysmaell with thirty thousand Persians giveth battle to Selimus with three hundred thousand Turks. amongst whom were ten thousand men at arms, resolute gentlemen, of great experience, all galiantly mounted upon courageous barbed horses, and themselves bravely armed both for the show and the terror of the enemy; their weapons were a good lance, a sure scimitar, and a horseman's mace: the rest were armed with strong cuirasses and headpieces, and were either archers on horseback, or else used light horsemen's staves, made of Ash after the Spanish fashion, wherewith they served at the half staff. As for guns they had none, in which thing only, and number of men, they were inferior to the Turks. But such was the invincible courage and noble minds of the Persians, that contemning the huge multitude of their enemies (who were in number about three hundred thousand) & making no great reckoning of the great artillery, they doubted not with so few to give them battle. Hysmaell having given the signal of battle, came on with his army, exhorting his soldiers then to remember the honour they had long before gotten in many battles, and courageously to follow him their sovereign, whom they by their worthy service and many victories, had made the greatest monarch of the East, telling them, that they should have now to do but with naked men, whose weapons were but weak staves and light targuets, and their horses little poor jades, almost dead with hunger, never able to abide the first charge of his valiant men at arms. On the other side, Selimus perceiving the coming of his enemies by the rising of the dust, caused knowledge to be given through his army by his captains and officers, that the time of battle which they had so long wished for, was now come; wherein if they would worthily acquit themselves against those their proud enemies, they should to their immortal fame extend the Turkish empire from the Persian sea unto the mountain CAUCASUS: but if they cowardly forgetting their ancient prowess, should faint in the time of the battle, they were not then to think by any means to escape by flight back again through those great plains and desolate countries; where they should by the way either shamefully perish, or else to their perpetual infamy be taken prisoners, and as base slaves, during their lives be enforced to serve the Persian women: for as much as beside the great distance of the place, both the great river Euphrates, and the huge mountain TAURUS, and the faithless king Aladeules, who had shut up all the passages, did cut off all hope from them, if they should be overcome, by any means possible to escape back again into CAPADOCIA. The great and mortal battle between Selimus and Hysmaell. When Hysmaell was come near with his army, and the Asapi upon sign given dividing themselves, made place for the great artillery to play, as was before appointed; he also presently dividing his horsemen, charged the right wing of the Turks army, with such force, that after a most terrible fight betwixt the half armed Turks, and the valiant Persian men at arms, Casan Bassa the great commander of the Europeian horsemen, with the foremost of that wing, being slain, and many more after them, he enforced all that wing to retire unto that place where Selimus himself with the janissaries stood. On the other side, usta-ogli having received no little harm by the Turks great ordinance, because he had not so speedily cleared himself and his followers of that danger, as had Hysmaell; charged the Asian horsemen in the left wing, and there in bloody battle made great slaughter of the enemy, but not with like good hap as did Hysmaell for whiles he most courageously in the foremost ranks assailed his enemies, he was struck with a small shot and slain. usta-ogli slain●. With whose fall the Turks were greatly encouraged, insomuch as that they which but now were glad to give ground, and had lost the third part of that wing, began a fresh to renew the battle, and valiantly to withstand the Persians; and with their arquebusiers (wherewith the Persian horsemen were wonderfully terrified) drove them headlong upon the Turks common footmen. The Persians whether it were forced by necessity for that they had lost so great a commander, and not well able to govern their horses terrified with the thundering shot, or else for that the open side of the footmen presented unto them greater place of advantage, serring themselves together broke through the middle of the battle of those Turkish footmen, and bearing them down before them with a mighty slaughter, came to the great ordinance and there slew the canoneers, who discharging their field pieces at all adventures, in that great medley made a foul slaughter, as well of their own men as of their enemies. And so without stop (as victorious conquerors) made way through the midst of their enemies, until they came to the right wing: where Hysmaell was still hardly charging the Europeian horsemen, who having before lost Casan their General, and being many of them slain or wounded, were already enforced to retire; but now charged afresh upon the side, had much ado to endure the fury of their enemies, but as men in extreme danger, were glad to cry to Selimus for help. In this hard distress, Selimus in two places opened his carriages, wherewith he stood as it were entrenched, and presently sent out part of his horsemen. And by and by turning himself unto his janissaries, said, This days victory is reserved (most worthy soldiers) unto your valour and labour: wherefore now valiantly set forward, and as fresh and courageous men, assail your wearied enemies; their horses are all on a water with sweat, and the men themselves faint under the weight of their armour. But yet for all that Selimus could say, the janissaries were not very forward, but stood still, as men willing in so great a danger to keep themselves within the safeguard of their munition. Wherefore whilst they at their leisure set forward, the Persians in the midst of the heat of this victory, compassing in the Europeian horsemen, slew them down right, Selimus looking on and wishing in vain to help them. Fabritius Carrectus great master of the RHODES, who of all these things had certain intelligence, writ to Leo the Tenth then bishop of ROME, that the janissaries refused to be commanded by Selimus, and were not by any persuasion or entreaty to be induced to relieve the distressed Europeian horsemen; but as men distrusting the event of the battle, chose rather in their strength to expect the success thereof, than with most manifest danger to expose themselves unto the violence of the Persian horsemen, which had as a tempest overborne the vanguard of the Turkish footmen. The Persians were now ready on every side to have assailed Selimus in his greatest strength: when Sinan Bassa, although the wing he led was sore rend and weakened, yet following the Persians through the midst of the heaps of the slain footmen, came in, in good time for Selimus, and with certain fresh troops which had escaped the fury of usta-ogli, restored the battle before almost lost: but especially by the invincible courage of Alis-beg and Mahomet his brother, descended of the honourable family of the Molcozzy, which for nobility amongst the Turks is accounted next unto the Othomans; both of them for courage resembling their warlike father Malcozzius, famous for that woeful expedition he made into FRIULI against the Venetians in the reign of Bajazet. Selimus also not yet discouraged but still in hope, commanded all the great ordinance wherewith he was environed, which he had reserved as his last refuge, to be discharged: by the violence whereof, such slaughter was made, as well of his own men as of his enemies, mingled together, that what for dust, what for smoke, and thundering of the artillery, having on both sides almost lost the use of sight and hearing; The terror of the battle between Selimus and Hysmaell. and their horses being so terrified with the thundering report of the great ordinance, that they were not now to be ruled, the battle was broken off, the victory yet doubtful. The Turkish histories to express the terror of this day, number it amongst their dismal days, terming it The only day of Doom. Hysmaell in this furious battle, having received a wound under his left shoulder with a small shot; by persuasion of his friends withdrew himself to have his wound searched: which thing undoubtedly was the safeguard both of Selimus and his army. For the Persians by and by following their king, left the victory now in all men's opinion almost gotten. But after that Hysmaell perceived the wound was not deep, for that the strength of his armour had so broken the force of the shot, that it pierced not far into his body, he was about to have charged the Turks afresh: but understanding of the death of usta-ogli, in whom for his singular experience in martial affairs, he had reposed his greatest confidence; and his captains also persuading him not to make so light reckoning of his wound, the grief whereof he yet felt not, being warm, but to have regard to his own health: he in seemly order softly marched away in such sort, that his departure had no resemblance of flight. And passing by the city of TAURIS, willed the chief of the citizens to open the gates of the city to Selimus (if he should come thither) and to receive his garrisons, rather than by vain constancy to fall into utter destruction: and so marched himself into the confines of MEDIA. But the Turks entangled with many difficulties, having no hearts for fear, nor strength for weariness to pursue their enemies; yet coming to the Persian tents, took them without resistance: where beside the rich pavilions wrought with needle work of silk and gold, The Persian tents taken by the Turks. and much other precious furniture, many noble ladies and gentlewomen were found, which after the manner of the Persians had followed their husbands in those wars; whom Selimus caused to be all freely set at liberty untouched, excepting one of the wives of Hysmaell whom he detained and gave her in marriage to one of his Bassaes. Some which were present at this battle, reported that amongst the heaps of them which were slain, were found the dead bodies of divers Persian women, which being armed, and following their husbands, died with them in the battle; whom Selimus caused to be honestly buried. This was that notable battle fought in the CALDERAN fields near unto the city of Cor, betwixt these two great princes, the seventh day of August in the year of our Lord 1514. In which battle Selimus lost above thirty thousand men, amongst whom was Casan Bassa his great lieutenant in EUROPE, seven Sanzackes, in which were the two Malcozzian brethren, who labouring the one to rescue the other were both together slain. Beside his common footmen of whom he made least reckoning, he lost most part of his Illirian, Macedonian, Seruian, Epirot, Thessalian, and Thracian horsemen, the undoubted flower and strength of his army, which were in that mortal battle almost all slain, or grievously wounded. Selimus for all this great loss, by the confession of his enemies having gotten the victory, and receiving ambassadors from COY and the cities thereabout, and the great city of TAURIS promising to relieve him with whatsoever he needed, and to do what else he should command: marched directly to TAURIS, desiring both to see and possess himself of that city, as one of the chief palaces of the Persian kings. This city is two days journey distant from COY where the battle was fought, and is probably supposed to be the famous city called in ancient time ECBATHANA, about an hundred and fifty miles distant from the Caspian sea. The citizens were ready at the coming of the Turks, and brought them great store of victuals out of the gates of the city, where Selimus had lodged his army in the suburbs, thinking it no safety to lodge within that great and populous city; contenting himself to have the gates thereof delivered unto him, which he kept with strong guard. Some report that Selimus durst not trust the Persians, and therefore never went into the city but disguised in the habit of a common soldier. Yet some others say, that he did with great magnificence banquet in the stately palace of the Persian king, and there had great discourse with them of TAURIS concerning his late victory. But whilst he thus stayed at TAURIS, and with himself purposed to spend that winter in ARMENIA; he called together his great captains and commanders of his army, to know how they liked thereof: who fearing his displeasure, wholly referred themselves to his own resolution. Only Mustapha his chief Bassa chanced to say, That it were good that the minds of the janissaries and the other soldiers of the court should therein be known. Which his speech, Selimus took in such evil part, that he presently commanded him out of his sight, and deprived him of his greatest honour: and the more to disgrace him, sent one of his jesters after him, who in great scorn and derision coming behind him, cut off part of his tulipant that hung down as the fashion was. But the janissaries understanding the matter, and much offended with the indignity offered unto the great Bassa whom they dearly loved, The janissaries in mutiny aga●●●t Selimus. rise up altogether in arms, and told Selimus flatly, That they would not in any case winter so far from home in the enemy's country: and therefore that it were best for him betime to consider of the matter, for that they were resolutely set down to forsake him if he would needs stay, and not with speed return. Selimus much troubled with this insolency of the janissaries, and hearing daily, that Hysmaell with new supplies out of IBERIA, ALBANIA, and PARTHIA, was coming upon him with greater power than before; and considering withal, with what difficulty and danger he had escaped in the late battle, preserved rather by his good fortune and force of his great artillery, than the valour and prowess of his soldiers; and withal suspecting the multitude and strength of the Taurisians, of whose fidelity he could make no reckoning; he changed his former determination, and resolved to return again into CAPADOCIA: whereupon having contrary to his promise exacted a great mass of money from them of TAURIS, he departed thence, carrying away with him three thousand families, the best artificers in that city, especially such as were skilful in making of armour and weapons, and so with speed retired towards the river Euphrates, a longer way than that whereby he came: fearing to return again by the head of Araxis and the mountains PERIADES, for meeting the Iberian and Albanian horsemen, who were reported to be then coming against him. Hysmaell understanding of his departure, followed after with as much speed as he could, leaving behind him for hast his carriages and such of his soldiers as were not able to endure so long and speedy a march: yet for all his haste (for so much as Selimus was gone a great way before him) he could not overtake any part of his army, until he was come to the great river Euphrates; where Selimus staying two days, and having made divers little boats, was passing over his footmen: which because they were not sufficient for the speedy transportation of so great a multitude, many for haste swum over the river upon bladders, and some adventured to get over upon the broken pieces of their carriages, which they had for that purpose burst in sunder. Selimus himself got over to the farther bank in a little boat, having before caused all his horsemen with their horses at once to take the river, of purpose to break the violence of the stream, whereby his footmen and camels with their burdens got over with less danger, and some of his field pieces were also with less difficulty transported. Selimus in passing the river Euphrates, receiveth great loss. Yet for all the speed he could make, the Georgian horsemen, the forerunners of Hysmaell his army, being come within sight before the Turks were all got over, raised such a fear and a stir all alongst that side of the river, that two thousand of the Turks were in their hasty passage there drowned, divers field pieces left sticking in the mud, and much of their baggage carried away with the force of the river. The Georgians contenting themselves with such things as were left, pursued them no further: for the wheels of the Turks carriages entangled together with the violence of the stream, had stayed a great part of the Turkish trash, floating in the river: and much more was in divers places driven upon the shore, all which the Georgian horsemen easily drew out. Hysmaell in the mean time rejoicing at nothing more, than that having chased away his enemies, he had also recovered much of the great ordinance whereby he had before received so great hurt. Selimus by speedy flight thus got out of the hands of the Persians, found his passing much more dangerous at the mountain ANTITAURUS, than he had before thought of: For Aladeules the mountain king having now his fortune in contempt, and diligently waiting for his prey, had with his savage people before taken all the strait passages of that mountain country; who every night in thievish manner assailed the Turks, as they with their weak and weary companies passed through those rough and broken ways: and robbing their carriages, presently fled into their haunts and places of refuge in the thick woods and rocky mountains. Aladeules himself in the mean time, by whose fraud all this was done, every day excusing himself, as if it had been done against his will, by the rude mountain people enured to such desperate robberies, whom nevertheless he said he would in short time severely chastise so soon as he could find the authors thereof. In the mean while, for fashion sake sending a little spare provision for certain days, did every night rob and spoil the Turks by his soldiers, as they could take them in places of advantage. Against which mischiefs Selimus could neither by policy, neither his soldiers by industry provide any sufficient remedy. Wherefore dissembling the injuries he daily received, purposing to be thereof in time revenged, together with the foul and treacherous dealing of that faithless king; holding on his way, he with much ado came at length to TRAPEZOND, Selimus claimeth to Am●sia. and from thence to AMASIA, where he spent that Winter in repairing his sore weakened army, purposing with the first of the Spring to make war upon Aladeules and the mountain people, who in his return had done him so great harm and injury. In this sort iovius, one of the great historiographers of that time, reporteth the aforesaid wars betwixt Hysmael and Selimus, whose credit in that matter other writers have since for most part followed. Howbeit, Io. Ant. Maenavinus, a Genua, who served in these wars, doth in his book concerning the Turkish affairs, dedicated to the French king, much otherwise report the same: which to satisfy the desirous reader, I have thought good here in few words to set down, as it is by himself reported. The former history as it is reported by Io. Ant. Maenavinus a Genua, present at the doing thereof. Selimus (saith he) with his army in number about three hundred thousand men, being come to the river Euphrates, found the bridge broken down by his nephew▪ Amurat, and his enemies encamped in convenient place on the farther side of the river, with their forces greatly increased by new supplies lately sent from the Persian king: so that there was then in the Persian army about ninety thousand men horse and foot, the horsemen for most part furnished with two horses apiece for service: and though Selimus did what he might, to know whether the Persian king were in person himself in the camp, or else (which he most feared) was raising of greater forces in PERSIA, yet could he by no means learn the truth of that he desired. Wherefore repairing again the broken bridge, he first sent over his two great lieutenants of GRaeCIA and ANATOLIA, who passing over the river, encamped themselves as they thought convenient. The next morning, about two hours before the rising of the Sun, Amurat suddenly assailed the great commander of GRaeCIA, Casan Bassa, in his trenches, and by plain force discomfited the Turks, and by good fortune took from them their tents: whereupon such a terror and fear came upon the other great commander of ANATOLIA, that his soldiers thrusting themselves for fear into the river, swum over with great danger, and again joined themselves with the rest of the army. Selimus troubled with the great loss thus received, caused all his great artillery to be placed all alongst the hithermost bank of the river Euphrates; and because the enemy should not perceive the same, ranged certain companies of his soldiers before the ordinance, as if they should presently have passed the river: who upon signal given, should forthwith withdraw themselves and give place to the great ordinance bend upon the enemy. But when fire was given to these great pieces, many of them being overcharged, burst in sunder, and slew divers of the Turks: many also of their horses and mules being near unto the rivers side, and terrified with the thundering shot, leapt into the river, and were there drowned together with their riders. The Persians also having received great loss, retired farther off for fear of the great artillery. So Selimus without resistance passing over the river, marched forthwith toward the enemy: whom the Persians as men nothing dismayed, notably encountered. The battle was of long time doubtful, and much blood shed on both sides: and if the approach of the night had not broken off that mortal fight, the Persian army rather overcharged with the multitude of the enemy, than vanquished by valour, had undoubtedly received a great overthrow; but through the benefit of the night, they without further loss escaped the pursuit of the Turks. Upon this victory, Selimus left his carriages and baggage with his footmen; and taking with him only his horsemen, set forward, with intention to have upon the sudden surprised the regal city of TAURIS, before the fame of the late fought battle could be carried thither; the Persians in the mean time being no less careful of their affairs. The day before, ten thousand fresh horsemen well appointed, which had not yet been in the battle, were coming to Hysmaell: these he craftily laid in the Turks way, commanding them upon the approach of the enemy to fly, as if it had been for fear. Selimus in the morning having descried these horsemen at hand, supposing them to be such of his enemies as being overtaken with the night were not able to follow the rest of his army, exhorted his soldiers courageously to pursue their discouraged enemies. The Persians seeing the Turks, of purpose betook themselves to flight; and they suspecting no deceit, followed fast after them, until that about mid day being weary of the pursuit, and coming to a little river which was in their way, they there stayed to refresh themselves: and after they had taken a short repast, again pursued the Persians, still leaving behind them such as were not able so fast to follow, pricked forward with hope, that before night they should surprise and ransack the rich city of TAURIS. The Turkish horsemen thus drawn far from the footmen, the Persian horsemen left in ambush, in the mean time set upon the Turks footmen, lying (as they supposed) in great security, and with a great slaughter overthrew them: at which time they also took all Selimus his treasure and great artillery. Which overthrow was by speedy posts, about two a clock in the night made known to Selimus (who now in his mind already conceived the sacking of TAURIS) and withal, that the fierce enemy was following him at the heels. Selimus wonderfully abashed with this unexpected news and the loss of his footmen, forthwith began to retire: which the ten thousand Persians which had before of purpose fled, perceiving, now turning themselves upon the retiring Turks, charged them hardly: so Selimus enclosed both before and behind by his enemies, received a great overthrow. And the Turks thus hardly beset and almost despairing of their lives, and having lost their ensigns, broke out side ways betwixt their enemies and fled. Selimus seeing all desperate and forlorn, betook himself to flight also with the rest: and passing the river Euphrates, broke down the bridge which he had but a little before repaired, for fear the Persians should further pursue him; and with much trouble and no less danger coming at length to AMASIA, assembled thither the relics of his discomfited army. Such of the Turks as remained behind, and were not able in flight to keep way with the rest, were all slain by the Persians. The Genua author thus concludeth his history, That the Persian king did not more rejoice at this victory, than did he himself for the overthrow of the Turks; hoping in that their so great a confusion, to free himself of his long and miserable thraldom, and to find a way unto his native country and parents: as afterwards he did, for flying first to TRAPEZONDE and there taking passage into EUROPE, he came to HADRIANOPLE, from whence he traveled by land on foot to SALONICA, & there chancing upon certain ships of Christian merchants which had brought corn thither, he was by them transported into the island of CHIOS; from whence he joyfully returned to GENVA his native conuntrey, after he had amongst the Turks endured ten years captivity: most part whereof he lived as a page in old Bajazet his privy chamber, and the rest as a soldier of the court in the reign of Selimus; and therefore well acquainted with the fashion of the Turks court, and manners of that barbarous nation. Now shall it not (as I hope) be much from our purpose, here with iovius a little to digress, in comparing these two great princes Hysmaell and Selimus together; who in that time had filled the world with the glory of their fame: that wearied with bloody broils, and the wonderful chances of war, we may a little repose ourselves with matter of a milder vain, neither unpleasant nor unprofitable. These two mighty princes, Selimus and Hysmaell compared together. as they were for royal descent, strength of body, courage of mind, riches, and power, equal, and had thereby obtained like fame and renown: so in conditions and qualities of mind, and martial discipline, they much differed. First of all (beside the mutual hatred of the one nation against the other, delivered as it were by succession from their grandfathers and fathers) these two princes, and so likewise their subjects also, were at great odds about an idle question of their vain superstition, the one preferring and honouring Ebubekir, Homaris, and Ottoman, as the most true and rightful successors of their great prophet Mahomet: the other with no less devotion honouring Haly, and detesting the three former; differing otherwise in few or no points of their most fond superstition: yet did they under the colour and zeal of their religion (as they would have it) both pretend just causes of war, although their evil dissembled ambitious desires, plainly declared unto the world, that they both shot at one and the same mark, viz. By confirming their power and strength to extend the bounds of their great empires. For Hysmaell of purpose affected the fame and glory of Darius and Xerxes, the ancient Persian kings; who having subdued ASIA, with great boldness passed over into EUROPE: and Selimus, the greatness of Alexander of MACEDON, who subverted the Persian empire. Which their aspiring thoughts, masking under the vail of zeal towards their religion, seemed not altogether vain; fortune with like indifferenceie immoderately favouring their bold ambitious and endless desires. Hysmaell majestical. But in Hysmaell appeared such a wonderful devotion and gravity, that his haughty thoughts were with the reverend majesty thereof covered: whereas in Selimus, his inhuman cruelty did blot and obscure all his other princely virtues: for he with reward and punishment retained the majesty of his empire, but with greater fame of severity than bounty. Because it was expedient in the exact discipline of that servile government, whereof the greatest strength of the Ottoman empire consisteth, to use all rigour and severity: Otherwise than it stood with the state of Hysmaell, who levied always his armies of his nobility and men free borne, with whom temperate justice, civil courtesy, and popular clemency, are of greatest force, to win their fidelity, faith, and loyalty: for that there is no man well born, which feareth not more the blemish of infamy than the heaviness of punishment: so that it was not to be marveled, if Hysmaell by such honourable virtues did mightily defend the glory of his majesty and renown. Unto these his rare virtues, was also joined a comeliness of face (the fairest gift of nature) well beseeming so great a monarch: for he was well coloured, quick eyed, yellow bearded, and that which amongst the Persians is accounted the sign of ancient nobility, hooked nosed; and was withal exceeding eloquent: By which good gifts, he wonderfully won unto himself both t●e eyes and hearts of such as beheld him. Selimus' tyrannical. But in Selimus his stern countenance, his fierce and piercing eyes, his Tartarlike pale colour, his long moustaches on his upper lip, like bristles, frild back to his neck, with his beard cut close to his chin, did so express his martial disposition and inexorable nature, that he seemed to the beholders, to have nothing in him but mischief and cruelty. Which diversity of countenances was also accompanied with no less diversity of affections, and so consequently with far unlike manner of government. H●smaell courteous. For Hysmaell was of nature courteous and affable, easy to be seen and spoken withal, doing nothing that beseemed hi● regal function, but in the sight of all men: His manner was to dine openly in the company of his nobility, delighting much in hawking and hunting, accompanied with his noble men, and the ambassadors of foreign princes: He would oftentimes run, leap, and prove masteries with his chief courtiers, being himself a most excellent horseman and cunning archer: In his exercises he was so popular, that he would not stick openly to bare himself and swim in his princely baths: His wives, the beautiful daughters of his nobility or neighbour princes, ladies of gre●● chastity, he neither loathed nor divorced; after the ancient manner of the Persian kings, who always used most tenderly to love and cherish their wives, doing them all the honour possible in court, as partakers of all their fortune; and carried them, their children, nurses, and richest furniture into their farthest wars, to their great trouble and charge, by the presence of so dear pledges the more to encourage their minds in time of battle. Selimus' Churlish. Whereas Selimus chose did all things in secret, eating his meat alone without any company, attended upon with his pages and eunuchs only, and satisfying natures want with some one simple dish of meat: He seldom went abroad but to the church, upon the friday the Turks chief Saboth; and then so beset with his pensioners and other soldiers of the court, that although he used to ride alone mounted upon some courageous horse, yet was it a hard matter by face to know him amongst so many armed men, who with great pride and insolency kept back the beholders: He was seldom seen abroad in the city, choosing rather for his recreation to pass over in his galley into ASIA, and there alongst the sea coast to take the air: His wives he would not suffer to come to court, neither used their company but for procreation sake, and that (as was thought) without any great good countenance or familiarity; for that he being not greatly given to women, but more delighted with unnatural pleasure, thought a man's body and mind to be not a little weakened with the allurements of women; wherefore he seldom resorted to the cloister of choice paragons in the midst of CONSTANTINOPLE, shut in on every side with high and blind walls. Those dainty pieces, either taken from their Christian parents, or by chance surprised by pirates, are there most curiously kept by ancient matrons and old eunuchs, by whom they are with all diligence instructed in the principles of the Mahometan law, and to read the Arabian tongue, and withal, cunningly and comely to sing, play, dance, and sow: But Selimus of all others used seldomest to see these allurements, as a man not greatly delighted with women, or desirous of many (and oftentimes unfortunate) children; having but one son (Solyman) by the daughter of Muhamet a Tartar king, who afterwards by the sufferance of God, proved a great plague to the Christian common weal. Such spare time as he had from his serious and weighty affairs, he used to spend in walking in his gardens with some of his Bassas or other great courtiers; and in beholding & noting the noble men's children there sporting themselves, would discourse and consult of many things of great importance. Some hours he would spend in the baths, and in reading the histories of his ancestors and other foreign princes: imitating therein his grandfather Mahomet the Great, who caused almost all the histories of the famous princes of the world to be translated into the Turkish language, and their lively counterfeits to be with cunning hand drawn, that by their worthy examples he might be the more inflamed to extend his fame and glory. He would many times scoff at the great business of his father Bajazet, who (as he said) was so drowned in the study of Auerrois (determining nothing certainly of the nature of the soul) and the motions of the heavens, that he desired rather the name of a sharp disputer amongst the idle professors of Philosophy, than of a renowned cheefetaine amongst his valiant soldiers and men of war. One of the Persian ambassadors finding him pleasantly disposed, demanded of him why he did not wear his beard long, as his father Bajazet and other great princes of that age had done, thereby to seem unto their subjects of greater majesty: to whom he answered, That he liked not to carry about with him such an unnecessary handful, whereby his Bassas might at their pleasure lead him up and down the court, as they had done his father: Noting thereby, that Bajazet whilst he yet lived, had been too much overruled by the Bassas; which he could by no means endure, following no man's advise but his own in whatsoever he took in hand. But to come unto the Persians themselves, they in their wars had great disadvantage of the Turks: for as they were strong in horsemen, so were they destitute of expert trained footmen, by whose only means the Turks have achieved their greatest victories, and performed their greatest wars. Beside this, it was a great want in the Persians, that they had not the use of guns, against whose fury no sufficient resistance can be made, or force of man opposed: as appeared by the lamentable example of Vsun-Cassanes at ARSENGA, and now of Hysmaell in the Calderan fields; whose victorious armies of horsemen were in both places put to the worse by the terror and violence of the Turks artillery. The Persians better horsemen than the Turk●. For the naked Turkish horseman is not to be compared with the Persian man at arms; who comes into the field armed with a strong cuiras, a sure headpiece, and a good target: whereas the Turkish Europeian horsemen, altogether naked, use only a square or crooked buckler, wherewith they do scarcely cover themselves: and the Asian horsemen, bucklers made of soft reeds, wound round, and covered with some kind of silk. The Persian horsemen also, wearing their pouldrons and gauntlets, and bearing staves of good ash, armed at both ends, fight with them as occasion serveth at the half staff, after the manner of the Numidians, and with doubling and redoubling their often thrusts from on high, do easily wound or kill the unarmed Turks; with their horses: whereas the Turkish horsemen, after the manner of the Grecians, couching their staves in their rests, do at the first course most commonly break the same, being made of light and brittle fir, and so presently come to their scimitars, or horsemen's maces, being in all other things far inferior to the Persian man at arms. As for the Turkish archers on horseback, they are in no respect to be compared with the Persians; who well mounted and surely armed, and using both greater and stronger bows, shoot more deadly arrows, and so make small account of the Turks. So that all things well considered, the Persian army, devoted to their king as well for the great and firm opinion conceived of his high courage and divine spirit, as for that they were to him by faith obliged; although it was in number far inferior, yet had it been of the Turks invincible, if it had not been overwhelmed by the cruel, The cause why Hysmaell came with so small an army against Selimus. cowardly, and murdering artillery and wonderful multitude of men. The cause why Hysmaell out of so many great and large provinces then under his obeisance (able in ancient times with their multitude to cover the face of the earth, and to drink the rivers dry) brought now so small an army against the Turkish emperor, breaking into the heart of ARMENIA, was for that Hysmaell to win the hearts of the people by bounty, had remitted a great part of his customs and tributes, so as then stood best with his policy, having but lately aspired unto the kingdom, and thrust down his near kinsmen, the posterity of Vsun-Cassan and jacup, the rightful inheritors thereof: so that his coffers being empty, and wanting money, the sinews of war, he was not able to raise so great an army as otherwise he might out of those populous kingdoms and countries, yielding plentifully all things necessary for the use of man. Whereas with Selimus it was far otherwise: whose horsemen, footmen, captains, canoneers, both at sea and land, officers of peace and wars, received their daily wages and monthly pays in ready money, of his treasurers and paymasters: for defraying of which charge he never wanted coin, having an inestimable mass of money always in store in the seven towers at CONSTANTINOPLE: and his yearly tributes and revenues still exceeding all his charges by a fourth part. The strength of the Persian king consisted in three kind of soldiers: the first were they which were accounted soldiers of the court: the second such as were by custom and duty bound to serve him in his wars: and the third such as were sent unto him from the princes his neighbours and confederates. Those which were accounted soldiers of his court, had their certain stipends, and were altogether maintained of the king's charge; of whom according to the old custom of the Persian kings, they at certain times receive armour, horses, apparel, tents, and wages, every one as he is in place and degree. And being attended upon with a gallant and strong garrison of these, he maintaineth the majesty of his court, especially when he rideth in progress. The nobility and ancient gentlemen of his country, who hold lands and possessions descended unto them from their ancestors, or holden by the gift of the king, are sent for in time of wars, and are of duty bound to perform such like service as the nobility and gentlemen of ITALY, FRANCE, and SPAIN do unto their sovereigns: these hardly amount to the number of twenty thousand, whereof it is well if the third part come well armed; the rest content themselves with head-pieces and jacks, and use for their weapons either horsemen's staves or bows, which they can most cunningly handle, discharging their arrows very near unto that they aim at, either forward or backward. They which come unto him from foreign princes, confederate or tributary, are commonly sent from the kings and princes of IBERIA, ALBANIA, and the countries bordering upon MEDIA and ARMENIA; who being half Christians, bear a mortal hatred against the Turks. Hysmaell the Persian king had then under his dominion these great and famous countries, The country's sub●ect to Hysmaell. ARMENIA the greater, SULTHANIA, PERSIA, ASSYRIA, MESOPOTAMIA, MEDIA, and PARTHIA: whereof ARMENIA is the chiefest, famous for the great city TAURIS, called in ancient time ECBATHANA: this country yieldeth unto the Persian king his best footmen; but his choice horsemen come from out of PERSIA, and especially from SCYRAS, called of old CYRIPOLIS: next unto them are from ASSYRIA, the chief city whereof is BAGADAT, called in ancient time BABYLON. The Medes and Parthians are of all others accounted the best archers next unto the Scythians. 1515 But now to return again from whence we have a little too far stayed. Selimus after his great expedition against Hysmaell, wintering at AMASIA, by his lieutenants and captains in EUROPE and ASIA, Selimus with a new army en●●eth into Armenia. raised such a power, that with the first of the Spring he entered again into the confines of the Persian kingdom, with a greater army than before, and that somewhat sooner than the extreme cold of that part of ARMENIA (subject to the snowy mountain TAURUS) would either well suffer, or that the enemy thought it had been possible for him to have so done. There was upon the further side of the river Euphrates a strong town called CIAMASSUM, situate a little above that place where the river Melas (much celebrated by the Grecian Poets) falleth into the river Euphrates: which town for the commodious situation thereof, standing upon the first entrance of the passage into ARMENIA the great, the Persians had furnished with a strong garrison: this town Selimus thought good in any case to be master of, by taking whereof, and of some other holds thereabout, he should open a fair way for himself into his enemy's country. Hysmael at the same time was gone with all his power against the Hyrcanians, Bactrians, and other savage people dwelling near unto the Caspian sea, than up in arms against him: which wished opportunity Selimus taking, and making a bridge over the river Euphrates, passed over with his army, came before the town, and laid hard siege to the same before his enemies were well aware of his coming. The Turks at their first approach compassing the city round with their huge multitude of arquebusiers and archers, drove the defendants from the walls; and still without rest or intermission bringing on fresh men, as Selimus had before taken order, and others at the same time breaking open the gates, and in divers places scaling the walls, enforced the defendants to forsake their standings, and to retire themselves into the market place; where although they were before sore spent with labour and wounds, yet did they there with wonderful courage a great while notably withstand the multitude of their enemies still swarming in, and in defence of their country, like resolute men, fought it out unto the last man. Selimus having taken and ransacked CIAMASSUM, with two other small castles which the defendants had for fear before abandoned, although he was with a deadly hatred and ambitious desire pricked forward against Hysmaell, and thirsted after nothing more than the subversion of the Persian kingdom: yet he thought it not good further to enter into ARMENIA, before he had out of those forests and mountains chased the mountain king Aladeules, who but the year before had most treacherously done him and his army so many injuries in his return from the Persian expedition. For Aladeules not without cause fearing his own estate, as soon as he understood that Selimus had again taken the field, and that he was come to the river Euphrates, and so to CIAMASSUM, speedily assembling his forces, had in short time raised a great army for the defence of himself and his kingdom: purposing that if Selimus should go farther into ARMENIA, then after his wont manner to look on as a beholder, and by the event of the war to take occasion of prey, and by shutting up the passages of his country, at his pleasure to rob and spoil the Turks in their return. Wherefore Selimus leaving a garrison at CIAMASSUM, retired back again over the river Euphrates unto the mountain ANTITAURUS, where it was reported that his enemies lay. This Aladeules (as is aforesaid) ruled over the rude and savage mountain people, inhabiting the great mountains TAURUS and ANTITAURUS: Aladeule● hi● kingdom. which mountains as it were linked together one to another, run from the mountains called SCODRISCI, and the borders of CAPADOCIA, with a perpetual rising, through many large provinces and countries unto the great mountain AMA●VS, and uttermost bounds of CILICIA. The people of this country were by nature fierce and warlike, more famous for nothing, than for the want of all thing; who as men dwelling in a rough and bare country, could little or nothing profit by husbandry: yet in such places as would bear any pasture, they had their breed of horses and camels, and did with all diligence use grazing; but the greatest part of their living consisted in hunting and stealing. These are supposed to have had their beginning from the Galatians, Capadocians, Armenians, and the old inhabitants of ASIA the less, which by long and continual wars in former ages, and especially by the lamentable irruption of the Scythians, were enforced to forsake their cities and dwellings, and for safeguard of their lives to fly into those rough and desolate mountains. These distressed people searching every hill and every da●e, and following the opportunity of the rivers and fountains, but especially the mildest temperature of the air, and favourable aspect of the Sun, built in many places poor country villages, and afterwards divers fair towns: where in process of time they growing to better estate, there rise up some amongst them, which overruling the rest, ambitiously took upon them the name of kings; desiring to be had in regard, and to be feared of their neighbours, although they commanded but over rough woods and ragged rocks. near unto the confines of Aladeules kingdom is the city O●PHA, which many suppose to have been the famous city EDESSA, because that as yet there remaineth certain monuments of Baldwin in Latin letters; who after his brother Godfrey was possessed of JERUSALEM, is reported to have taken EDESSA, and there reigned. Not far from thence is also the ancient city AMYDA, which at this day is called CARAMIDA, joining upon MESOPOTAMIA: which country lying between the two great rivers Euphrates and Tigris, is now called DIAREECHA. The chief city of Aladeules kingdom was MARAS, so called as may be thought of the fair river Marsias running through it out of the mountain CaeLENE, taking the name of Marsias, overcome by Apollo, and made famous by the verses of many learned Poets. But Aladeules, after he saw that Selimus with his army was entered into the frontiers of his kingdom, and drawing near unto him, brought down all his horsemen, in number about fifteen thousand, from the mountains into a fair large valley; commanding his footmen, whereof he had great store, to keep the mountains on the right hand and the left: where having the high rocky mountains and straight passages, much for his advantage, he determined in that place which he had long before chosen and fortified, to expect the coming of his enemies. Selimus considering the disadvantage of the place, although he perceived the victory could not without great loss of his men be obtained; and before persuaded that his enemies would never have willingly been drawn to battle: yet made no doubt to adventure his fortune, presuming upon the multitude and strength of his army. Wherefore he commanded Sinan Bassa the Eunuch (whom he had made general of the Europeian horsemen in stead of Casan Bassa before slain) with a square battle to charge the enemy affront, for as much as the place would not suffer him to range his battle in length, nor to use any wings: and he himself with his janissaries and Asian horsemen followed after in the rearward. Selimus assaileth Al●d●ul●s. Neither were the soldiers of Aladeules unmindful of themselves or of their king, who valiantly fought in the head of the battle: but having spent their arrows, did courageously receive the furious assault of the Turks: and standing close to them, still keeping the advantage of the ground, did with such force repulse them, that the old beaten soldiers of the Turks, seemed little or nothing to prevail either with their multitude or valour: for the Turks by reason of the straightness of the place, could not enclose them on either side, and were beside grievously wounded by Aladeules footmen, who standing upon the sides of the hills with their darts and arrows from above, overwhelmed the Turks in the valley. When Selimus saw that Aladeules, contrary to his expectation made strong resistance, and valiantly withstood his forces; he drew certain companies of arquebusiers out of his own squadrons, and sent them to relieve their fellows: and at the same instant commanded the janissaries for all the danger to mount the hill. Then the mountain people terrified with the strangeness of the shot, and not able to abide the force thereof, by and by turned their backs, and by known ways fled into their sure haunts in the mountains and woods fast by. Yet the greatest slaughter fell amongst these footmen, who when they saw the horsemen put to flight, and the janissaries coming up the hills against them, did with much difficulty, by steep and broken ways clamber up the high mountains: as oftentimes it falleth out, that both the strength of me●s legs and other their wont forces fail them most, when surprised and overcome with sudden fear they desire to run and fly fastest. Alad●ules flieth into the mountains. The Turks having them in chase, had the kill of them until the going down of the Sun. The horsemen with the king, upon their swift horses, well acquainted with those rocks and rough ways, with little loss retired themselves into the further and stronger places of the mountains. Aladeules after this discomfiture, finding himself in all things far inferior to his enemy, thought it best by protracting the war, to weary him out: wherefore as the Turks pursued him, and burned the poor country cottages standing in their way, he still fled from mountain to mountain, never offering battle or showing himself, but in places of great advantage. And therefore Selimus fearing lest in that barren rough and unknown country, he should either want victual or by some other means be entrapped, if he should still with his whole army follow after his strong enemies; upon the seventh day left off to pursue them any farther. And encamping himself in the most convenient place of that country, sent Sinan Bassa with his light horsemen, who carrying with them certain days victuals, should still at the heels follow the enemy, and with all speed and policy possible, hunt after the king himself. Selimus in the mean time curiously inquiring of the country captives after the strength of Aladeules; and what means he had to maintain the war: found, that he had taken with him his best men both horse and foot; and had commanded the country people to forsake the villages, of purpose to leave all desolate to the enemy: and having surely entrenched himself upon a certain strong rock (whither he had before conveyed great store of provision) was resolved not to give battle unto his enemies, until he had drawn them into the impregnable straits of the mountains, where their huge multitude should little avail them, but to increase their own loss. another cause there was also (as they said) for that he feared to be betrayed by Alis Beg his kinsman, General of his horsemen; who first fled in the late battle: whose unfaithfulness and hatred might seem to proceed of a just ground, for that Aladeules had in former time treacherously murdered his father, upon a jealous suspicion of his aspiring to the kingdom. Selimus understanding all this, caused the captives to have their irons struck off, and in steed of their gives lading them with gifts and promises, sent them to Alis Beg with secret letters and rewards, to persuade him in so fit a time to revenge his father's death; which thing if he would perform by some notable exploit upon Aladeules, he should both purchase unto himself great credit with Selimus, and also the kingdom. These homely messengers according as was given them in charge, having imparted the matter to Sinan Bassa, within few days had so wrought, that Alis Beg (whom the desire of a kingdom together with Selimus his rewards pricked forward to seek revenge) was easily drawn to join hands with Selimus. And when he could no other way hurt Aladeules, who mistrusting all things, warily looked unto himself; he found the means to go over to Sinan Bassa, carrying after him a great part of Aladeules his best horsemen: by whose means the rest also which remained being with rewards corrupted, one company after another came at last all over unto the Bassa. Aladeules circumvented with this unexpected treachery, which never before thought it possible that his men should all so suddenly have forsaken him and revolted unto the Turks; was now glad to repose all his hope in secret flight. But Sinan Bassa and Alis Beg, hardly pursuing him as he fled through the mountains, hiding himself in rocks and the thick woods, at last drew him out of a cave, being betrayed by the country peasants. Alad●ules taken and in aught 〈…〉, t● put to death. Aladeules being brought to Selimus, was within a few days after put to death, and his head in great derision afterwards carried about through all ASIA the less: and afterward by way of barbarous ostentation, sent by Selimus to the Senate of VENICE, as a loathsome testimony of his victory. Aladeules thus dead, Selimus reduced all his kingdom into the form of a province, which he divided into three parts; and after the manner of the Turkish government, appointed to every part a Sanzacke: yet so, that Alis Beg should be chief over the rest, with such sovereignty as that he wanted nothing of a king but the name only. And for the better government of all things in that new gained kingdom, he left Sinan Bassa there all the rest of that summer; with commandment, that after he had set all things in good order, he should winter at ICONIUM: and he himself with a small train returned to CONSTANTINOPLE, for he had heard, that whilst he was busied in his wars against Hysmaell and Aladeules in ARMENIA, that the Hungarians had made divers incursions into SERVIA, and spoiled that country. Wherefore for fear of losing SAMANDRIA (which standing near to Danubius, for the convenient situation thereof is reputed the bulwark of SERVIA and THRACIA) he sent jonuses Bassa then governor of BOSNA with eight thousand horsemen, who passing the river Saws entered into CROATIA as far as CETINUM: Selimus inuad●th Hungar●●. and at the same time transported an other army over Danubius into HUNGARY, to the intent that the Hungarians at one instant beset with double danger, should be enforced to fear their own state; and withal to show unto the world, of what strength and power the Ottoman emperors were. Deeming it to concern much, both for the present, and the time to come, to the daunting of the Christians; if he should by his happy attempts make it known, that he could at once easily and readily maintain so many and so puissant armies, and wage so great wars in divers parts of the world, and so far distant one from an other. In the end of the year, when he had thus with double invasion repressed the Hungarians, he spent the Winter following at HADRIANOPLE & CONSTANTINOPLE, in making of greater preparation for war than ever he had before from the beginning of his reign. For he was advertised, that the great monaches of the North his neighbours, namely Maximilian the emperor, Vladislaus king of HUNGARY, and Sigismundus king of POLONIA, with the princes of GERMANY, had combined themselves together to make war upon him. But after he had learned by his sure intelligencers (whom he had with great charge sent into all parts of EUROPE, diligently to observe what was done in the courts of those great princes) that all the great meetings of the Christian princes proved nothing but glorious words and sumptuous banquets; he being rid of that vain fear (God so appointing) turned himself and all those his wonderful preparations again toward the East, to the great quiet of Christendom in general. Yet least happily in the absence of himself and of his armies, the Christian princes might take occasion to invade his dominions, he strengthened the frontiers of his empire with most strong garrisons: and left his son Solyman (who afterward proved the great scourge of Christendom) at HADRIANOPLE with a strong power, and Pyrrhus Bassa his tutor (a man of great wisdom and government) at CONSTANTINOPLE. This great Bassa was of CILICIA, a native Turk borne, which was a thing accounted strange, forasmuch as the great Bassas were always chosen of the Christian blood. After that, he sent Cherseogles (whom of all others he most trusted) with his army into BYTHINIA, and made Zafferus an eunuch Admiral of his navy, which he had but a little before built, 1516 and with a wonderful labour and charge rigged forth. Then staying a few days at CONSTANTINOPLE to see the young soldiers, Selimus goeth to Iconium. but than chosen janissaries; he departed thence and went to his old army, lying with Sinan Bassa at ICONIUM, purposing to have again invaded the Persian. When he was come thither, he understood that Campson Gaurus Sultan of EGYPT (with a great army levied in EGYPT and JUDEA) was come into SYRIA, giving it out that he would aid the Persian king his confederate, and with all hostility enter into CILICIA, if Selimus should farther proceed to invade Hysmaell the Sophi his friend and ally. Selimus perplexed with these news, and fearing that if he should once pass over the river Euphrates, Campson lying so near in readiness, should forthwith break in at his back into ASIA by the mountain AMANUS, and so endanger that part of his dominion; stayed at ICONIUM, and sent his ambassadors with great presents to Campson to pacify him, if it might be. The chief men in this embassage were the Cadelescher, a man of great account amongst the Turks, and of them exceedingly reverenced for the opinion they had of his great Mahometan superstition, who afterwards wrote the Commentaries of this war; and jachis a great captain. The scope of whose embassage was, to entreat Campson, that he would not hinder or disturb Selimus from making war upon the Persian king; who had so often and so forcibly invaded his dominions in ASIA, and by bringing in a new form of superstition, had corrupted and altered the most certain grounds of the Mahometan religion. And if they found him resolutely set down and not to be by any conditions removed, then with all possible diligence to learn his strength and farther designs, so far as by any means they could, and with all speed to make their return. The causes moo●ing Campson to fall out with Selimus. But Campson now far spent with age, and living in the height of worldly bliss, although he knew it fitter for him at those years to give himself ease and quietness, than to thrust himself into wars and other prince's quarrels; yet thought this expedition to be for many causes both good and necessary. First, he deadly hated the man for his inhuman cruelty, and therefore could never be persuaded to renew the league with him which he had in former time made with his father Bajazet: Besides that, he desired to abate and repress his audacious insolency, grown already by his prosperous success beyond the bounds of reason: for Selimus having taken TAURIS, overthrown the Persians, and slain Aladeules, began now to seem terrible to all the princes that bordered upon him; and there were many which said he was another Alexander, who whilst other princes sat still as men a sleep, did in the mean time plot in his victorious mind, the monarchy of the whole world. But above all things, the fear of the losing of SYRIA, and consequently the loss of all his kingdom (the quickest motive for stirring up of the suspicious minds of the greatest princes) most enforced Campson to take in hand this war: For as much as the goodly kingdoms of EGYPT, JUDEA, and SYRIA, oppressed with the intolerable government of the proud Mamalukes, and therefore less faithful to the Egyptian kings, were in danger to revolt to the Turks, if the Persians should by any mischance or fortune of war be of the Turks vanquished. For which cause Campson in the beginning of this war, solicited by the Persian ambassadors, had made a firm league and confederation with Hysmaell: and also moved with the misery of the woeful young prince Aladin the son of Achomates, was in mind persuaded, that the cruel Turkish tyrant might by his and the Persian kings forces, easily be thrust out of his empire in ASIA and EUROPE. For Aladin, who after the death of Achomates his father fled to Campson the Sultan of EGYPT (as is before declared) had lived three years as a forlorn and distressed prince in the Egyptian court, and by all means he could devise incited the Mamalukes to revenge the injuries and cruelty of his uncle Selimus. The eldest son also of the late king Aladeules, a goodly young prince, having at once lost his father, his kingdom, and whatsoever he held else, was in good time fled to the Egyptian king; and had so filled the minds of all men with the indignation and detestation of Selimus his exceeding cruelty, that the princes of the Mamalukes of their own accord came to Campson, humbly beseeching him to take upon him so just a war: and if by reason of his great years he should think himself unable to endure the travel thereof, it would then please him yet to give them leave of themselves to take the matter in hand, for the repressing of the insolency of that great and wicked tyrant. These Mamalukes far excelled the Turks, not only in strength of body, skilful riding, and goodly armour, The Order of the Mamalukes. but also in courage and wealth. Beside that, they had not forgotten with what small power they had under the leading of Caitbeius their great Sultan, overthrown the Turks great armies in CILICIA, first at ADENA, and afterward at TARSUS, where they took prisoners, Mesites Palaologus the great Bassa, and Cherseogles, Bajazet his son in law: by which victory they grew into such a proud and vain conceit of themselves, as if they had been the only soldiers of the world, able of themselves to vanquish and overcome whomsoever they should set upon. These so valiant soldiers, were for the most part of the poor people called in ancient time Getae, Zinchi, and Bastarnae, borne near unto the Euxine sea and the ●ens of Maeotis, especially on that side where the river Corax falleth into the Euxine: which country is of later time called CIRCASSIA, of the people called CERCITae near unto COLCHIS. These miserable and wretched people, the Null, Podolians, Polonians, Roxolanes and Tartars dwelling by TAURICA (pulled from their mother's breasts, or by other violent means surprised) sold unto merchants; who culling out the best for strength of body, or aptness of wit, conveyed them by sea to ALEXANDRIA, from whence they were continually sent to the great Sultan of EGYPT: and by his appointment were at CAIRO (after the old manner of that people) delivered to masters of fence and such other teachers, who carefully instructed them, being shut up in their schools, in all manner of feats of activity: where after they were become able to bend a strong bow, and taught cunningly to shoot, leap, run, vault, ride, and skilfully to use all manner of weapons, they were then taken into pay, and received into the number of the king's horsemen or Mamalukes: and such of them as proved cowardly or unapt, were made slaves unto the rest. So that they seeing all honour, credit, and preferment, laid up in martial prowess, did with all diligence and courage employ themselves to military affairs: and therein so well profited, that oftentimes they which at the first were but bare and base slaves, of the meanest of the Mamalukes, by many degrees of service rise at length to the highest degrees of honour. All these Mamalukes were the children of Christian parents, from the time of their captivity instructed in the Mahometan superstition: for no man borne of a Mahometan father, or of a jew, could be admitted into the number of the Mamaluke horsemen: which was so straightly observed, that the honour of a Mamaluke horseman never descended unto the sons of the Mamalukes, yet might they by law inherit their father's lands, possessions, and goods: by which reason the sons of the Sultan's themselves never succeeded their fathers in the kingdom. Hereby also it came to pass, that many Christians of loose life, or condemned for their notorious offences, flying thither, and abjuring the Christian religion, and suffering themselves to be circumcised, being men meet for the wars, grew by degrees to great honour: as did Tangarihardinus the son of a Spanish mariner, who by his forwardness and industry grew into such credit and authority with Campson the great Sultan, that almost all things were done by his advice and counsel; and was divers times by him employed in most honourable service, being sent ambassador both to Bajazet the Turkish emperor, and to the state of VENICE, about matters of great importance. Yet his impiety escaped not the hand of God, for at length by the envy of the court he was brought into disgrace, thrust out of his place, and cast into prison, where he loaded with cold iron, The imperious government of the Mamalukes in Egypt, judea, and Syria. most miserably died. Neither was it to be marveled if the Mamalukes were grown to that excess of wealth, for as much as the Egyptians and Syrians being miserably by them oppressed, were not suffered to have the use either of horse or armour, neither admitted to any matters of counsel; but being impoverished and brought low with heavy impositions and daily injuries of the Mamalukes, gave themselves wholly to the trade of merchandise, husbandry, and other mechanical occupations: over whom the Mamalukes had power and command, as imperious masters over their servants, and would with greater insolency than is to be believed abuse the poor country people, beating and spoiling them at their pleasure, and not so contented, ravishing their wives and daughters without redress. The Egyptians (a people in ancient time much renowned for their valour and prowess) were by these masterfull slaves kept in this miserable thraldom and slavery about the space of three hundred years. For after the declination of the Roman empire, that rich country falling into the government of the Constantinopolitan emperors, the Egyptians soon weary of the proud and avaricious sovereignty of the greeks, called in the Sarafins, by whose help they expulsed the greeks, and after chose the General of the Sarafins for their king, after whose name the Egyptian kings were of long time called Caliphes', as they had of ancient time been called by the names of Pharaoh and Ptolomey. The last of these Caliphes' reigned at such time as the Christians under the leading of Godfrey and Bohemund, passing as conquerors through ASIA and SYRIA, erected the kingdom of JERUSALEM. He being invaded by Americus sixth king of JERUSALEM, and finding himself too weak, prayed aid of the Sultan of SYRIA, who sent him Sarraco, a valiant captain, with a strong power to aid him: but Sarraco no less unfaithful than courageous, treacherously slew the Caliphe, in whose aid he came, and took upon himself the kingdom. After Sarraco succeeded Saladine his brother's son, who utterly extinguished the name and authority of the Caliphes' in EGYPT, whom Sarraco had yet left as high priests. This Saladine oftentimes vanquished the Christian armies in SYRIA and JUDEA, and at length quite overthrew the kingdom of JERUSALEM, as is in the former part of this history to be seen. Saladine dying, left the kingdom of EGYPT to his brother, whose posterity successively reigned of long time there, until the time of Melechsala. This Melechsala (last of the free borne kings, and of the posterity of Saladine) had great and mortal wars with the Christians, wherein having lost most of his best soldiers, and reposing no great confidence in the Egyptians, thought good to strengthen himself with a new kind of soldiers, mere slaves bought for money. For at that time the Tartars breaking into ARMENIA and CAPADOCIA, and overrunning the people called COMANI joining upon CAPADOCIA, made general spoil of that people, as of prisoners taken by law of arms. Of this base people, Melechsala for a little money bought a great multitude, which he transported into EGYPT, and furnished them with arms: by whose prowess he not only defended the frontiers of his kingdom, The beginning of the Government of the Mamalukes in Egypt. but also besieged Lewes the French king in his trenches not far from DAMIATA, called in ancient time HELIOPOLIS, or PELUSIUM, and shortly after in plain battle took him prisoner, as is long before declared. But in the pride of this victory, Melechsala was by the conspiracy of these his new soldiers slain: in whose place they set up one Turqueminius, a desperate fellow of their own company, honouring him with the title of the great Sultan of EGYPT. Turqueminius of a base slave now become a great monarch (after the manner of men) forgetting his old companions which had so highly promoted him: and having them in great disdain, was by one of them (called Clotho) suddenly slain; for which fact he was by those base soldiers, his companions, chosen Sultan in his place: who for the short time of his reign did much for the confirming of that servile monarchy: yet was he at length slain also by Bandocader, sometimes one of his fellow servants, who also succeeded him in the kingdom. After him in long order succeeded many valiant men of the same servile state & condition, whom for brevity I wittingly pass over. Amongst the rest, Caitbeius (of whom we have before spoken in the life of Bajazet) was for wealth and martial prowess most famous; who according to the manner of his predecessors, did with greater bounty and care maintain that servile government, than any of them who had before him reigned in EGYPT: and was for his notable government and noble acts justly accounted amongst the greatest princes of that age. After whose death great troubles arose in that servile monarchy about the succession. Whereby the Mamalukes drawn into divers factions, some seeking to prefer one, and some another, had in four years space with civil wars sore weakened their estate, and slain divers of their greatest princes which had aspired unto that kingdom. For appeasing of which mischiefs, tending to the utter ruin of their kingdom, the great courtiers and chief men amongst the Mamalukes with one consent offered the kingdom to Campson Gaurus (or as the Turks call him) Cansaves Gauris, of whom we now speak, a man of great integrity and courage, and altogether free from ambition. He, terrified with the dreadful example of so many kings whom he had seen in short time miserably slain by the ambitious aspiring of other proud competitors: when he was sore against his will hoist up upon the shoulders of the nobility and chief soldiers, and so carried into the court, as their manner was, began earnestly to refuse the kingdom and to withstand their choice, excusing himself as unfit for so high a place; and with tears standing in his eyes, besought the other great lords his friends, that they would forbear to thrust him, well contented with his private life, into that glorious place subject to so many dangers: and the rather, for that he neither had money to give bountifully unto the soldiers of the court, as other the Egyptian Sultan's had accustomed; neither held that sufficiency and authority as was requisite for repressing of such violent and seditious tumults as were too rise in that troublesome time and confusion of all things. The nobility on the other side persuaded him, That he would not upon a foolish obstinacy or vain modesty refuse the offer of his present good fortune, but courageously to take upon him the government of the state, now sore shaken with civil discord, together with the regal dignity, which was with the general good liking of all men so frankly offered unto him. At last they all by solemn oath promised unto him, That they would with all their power, policy, and wealth, maintain and defend the majesty of his state; and that the men of war should not demand their wont largesse, before the same might by his receivers and treasurers be raised of his customs and other revenues of the crown. By which persuasions Campson encouraged, suffered himself to be saluted Sultan, and so took upon him the government. Afterwards, when he had given unto the men of war ten millions of ducats, The moderate and happy government of Campson. by the name of a largesse, and by his moderate government had caused men generally to have his prowess and wisdom in admiration; he did with such policy and dexterity reform the shaken state of that kingdom, before rend in sunder with civil wars, taking away by poison and other secret devices some few, the chief authors of sedition, that for the space of sixteen years neither tumult nor noise of war was at any time heard of in all SYRIA or EGYPT. Worthy undoubtedly the name of a most excellent and fortunate prince, if when he had by singular wisdom and policy established the general peace and prosperity of his kingdom, he could have there contented himself to have lived in quiet, and in the winding up of his life, not rashly have thrust himself into the dangerous quarrels of other princes. The Cadelescher and jachis (Selimus his ambassadors) departing from ICONIUM, came in few days to Campson the great Sultan, who then lay encamped near unto the river ORONTES, at this day called FAREAR. These ambassadors entertained by Campson with greater bounty than courtesy, and shortly after their coming having audience in his pavilion, did with most temperate and calm speech deliver their embassage. To whom Campson answered, That it was the ancient custom of the Egyptian Sultan's (forasmuch as they held the chief place in their religion) with all care and industry to keep the other Mahometan kings and people in peace and concord amongst themselves; Campson his answer to the ambassadors of Selimus. whereof he for his part had been always most desirous: and was for no other purpose come with his army into his province of SYRIA, than to persuade Selimus to peace: Who if he would needs wilfully proceed in his intended wars against Hysmaell the Persian king, his friend and confederate, he would then do what should stand with his honour and place, and not longer suffer all to go to wrack, for the vain pleasure and fury of one insolent and ambitious man. He said also, That he had of long time before seen into Selimus his insatiable, fierce and troublesome disposition; who having most unnaturally procured the death of his good father the old emperor Bajazet, and slain his brethren, princes of great valour; seven of his nephews, princes of no small hope; with many other of his best friends and faithful counsellors; could make no end of his ambitious tyranny. Wherefore they should tell Selimus, that one and all the conditions of peace should be, if he would from thenceforth desist from invading of Hysmaell, and restore to Aladeules his son, his father's kingdom, which had of long been under the defence and protection of the Egyptian Sultan's, as of right and reason he ought to do: he should in so doing beside his favour and friendship which might greatly stand him in steed, reap greater fame and glory by an assured and honourable peace, than by doubtful and dangerous war. The ambassadors, although they knew right well that Selimus would not for any threats give over his enterprise or lay down arms; yet to the intent they might the sooner be disparched, and so in time advertise Selimus of the Sultan's sudden coming, seemed wonderfully to like of his motion for peace, and to give good hope by their reasonable persuasions to induce Selimus to like thereof: Forasmuch as they were of his secret counsel, and men able to do much with him; whereby they trusted (as they would have had the Sultan to believe) it would easily be brought to pass, that those sparks might be quenched, which all things standing upright had not as yet kindled the fire of war. So they being by Campson rewarded, and having leave to depart, traveling day and night, returned to Selimus, who was then come to CaeSAREA. Campson also removing from ORONTES, came into COMAGENA unto the famous city of ALEPPO, which city is probably supposed to have been built of the ruins of the ancient city HIERAPOLIS, by Alepius the emperor julianus his lieutenant; who in that province did many notable matters, & called that new built city after his own name. It is situate near unto the river Singa, which rising out of the mountain PIERIUS, with many turnings and windings runneth through Comagena, and being but a small river, falleth at length into the city Euphrates. This city Hyalon king of the Tartars took and burnt, at such time as the Christian princes of the West made war with the Egyptian kings, for the kingdoms of SYRIA and JERUSALEM. Which calamity notwithstanding, it was again repeopled, and is at this day a famous city, for the commodious situation thereof much frequented with merchants from the furthest parts of the world: It is scarce five days journey from TRIPOLI and BERYTUS the great ports of SYRIA, and is also near unto the Turks and Persians: so that the riches of the East are thither commodiously conveyed out of Turkey, over the mountain AMANUS which parteth CILICIA from SYRIA: and so likewise out of PERSIA and MESOPOTAMIA over the river Euphrates, where the city BYRTHA of late time bounded the kingdom of the Egyptian Sultan's, from the Persian. Selimus' understanding by his ambassadors (who had diligently noted all things in the Sultan's camp) both of the coming, Selimus converteth his forces from the Persians against Campson. and of the number of his enemies; and also informed of the Sultan's proud answer, who had so peremptorily prescribed unto him such unreasonable conditions as pleased himself: thought good to alter his purpose, and now to convert his forces an other way than he had before determined. For that to enter farther into ARMENIA, leaving so puissant an enemy as Campson at his back, seemed a thing too full of danger: and to give over the enterprise he had with so great care and charge undertaken, at the appointment and pleasure of another man, stood neither with his honour or state. Wherefore in a matter so doubtful, he resolved upon a notable and necessary point, well fitting the greatness of his mind. He made show as if he would have gone directly against the Persian, as he had before determined; and that the more certain report of this his purpose might be carried to Campson, he sent before part of his army with his carriages to the city SVASSIA, in old time called SEBASTA (it standeth in the frontiers of the Persian kingdom, where the great river Euphrates penned up with the rocks of the mountain TAURUS, breaketh again violently forth into MESOPOTAMIA: but turning himself upon the right hand, purposed to pass the mountain TAURUS, and breaking suddenly into COMAGENA to come upon the Sultan before he were well aware of his coming. Wherefore calling unto him his trusty janissaries, with the other soldiers of the court, he openly with cheerful countenance declared unto them what he had resolved to do, with the reasons of the alteration of his former determination: persuading them, that the victory would easily be achieved, Selimus encourageth his soldiers to go against the Mamalukes. if they as courageous soldiers would with all celerity (before the Mamalukes could perceive they were returned) get up to the top of the mountains, and recover those difficult passages; not fearing the vain names and titles of the Mamalukes. For why (said he) the strength of those horsemen is long since decayed and gone: the old Mamalukes, who in the time of Caitbeius were of some fame and reputation, are all dead. You shall in battle meet but with a sort of gallant horsebreakers rather than soldiers, which can cunningly manage their horses in sport, to the pleasure of the beholders, but know not how to encounter the enemy, or to endure to be wounded: who as carpet knights effeminate with long peace, and corrupted with excess and delicacy of their great cities, never saw their foes entrenched, or armed enemies, neither ever heard the sound of a trumpet but at plays or shows. Wherefore you are to make but small account of them, being furnished with no store of ordinance or strength of footmen. But as the reverend interpreters of our sacred laws and religion, having orderly performed all their observances, do divine unto us all happiness: so you as men full of hope, set forward cheerfully unto most assured victory over your proud enemies. For God no doubt favoureth the quarrel of men justly provoked, and offereth means of victory to such as take up just and necessary arms. Yet to overcome the enemy, and to enjoy the victory in deed, wholly consisteth in the courage and valour of them, which deem nothing better or more honourable than to spend their lives for the honour of their prince and country. Here the janissaries shaking their weapons, forthwith cried out with cheerful voice, That he should lead and conduct them whither soever he would: saying, That they were ready as courageous men, to overcome all the difficulties of those hard passages, and patiently to endure all the labours and dangers incident to that war. Selimus, by the mountain people having found out the easiest passages, resolved to pass over the mountain with his army in three places: and so appointing three great companies of the common soldiers and country people, for the opening of the strait passages; he commanded the rough and uneven ways to be made plain and smooth, for the transporting of his ordinance, and the broken passages to be cast even, that so his baggage and carriages might the better pass: and the more to encourage his soldiers to take pains, he promised present reward to all such as in transporting of his ordinance, should take any extraordinary pains. Whereby it came to pass, that the same being of the smaller sort bearing bullet of no great height, was in short time by the cheerful labour of his soldiers, drawn over those great hills and dales: so that in five days all his army with his baggage and carriages were got over the mountain TAURUS, and come into the plains of COMAGENA. For that mountain where it taketh the name of AMANUS, which is almost in the middle where the river Euphrates parteth the mountain TAURUS, and the bay ISSICUS, is neither exceeding high, or yet impassable: for as it cometh nearer the sea, it is not so rough as elsewhere, but is in many places inhabited and tilled by the mountain Cilicians, a fierce kind of people accustomed to labour and toil, who are now called Caramannians, which is to say, the inhabitants of the black mountains; for that the burnt rocks of the mountain seem a far off to be black. Alis-beg which betrayed Aladeules, whom Selimus had a little before sent for, as soon as the army was come down into the frontiers of the enemy's country, with a strong power of his light horsemen, speedily overran all that country which is at the foot of AMANUS and TAURUS: thereby to understand of the country people and such as they could take prisoners, where Campson lay with his army; and also by keeping the passages to do what possibly might be done, that Selimus his coming might not be known to the enemy. But Campson, who with no less vanity than pride had fond flattered himself, only by the authority & greatness of his name to have terrified Selimus, and overruled him at his pleasure; could not be persuaded that he was come over the mountain AMANUS, until certain news was brought him, that he was encamped with a most puissant army within two days march of him. With which unexpected news being sore troubled, and in the midst of that danger to seek counsel, as one which began rightly to consider of his own strength, and the strength of his enemy; began then to doubt what were best for him to do, and in great perplexity sometime hoped well; and by and by was as a man half discouraged and dismayed. And now become exceeding careful both of his honour and himself, he began to doubt, whether it were better for him to give place to so great a danger, and shunning battle to retire with his army into places of more safety; or else courageously to abide the coming of his enemies, and to hazard the fortune of a battle, although it were upon great disadvantage: Forasmuch as he reputed it far more honourable after the example of his predecessors from whom he had received that great kingdom (both gotten and kept by martial prowess) to die with honour in the field; than by shameful and unwonted flight, either to blemish their military glory continued above the space of 300 years, or for love of a small remainder of life, being now 77 years old, to seem willing to reserve unto obloquy and shame his last days, deprived of all honour and reputation. There were amongst his cheefetaines many, The wholesome counsel of Gazelles for protracting the war. which preferred wholesome counsel before that which was in show more glorious: but above all others one jamburd, surnamed Gazelles, (sometimes the follower of great Caitbeius) a valiant man of great honour, for his long experience in martial affairs, and at that time governor of APAMIA. He, as he was of opinion, That to fight with the Turks army, consisting for most part of expert soldiers, with so small a power, were a thing of desperate danger; so was he also, that it were good speedily to retire, and to choose the city of DAMASCUS, as the fittest place for those wars: for as much as the Turks army could make no haste after them, by reason of their footmen and carriages, so that they might at case and with safety retire; and there calling together all the Mamalukes which were in garrison in JUDEA and EGYPT, and entertaining the Arabians their neighbours, to protract the war until Winter, when as they might easily distress the enemy for want of victual. And that it was not to be feared, that ALEPPO, if it were furnished but with a reasonable garrison, could by and by be taken of the enemy, who had but small field pieces not fit for battery. Beside that, in short time aid would come from the Persians out of MESOPOTAMIA; yea and Hysmaell himself hearing of the Turks expedition into SYRIA, was like enough to break into ASIA the le●se: neither would the Christians refuse to furnish them with great artillery from the Islands of the RHODES and CYPRUS against that common enemy, if they were thereto in time requested. All which things being laid together, he said the Sultan might afterward upon even hand, go into the field, if he should think it so much to concern his honour, to give his enemy's battle. But for as much as the greatest wars, which at the first had most violent and most furious motions, by the politic enemy's delay did most commonly in time grow calm, he should not therefore make too much hast to adventure the fortune of battle: for that the errors of war, which many times chanced through the oversight or rashness of the cheeftains, might well of good men be lamented and detested, but hardly or never recovered or amended. Gazelles his grave and considerate speech had much moved both the Sultan and others▪ yet the cheerfulness of the soldiers, and foolish hardiness of the Mamalukes did so fill Campsons' ears, that he could not hearken to so good and wholesome counsel: for as soon as they heard certainly of the coming of the Turks, they began to leap and dance, and to rejoice among themselves, that the time was come wherein they might make proof of their valour, and win to themselves honour. For now (as they said) was come that time they had long wished for, wherein they would by notable slaughter of their enemies, advance the honour and majesty of Campson their Sultan far above the fame of Caitbeius. And some even of the chief men about Campson, upon flattery and vain ostentation, alleging how honourably and with what small labour they had before overthrown the Turks great army at TARSUS, persuaded him, that the victory would easily and without any great danger be gotten. But especially Cayerbeius governor of ALEPPO and of the province of COMAGENA (who after his war ended, was in reward of his foul treason by Selimus unworthily preferred to the greatest honours of EGYPT) extolling with glorious words the faithfulness, courage and valour of the Mamalukes, and extenuating the strength and power of the enemy, forced his wits to the uttermost to overthrow the wholesome counsel of Gazelles. A secret grudge between Campson and Cayerbeius governor of Comagena. For this Cayerbeius for all his fair face bore a grudge in heart against Campson, because he had some few years before poisoned his brother, whom he had in jealousy, being a man next to himself of greatest power, wealth, and authority amongst the Mamalukes, and withal of an aspiring mind. Whereupon Cayerbeius afterwards thinking it good to look to himself, and doubting the like practice to be intended against himself; being, as the manner of that kingdom was, summoned to a parliament at CAIRO, feigned himself sick, and would not come: wherewith Campson was not a little offended, yet for a time he thought it best to dissemble the matter and to await some fitter opportunity for the taking away of that proud man, so forgetful of his duty, and bearing himself against his sovereign, as if he had been an absolute king in his own province. This he thought might most covertly be brought to pass, if he should upon the occasion of the present war (as it then fell out) or else under the colour of going in person himself to the river Euphrates, come to ALEPPO: for it was the manner of the ancient Egyptian Sultan's, not to account themselves worthy of the name of a Sultan or great General, before they had as Caitbeius had of late done, encamped their army upon the side of the river Euphrates at the city BYRTHA (which standing upon the bank of the river, retaineth at this day both the ancient name and fame) and there with solemn pomp had in the sight of the army forced their horses into the river to drink: giving to understand by that ceremony, the greatness of their empire, and that they were ready by force of arms to prove, that all those countries were their which lay alongst the river Euphrates, from the mountain TAURUS unto the deserts of ARABIA. But the consideration of this war letted that he did not at his first coming oppress him, because he deemed it to stand best with his present affairs: and not yet knowing the purpose of Selimus, to expect the motions of the Turks and Persians, and to defer the execution of his wrath against Cayerbeius, until the end of the war: for fear lest the other Mamalukes, dismayed with the heinousness of the sudden fact, should either revolt from him, or else raise some mutiny or rebellion in that populous city. For Cayerbeius had by his courtesy and bounty many strong companies in the army fast bound unto him: and beside that, was of greatest credit and authority with them of ALEPPO, having in his keeping a strong citadel, built upon the rising of an hill in the midst of the city, which he kept with a strong and sure garrison. But whiles Campson doth thus slowly and considerately purpose his destruction, many of the Sultan's secret friends, to him more officious than faithful, secretly advised Cayerbeius to beware of the Sultan, and by some good means in time to provide for his own safety. He understanding of the danger, and thinking all delay deadly, sent secret messengers unto Selimus, discovering unto him the cause of his grief, and promising as occasion should serve to come over unto him, and to deliver into his power the castle with the hearts of the citizens, and all the strength of his own horsemen; thereby to provide for his own safety, to revenge his brother's death, and to further his victory against Campson: and for performance of promises on both sides, required secret hostages to be given. By the same messengers he also advertised him, what strength the Sultan was of, persuading him in any case to make haste to give him battle before he had gathered any greater power. Selimus nothing doubted to condescend to all that the traitor had requested, promising of himself far greater things than ever he had required: assuring himself of the victory, if his enemy should lose so much of his strength by the revolt of so great a commander. Campson enforced by the general consent of his soldiers, and the violence of his inevitable destiny, then at hand, rejecting the good and faithful counsel of Gazelles, at such time as Selimus was reported to be at hand; resolved according to the counsel of the traitor Cayerbeius, to dare him battle. He lay conveniently encamped upon the river Singa, almost ten miles from the city, in such sort as that his soldiers might use the benefit of the river, and removed from the houses and pleasures of the city, might yet nevertheless be easily relieved with the sto●e and plent●e thereof. The Mamalukes notable soldiers. The Mamalukes were scarce in number twelve thousand, but every one of them, according as he was of greater place or calling, so had he attending upon him more servants, well furnished with horse and armour. A goodly and invincible army, if the battle might have been tried by true valour. The Mamalukes wearing their beards long and rough, with grave and stern countenance, having strong and able bodies, used such cunning in all their fights and battles, that after they had given the first charge with their lances, they would by and by with wonderful activity use their bows and arrows, casting their targuets behind them; and forthwith the horseman's mace or crooked scimitar, as the manner of the battle or place required. Their horses were strong and courageous, in making and swiftness much like unto the Spanish gennets; and that which is of many hardly believed, so docible, that at certain signs or speeches of the rider, they would with their teeth reach him up from the ground a lance, an arrow, or such like thing; and as if they had known the enemy, run upon him with open mouth, and lash at him with their heels, and had by nature and custom learned, not to be afraid of any thing. These courageous horses were commonly furnished with silver bridles, guilt trapping, rich saddles, their necks and breasts armed with plates of iron: the horseman himself was commonly content with a coat of mail or a breastplate of iron. The chief and wealthiest of them used head-pieces; the rest a linen covering of the head, curiously folded into many wreaths, wherewith they thought themselves safe enough against any handy strokes: the common soldiers used thrumd caps, but so thick, as that no sword could pierce them. Campson of all his army made five battles: The order of Campsons' bartell The first was committed to Cayerbeius, because it was in his own province where the battle was to be fought. The second was led by Sybeius, who for his wonderful activity was of them called Baluano, which in their language signifieth a tumbler, or one that showeth feats of activity; he was governor of DAMASCUS, a man of singular faith and valour. These two great commanders were appointed at once to charge both the wings of the Turks army. After them followed Gazelles with the third battle, to second either the one or the other of the two foremost, as need should require. Campson himself led the fourth, all glistering in guilt armour, behind the rest almost a mile and a half. The last was left for defence of the camp. But Selimus according to his wont manner so ordered his battle, The order of Selimus his battle. that his Asian horsemen were in the right wing, his Europeian horsemen in the left, his janissaries and artillery in the main battle: before whom, in the middle between the two wings he had placed his most valiant and gallant pensioners, amongst whom, contrary to his wont custom, he chose to serve that day. Cayerbeius as soon as he was come near the enemy (in token of his brave courage) gave a hot charge upon the Europeian horsemen; and by and by, as if he would have compassed in that wing, wheeled a great way about behind them: where chancing upon a great company of scullions, drudges, and other base people that followed the camp, with an infinite number of camels and carriages, he made there a great stir, with little slaughter, that as a valiant and cunning traitor he might in the selfsame time satisfy the expectation of his valour and of his treason together. In the other wing, the governor of DAMASCUS to enter upon the open side of the enemy, forbearing to charge him affront, and turning about his troops on the left hand, entered overthwart their ranks; where the Mamalukes fought with such fury, that having made great slaughter of the Asian horsemen, they broke in amongst them, as if it had been a raging flood, bearing all down before them, until they came to the ensigns in the midst of that wing: neither could Mustapha the Beglerbeg (who was by birth an Hungarian, and Selimus his brother in law) neither the Imbrahor-Bassa (or master of the house) although they did what they might to withstand him, after the first were overthrown, stay the rest▪ but that they would needs turn their backs and fly. So Sybeius as a valiant conqueror having cut in two pieces the right wing of the enemy's battle, and thrusting in betwixt the battle of the footmen and the backs of the pensioners, brought a great terror and fear upon the whole main battle. The matter was now brought to extreme danger: for Selimus by the breaking in of Sybeius was almost cut off from his footmen, in whom he had reposed his greatest confidence. And now the janissaries were hardly charged by Gazelles, who following the fortune of Sybeius, had set upon the head of the enemy's battle. The Asian horsemen also being put to the worse, and cut in pieces, found no means how to restore again their disordered battle. In this extremity Sinan Bassa in good time came in with his horsemen: by his coming, for that he had been but lightly charged by Cayerbeius the traitor, and had brought with him many fresh troops of horsemen, the fury of the Mamalukes was repressed, the Turks again encouraged, and the victory shortly after wrung out of the Mamalukes hands; the great artillery being by the commandment of Selimus at the same time discharged amongst them, by the terrible thundering whereof, the Mamalukes horses somewhat troubled, could not so well as before be ruled: neither could the men themselves, although they were of wonderful courage, much prevail, being on every side oppressed with the multitude of their enemies. Yet in that distress being nothing dismayed, although they were by Cayerbeius and their good fortune forsaken, they were not to seek either of courage or direction; but se●●ing themselves close together, they broke through the midst of their enemies, with great slaughter of the European horsemen, and hurt of the pensioners; and so with speed fled towards the camp and city. After whom followed Sinan Bassa with the readiest and freshest troops of his horsemen: for Selimus, (who that day in the extreme heat, for his wonderful pains, courage, and direction, seemed undoubtedly greater than himself) riding up and down, called earnestly upon his soldiers to urge the victory, and with all speed to pursue their flying enemies. Campson had now (his destiny so leading him) set forward, of purpose to come to the relief of his men sent before; or if the Turks should be overcome, to be partaker of the victory: when upon the way, he understood by them that fled, that Cayerbeius was revolted, his army overthrown, and the terror so great, as that the flight of his soldiers was not now possibly to be stayed: beside that to augment the fear, it was reported, that the multitude of his enemies, and force of their artillery was so great, that they were not then to be encountered. With which heavy news, the proud old man, who in the perpetual course of his good fortune had never tasted of evil hap, The death of Campson. was ready for sorrow and grief of mind to have sunk down to the ground. And forthwith, his own men, and the enemy pursuing them, coming upon him, who in their headlong course without regard overthrew whomsoever they met, every man making shift for himself without respect of others harms: he being a corpulent man of great years, and beside the heaviness of his armour troubled also with a rupture, overcome with heat and grief of mind, fainted in that great press; and so falling down, was without regard trodden to death, after he had with great majesty governed the kingdoms of EGYPT, JUDEA, and SYRIA many years. The valiant Tetrarches of DAMASCUS and TRIPOLI, whilst others fled for life, either to the camp or to the city of ALEPPO, labouring in the hindermost of their flying troops to repress the force of their pursuing enemies, were both fight honourably, slain. Selimus erecting a few tents in the same field wherein the battle was fought, & keeping most part of his army in arms, slept not all that night, but stood fast as a man not yet assured of his victory or good fortune; fearing lest men of so great valour as were the Mamalukes, should in the covert of the night return and set upon him in his camp: for he knew right well, that they were overcome and put to flight, rather by the treachery of Cayerbeius and fury of his great ordinance, than by the valour of his soldiers. But Gazelles and the other Mamalukes, after they certainly understood of the death of Campson, having given their horses a short bait, departed in haste from ALEPPO to DAMASCUS. Aleppo delivered to Selimus by Cayerbeius the traitor. The next day Selimus removing with his army, took the rich tents of his enemies full of all princely store, which he gave unto his soldiers for a prey and marching from thence to ALEPPO, had the city peaceably delivered unto him by Cayerbeius, where he favourably took the citizens into his protection; and the more to win their hearts, granted unto them greater privileges than they had in former time enjoyed. In this battle were slain not above a thousand Mamalukes, but of their servants and followers a greater number; more being slain in the flight than in the fight, when as their horses fainting for heat, and dying under them for thirst, many of them were enforced to betake themselves to their feet, and so were easily slain of every base horseman. For a great number of goodly horses died there, which being foggy fat, and delicately brought up in cold stables, could not endure the vehemency of the heat and that unacquainted travel: for that day all things were burnt with the scorching heat of the Sun. This famous battle was fought the seventh of August, in the year of our Lord 1516, the very same day (which is strange to tell) whereon but two years before, he had obtained the victory against Hysmaell the great Sophi in the CALDERAN fields. Selimus lost in this battle three thousand horsemen: whereby it may easily be gathered, that he had there received a notable overthrow of his horsemen; if Sinan Bassa in the left wing, which by the treason of Cayerbetus escaped with small loss, had also happened upon his Sybeius, as the other General did. The dead body of Campson found two days after without any wound appearing thereupon, The dead body of Campson laid out for all men to view. was by the commandment of Selimus laid forth in open place for all men to behold; that such as believed him yet to live, and to be gone to repair his army at CAIRO, might be out of all hope of his return; and others that were already revolted, might thereby be the more confirmed, as now out of all fear of him. Not long after, when the dead body began to putrify and grow noisome, and to convince the fame of his escape, had lain openly to the view of all men by the space of three days, it was without any funeral pomp or solemnity simply buried in the most ancient temple of ALEPPO. Of the rising and fall of this great man, janus Vitalis hath written this elogium or epitaph. CAMPSON GAURUS Sultan of Egypt. Paulus iovius li. 4 Elog. uítorum, Illust. Fortuna caeca, & surda, verè diceris, Et mente vana praedita. Ad alta tollis scamna in imo conditos, Vt mox cadant profundius. Morosa tu mortalium appetentium Votum, omne fulmine ocyus Fugas, deinde te nihil petentibus Benignitate prodigis. Campson ut ille Gaurius, nil ambiens, Nil te proterua flagitans, invitus imperator orae Aegiptiae Tumultuosa militum Ex fece plebis factus insolentia, Supra volabat nubila, Inter receptus altiora sydera Mox excidens altissimus, Absumptus armis hinc & hinc rebellibus, Gravis senectae pondere Fit ludus atrox impotentis aleae Tuaeque pervicaciae, Amisit & cum vita, opes quas maximo Cum regno habebat maximas. In English thus. Fortune, well called both deaf, and blind, And thereto fond with all, Thou setst the beggar up aloft, To work his greater fall. Thou peevish dame, more sudden than The thunder clap from high, Rejects the suits of greedy wights, Which to thee call and cry. And lavishly consumes thyself, And whatsoelse thou hast, On such as crave nothing of thee, Nor wish not to be graced. As Campson Gaurus seeking nought, Ne craving aught of thee: Against his will by soldiers rage, was raised from base degree. And soaring up above the clouds, Made king of Egypt land, Received amongst the highest stars, Did there in glory stand. But forthwith falling thence, oppressed With rebels, war, and age: Became the scorn of thine overthwart Most fierce and fickle rage. And so with life, together lost A world of wealth also: Which with his stately kingdom great, He greatest did forego. Selimus cometh to Damascus. Selimus having received the city of ALEPPO into his obeisance, sent jonuses Bassa before him with a great part of his light horsemen, to pursue his flying enemies to DAMASCUS, whither he himself in few days after came also with the rest of his army, when he understood that his enemies were departed thence and fled to CAIRO. They of DAMASCUS, thinking it not to stand with their good to stay the course of his victory, and with their lives to hazard the great wealth of that rich city; without delay presently opened unto him the gates at his coming. By whose example other cities alongst the sea coast moved, especially TRIPOLI, BERYTUS, SYDON, and PTOLEMAIS, sending their ambassadors, and receiving in the Turks garrisons, yielded themselves in like manner. Not long after Selimus held a great counsel in his camp, which then lay under the walls of DAMASCUS: for he would not bring his soldiers into the city for troubling the quiet and populous state thereof, together with the great trade of merchandise, which at that time was with wonderful security kept there by merchants of divers countries, coming from far, even from the remotest parts of the world. And in the camp such was the military discipline of that most severe commander, Notable discipline in Selimus his army. that the soldiers (knowing the victory to give them no whit the more liberty) suffered the fruitful orchards and gardens of the citizens, in the most plentiful time of Autumn, to rest in safety untouched, without any keeper. By which severe and straight government he so politicly provided against all wants, that his camp was in all parts furnished with plenty of all things necessary, and that at prizes reasonable. There taking unto him men skilful in the laws and customs of the country, and calling before him the ambassadors of all the cities of the country; he heard and decided the greatest controversies of the Syrians, appointed governors over the provinces and cities, took view of the tributes and customs, and abrogated many customs and tributes due unto the old Sultan's, which seemed either unreasonable or grievous to the people; thereby to gain the fame of a just and bountiful conqueror. When he had thus set all things in order in SYRIA, and sufficiently rested and refreshed his army, and especially his horses which with long and continual travel were grown maugre and lean: he of nothing more desirous than of the conquest of EGYPT, and the utter subversion of the Sultan's state and Mamalukes government; sent before Sinan Bassa into JUDEA with fifteen thousand horsemen, and a strong regiment of arquebusiers selected out of the janissaries and other soldiers, to try the passage of that country, and to open the way for him to GAZA: which was thought would be unto him very troublesome, by reason of the wild Arabians roaming up and down that country. The city of GAZA standeth near the sea towards EGYPT, not far from the sandy deserts, whereby men with much difficulty and dangerous travel pass out of SYRIA and so to CAIRO. In the mean time, the Mamalukes who under the conduct of Gazelles were come to CAIRO, with all the rest of their order which were thither assembled from all parts of the kingdom, entering into counsel together (as it often falleth out in time of danger and distress) without all contention or envy, Tomombeius by the general consent of the Mamalukes chosen Sultan of Egypt. chose Tomombeius (of the Turks called Tuman-bai) a Circassian borne, to be their king. He was then the great Diadare, and by his office next in honour and power unto the Sultan; whose prowess & policy was such, that he only in the opinion of all the Mamalukes was thought able and sufficient to stay and uphold the afflicted and declining state of their kingdom. He by their general consent and good liking promoted to the state of the great Sultan, thinking (as truth was) his own majesty, and the remainder of the Mamalukes hopes, to be wholly reposed in arms and the fortune of battle: began with great carefulness and singular industry to provide armour, weapons, and horses from all places; he also caused great store of ordinance to be cast, and mustered great companies of such of his slaves as seemed meet for the wars: beside that, he entertained for pay many of the Moors and Arabians his neighbours. He also for great reward hired men skilful of the countries, to go through the deserts of the Palmyrens into MESOPOTAMIA, and so to Hysmaell the Persian king with letters: earnestly requesting him to invade the Turks dominions in ASIA the less, or with all speed to break into COMAGENA, being by the departure of the enemy left bare and destitute of sufficient garrisons: and farther to advertise him, That Selimus who then lay in the borders of JUDEA, might easily be enclosed with their two armies, and so be vanquished, or for want of victuals distressed: and the rather, for that there was no fleet of the Turks upon that coast; able from sea to relieve their army by land, or yet to transport them thence in case they should by chance of war be distressed, and so think to return. In which doing, he should both relieve the Egyptian Sultan his friend and confederate, for his sake brought into so great danger; and also without any great trouble or peril notably revenge himself of so many shameful injuries as he had before received from that his most capital enemy. Whilst Tomombeius doth these things, Sinan Bassa the forerunner of Selimus, having easily repulsed divers companies of the wild Arabians, who in manner of thieves and robbers lay upon the passages, had now opened the way and was come to GAZA: where the citizens, although they were in heart faithful unto the Mamalukes, yet for that to shut their gates against the Bassa, & to stand upon their guard without a sufficient garrison, seemed a matter both perilous and unreasonable, forthwith yielded their city upon reasonable composition: Gaza yielded to Sinan. and with the plenty thereof relieved the Turks Bassa, giving him great (but dissembled) thanks, that by his means and the good fortune of Selimus, they were delivered from the cruel bondage of the Mamalukes: promising for the remembrance of so great a benefit, for ever to remain his faithful servants. Sinan commending their ready good will, required of them all such things as he wanted, or had occasion to use, which they seemed willingly to deliver: and so lodged his army near unto the walls of the city, within the defence of the gardens, purposing in that place to expect the coming of Selimus. In the mean time (as he was a man of great experience, and most skilful in martial affairs) he sought by all means to get knowledge of that desert and unpeopled country, not inhabited for lack of water; and especially of the nature of the great sands whereby Selimus was with his army to pass; he also won by rewards the inhabitants of the country thereabout, by large offers to procure unto him the favour of the cheefetaines and leaders of the Arabians, near unto those places, and also to espy what the Mamalukes did at CAIRO, and wherein they reposed their chief confidence, and forthwith to give him knowledge thereof. On the other side, the citizens of GAZA, in heart enemies unto the Turks, as daily feeling the grievances of the present army, advertised Tomombeius of the coming of Sinan Bassa: and that that part of the Turks army might easily be oppressed before the coming of Selimus, if a strong power of Mamalukes were sent thither under the conduct of skilful leaders: promising, that if the Mamalukes would at an appointed time upon the sudden in the night set upon the sleepy Turks, they would at the same instant sally out of the city upon the camp, and there with fire and sword do what harm they could for the overthrow of the enemy. Of this devise, Tomombeius and the Mamalukes liked well, and so without delay sent Gazelles with six thousand chosen horsemen, and a great number of the Arabians to perform the exploit upon Sinan: for Gazelles, in that his wholesome counsel had been by Campson & others rejected (who being strait way desirous of battle, had rashly cast themselves and the whole state into so great calamity) and afterwards in the greatest danger of the battle having performed all the parts of a politic and valiant cheefetaine, was grown into such credit, that all men held a great opinion both of his valour and direction. But he was scarcely well set forth, when advertisement was given unto Sinan by his Syrian intelligencers, That the Mamalukes with the Arabians were coming through the sandy deserts upon the sudden to oppress him; Sinan advertised of the coming of Gaz●lles, goe●● secretly to me●● him. and that they would be with him before two days were expired, for as much as they had set forward upon the spur without any carriages or baggage to let them. Which overture in good time given, as it was the safeguard of Sinans army, so was it of greatest importance and moment for the obtaining of the full conquest of EGYPT afterward. But Sinan Bassa, although he knew nothing of the treachery of them of Gaza; yet as a man of a provident and subtle wit, suspecting that such a thing might happen, because he would not at once have to do with a double enemy, resolved to go and meet the Mamalukes upon the way, and to give them battle. Wherefore with great silence dislodging his army betwixt ten and twelve a clock in the night, he set forward and marched out of sight of the city, about fifteen miles toward EGYPT. There was near unto that place a little low village, wherein travellours used commonly to lodge, for the commodiousness of a lively and plenteous spring which there riseth: there by chance both Sinan Bassa had purposed to stay, and Gazelles in like manner had also determined to rest a few hours to refresh his army, that he might by night, after he had well refreshed his horses, come unlooked for upon his enemies at GAZA; when news was brought to both the Generals almost at one instant, by the forerunners of both the armies, That the enemy was at hand. Gazelles not a little troubled with that unexpected news, for that he perceived himself disappointed of his purpose; and unable to fight with his enemy in plain battle, especially his horses being sore wearied with travel, was enforced upon the sudden for the safeguard of himself and of his followers, to resolve upon a new resolution: yet nothing discouraged, with cheerful countenance and lively speech exhorted his soldiers, to make themselves ready for battle, and that which they could not by policy bring to pass, they should now by plain force perform. Sinan on the other side having somewhat sooner set his men in order of battle than had Gazelles, for as much as he had before at good leisure taken order what he would have done, if it should come to the point of battle: with constant look and long persuasions full of hope, encouraged his soldiers to fight. But the conclusion of all his speech was, That they should play the men, and not once think of flight, for as much as all places about them would be shut up and become impassable, if they obtained not the victory: and that above all things they should persuade themselves, that no one of them could that day perish, but such as the immortal God had by the inevitable law of fatal destiny appointed to die: and that with like hazard valiant men found life in the midst of their enemy's weapons, that cowards by immutable destiny found death in their safest flight. The Bassa had placed his arquebusiers in the wings of his battle, The battle between Sinan Bassa and Gazelles. which were ranged of a great length in thin ranks, thereby to use their pieces at more liberty, and with more ease to enclose the enemy: in the middle were placed the horsemen, to receive the first charge of the Mamalukes. Gazelles approaching the enemy, sent before the troops of the Arabian light horsemen to trouble the wings of the enemy's battle, and with a square battle of his Mamalukes charged the middle battle of the Turks. The battle was a great while most terrible, and the victory doubtful: for although the Turks in number far exceeded, yet were they not able to endure the armed and courageous Mamalukes, but were glad to give ground; and quite disordered by the breaking in of the Mamalukes, as men discouraged, began to look about them which way they might fly: when by the commandment of Sinan, the arquebusiers, who with the first volley of their shot had repulsed the Arabians, wheeling about, enclosed all the enemy's battle. By which means both men and horse were a far off slain, with the multitude of the deadly shot: where true valour helped not them, so on every side enclosed. For where any troop of the Mamalukes pressed forward upon the Turks, they quickly retired, and in all places of the battle as much as they could shunned to encounter their enemies with their horsemen, labouring only to gall them with shot. Gazelles seeing his horses spent with extreme weariness, and that he was not to expect any further help, his Arabians now beginning to fall from him; and also considering that many of his most valiant soldiers were either slain or wounded, and having also himself received a great wound in his neck; he with the rest of his army made way through the midst of his enemies, and having lost divers of his ensigns, fled back again to CAIRO through the same sandy deserts whereby he came. In this battle was lost the governor of ALEXANDRIA, and Orchamus governor of CAIRO (both men of great account amongst the Mamalukes) and beside them a great number of Arabians, with a thousand or more of the Mamaluke horsemen. Neither got Sinan a joyful or unbloody victory, having lost above two thousand of his best horsemen, and amongst them certain commanders, men of great mark. The Turks weary of this battle, which had endured from noon till night, and many of their horses fainting under them, were not able to pursue their enemies, and therefore encamped themselves in the same place where the battle was fought, near unto the fountain. The day following they at leisure gathered the spoil, and cutting off the heads of their enemies, which were easily known by their long and rough beards, fastened them up upon the Date trees growing thereby, as well in witness of their worthy labour, as by that strange and horrible spectacle to feed the eyes of their fierce emperor, who was shortly after to pass that way, and so to manifest unto him the victory of that day. In the mean time, they of GAZA upon the rising of the Sun, perceiving the Turks camp left empty, as men not able longer to dissemble their covert treachery; and vainly supposing that Sinan Bassa upon some knowledge of the coming of the Mamalukes, had for fear retired back into places of more safety, suddenly set upon such as were left in the camp, which were for most part sick and weak men (yet in number many) whom they most cruelly slew: & presently after set upon two thousand of the Turks horsemen, sent from Selimus to Sinan, which by chance were come thither the same day, inquiring with great carefulness what was become of the Bassa and his army; and spoiling them of their carriages, put them to flight. Who after that discomfiture, supposing the Bassa (whom they had thought to have found at GAZA, tarrying for the coming of Selimus) by some mishap or policy of the enemy to have been lost with all his army, and therefore fearfully retiring, were upon the way miserably slain by the Arabians: neither had any one of them escaped, if they had not met with juleb the governor of ACHAIA at the city of RAMA: for he was also sent from Selimus to Sinan Bassa with a strong company of Grecian horsemen, by whose coming the fury of the Arabians was well repressed. Yet these pilfering people still calling forth to the prey more and more of their leaders which dwelled in the mountains adjoining, and being grown to a great army, overtook the Turks at a village called CARAS●ARA, where they enforced them to fight in a place of great disadvantage. For the Arabians having before taken certain straits, which closed in the passage at the further end of a large valley, showed themselves at once, before, behind, and on both sides of the Turks: their weapons were bow and arrows, and long spears armed at both ends, which they nimbly handled, after the manner of the Moors. These weapons they most skilfully used upon their swift horses, and both in their charge and retreat wounded their enemies deadly. So that the Turks in number few, and for their horsemen's staves inferior to their enemies, durst not offer to charge them; but keeping close together, hardly defended themselves, still making way as they might: and had undoubtedly been brought into extreme danger to have been utterly lost, had not juleb with four pieces of artillery which he brought with him for his defence, drawn them which kept the straits from their high places, and so opening the way, with all speed brought thorough his men: which straits once passed, and coming into the open fields, he with more safety marched forward, skirmishing a far off with the enemy with his archers and arquebusiers, and discharging his fieldpeeces where he saw the greatest and thickest troops of those wild people. On the other part, the Arabians dispersedly hovering about them in troops, were still in the tail of the army, and such as were wounded or weak and could not follow the rest, they slew; and sought by all means to hinder their journey, not suffering them (circumvented with so many dangers) either to refresh themselves, or to take any rest. This was unto the Turks a most dismal day, for many of them tormented with thirst, and weakened with wounds and extreme labour, gave up the ghost; and now no help remained in this desperate estate, being still beset and hardly laid to with the multitude of those fierce and desperate enemies: when suddenly a great number of other Turks came to them in the mid way unlooked for, being now in despair and even at the last cast. For Selimus having left the Imbrahor-Bassa with a strong army upon the borders of PERSIA, for the defence of SYRIA and ASIA, and having sent for new supplies of soldiers to CONSTANTINOPLE, which should with a great fleet be transported into SYRIA, had now removed from DAMASCUS: and the better to provide for victuals and forage, which began now to grow scant in that wasted country, every day sent before great troops and companies of his army, as it were at certain appointed times. Selimus doubting Sinan Bassa to have been lost, becometh melancholy. So juleb delivered of the present danger by the coming in of these fresh soldiers, met with Selimus the next day, and in order told him all that had happened unto him and his first troops at GAZA and RAMA, and all the way after: and also what they supposed by conjectures to have chanced to Sinan Bassa with his army, for the manifold wiles of so dangerous enemies. With which news Selimus became exceeding melancholy: and thereupon thought it not good to go any further, before he perfectly knew how all stood with Sinan, in whose fortune he had reposed all the hope of his good success in that so great an enterprise. But whilst he was in this dump, Ne●e● of Sinans 〈◊〉 comfor●eth Selimus. suddenly came the Syrian spies, who declaring unto him all that Sinan Bassa had done, converted that melancholy passion into no less joy and gladness: for he saw that by that victory, EGYPT was laid open unto him, and his desires as good as half accomplished in less time than ever he expected. The next day after, he removed with his army to RAMA, and by the way as he went (to the terror of others) burned the dwellings together with the wives and children of those Arabians, who but a little before had done so much harm to his men in their passage. And from thence sending before his footmen to Sinan Bassa at GAZA, he himself with his horsemen turned out of the way upon the left hand to JERUSALEM, to visit that most ancient and famous city, so much renowned both for the antiquity thereof, and the fame of the religion of the jews. That unpeopled and desolate city lay then defaced with the huge ruins of the old sacred and stately buildings; not inhabited by the jews, the ancient inhabitants thereof (who for their inexpiable guilt, as men exiled out of the world, have neither country or resting place) but for most part by a few poor Christians, who to the great shame and scorn of the Christian name, paid yearly a wonderful tribute unto the Sultan of EGYPT for the possession of the sacred sepulchre: when as the Christian princes flourishing at that time with glory, power and wealth, could not by any motive of immortal glory or fame, be incited to revenge so great an injury; but deeming it (as should seem) better agreeing with their state, to spend their time in idle vanities or mortal war one against an other, than in the quarrel of the most true and Christian religion. Selimus having reverently worshipped the ancient monuments of the old prophets, and done especial sacrifice unto his great prophet Mahomet; gave unto the Christian priests keepers of the place (as unto good and devout men) money to maintain them for six months: and staying at JERUSALEM but one night, marched in four days to the rest of his army at GAZA. Where by the way, he had continual skirmishes both day and night with the Arabians: for they according to their wont manner, were desperately at hand in every place; and where the straightness of the ways enforced the Turks to extenuat their ranks, there would they be ready to skirmish with them, and suddenly unlooked for come to handy blows: and when they came into the valleys, they tumbled down the mountains upon them great stones which they had for that purpose before provided. At which time the Turks arquebusiers in whom they had greatest confidence, served them to little purpose: for the weather was so tempestuous and extreme moist with continual rain, that the powder in their flasks became wet and unserviceable, and hardly could they keep fire in their matches. Yet by the valiantness of the janissaries the matter was so used, that near unto the person of the emperor no great harm was done by those naked robbers: for climbing up the hills with pikes in their hands, they drive them from their standings, and enforced them to abandon the straits and high places. But Sinan Bassa who after his victory returning to GAZA, 1517 had put to death the authors of the late revolt, Sinan Bassa goeth to meet Selymu● a● he wa● coming to Gaza. confiscated their goods, and exacted of the people in general a great sum of money, as the just punishment of their false treachery: hearing now of the coming of Selimus, went to meet him with his victorious soldiers, furnished with the spoils of their enemies. Whom Selimus most honourably received, and gave generally to the captains, and particularly to the most valiant of the common soldiers, garments of silk, with a great sum of money in reward of their good service. After that, he stayed but four days at GAZA, for that he thought it not good to give any long time of breathing unto his discouraged enemies, now twice overthrown, or to suffer the new Sultan (not yet well settled in his kingdom) to grow stronger by new preparations and supplies raised in the most populous and plentiful country of EGYPT. Which to let, although it required great haste in setting forward, and served as spurs unto him naturally hasting to glory and renown; yet was his army to be refreshed after so long and painful travel, and great provision to be made for the carriage of water upon camels all the way through the dry solitary and sandy deserts. For between GAZA and CAIRO lie vast unpeopled and barren sands, which moved by the wind, rise up in billows in manner of a wrought sea so troublesome, that oftentimes it is not possible to see for dust: and the light sands in many places gauled deep with the wind, wonderfully troubleth the weary passengers. But such a sudden calm ensued the great rain which fell but a few days before, that Selimus unto his great good fortune wanted nothing that he could wish, for the happy conducting of his army: for the air was become so calm, that there was no blast of wind to raise the sand to trouble their sight; and withal such plenty of water was found almost in every place by reason of the abundant rain, which being not yet sunk far into the sand, afforded them water in such plenty if they digged but two foot deep, that the soldiers commonly thought it needless to carry any bottle of water for fear of thirst. Yet for all that, the wild Arabians failed not in all that passage, on every side to hover about the Turks army (as hawks over their prey) and suffered none of them to straggle out of order, or stay behind the army, but they were straightway snatched up and slain. Against whom Selimus provided an easy remedy, by placing his field pieces in divers parts of his army, which by the direction of the leaders (as every man happened to be nearest unto the danger) were forthwith discharged upon the roaming enemy. And in the rearward of his army were placed strong companies of arquebusiers, for defence of the weak and feeble soldiers, who could but softly follow the army, and were therefore most subject to danger. By this means Selimus with some small loss received from the Arabians, in eight days march drew near to CAIRO, Sinan Bassa going before him, who with his Europeian soldiers still kept one days journey before. There is a village about six miles distant from the city of CAIRO called MATHAREA, famous for the plenty of most excellent balm: which liquor of all others most fragrant and sovereign, distilled out of low trees there planted, whose uttermost ●ind the people cut with ivory knives to give the liquor passage: which balm, for the notable virtues thereof, being not elsewhere to be had, men's diseases and wanton desires have made of a wonderful price. Tom●mb●ius seeks to entrap the Turks. Into that place near unto a village called RHODANIA, had Tomombeius conveyed all his new and old provision of artillery; and had drawn deep ditches overthwart all the field, and cross the high way, which he had closely covered over with weak hurdles and earth, as if it had been firm ground. And he with his Mamalukes (in number about twelve thousand) and a great multitude of Arabian horsemen lay in places convenient, of purpose that when the Turkish battles should approach, they should first feel the force of his great ordinance before they came within the shot of their arrows, and forthwith upon great advantage, with all his forces suddenly to set upon them disordered and entrapped. All which things were so cunningly and so politicly dispatched and done, that there was none in the Sultan's army which doubted of the good success of that day: and a great mischief had undoubtedly befallen the Turks, had not fortune which favoured Selimus and frowned upon Tomombeius (or more truly to say, the fatal period of that kingdom so requiring) by the false treachery of a few, frustrated the great endeavours of the Mamalukes. There was in the Sultan's army amongst the soldiers of the court, four Epirot Mamalukes, who grieved to see Tomombeius contrary to their desires, preferred unto the kingdom by others of a contrary faction: whether it were upon a malicious disposition, or upon hope of reward and better entertainment; or for that in so great a declination of their kingdom, they thought it good to seek for new friends of more assurance, fled secretly to Sinan Bassa, as to a most famous captain and one of their own nation. For this great commander Sinan, Selimus his right hand, was borne in a poor country village of EPIRUS, in the mountain country of AMERACIA, whom a wonderful mischance preferred to that height of credit and wealth: for it is reported, that a sow kept in the house wherein he was borne, bit off his genitories, being then but a child, as he lay by chance sleeping in the shadow; and being made of greater esteem by that mishap, was by them which took up delicate minions for the Turkish emperor, brought to CONSTANTINOPLE, and presented to the great emperor Mahomet, Selimus his grandfather: where fortune by the fatal direction of his good hap, advanced him to his appointed honours, whom she had long before dismembered. By these fugitive Mamalukes, Selimus and Sinan were instructed of all the devices of the enemy, and especially what stratagems Tomombeius had with great cunning and policy devised: whereinto they must needs fall, if they should go directly on, and not forsake the high way. Wherefore guided by the same fugitives, they fetch a great compass on the left hand, and by an unused way, before it was day having escaped the front of their enemy's camp, with all the dangers prepared for them; they came and showed themselves at their backs in order of battle, with their great artillery ready bend, because they were desirous without delay to join battle. Tomombeius now too late perceiving that his plot was discovered by the treason of some of his own people, although he was therewith above measure grieved; for that all which he had with so great industry and the labour of so many men brought to pass, The coming of 〈◊〉 by an ●nexpected way, maketh great confusion in Tomombeiu● camp. was through spiteful fortune made frustrate, and in a moment brought to nought: yet for all that (as he was a man of an invincible courage) presently entered into his wont and deep devices, and calling vn●o him his chief commanders, quickly told them what he would have done. Now in this short moment of time, he was to do many things at once; the signal was to be given for the soldiers to mount their horses, and to make themselves ready; the order of his camp was to be changed; his battle to be ordered; his soldiers to be encouraged; and all his great ordinance, as the case required, quite contrary way to be turned: all which things, as they could but hardly and troublesomely by one commander be directed, so were they hastily and disorderedly at once done by many. But above all other things, the great concourse of people for turning and removing the great artillery most troubled the well ordering of the rest: for many of them were hug●e iron pieces of great weight, made fast in stocks of wood, with ring's and iron clasps, after the old and rude manner of ship ordinance; which for their exceeding & ponderous weight, could not be out of their places removed, but by the strength of many horses, and the great labour of men, with levers and rolls put under them: and such as were mounted upon carriages, when they were drawn through all parts of the camp, with the great clamour of the disordered and hasty people, some drawing, some thrusting forward the same, with their tumultuous stir and doings, wonderfully troubled the other soldiers as they were mounting to horse and repairing toward their ensigns. But two things marvelously helped these difficulties, the soldiers cheerfulness, and constancy; which was such as passeth credit: For they did not upon any apprehension of fear fail either in hope or courage, as oftentimes it happeneth in sudden accidents, wherein even the old approved soldiers do many times fail of their wont valour. And although they were twice overcome in battle, yet still they were of greater spirit & confidence, as men destitute neither of courage or skill, but only of fortune. Wherefore Tomombeius having with much ado ordered his battle, and his soldiers with great cheerfulness desiring the signal to be given, commanded all the multitude of his Arabians to compass in the wings of the enemy's battle behind, and so to skirmish with them: that so (if it were possible) the Turks horsemen might with the danger of the doubtful fight with such an uncertain enemy, be disordered before he set forward to charge them with his troops: and withal commanded his great ordinance (which was now turned upon the enemy) to be presently discharged. So did the Turks likewise, discharging at once from a convenient distance both their greater and smaller ordinance, and speedily recharging them, brought them within an arrow shot; so that for a good space they lay beating the one the other on both sides with their great artillery only: in which manner of fight the Egyptian canoneers were almost all slain, and many of their fieldpieces broken by force of the enemy's shot. For Selimus had in his camp many excellent and skilful canoneers, Christian canoneers serve the Turks against the Egyptians. whom he had with great entertainment alured out of ITALY and GERMANY: and especially of those refuse jews, which by the zeal of king Ferdinand being driven out of SPAIN, afterwards to the shame of the Christians, dispersed those rare and deadly devices through the East. The chief of these canoneers was one jacobus è Regio Lepid●, a cunning engineer, who but a little before overcome by the Turks rewards, abjuting the Christian religion, revolted unto the Mahometan superstition. But after that the Mamalukes had brought the matter to battle on both sides, they gave out a most hideous and dreadful cry, and with exceeding fury assailed the Turks in three places: for Selimus still keeping his wont order, approached his enemies with his battle in form of an half Moon. The order of Selimus his army. Mustapha Bassa had the leading of the Asian horsemen in the right wing: and jonuses Bassa of the Europeians in the left: he himself stood in the main battle with the squadron of his trusty janissaries, Sinan Bassa General of the field and great store of artillery: but Sinan the Eunuch Bassa, general of the field, led after him a great number of most valiant horsemen, drawn out of every troop to be ready against all the uncertain events that might happen in the battle; unto whom he joined five hundred arquebusiers, janissaries, men of wonderful courage and activity, selected out of Selimus his own squadron, to relieve such part of the army as should chance to be most pressed by the enemy. So almost at one time, whilst Tomombeius stood in the main battle against Selimus, and the wings of the Mamalukes with equal battle encountered the wings of the Turks, and the Arabians also valiantly charging them in the rearward as they had in charge, four sharp battles were at once made in divers places. It is reported by some that were present in that battle, that what for the clamour and cry of soldiers, what for the noise of drums and trumpets and such like instruments of war, what for the thundering of ordinance, clattering of armour, and rising of the dust, all men's minds were so confounded and abashed, that running on headlong as men furious and desperate, when neither their speeches could be heard, their tokens known, their ensigns seen, or captains understood, mistaking one another in that hurly burly, they slew many of their friends in steed of their enemies: for never battles met together with greater hatred, neither did ever two great kings with less care of their persons and safety more resolutely or desperately make show of their strength and courage. For both of them with like danger both of themselves and of their armies, seeing plainly that they had put both their lives and kingdoms to the hazard of a battle, promised unto themselves no other hope of safety, but what they should obtain by victory. Gazelles desirous both of honour and of revenge, to require the Europeian horsemen with like slaughter as he had before received from them not far from GAZA, with wonderful fury assailed jonuses Bassa, and at the first encounter broke his first ranks, and overthrew certain of his guidons: at which time the Arabians pressing courageously in at their backs, enforced those victorious troops, which in all battles had hitherto carried away the prize (the very flower of THRACIA, THESSALIA, EPIRUS, MACEDONIA, and GRaeCIA) to fly and show their backs, which never enemy had before that time seen. At which time Si●●n Bassa carefully attending every accident, came speedily in with his most valiant troops of fresh men upon the side of the enemy, and restored again the battle, now declining and foully disordered. But whiles Sinan, Sinan ●●ssa with ●ost of his follower's slain by bidon. who in this his last worthy labour had interrupted the manifest victory of Gazelles, was with an invincible courage valiantly fight in the head of his battle, he was by the coming in of the courageous captain Bidon with his Mamalukes, overcharged and slain. His most valiant followers also labouring to rescue and carry away his dead body, were by Gazelles unfolding his troops (that standing thin, they might at more liberty use their swords, in which manner of fight the Mamalukes far excelled the Turks) for most part slain, and the rest put to flight: and that chosen company of five hundred of the most valiant janissaries, now destitute of their horsemen, when they had most courageously done what was possible for men to do, being compassed round with the Mamaluke horsemen, were all in a trice cut in pieces and trodden underfoot. Thus resteth this Eunuch Bassa in the bed of fame, who living, had the leading of this most warlike emperor Selimus his greatest armies in his most dangerous wars. Mustapha with his A●●●n souldi●rs overthroweth the left ●ing of the Sulta●● army. Mustapha in the other wing of the Turks battle coming on courageously with his Asian horsemen, did sore press the left wing of the Egyptians (whereof Heylmis the Diadare, and Gi●pal, two valiant captains had the leading) who but a little before had received great harm by the great ordinance which was discharged out of the midst of Selimus his battle overthwart the field: Which Mustapha perceiving, and desiring to blot out the old infamy he had before received, did fiercely press upon them, so disordered, and with his whole troops overthrew their broken ranks; and glistering in his bright armour, with a loud voice encouraged his Asian soldiers, exhorting them that day with valiant prowess or honourable death, to recover their ancient honour of late lost in the fields of ALEPPO. At the same time also Tomombeius breaking through the middle battle of the Turks horsemen, was entered into the squadron of the footmen, with his crooked scimitar giving many a deadly wound, himself being a valiant big made man, and of great strength. The Arabians had also in a ring enclosed the uttermost parts of the Turks army, and in many places enforced them to turn their battle upon them, being sore charged with a doubtful fight both before and behind: when Selimus set forward with his battle of footmen, and his squadron of janissaries, his last and most assured refuge in that his hard distress, whose invincible force, neither the courageous barbed horses, nor their victorious riders were able to abide: for part of them with their arquebusiers, and the rest with their pikes, had so strongly set the front of their battle, that nothing was able to stand wheresoever that firm battle, linked together as if it had been but one whole entire body, swayed. Yet was this cruel battle continued with divers fortune on both sides, from four of the clock until the going down of the Sun; neither was there any part of their armies, which had not with divers success and change of fortune, endured the fury of that battle: for both the victors and the vanquished being enraged with an implacable hatred one against another, fought desperately as men prodigal of their lives: The Mamalukes disdaining to have the victory wrong out of their hands by them whom they had in so many places discomfited, and the Turks taking it in no less scorn, that they, whom but of late they had overcome and vanquished in two great battles, should now the third time make so strong resistance. So that on both sides their fainting hands and bodies both wearied and weakened with wounds, supported only with anger and obstinacy of mind, seemed yet sufficient to have maintained that bloody battle until the next day, if the darkness of the night now coming on, had not made an end of that days slaughter. Tomombeius undoubtedly vanquished, and fearing to be utterly overthrown, first caused a retreat to be sounded, that his Mamalukes which were indeed not able to withstand the janissaries, might not seem to be put to flight, but rather as men commanded, to retire. Which he thought to concern much both for the encouraging of his soldiers▪ and for the keeping of his own credit and estimation with his subjects. For now the selfsame fortune which had deceived his first hopes, seemed unto him (as it fareth with men in distress, yet still hoping for better) to promise him more prosperous success, if he were not discouraged: but reserving such remainders of his forces as were left, he should again courageously renew the war. The battle thus broken off by the approach of the night, the Turks as victors enjoying the tents and great artillery of their enemies, pursued the Mamalukes until midnight, who held on their way to CAIRO, in manner as if they had fled. This great battle was fought upon a thursday the four and twentieth day of januarie, in the year 1517. The Diadare was taken in the flight mortally wounded, Selimus causeth the Diadare and the valiant captain Bidon to be slain. and with him the valiant captain Bidon, having in the battle one of his legs broken in the knee with a faulshion shot, wherewith his horse was also slain under him. Selimus commanded them both the next day to be slain, either for that their wounds were supposed to be incurable, or else for that it was his pleasure, with the death of those two honouble personages to appease the angry ghost of Sinan Bassa, whose death he wonderfully lamented. The Turks although they still prevailed, yet was their army greatly impaired even in their prosperous success and fortunate battles: the fourth part of their army was consumed with sickness and the sword, and that days labour had tired a great number of their horses, beside the long journey they had before endured. For which causes Selimus was enforced to slack somewhat of his accustomed haste: for as yet he had no experience of the disposition of the Egyptians which dwelled at CAIRO; neither could he understand by any certain report, where Tomombeius stayed, or upon what resolution he rested. Which things not thoroughly known, he thought it not good to commit himself and his army into that most populous and spacious city: but staying four days at the village of MATHAREA and RHODANIA, carefully provided for his wounded soldiers, and caused the bodies of such as were slain to be buried; but the dead carcases of his enemies he left to the birds of the air and beasts of the field. And afterward removing his camp thence, that he might more commodiously water, he came into the plains between old CAIRO and BULACH. In the mean while Tomombeius nothing discouraged with so many mishaps, gathering together the Mamalukes from all places, encamped his army commodiously between the new city of CAIRO and the river Nilus, he also armed eight thousand Aethyopian slaves (which kind of men he had not before used, for the remembrance of their old rebellion,) beside that he opening the old armoury, put arms into the hands of Mamalukes sons, and Moors (his vassals) into the hands of the jews and Arabians also, and courageously prepared for a greater and more mortal war than before. But for as much as there were many difficulties in the managing thereof, having almost lost all his great artillery, with many of his most valiant horsemen slain in the former battles; he in his troubled mind did so cast the doubtful hopes of his last device, which cruel necessity wrung from him, that for as much as he had by manly force nothing prevailed in open field, he would now altogether use policy: as he which of late having unfortunately made proof of his strength, his forces yet all whole, thought it not good again to adventure the fortune of a battle: neither was he in hope if he should so do, to be able with his small power and desperate supplies to protract the war until the heat of Summer, as he desired. Wherefore he resolved by night to assail the Turks camp, and if possibly he could, to set it on fire. For which his device he seemed to have two reasons: whereof the one consisted in the speedy execution, that he might desperately attempt to do some notable exploit in the night, before the enemy should perceive the weakness of his power, which was not great, and scambled up upon the sudden; as also before he himself should grow into contempt with the natural Egyptians▪ who desiring nothing more than to cast off the servile yoke of the Mamaluke government, with wavering minds expected but some fit occasion to rebel: the other was, that by the benefit of the night he might avoid the danger of the great ordinance; which in sudden accidents, and especially in the darkness of the night, serveth to little or no purpose; in which kind of strength he had before to his great loss learned, that his enemies were far too good for him. But these his reasonable policies, when all things were in readiness to have put the same in execution, The purpose of Tomombeius discovered to Selimus. were in like manner as the first overthrown by the treason of such as secretly revolted from him to the enemy. For Selimus understanding the whole plot, by certain Mamalukes, (which having the kings evil fortune in contempt, as it commonly falleth out with men in misery, daily forsook him) commanded his army to be always in readiness, and making great fires in divers places of his camp, kept most careful and vigilant watch. By which his diligence it came fitly to pass, that the night following Tomombeius approaching his camp, was repulsed, with no small loss of his first troops which unadvisedly were gone on too far: and had no doubt that night thereby received his last overthrow, but that he wisely misdoubting the unwonted light of the fires shining in all parts of the camp, in time called back his hasting troops, which were themselves with more haste than good speed marching into the very mouth of the Turks great artillery, bend of purpose upon them. Tomombeius disappointed of his purpose, by persuasion of his chieftains retired to CAIRO: for the Mamalukes still put to the worse in plain field, thought it best to proceed in another manner; persuading him, with the whole strength of his army to man all the convenient places of that great city, otherwise exposed to the enemy's pleasure, and so to keep the Turks from entering. For they as men brought to this extremity, that they must now fight for their dwellings, lives, wives, and children; thought it more honourable and better agreeing with their ancient glory, so to do in their sight, and in the entrance of their houses, than elsewhere farther off. Wherefore the Mamalukes coming home to CAIRO, furnished all their families and fl●● roofs of their houses with all manner of weapons: every one of them now humbly requesting the Egyptians their neighbours, to take up arms against the Turks their ancient and mortal enemies, and not to suffer themselves to be cowardly slain, their goods spoiled, and their wives and children carried away into most miserable captivity; forasmuch as the merciless and greedy enemy, if he should once get the victory, would no whit spare them, although they should as neuters stand looking on, and help neither party: for victory (as they said) always full of insolent pride, would know no friend but such as with resolute hand did their uttermost devoir in time of danger, for the obtaining thereof. The Egyptians diversly affected 〈◊〉 the Mamalukes. There were many of the wealthiest of the Egyptians, who as they thought the change of the state would be hurtful to their trades and wealth, so were they ready in all they could to help the Mamalukes their old lords: So on the other side there were many of the middle sort of the citizens, and a far greater multitude of the basest sort of the vulgar people, who having little or nothing to lose, lived in hope now to make a gain of other men's losses; and withal, remembering what misery and slavery they had endured about the space of three hundred years, under the proud government of the Mamalukes, kept themselves close in their houses, expecting the last event of wars; and secretly rejoicing in their hearts, that the time was come (God so appointing) wherein their outrageous and cruel masters should be justly and worthily punished for their oppression and hard dealing; and that which gladded them the more, that the revenge should be taken by the hazard of other men's lives, with which wished spectacle they well hoped shortly to fill their desirous eyes. Tomombeius with much labour and greater care, fortified all the gates and entrances of the city, appointed unto every street a particular captain, in every public place encouraged the people, omitting nothing that could possibly be done or devised; and that which in so great a calamity and danger was of all other things the hardest, with cheerful countenance and undaunted courage, made show of greatest hope. The Mamalukes also, beside the necessity (which in cases of extremity is of power to encourage and make desperate the faint hearted coward) provoked with emulation, strove amongst themselves who should best perform all the duties of worthy captains and soldiers: for every one of them according to his conceit and devise, caused deep ditches, or great timber logs to be cast overthwart the streets; some in covert trenches set up sharp stakes, whereupon the enemy falling unawares might be gauged; othersome according to their store, furnished the windows and fronts of their houses in the greatest and most open streets, with arquebusiers: all which things with many more were done with such celerity, that none of the best or most honourable of the Mamalukes refused to handle a spade or a mattock, or to put his hand to any other base labour; so that nothing could be sooner devised, but it was forthwith performed. The description of the great city of Cairo. This great and ancient city of CAIRO was not compassed with any walls, yet were there divers gates and entrances which led into it: whereof one broad strait street came directly from the East gate unto the castle and middle of the city; the rest were so narrow and crooked, that by them no great artillery could possibly be brought, or soldiers enter without great danger. Into this place especially, had Tomombeius conveyed his chiefest strength: for that he knew his enemies must of necessity come in that way for the largeness of the streets; the other parts of the city he kept with less garrisons. But the innermost part where the castle stood, was kept with a very great and strong garrison of most valiant soldiers: that whither soever the clamour of the enemy or danger of the battle should call, they might speedily from thence come with relief. For why, that city of all others the greatest, could not with so small power as Tomombeius then had, be in every place and entrance sufficiently defended: for within the circuit of MEMPHIS (now called CAIRO) are contained three great cities, which joined one to an other with straggling bridges, make one city; whereof the greatest and most populous, is at this day called New CAIRO. It lieth in length six miles, alongst the river Nilus, from which it is equally distant a mile: the breadth thereof, exceedeth not a mile and a quarter. In the midst thereof is a castle standing upon a little rising ground, somewhat higher than the rest of the city; more notable for the greatness and beauty thereof, than for the manner of the fortification: for in it were many princely gardens, a fair street with many large galleries, divers fair tilt-yardes and courts, with stately chambers opening every way: the utter part thereof was garnished round about with towers, fortresses, and beautiful battlements; from whence all parts of the city, the river Nilus running by, and the high Pyramids were most pleasantly to be seen. Not far from this princely palace, is a lake made by the hand of man, the water wherein derived from the river Nilus, is on every side enclosed with most stately buildings: and is a place of wonderful pleasure, when as a man standing at a window may take both fish and soul, whereof there is in the lake great store. Another lake there is far greater and fairer than this, in form of a triangle, in the uttermost part of this New city of CAIRO toward BULACH: it is filled at the rising of Nilus by a great sluice made of stone with iron floudgates; and being joined to the great river by a broad channel, is able to bear small boats and barges: wherein gentlemen for their disport used to solace themselves both by day and night in courting their mistresses. The houses were all gallantly built affront all about the lake, with porches garnished with open galleries, and paved with smooth marble even to the brim of the lake: there the citizens in their more prosperous times used to row up and down in boats, and with pleasant music to delight the listening ears of the hearers. On the East side of this lake stood a most sumptuous and stately palace, the late work of queen Dultibe wife of the great Sultan Caitbeius, for manner of the building and inward beauty far exceeding the other proud buildings of this pleasant place: for the walls glisteren with red marble, and pargeting of divers colours, yea all the house was paved with chequer and tesseled work; the windows and gates were made of alabaster, white marble, and much other spotted marble; the posts and wickets of massy yourie, chequered with glistering black ebony; so curiously wrought in winding knots, as might easilier stay than satisfy the eyes of the wondering beholder: neither was the furniture in it inferior to the magnificence of the building, but such as might fitly answer both a prince's state, and a woman's quaint desire. All which things shortly after (Selimus having obtained the victory) carried to CONSTANTINOPLE; not sparing the very walls, but plucking them down, so to take out the curious stones whole. Beside the goodly buildings about that lake, in every place of New CAIRO was to be seen the fair houses of the chief Mamalukes; more commended for their commodiousness, than for the manner of their building. The rest of the buildings of the city was but low▪ replenished with the common sort of base people. There are yet extant in divers places of the city, three churches of the Christians; whereof one is holden in greater reverence than the rest, for the fame of a low vault in the ground, where it is reported the virgin Marie flying the fury of Herod, to have reposed herself with her child Christ jesus the Saviour of the world: another dedicated to the virgin Barbara: and the third to S. George, which amongst those nations are of great fame. Unto the city of New CAIRO, the city of BULACH is joined almost with continual buildings. It is of an high and stately building, lying close unto the river Nilus, and was in Summer time frequented by the Mamalukes and other noble men, that they might at their pleasure from their high places behold the inundation of that famous river: There land all the ship● which come up the river; yet the great meeting of the merchants is at New CAIRO. On the other side of the river over against BULACH, are many cottages made of hurdles and leaves of date trees, the dwellings of poor fishermen and watermen. A little above BULACH is old CAIRO, which is also joined unto the new city with continual buildings; yet distant from it about two miles and an half, and standeth also fast by the river of Nilus. Oueragainst it in the midst of the river is an island, notable for the pleasantness of the gardens and banqueting houses therein: In it is an ancient temple, famous for the love of king Pharaos' daughter, and the danger of Moses (a most ancient history, yet every where there still fresh in memory.) But most part of the buildings of old CAIRO, are now grown into gardens and rude ruins. It is supposed by many probable conjectures, that there sometime stood the ancient city of MEMPHIS. Upon the bank of the river, the late Sultan Campson built a sumptuous tower, overtopping the castle in new CAIRO, to convey water thither out of Nilus; which being by many wheels and ingenious devices forced into the top thereof, and there received into great cisterns, was from thence by pipes of stone and lead, conveyed into all places of the kings great palace at new CAIRO. The pyramids of Egypt. About five miles distant from old CAIRO on AFRICA side, stand the Pyramids, monuments of the barbarous Egyptian king's vanity; whose proud names and titles Time hath worn out of those huge and wonderful buildings, of purpose made for the vain eternising of their fame and endless wealth: so that of them it may now well be said, Miramur perijsse homines? monumenta fatiscunt: Interitus saxis nominibusque venit. What wonder we that men do die? the stately tombs do wear: The very stones consume to nought, with titles they did bear. Within them are the sepulchres of the old Egyptian kings, divided into chapels, garnished with stone of great price curiously wrought. Yet are those places loathsome of smell, and for darkness thereof, dreadful to behold: for as men go down to come into them by a narrow way, almost swerved up with rubbish, their lights ar● oftentimes put out with the damp of the earth, and swarms of reremise flying about their ears. Some having got to the tops of them report, that the watch tower of ALEXANDRIA, and the mouths of the river Nilus where it falleth into the sea, is from thence well to be seen: and that for the great height of them, a man cannot shoot an arrow so high as the midst of the lower tower whereon the spire standeth. Of these outrageous buildings, are written many strange and almost incredible things, as that an hundred thousand men should be occupied continually by the space of twenty years, in building of one of them: during which time, the charges for roots, garlic and oinions only, amounted to 1600 talents of silver. These wonderful Pyramids only excepted, nothing is in the three cities more to be wondered at than the multitude of the people, who in number almost incredible go up and down every street: but for most part ragged and torn, for that they which held any wealth, durst not make any show thereof for fear of the Mamalukes. The common people did then generally live with mutton, hens, and rise, whereof the country yieldeth plenty: neither had they as yet the knowledge of the curious but unwholesome forced dishes, and provocations of gluttony, which other nations had to their great cost and hurt invented. But again to our purpose. Selimus encourageth his soldiers to the winning of Cairo. When Selimus understood assuredly that Tomombeius was retired into CAIRO, and that the Mamalukes having thither assembled all their strength, were resolved there to prove the uttermost of their fortune: he with his army drew nearer unto the city, exhorting his soldiers to set down themselves that day for ever to vanquish and subdue their enemies, whom they had so many times before overthrown; and now a little to force themselves for the gaining of the rewards due to their former labours and victories: which (as he said) would be so many and so great, as they had not the full thereof before in their immoderate desires imagined▪ Telling them moreover, that there was but a few good soldiers left with the desolate Sultan, who already wounded and terrified, and not able longer to keep the field, had made choice to end their days in the sight and arms of their wives and children. Beside that, he made them believe, that he was voluntarily sent for by the Egyptians, deadly enemies unto the very name of the Mamalukes, whose utter destruction they earnestly expected: and had therefore promised him for the rooting up of that wicked and cruel kind of men, to assail them as occasion served out of their houses, and so to further his victory: yet nevertheless he said, That the accomplishment of the whole matter, and to make a full conquest, consisted in the subduing of those weak remainders of the vanquished and scattered army; for as much as they were not to be accounted as men quite overcome, which did yet live in hope, with weapons in their hands, possessed of the chief city and seat of their empire. Wherefore that they should think, that in the fortune of that day rested the good or bad estate and condition of all their lives, honours and fortunes. Assuring them, that it would be a matter but of small labour and travel to bring it to a wished end, if they would in that new kind of fight (as they had always valiantly in other battles under his conduct) but resolve with themselves that they would overcome. This his speech much inflamed the minds of his soldiers, but the hope of so great a prey much more: so that being in good order and ready, they expected but the sign of the assault. When Selimus entering by the gate called Basuela, did at one instant thrust in his horsemen at divers places of the great city; but his janissaries he brought in by the greatest and largest street. At the first entrance of the city; horsemen encountered with horsemen, and made a bloody fight▪ in the narrow streets and lanes: but the footmen placing their e●●uerings & falcons before them, and suddenly discharging them where they saw the thickest troops of their enemies, cleared the street directly before them. A most moral battle fought in Cairo. But when they came to the baricadoes and trenches, and were by force to remove the timber logs and other like things lying cross the streets, and so to pass the trenches, the Mamalukes on the other side valiantly withstanding them; they fought with such force and obstinacy on both parts, that in the memory of man was never a more fierce or cruel battle seen. For both the Mamalukes and the Turks in that fight showed the uttermost of their strength and power; not ignorant that in that as in the last, they were to fight not for honour only, but even for their lives and empire: when as greatest rewards, or else extreme misery, were by dallying fortune on both sides propounded both to the vanquished and vanquisher. At these baricadoes the Turks received great loss, as also at the trenches: for they unadvisedly running on, the hindermost still bearing forward the foremost, tumbled by heaps one upon an other into the covert trenches, and were there miserably empailed upon the sharp stakes, for that purpose before set up by the Mamalukes. The women also and children, with manly courage threw down stones and tiles, and such other things from the tops of their houses, and out at their windows upon the Turks: and they on the other side as they could espy them, fetched them off from those high places with their harquebusies, or else violently broke into the houses from whence they were assailed, & there fought with divers success. But most part of the Egyptians, diligently observing the fortune both of the one and of the other (accounting them both for enemies) with divers affection assailed sometimes the Turks, and sometime the Mamalukes, seeming still notably to help that part whom they saw for the time to have the better. Many cruel and most terrible encounters were at once made in divers places of the city: for as they crossed from street to street, sometime the one, and sometime the other happened upon new troops of enemies: and they which as victors pursued their enemies a front, were by others following them at the heels, slain downright; so that in the victory no man could assure himself of safety. The lanes and streets (a most horrible thing to behold) did so flow with the blood of them which lay by heaps slain, that the dust which at the first rise wonderful thick, was quite laid as with a plentiful shower of rain: the air was darkened with the smoke of shot, and showers of arrows: and such was the clamour of the people and soldiers, the clattering of armour, and report of the artillery, that the earth seemed to tremble▪ and the houses to fall down. This dreadful and doubtful battle endured two whole days & nights without intermission: A long and terrible battle. yet so, that the Mamalukes in number few, and unable to endure so long labour and watching, giving ground by little and little, and forsaking their first munitions, retired themselves farther into the city. The third day, beset with the greatest dangers that could be, as to lose themselves with all that they had (which commonly enforceth men's courages in their last attempts) they renewed the battle with such resolution, that they constrained the Turks to retire a great way, and for haste to leave behind them certain of their field pieces. With which repulse it is reported, that Selimus despairing of victory, commanded to set fire upon the houses; moved thereunto with just displeasure against the Egyptians, for that jonuses' Bassa, now his greatest man of war, had even then before his face received a dangerous wound in his head, by a stone cast out at a window. Now were the houses pitifully burning, and the Egyptians weeping and wailing cried for mercy. The Turks themselves fought but faintly, expecting the sound of the retreat: when news was suddenly brought by many at once, that the enemies in the other side of the city, were by Mustapha Bassa enforced to retire, and afterward had betaken themselves to flight, as to the● last refuge. For Mustapha by the overture of the Egyptians and fugitive Mamalukes, was directed to a fair broad street, where the Mamalukes had left their horses ready saddled & bridled▪ that if the worst should chance, they might thither retire, and taking horse, speed themselves to such places of refuge as they had before thought upon. All these horses, reserved by the Mamalukes as their last refuge, Mustapha took away, having before put to flight the garrison which kept them, which was but weak, consisting for most part of horseboys and muletours; as 〈◊〉 enough in such a place of the city as was least to be suspected or feared. This accident (as it oftentimes falleth out in great and unexpected mischances) did not a little daunt the courage of the Mamalukes: who now seeing themselves hardly beset, and that dreadful battle by no other hope or help maintained, but only by courage; being in their own judgement overcome, betook themselves to flight. Most part of them hasting to the river of Nilus with Tomombeius (who in that battle had all in vain proved the uttermost of his prowess and policy) being transported over the river in boats, fled into the country of SEG●ST●: others of them hid themselves in the houses of the Egyptians, and in the loathsome comers of the city. A thousand five hundred of the better sort of the Mamalukes fled unto the greatest temple of their vain prophet: where after they had a great while valiantly defended themselves as out of a strong castle, because they would not yield themselves but upon honourable conditions, at last overcome with thirst, weariness, and wounds, together with the fury of the great artillery, they yielded themselves to the pleasure of the conqueror: part of whom the furious soldiers slew in the porch of the same temple, and the rest within a few days after were sent down the river to ALEXANDRIA, 〈◊〉 tak●n by 〈◊〉. there to be afterwards murdered. Selimus having thus gained the victory, forthwith sent part of his army to quench the fire then raging, and caused proclamation to be made through all the city, That all the Mamalukes which would yield themselves within twelve hours, should be taken to mercy; but unto such as yielded not within the appointed time, should remain no hope of life. Unto the Egyptians also that should reveal the hidden Mamalukes, he proposed rewards: but unto such as should conceal them, he threatened to empaile them upon stakes, and having sold their wives & children to burn their houses: upon which proclamation, many of the Mamalukes before crept into corners, came forth and yielded themselves, and were forthwith cast into irons. All which were shortly after, contrary to his promise, most dishonourably murdered in prison, because (as it was given out) they sought means to have escaped. Many of the Egyptians which would not break the bonds of faith and fidelity with the Mamalukes their old lords, being appeached by their malicious neighbours, most constantly died for their friends, for whose sake they had vowed themselves to death. With this victory the Turks growing insolent, ransacked every place of the city, drew out the Mamalukes that had hid themselves, and slew them, rifled the houses of the Egyptians, as well friends as foes, and left nothing shut up or in secret. And some there were, which at one time in the same house raged with covetousness, cruelty, and lust: every man fitting his own humour, whereunto he was by nature or custom inclined: for that in time and place of so great liberty, most men, but especially the common soldier, flattereth himself to the full, making conscience of nothing, but measuring all thing according to his insolent and disordered appetite. The same day that Selimus took CAIRO, Gazelles (who but a little before by the commandment of Tomombeius was gone to THEBAIS, to assemble the Arabians and to entertain new supplies) came to CAIRO; but finding all lost, and seeing no possibility either by force or policy to prevail, and therefore thinking it not good again to prove the fortune of war, which had so often with contrary course frustrated the endeavours both of himself and his partakers; he came to Selimus, upon his faith before given for the safety of himself & his followers (which were three Arabian captains, and a number of good horsemen) and being admitted to his presence, in the midst of his greatest captains boldly spoke unto him as followeth. Gazelles his speech to Selimus. If fortune, whom by thy great valour thou hast won to be thy friend, had not envied our felicity, thou shouldest not have (most noble Selimus, at this time, after that all things have given place unto thy valour) matter whereby thou mightest excel others in worthiness of mind also. Whilst we were in arms against thee for our lives and kingdom, our wealth and state yet standing whole, we always as men proudly presuming upon their own vain strength, made little account of thee or the name of the Turks; yea to say the truth, we hated thee as became enemies: But now that we have to the uttermost of our power made proof of thy force, and have in all battle's been put to the worse; admiring both thy wonderful and divine prowess, and most prosperous victories, not given thee without the providence of the immortal God, we humbly come ●nto thee by thy goodness to better our hard and adverse fortune: that thou by sparing and pardoning thy vanquished and yielding enemies (by which only virtue men come nearest unto the gods) mayest extend thy name and fame above the bounds of the rest of thine immortal glory. We have faithfully served Tomombeius, so long as he held the strength and majesty, yea but the name of a king, or lived in any countenance: but seeing he is (his destiny so requiring) driven out of his country, and wandereth the deserts; with uncertain report whether he live or not; we come unto thee, rather as men of him forsaken, than such as have forsaken their prince, ready to show unto thee our loyalty and valour in our better condition and state: if we may by thy goodness, changing our hard fortune, live and serve under thy worthy conduct. Selimus, for that he right well knew Gazelles both for his virtue and valour, (wherewith valiant men win credit even with their greatest enemies) and also desiring to join in league and friendship with the Arabians (or rather Alarbes) whom he knew of all others to be most to be feared, received them all courteously: appointing unto every one of them an honourable pension, and persuading them to forget their old estate, willed them to look for far greater things of his bounty. Not long after, when as the Moors and wild Arabians, with certain Mamalukes that were fled to the city of ACHASIA, made incursions into the country about CAIRO, and oftentimes did cut off the Turks which went any thing far from the city to seek abroad for forage, he sent Gazelles with part of his army to repress them: who having quickly won and sacked ACHASIA, and slain most part of those adventurers, to his own great praise, and the wonderful contentation of Selimus, honourably returned in less time than was expected. In the mean time, Tomombeius in the country of SEGESTA (which is on the other side of Nilus towards CYRENAICA) miserably beset with so many mischiefs, began to make head again. There were come unto him a strong company of Mamalukes from ALEXANDRIA, which he had by letters sent for out of the garrison of that city, and many others had followed him in his flight from CAIRO. And there were not wanting many great men amongst the Arabians and Moors (the inhabitants of that country) which promised him their help and furtherance. Beside that, many of the Egyptians, whose houses and families were become a prey and booty unto the insolent Turks, promised him, That if he would by night come to CAIRO, they would raise such a tumult in the city, as should easily work the confusion of the Turks; for as much as they all having endured most horrible indignities and villainies, could no longer abide those most insolent men to rage and reign over them. They sent him word also, that the Turks huge army was now brought to a contemptible number, most part of them being slain in the battle at CAIRO: and the rest being for the greatest part brought to extreme weakness with wounds and sickness. For which causes, as Tomombeius his forces increased daily, so hope also, which never failed the poor vanquished and distressed king, began now also to revive in his invincible heart, above the condition of his miserable estate. So that fawning fortune, which even then most cruelly & despitefully went about utterly to supplant him (of all other distressed princes most miserable) seemed but than first to change her frowning countenance, and to promise unto him more happy and prosperous success. Whilst Tomombeius was making this preparation, Albuchomar discovereth to Selimus the power of Tomombeius, and the treachery of th●m of Cair●. one Albuchomar, an Egyptian, for authority and wealth the greatest man by far in all the country of SEGESTA, whether it were to avert the misery of the present war out of his country; or else by the pleasure of his revolt to gain the good liking of Selimus, upon whom all things seemed to fawn, came and certified him both of Tomombeius his strength, & of the new practices of the citizens of CAIRO. Whereupon Selimus caused strong watch and ward to be kept in all places of that great city: and such citizens as he suspected to favour Tomombeius, he shut up into the castle; which being before abandoned by Tomombeius, was then together with the city in his possession: and placed all alongst the river boats furnished with men and artillery, to keep and defend the farther bank of Nilus, and to impeach Tomombeius his passage over. Yet considering with himself, with how great danger he had so many times fought with those desperate enemies, and what a difficulty it would be to intercept Tomombeius (protracting the war in those vast and unknown countries, and still preparing greater forces, without whom he could nothing assure himself of all his former victories) to prove if he might be won by clemency and bounty, he resolved to send ambassadors unto him, to persuade him to lay down arms, and after so many overthrows, at length to acknowledge the fortune of the victor: and withal to promise him upon the faith of a prince, That if he would come in and submit himself, he should of the courtesy and bounty of the conqueror upon conditions reasonable repossess that his late kingdom which he should never be able by force to regain: But if he would needs desperately proceed to make head again, forgetting this offered grace, together with his own disability, he should afterward when the matter was again tried by battle, by his own just desert never more find at the hands of his angry enemy any regard of his princely state or dignity. The causes moving Selimus to send ambassadors to Tomombeius. For Selimus seeing himself by the course of his victories drawn into a far country; and not without cause fearing with so small a power as he had left, to be oppressed in that so great and populous a city, even with the very multitude, men of doubtful faith; thought it better by some honourable composition to assure himself of some great part of that he had won, than by going on to thrust himself with his army into new dangers, with the hazard of all. Besides that, he was certainly advertised, That the Mamalukes before fled into divers countries, were in every place levying new supplies of horsemen: and that the fleet which was gone into the Arabian gulf against the Portugese's, was daily expected at the port SVEZZIA, wherein were three thousand Mamalukes, under the leading of Amyrases and Ray Solomon, two expert captains, with great store of good brass ordinance: by which good helps Tomombeius stood in fai●e possibility to recover his former losses, and to return again to CAIRO, whether he was by his secret friends most earnestly invited. But above all things, the care he had of the Persians most induced him to think of peace: for fear, that if the Bassa, whom he had left at the mountain TAURUS, should not be able to withstand the forces of the Persian king, he should so be excluded out of ASIA the lesser, and SYRIA also, before his fleet could from CONSTANTINOPLE arrive with new supplies of men and victual at ALEXANDRIA. Selimus his ambassadors slain by the Mamalukes. Wherefore he sent certain of the most reverend of his Turkish religious, and with them some of the most honourable Egyptians, ambassadors to Tomombeius: who passing over Nilus into the country SEGESTA, were without further hearing, with more than barbarous cruelty, slain by certain Mamalukes which chanced upon them: thinking thereby to gratify Tomombeius, as yet not knowing of any such matter, & to manifest their affection towards him, as also that they were not desirous of any peace with the Turks. This proud and insolent fact utterly broke Selimus his patience, and shortly after made an end of that mortal war, together with the honour of the Mamalukes. For he being a man of an hot and cruel nature, even when we was nothing at all moved, could by no means brook that his enemies, so often vanquished and put to flight, should so lightly reject his offers unto them as the case stood, both honourable and profitable: and that worse was, violate his ambassadors against the law of nations, most religiously kept even amongst the most barbarous and savage people. Wherefore provoked by so great an injury, he carefully provided all things necessary for his expedition into SEGESTA against Tomombeius. And because it stood not with his honour (as he took it) nor with the good of the present service, to pass the river by boats, he gathering together all the small vessels and lighters he could possibly, made thereof a large and strong bridge over Nilus. Tomombeius understanding by his espials and from his friends at CAIRO of the preparations of Selimus, and of the bridge he had made; fearing also the revolt of the country people, whom he probably suspected to be alienated from him by the revolt of Albuchomar, a man of so great power and authority amongst them; determined once again to prove the fortune of battle, which had so often deceived his expectation. For he justly measuring his own strength, and finding himself in all things inferior to his mighty enemy, well saw, that he was neither able to protract the wars, neither in open field to abide his coming with all his forces; and to fly further into the deserts, was as he deemed it, nothing else but to make shipwreck of that small remainder that was left of his honour and credit. Wherefore by the advice of his best captains (which was the last endeavour both of himself and of the Mamalukes) he departed betime out of the province of SEGESTA with four thousand Mamalukes, and twice as many Moors and Arabians, and traveled day and night without intermission to come to the river Nilus. By that desperate attempt to deceive the Turks, suspecting no such thing from their vanquished and weak enemy: as also by celerity to prevent the fame of his coming; hoping so by his sudden and unexpected approach to overthrow that part of the Turks army which should first pass the river, before they cou●d possibly be relieved from ●he other side. Neither was he deceived in the computation of the time, which he having 〈…〉 cast, with the manner of his travel, fell out so fitly, that he came to the place he desired, 〈◊〉 at such time as the Asian horsemen were come over the bridge, as he had before guessed. The harbingers and pages of Selimus his chamber, which were gone something further than the rest, to make choice of the most commodious place for the erecting of the emperors pavilion, by the rising of the dust first perceived the coming of the enemy. And Mustapha the great Bassa advertised thereof, suddenly raised an alarm: which so unexpected a matter brought a great fear both on them which were already passed over, and also on them that were on the further side of the river. Tomombeius presently assailing his enemies, Tomombeius distresseth the Turk● in passing the bridge made over Nilu●. as yet but putting themselves in order, and repairing to their ensigns, at the first onset slew such as made resistance, and the rest he discomfited and put to flight. Neither was Mustapha the great commander (although he did what possibly he could, by his own example to have encouraged them) able either by his own invincible courage, or other persuasion, after his first ranks were overthrown, to repair his disordered battle, or stay the flight of his men: for in that so hot and sudden a skirmish all was ●ull of tumult, slaughter, doubtfulness, and fear: and all alongst the bank of the river, both above and beneath the bridge, were to be seen fearful companies of the Turks, ruthfully looking upon the river, and crying unto their fellows on the other side for help. Many forced by the furious enemy, took the river, and there perished: others striving at the end of the bridge to return that way, and overborne by their fellows 〈◊〉 others continually sent from the further side, or else amazed with fear, fell into the river, and 〈◊〉 there drowned. The bridge was so broad, that four horsemen abrest might easily 〈◊〉 over at once, and so great numbers of them in short space be conveyed over. But when 〈◊〉 ●reat ordinance (the Turks chief strength) was also to be transported, fewer troops of horsemen were sent over, than either the greatness of the present sent danger or suddenness of the ●●ance required. Neither did their great artillery as then stand them in any stead, for that it 〈…〉 either so speedily be conveyed over, nor without great hurt be discharged from the hither 〈◊〉 to the further, by reason of their own men standing between them and the enemy. In the mean time Selimus, who in the beginning of the skirmish came down to the rivers side, filled a great number of boats and other small vessels with his janissaries with their harquebusies, and withal hasted his horsemen over the bridge to relieve their fellows distressed on the further side: in which boats the nimble watermen used such diligence in landing of some, and presently in fetching over of others, that in short time they had transported divers bands of those most ready and valiant soldiers: whose coming wonderfully comforted the Asian soldiers, even now at the last cast, and ready to have given over. Canoglis also, the Tartar king's son and Selimus his brother in law, encouraging his horsemen to take the river, with loss of some few of his men recovered the further side, to the great admiration of the beholders: which in tha●●●tion was not so much to be marveled at, as they which by troops with their horses had oftentimes swum over the great rivers Tanais and Volga, no less dangerous than was the river Nilus. Tomombeius at the same time, for that he saw speedy victory to consist in one thing especially, serring his troops close together, strained himself with might and main to have gained the head of the bridge, that by plucking away some few of the first boats, he might shut in his enemies already come over; and by cutting the cables whereby the boats were fastened to the ban●, all the bridge with the Turks upon it, might be borne away with the force and violence of that great river: whereupon rise a most cruel and deadly fight; for the resolute Mamalukes in the front of their battle fought valiantly: and Mustapha well considering the danger, had drawn unto that place both his ensigns and his best soldiers: so that there was fought such a fight, as a matter of so great consequence required: The Mamalukes plainly seeing, that if they could obtain the place, they should shortly after with little ado, overthrow all the former victories of their enemies. And the Turks no less ignorant, that except they kept the bridge whole, they were all but lost men that were already come over; and that the rest of the army together with their emperor so far from home, and in the midst of his enemies, must of necessity shortly after run the same fortune. But Mustapha well relieved by the janissaries and the Europ●ian horsemen, which were now come over in great number, not only received the enemy's charge, but pressing upon them, gained ground, and by little and little enforced them to retire. This is that Mustapha the Hungarian, and Bajazet his son in law, which for his own glory and perpetual fame, built that notable, stately, and sumptuous stone (bridge of the spoils of this victory) over the river Stremon, which at this day men passing over into THRACIA wonder at, as at a work beseeming the greatness of the Roman empire. Tomombeius, to give a time of breathing to his Mamalukes, who, their horses for weariness now fainting under them, were not able longer to show their wont courage; & desirous by them again to prove the uttermost fortune of the battle, exhorted the Moors and Arabians a while to charge the enemy, which thing they after the manner of their fight valiantly performed. And shortly after, The Mamalukes give a fresh charge upon the Turks. the Mamalukes having a little breathed themselves and their horses, came in afresh and renewed the battle; with such fury, that Selimus doubting the victory (although ●he was by his most faithful counsellors persuaded to the contrary) yet doubted not to adventure the bridge, and in person himself to go and relieve his distressed soldiers: who by his coming in, encouraged, and in the sight of their emperor desiring every man for his part by some notable service to deserve both credit and preferment, repressed the fury of the enemy; who in short time after, by the coming on of certain fresh companies of janissaries, were notably repulsed, and so at length put to flight: The Mamalukes put to flight. whom the horsemen which were not in the battle, pursued all the fields over. At length also the Tartarians (who carried away with the force of the stream, were somewhat long before they could recover the farther bank and come to their enemies) were now come in also, and with their swift horses following the chase, augmented the slaughter. But Selimus above all things desirous of Tomombeius, presently commanded Mustapha the great Bassa, Gazelles, and Cayerbeius, with certain fresh troops of light horsemen, to pursue him at the heels, and if it were possible not to suffer him to escape: for so long as he lived, he could not assure himself of any thing he had yet gotten. These vigilant captains not unmindful of their charge, following fast after him, overtook him the next day at the sluice of a great deep fen, where he had a little rested himself and his followers, being then about to cut off a wooden bridge, so to have hindered the enemy's pursuit. Some of his followers being there slain, and some taken, he was again enforced to fly. The third day when he had almost lost all his men, and was come with some few into the territory of the Secussane prince: these great captains still eagerly pursuing him, and denouncing unto the poor country people which dwelled in villages thereabout, all extremities and tortures, if they did not with most diligent watch and ward so keep the passages of those marshes, as that he should not possibly escape; he was so beset on every side, that for safeguard of his life he was glad to hide himself all alone in a foul deep ma●ish: Tomombeius taken and brought to Selimus. Where shortly after he the poor Sultan was by the diligent search of the country peasants found out, hidden amongst the flags and bulrushes, standing in the water up to the shoulders, who delivered him miserably bound unto the Turks. Shortly after he with certain captains and other of his chief friends taken in that flight, was brought to CAIRO Selimus before resolved to put him to death, and the rather for the injury done to his 〈◊〉 bassadours, would not suffer him to come into his presence, Tomombeius tortured. but commanded him to be tortured, so to have caused him to have revealed the great treasures of Campson his predecessor, which we thought to have been by him hidden: in which most horrible and exquisite torments, it is reported, that he with great constancy and stern countenance uttered nothing but certain deep sighs and groans, overcoming with patience the tyranny of the proud conqueror who after that, commanded him in base and ragged apparel, with his hands bound behind him as a thief or murderer condemned to die, to be set upon a foul lean camel, and so to be carried in derision through all the public and notable places of the city; that the Egyptians might see him whom they but a little before had adored for their king, by change of fortune cast into extreme misery, by most shameful death to end both his life and empire together. When they had thus despitefully led him as it were in triumph; and brought him to the chief ga●e of the city called BASVELA, they there openly strangled him with a rope: and that he might be the better seen, The miserable end of Tomombeius, last Sultan of Egypt. and become more contemptible to all that passed that way, they hanged him up by the neck upon an iron hook in an arch of the same gate▪ and so left him to the world's wonder. Pale●rius propounding him as a mirror both of the better and worse fortune, for all men to look upon, aptly describeth both his happiness and misery in these few verses following: TOMOMBEIUS, THE LAST Sultan of Egypt. P●ulus Ioui●● Illust. virorum, Elog. lib. 4. Non fuit in toto, rex aequè oriente beatus: Nec magis in toto rex oriente miser. Quam dolor Aegipti, olim Tomombeius, auro Ingenti, atque armis, & ditione potens. Captus ab hoste fero, miserum simul atque beatum, Exemplo potis est, commonuisse suo. Quid rides temere? quid fles? vis te cohibere? Et natum posthac te meminisse hominem? Mi trabeam induto, gemmis auroque corona Cingebat, fulgens & diadema caput. Mi quondam ornabant pretiosa monilia collum, Nunc, fractam vili respice fune gulam. In English thus. In all the East a king more blest was no where to be found, Nor in the East one more accursed lived not upon the ground, Than Tomombeius, EGYPT'S grief, sometime for store of gold, Of power great for martial force, and kingdoms he did hold. But taken by his cruel foe, may good example be Both to the happy and distressed, of man's uncertainty. Why dost thou fond laugh? why dost thou vainly cry▪ Canst thou from henceforth stay thyself? and think thouart borne to die? My garments were the royal robes, I wore the crown of gold, With richest stones most richly set, most glorious to behold: My neck adorned with richest gems which I did sometimes wear: But now trust up in shameful rope, behold me hanging here. The Egyptians in doubt of their estate bewail the death of Tomombeius. This misery befell Tomombeius the 13 of April, in the year 1517, upon the Monday in Easter week. There were many which shed tears to behold that so cruel and lamentable a spectacle, who by their woeful countenance and pitiful lamentation seemed to detest that foul and unworthy death of their late Sultan; notwithstanding that the janissaries reproved them therefore, and threatened them with death, who like giddy brained fools (as they termed them) enured to the slavery of the Mamalukes, joyfully and thankfully accepted not of their deliverance: for the Egyptians were as yet uncertain of their estate, and therefore as men in suspense (not without cause) stood in doubt what should become of themselves; fearing lest the Turks, a warlike nation, and a terror to all the princes of EUROPE and ASIA, nothing more courteous than the Mamalukes, should with no less insolency rage and tyrannize over them, under their warlike and cruel emperor. Besides that, the woeful sight of Tomombeius hanging in the gate, as the unworthy scorn of fortune, wonderfully wounded their hearts: for why, it was yet fresh in their remembrance, that he with the good liking of all men, and general favour of the nobility, with good fame rise by all the degrees of honour both in field and court, unto the height of regal dignity; and therefore grieved the more to see him by inevitable destiny cast down headlong, so shamefully to end his life and empire together. A notable spectacle undoubtedly amongst the rarest examples of worldly fragility both to the happy and unfortunate the one, not to be too proud, or too much to flatter themselves in their greatest bliss; and the other, to learn thereby with patience to endure the heavy and unworthy changes and chances of this wretched and miserable world. And so much the more did Tomombeius so hanging▪ move men to compassion, for that the majesty of his tall and strong body, and reverend countenance, with his long and hoary beard, well agreed with his imperial dignity and martial disposition. The same fortune with Tomombeius ran also divers of the princes of the Mamalukes, with some others of the common sort also. Tomombeius thus taken out of the way, and all the Mamalukes almost slain, and no power of the enemy to be heard of in all EGYPT to renew the war: Selimus dividing his forces, sent them forth with his captains, to take in the countries and provinces of EGYPT lying further off. They of ALEXANDRIA after the battle of CAIRO having thrust out the garrison, and easily surprised the castle of PHARUS (which the weak defendants chose rather upon hope of present reward to deliver, than with doubtful event to defend) yielded themselves many days before unto the Turks. DAMIATA also, called in ancient time PELUSIUM, opened their gates, and submitted themselves to the victors. There was no city betwixt the river of Nilus and the borders of JUDEA and ARABIA, which yielded not to the obedience of Selimus. The kings also of AFRICA bordering upon CYRENAICA, tributaries or confederates of the Egyptian Sultan's, sent their ambassadors with presents to Selimus. There remained now none but the wild Arabians (a people never to be tamed) and especially they of AFRICA, who having lost many of their friends and kinsmen in aiding Tomombeius, would not (as it was thought) submit themselves unto the Turkish obedience. This wandering kind of people, living for most part by theft, had filled the countries from Euphrates, where it runneth by the Palmyrens, with all the inner parts of EGYPT and AFRICA unto the Atlantic sea, with huge multitudes of men: and being divided into many companies under divers leaders, have no certain dwelling places, but live an hard and frugal kind of life in tents and wagons, after the manner of the Tartars: their greatest wealth is a good serviceable horse, with a lance, or a bundle of darts: they were alway at discord & variance amongst themselves, by reason whereof, they could never agree for the expulsing of the Mamalukes, who otherwise had not been able to have stood against them, if they should have joined their forces together. So that the late Egyptian Sultan's seemed to hold their state and empire amongst so populous a nation, rather by their discord than their own strength. Wherefore Selimus having now by fit men upon his faith before given alured many of their che●fetaines and greatest commanders to CAIRO, Selimus cunningly reduc●●● the Arabians 〈◊〉 his obedience. honourably both entertained and rewarded them. By whose example others moved, came also in daily: and having received their rewards, gave the oath of their allegiance to Selimus. Others which could by no fair promises or words be won, being cunningly intercepted by other captains, and delivered to Selimus, endured the pains of their vain obstinacy and malice. The other remote nations toward AETHIOPIA, as they had in former time rather acknowledged the friendship than the command of the Egyptian Sultan's, so now induced with the fame of the victory, easily joined in like amity with the Turk. About the same time Selimus sent certain troops of horsemen to SVEZZIA, a port of the red sea (of old called ARSINOE) about three days journey from CAIRO: in which port Campson the great Sultan (a little before the coming of the Turks) had with infinite charge and four years travel built a strong fleet against the Portugeses, who by their conquests in INDIA had taken away all the rich trade of the Indian merchandise into the gulf of ARABIA, to the great hindrance of the Egyptian kings customs: over which fleet (a little before the beginning of the Turkish wars) Campson had appointed one Amyrases and Ray Solomon Generals, with a strong power of Mamalukes and great store of ordinance, against the Portugeses. These valiant captains having yet done nothing in the service they were appointed unto, as they lay at GIDDA (the port of the famous city of MECHA, wherein is the temple of their great prophet Mahomet) understanding of the death of Campson, & of the coming 〈◊〉 Selimus into EGYPT, fell at variance betwixt themselves; one of them being willing to continue his obedience towards the new Sultan, and the other no less desirous to follow the good fortune of the victor. Whereupon a mutiny arising among the soldiers, Amyrases, who favoured Tomombeius, was enforced to fly to MECHA. But shortly after, Ray Solomon requiring to have him, and threatening all hostility except he were forthwith delivered, he was apprehended by them of MECHA, fearing to have GIDDA their port spoiled, and so sent back again to the fleet. Ray Solomon, that he might be Admiral alone, his associate being taken out of the way, and by some notable fact to insinuate himself into the favour of the conqueror, caused Amyrases in the night to be cast over board: and giving to the soldiers two months pay, and swearing them to the obedience of Selimus, in few days sailing came back again to ARSINOE, where leaving the fleet, he came directly himself to Selimus at CAIRO, of whom he was graciously received. After that, all the princes which were before tributaries or confederates to the late Sultan's of EGYPT, even unto the confines of David the most mighty king of ETHIOPIA (whom some call Presbyter john) without delay entered into the like subjection or confederation with the Turks. EGYPT, with all the provinces thereunto belonging, thus brought into subjection, Selimus about the beginning of july sailed down the river of Nilus to ALEXANDRIA (Cortug-Ogli; Of this Cortug-Ogli see more in the life of Solyman. a famous pirate of HALICARNASUS, sitting at the helm of his galley) there to take view of his fleet, but lately come from CONSTANTINOPLE with new supplies both of men and victuals, sent from Pyrrhus Bassa and his son Solyman: which after he had well surveyed, and diligently viewed the walls of the city, and of the castle of PHAROS, he returned again to CAIRO. In the mean time, the Mamalukes in durance at ALEXANDRIA, were by his commandment murdered every mother's son, in the entrance of the prison. At which time also above five hundred families of the noblest and richest of the Egyptians were commanded to remove from CAIRO to CONSTANTINOPLE, and a great number of women and children, of the race of the Mamalukes, were transported thither also in ships hired for that purpose. Into this fleet beside the king's treasures and riches, he conveyed all the public and private ornaments of that most rich and famous city▪ with such a covetous and greedy desire of spoil, that the very marble stones, commended either for the excellency of the workmanship, or beauty of the stone, were violently rend out of the main walls, to his great reproach and infamy. Lying at CAIRO, he with great pleasure beheld the rising of the river Nilus, which had then overflowed the country next unto it; and that with such a desire, that he most curiously inquired of the old country men the measure and nature of the river: for by the diversity of the rising thereof (which they by certain marks and measures well find out) they prognosticate sometime abundant plenty, sometime extreme dearth, and sometime reasonable store: when as the violent river moderately or furiously breaking out, somewhile so drowneth the greatest part of the country, that all the seed season it lieth under water, and at another time floweth so sparingly, that in many places it scarce layeth the dust, thereby foreshowing an undoubted dearth: so tha● the Egyptians then assure themselves of plenty, when as Nilus keeping a mean, pleasantly riseth neither to the highest or lowest marks of his inundation. The Mamaluke kingdom, together with the name of the Mamalukes, thus overthrown, and the conquest of EGYPT so happily achieved: Selimus resolved to make his return into SYRIA, and the rather, for that it was reported, That Hysmaell the Persian king was coming with his army into MESOPOTAMIA, & so like enough to break into COMAGENA. Wherefore having as he thought good, Cayerbeius the 〈◊〉 made governor of Cairo & Egypt. disposed of all things, he left a strong garrison of his best soldiers in CAIRO, and appointed Cayerbeius that notable traitor, his deputy and great commander over all that great and new gotten kingdom of EGYPT, now converted into the form of a province, as it remaineth at this day. Which honourable preferment so unworthily bestowed, exceedingly both grieved and troubled jonuses the great Bassa, before inflamed with the hope and just desire thereof: For now that Sinan Bassa was dead, he puffed up with the estimation of his own worth and valour, and proud of the wound he had of late received in the presence of Selimus at the entering of CAIRO, and to the uttermost of his power suffering no man to grow near him in credit and estimation; thought himself the only man now left, to whom of all others, that especial and honourable charge should in the judgement of Selimus and of the whole army of right be committed. Neither wanted he the general good liking of the men of war, for immediately after he was recovered of his wound, when he in the most magnificent house of the Diadare at CAIRO (which he in the victory had rather of himself usurped, than by the gift of Selimus obtained) daily kept princely cheer for all comers (no small means to gain the love of the common soldiers) and gave frankly to them all, to some horses, to some beautiful slaves, to some money, plate, jewels, rich garments, fair armour, and such like; he won unto himself such favour and credit, that whensoever he should (as the manner was) go to the castle unto the emperor, he was brought thither with a great and goodly train of his favourites and followers, as the man in all men's judgement designed to the government of that great and rich kingdom. All which things highly offended the mind of Selimus, who as he was apt to suspect, and cruel where he feared, so did he also (in secret) envy great virtues, accompanied with too much honour and power. jonuses envieth at the preferment of Cayerbeius. jonuses seeing C●yerbeius the traitor thus unworthily promoted, overcome with grief and indignation (who as a man of a proud and haughty mind, took it as done to his own disgrace) yet colouring his inward discontentment by counterfeiting himself sick, for certain days came not abroad; nevertheless still more and more tormented both with the injury (as he took it) done to himself, and the unworthy preferment of the traitor, he could not so well contain himself, but that in his choler some words fell from him, whereby his discontentment was perceived. It happened, that Cayerbeius coming of courtesy to visit him, and in the heat of the day familiarly calling for drink (which was water and sugar, after the manner of the Egyptians) immediately after he had drunk, felt such grievous and unwonted gripings and torment in his stomach and belly, that many supposed him to have been poisoned by the Bassa: yet was he by the power and virtue of a more sovereign and effectual remedy preserved. Which report, whether it were true or no, was uncertain: but certain it is, that it sank● further into the mind of Selimus, than any man would have thought. He had now also a little before heard, that many of those rich Egyptian families, which he had before commanded to be removed to CONSTANTINOPLE, had for great sums of money obtained of jonuses (who had the whole ordering of that matter) that they might quietly and in safety remain still in their own country. Of which his covert dealing, great probability was alleged by such as repined at his honour, and secretly accused him, That those princelike and excessive charges and expenses, which he was not able possibly to maintain of his ordinary pension, were royally supported with the embeseled spoil and revenues of that new gotten kingdom. Which malicious suggestions, as they tended to the lightning of his credit, so also another crime (whether it were of fraudulent dealing or negligence, or other further respect, is uncertain) coming in the neck of the other, wrought his utter disgrace, and final confusion: For Selimus after the manner of great princes (who more severely to punish the former offences, notably dissembling their present anger, expect but the occasion of some new crime) with vigilant eye waiting upon his words and deeds, prosecuted him with a mortal and deadly hatred, with a full purpose to destroy him. A few days before it was certainly reported that Selimus would again return into SYRIA, Selimus commandeth the wages of his soldiers to be left in garrison at Cairo to be augmented● the soldiers appointed to be left in garrison at CAIRO, alleging the great distance of the place, and the greater dangers they were to expect, with the labours by them already endured, requested of the bounty of their most fortunate emperor, that they might have their wages augmented. Which thing Selimus (never spare handed to his men of war) easily granted, commanding jonuses the stately Bassa, that the sum they required, might be added to their accustomed wages, and so entered into his accounts for the wars. But he carried headlong with discontentment, made neither the treasurers nor paymasters acquainted with any such matter as Selimus had before commanded: of purpose, that the garrison soldiers deceived of their greater wages promised them by the emperor, might even at the first begin to hate and contemn Cayerbeius, as author of so great an injury; that so the state of CAIRO, and of that new gotten kingdom, disquieted by the mutiny of the garrison soldiers, Selimus enforced to change his former purpose, should in stead of that strange governor (hated of the Egyptians for his late treason, and not beloved of the garrison soldiers, because he was to them a stranger) of necessity send some of his own Bassas, a Turk, for the better stay and assurance of that wavering and mighty province. But all these things (as commonly wicked purposes have their foul events) fell out in fine far otherwise than he had in his troubled mind before conceived. For Selimus being departed out of EGYPT, and now on his way almost as far as JERUSALEM, the garrison soldiers at CAIRO, the pay day being now come, and receiving no more but their old accustomed wages, moved with that evil dealing (as contrary to the emperors promise and their general expectation) began with more fury and rage than ever jonuses had before imagined, openly and insolently to insult and threaten the treasurer and paymasters, and with open mouth to rail upon Cayerbeius their governor. With which so insolent and opprobrious speeches he astonished (as one not yet acquainted with the fashions of the Turkish garrisons) together with the paymasters, in best manner they could excused themselves unto the soldiers, requesting them not to think so hardly of them who were altogether innocent in the matter, and with patience to understand the truth of the cause; wherein if they should on their part find any fraudulent or evil dealing, they craved no favour, either refused any punishment. Thus Cayerbeius and the paymasters seeking by all means to avoid both the suspicion and the present danger: and the mutinous soldiers no less hasting to find out by whom they were so abused, and to be thereof revenged, it was at last with much ado agreed, That trusty messengers should forthwith be sent to Selimus, who was not yet gone out of JUDEA, to understand of him the truth of the matter. These speedy messengers having with wonderful celerity dispatched their journey, overtook Selimus with his army a little from LARISSA in JUDEA: and admitted to his presence, orderly declared unto him both the complaints of the soldiers, and the carefulness of Cayerbeius and the paymasters to excuse the matter, together with the danger they were in, with all the other accidents whatsoever which had happened since the time of his departure from CAIRO. Which complaint so incensed the mind of Selimus with new passions of anger and choler, being already sore alienated with former displeasures, that he without further delay commanded jonuses Bassa to be brought before him to answer the matter▪ Selimus calleth for jonuses' Bassa to answer the matter. who although he were inwardly strucken with the guilt of his own conscience, and surprised with a deadly fear, which appeared in his colour as pale as ashes, seeing in the angry face and countenance of his sovereign the most certain tokens of his heavy displeasure: The answer of jonuses' Bassa. yet as he was a man of a great spirit, answered boldly, That he had forbidden the soldiers wages to be augmented, contrary to his majesties command, not upon any evil meaning to have inverted that money to his own use, neither thereby to have drawn any man of purpose into disgrace, as was by some his malicious enemies suggested; but upon great reason, thereby to provide for his majesties coffers, wonderfully emptied with those late wars: beside that, the constant report of new troubles like to arise out of PERSIA, gave good occasion for him to spare unnecessary charges: Whereas on the other side, as he said, the garrison soldiers were already enriched with the plentiful spoils of EGYPT, and in a most goodly city possessed the sumptuous houses and lands of the Mamalukes, feeding upon the goods of the Egyptians, and had already received both greater pay and more bountiful rewards from him, than ever any soldiers had from any his predecessors the Ottoman kings: in which case, if they were not passed all modesty, they might well enough take it in good part, if they were something restrained in their unreasonable requests. He alleged moreover, that great princes which retain their soldiers in reasonable pay in time of peace and war, ought sometime for warlike discipline, to require of them a moderation of their desires; lest whilst they all strive with greediness for their private gain, there want money afterwards in the common treasury to maintain a greater and more necessary charge, wars still rising upon wars; seeing that no commander were he never so valiant or fortunate, ever did any great matter in wars, if he wanted coin, the most proper instrument and very sins of war, answering unto his other most heroical parts and sufficiency. But as he was yet thus speaking, Selimus full of wrath and indignation interrupted him, for if he should have suffered him in longer discourse to have recounted his former deserts and worthy service done, as well in the time of his father Bajazet, as of late even in his own presence, he was like enough to have had of them that were able to do most with him, intercessors for him: and so without farther delay, caused him even there in his own presence to be executed; The death of Io●uses the great Bassa. saying moreover, That others which would arrogantly presume to prescribe unto their sovereigns what they had to do, should for ever after by the example of that most insolent servant, be admonished of their duty and condition. It is reported, that the soldiers in despite of Selimus wonderfully lamented the unworthy death of this so worthy a man: For he, beside his notable and rare valour, so many times to his great honour in sundry battles approved, had by the dexterity of his Grecian wit, comeliness of parsonage, military eloquence, and gallant manner of living, so won the love and favour of all men, that there was few or none in all the army which did not acknowledge himself some way indebted and beholden unto him; and did therefore condemn the emperors cruelty. They then began to tell how Mustapha surnamed Caloger, a man of wonderful credit and authority both with Bajazet and himself, was in the heat of his fury slain without hearing: And that in like manner of rage, old Chendemus a man of greatest honour and integrity of life, and of all the chieftains which came out of the great emperor Mahomet his nursery, the most skilful, had been for his grave and wholesome counsel only without cause murdered: Neither was then Bostanges his son in law forgotten: neither Cherseogles (the one most honourable for the great place he held in court and the marriage of Bajazet his daughter, and the other a man of no less mark being his great Admiral, and bearing himself high upon his infinite wealth, but more upon his wife one of the daughters of Selimus) both which two noble gentlemen about two years before had their heads stuck off, no man well knowing wherefore, and their dead bodies cast out at the court gate to the terror of the beholders, as a miserable spectacle of their own misery and the emperor's cruelty. Yea the remembrance of his old tyranny (renewed as it were with this late outrage) presented afresh unto all men's eyes the reverend old emperor Bajazet his father, with his two brethren, Acomates and Corcutus, by right both called unto the empire before himself; with many other young princes of the blood, of great hope and expectation, who as all men knew, perished through the unnatural and execrable cruelty▪ of this most merciless man. So that men generally did both fear him and hate him. For as much as he without all fear of God or regard of worldly shame, accounted no practice wicked or devise detestable, that might serve for the better establishing of his kingdom; and had set down in his mind, (long before corrupted with ambition and tyranny) That it was far better for the assurance of his estate, to be feared of all than beloved of many: and therefore spared no man's life, of whom he had but the least suspicion. Howbeit that the severity by him used against this so great a man and so gracious with the people, may in some sort be excused, as justly moved thereunto by the presumptuous and malicious dealing of the proud Bassa underhand, contrary to the charge given him by his lord, to the peril of those his great but late conquests both in EGYPT and SYRIA. This great Bassa, whilst he yet lived and flourished in the court, in nothing so much offended the minds of the people (who generally both loved and honoured him) as by the cruelty by him showed upon the person of the fair lady Manto his best beloved wife. Who being a Greek borne, and adorned with all the good gifts of nature, whereunto her lovely conditions were also answerable, was by Zebalia her first husband (a man of great honour) carried with him into the wars, as his greatest treasure and chief delight. But he slain, and she by misfortune falling into the hands of the Turks (her enemies) remained so prisoner with them for a time; until that this great Bassa jonuses shortly after (seeing her amongst the other captives there taken, so far to exceed the rest as doth the Sun the lesser stars) surprised with her incomparable beauty, became of her amorous: and in too curious viewing of the captive lady, was by her himself taken prisoner. Where finding her outward perfections graced with no less inward virtues, and her honourable mind answerable unto her rare feature, took her unto his wife; honouring her far above all the rest of his wives and concubines: and she again in all dutiful loyalty seeking to please him, for a space lived in all worldly felicity and bliss, not much inferior unto one of the great Sultanesses. But long lasteth not the summer fruit of wanton love, blasted most times in the blossom, jonuses' Bassa ●ealous of his fair wife 〈◊〉. and rotten before it be well gathered: For in short time, the Bassa more amorous of her person than secured in her virtues, and after the manner of sensual men still fearing lest that which so much pleased himself, gave no less contentment to others also; began to have herein distrust, although he saw no great cause why, more than his own conceit, not grounded upon any her evil demeanour, but upon the excess of his own liking. Which mad humour (hardly to be ever purged) of itself still more and more in him increasing, he became so froward and imperious, that nothing she could say or do could now so please or content him, but that he still thought some one or other, although he wist not who, to be therein partakers with him. So fearful was the jealous man of his own conceits. Yet could he not choose but love those great perfections, whereat he could not enough wonder; although he found no contentment therein, tormenting still both himself and her whom he so dearly loved with his own passionate distrust: until at length, the fair lady grieved to see herself thus without cause to be suspected, & wearied with the insolent pride of her peevish husband, together with his imperious commands; determined secretly to depart from him, and so to return again into her own country. Which her purpose she discovered unto one of her eunuches, to whom she had also delivered certain letters to be by him conveyed unto such of her friends, as whose help she was to use in her intended flight: which letters the false eunuch opened, and so for the more manifesting of the matter delivered them unto the Bassa his master. The fair lady Manto cruelly slain by her jealous husband. Who therewith enraged, and calling her unto him, forthwith in his fury, with a dagger stabbed her to the heart and slew her: so together with the death of his love, having cured his tormenting jealousy. The lively counterfeits of these two so notable personages thus unworthily slain, the one by the imperious command of his sovereign, and the other by the cruel hand of her husband, thou mayest in the pages following be hold, as they are by Boisardus expressed. JONUSES. Reijce Sultani titulos, Nilotica Memphis Quos confert: erit hic invidiosus honos. Regna Tomombeo, Campson, cum rege reliquit: Virtutis Selymus dicit id esse tuae. Reject the Sultan's titles, which proud Memphis doth thee show: From such great honours oftentimes doth greatest danger grow. That Campson with king Tomombey lost both their state and fame: Unto thy valour, Selimus doth yet ascribe the same. MANTO. Formam si spectes, nihil est formosius ista: Pectoris & casti gratia rara fuit. Sed dum dissimili vixit malè juncta marito: Infelix misera morte perempta jacet. RICH. KNOLLEUS. If feature brave thou dost respect, thou canst none fairer see, Nor in whose chaste and constant breast could greater graces lie. But whilst mismatched she lived to mourn, enthralled to jealous brain, Unhappy she, with cruel hand was by her husband slain. But leaving this great Bassa with fair Manto unto their rest, his course thus run, to return again unto Selimus; who now come into SYRIA, was by letters from the Himbracor-Bassa or master of his horse (whom he had left upon the frontiers of his kingdom to attend the motions of the Persians) advertised, That the Persian preparations which had raised such a hot rumour of wars in the beginning of Winter, was grown cold in the heat of Summer: and that he had seen in all the time of his abode in those quarters, none but certain straggling companies, making show as if some greater power had been coming, which had many times made sudden roads into the country, with whom he had sundry times prosperously encountered: and that it was generally reported by such prisoners as he had taken, and by his own espials also, that Hysmaell, troubled with the Hyrcanians and Tartars, had converted the greatest part of his forces against those nations: so that Winter now drawing fast on, and deep snows already fallen upon the mountain TAURUS, he could not though he would that year look after ASIA the less, or SYRIA. There were that reported, that the Tartars which dwell between the two rivers Tanais and Volga, were by Selimus his procurement, and money, set awork to keep Hysmaell busied, by invading the Iberians and Albanians, which were under his protection: which thing he wrought by the means of Mahomet his father in law, the Bosphorane king, who being of the same language and nation, by rewards easily induced the needy captains of the Tartars his friends and confederates, to take up arms against their neighbours. The causes why Hysmaell invaded not Selimus, wholly busied in the Egyptian ●●●res. Many men marveled that Hysmaell the Persian king neglected so fair an opportunity, whereby he might (as most men thought) have thrust Selimus quite out of ASIA and SYRIA, whilst he was thus busied in EGYPT, yea and easily have destroyed him, shut up with all his power, especially at such time as the Egyptian Sultan's Campson and Tomombeius▪ made so great resistance. But they which could better judge of the matter, saw that Hysmaell was not of so great power and strength abroad, as at home: for his army for most part consisted of gentlemen, or such as were by custom bound to serve him in his defensive wars, voluntary men, and such as served without pay. These as they were the most valiant horsemen of the East, so did they with singular valour worthily defend the kingdom of PERSIA, and also as occasion required, make war with their near neighbours: but if any longer expedition were to be taken in hand, that they could by no means away withal, accounting it a grievous thing to depart from their wives, unto whom they are so addicted that oftentimes they carry them with them into the wars; and being a wanton and fine kind of people, are not able without wages to draw after them, according to their accustomed manner, so many carriages and horses as might serve both for their necessary and wanton uses. With which difficulty the great king Vsun-Cassanes, Hysmaell his grandfather by the mother's side, was much troubled in his wars against Mahomet the Great: but was now much harder for Hysmaell to do, for that he having obtained his grandfathers kingdom by the mere good will of the people, easing them forthwith of their heavy impositions, always thought the love of his subjects (which is easily gotten with bounty and justice) the surest riches of his kingdom; and that to command only over the bodies and goods of his people, their hearts altogether alienated and lost by most heavy and grievous exactions, seemed not the part of a gracious and natural prince, but of an outrageous and momentary tyrant. Whereas Selimus on the contrary part, who had by force, mischief, and most detestable practices st●pt up into his father's seat, had after the manner of the Ottoman kings, reposed his greatest and most assured strength in a servile and mercenary kind of men, whom he might for pay as his own creatures, at his pleasure draw far from home, and as he best liked lead them from place to place, and country to country, for the enlarging of his empire and eternising of his name: and therefore according to the quality of his people, deemed true and ready power to consist only in money, and the severity of his own command; whereby he had learned with most happy success, in short time to obscure all the victories of the former Ottoman kings, with the greatness of his own. 1518 All the Winter following Selimus stayed with his army in SYRIA, spending the time in visiting the ports and cities of that province, and setting of things in order, for the better assurance thereof. But upon the approach of the Spring, when he certainly understood▪ that by the procurement of Leo the tenth, than bishop of ROME, the Christian princes were entered into consultation to make war upon him, and that supplications with great solemnity were made for that purpose, and honourable ambassadors sent into all provinces to stir up the greatest kings of Christendom against him, he (leaving Gazelles his lieutenant in SYRIA) by great journeys returned to CONSTANTINOPLE: from thence as at hand to behold the devices and motions of the Christian princes his enemies. In the mean time, fearing no alteration to arise in the provinces of SYRIA and EGYPT, for as much as he well saw, that Cayerbeius and Gazelles, his lieutenants, being at deadly hatred betwixt themselves (as well for old grudges, as for the late treason of Cayerbeius, the great cause of the ruin of the Mamalukes kingdom) would never agree in one against him, but rather with a certain emulation strive betwixt themselves with diligence, faithfulness, and moderation, who should deserve best in well governing the provinces by him committed to their charge, as indeed they did during the short time of his reign. Selimus being arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE, 1519 and purposing from thenceforth to turn all his forces upon the Christians, Selimus purposing to invade the Christian●●● struck in the reins of his back with a canker. caused wonderful preparation to be made for his wars▪ but especially at sea: whereby it was thought, that he would either have attempted the strong Island of the RHODES (a great moat in his eye) or else some part of ITALY. But as he was hatching this mischief, or some other of no less importance, and in the mean time delighted himself with visiting the cities of GRaeCIA and THRACE, and solaced himself in the pleasant country about HADRIANOPLE, he was suddenly attached with the hand of God, and strucken in the reins of his back with a canker: which melancholy and devouring malady contemning all cure, did by little and little so eat and corrupt his body, as that he before so much honoured, became now loathsome and odious both to himself and others. As he lay thus languishing, his incurable disease still increasing, leaning his head in the lap of Pyrrhus the Bassa, whom of all others he most loved, said: O Pyrrhus, I see I must shortly die without remedy. Whereupon the grave Bassa took occasion to discourse with him of many matters: and amongst others, that it would please him to give order for the well bestowing of the great wealth taken from the Persian merchants in divers places of his empire: persuading him to bestow the same upon some notable hospital for relief of the poor. To whom Selimus replied, Wouldst thou Pyrrhus, that I should bestow other men's goods, wrongfully taken from them, upon works of charity and devotion, for mine own vain glory and praise? assuredly I will never do it: nay, rather see they be again restored unto the right owners. Which was forthwith done accordingly: to the great shame of many Christians, who minding nothing less than restitution, but making ex rapina holocaustum, do out of a world of evil gotten goods cull out some small fragments, to build some poor hospital, or mend some blind way: a poor testimony of their hot charity. Selimus lying thus sick to death, and rotting above the ground in his tent, as he was upon the way going to HADRIANOPLE, 1520 sent before Pyrrhus and Achmetes, two of his greatest Bassas, to provide for the solemnising of the great feast, which the Turks call Bairam (and is as it were their Easter) purposing to come after himself at leisure, as his weak body would give him leave: and kept with him only Ferhates, the third of his greatest Bassas and privy counsellors. But such was the fury of his foul disease, continually attainting him with intolerable pains, The death of Selimus. that shortly after the departure of the other two Bassas, he breathed out his cruel ghost, in the month of September, in the year 1520: near unto the city CHIURLI, in the self same place where he had sometime most unnaturally assailed his aged father Bajazet, with purpose to have slain him, had not the fortune of the old emperor in a great battle prevailed both against his force and the treason of his own people. Thus intending the mischief he could not perform, The just judgement of God. cut off by a loathsome and untimely death, he to the great joy of all Christendom ended his days, when he had lived six and forty years, and thereof reigned eight: which time of his reign was nothing else but a most horrible and dreadful time of bloodshed. His dead body was afterwards solemnly by his son Solyman buried in a new temple at CONSTANTINOPLE, which he to the imitation of his father and grandfather had for that purpose before built. Upon his tomb is engraven in the Greek, Turkish, and Sclavonian tongues, this short Epitaph. Hic maximus adsum Selym, Phi. Lonicerus Turcicae Historiae, Tomo primo, lib. primo. qùi orbem domui. Non bella relinquo, sed pergo inquirere. Non ulla me fortuna potuit evertere: Licet ossa jacent, animus bella quaerit. In English thus. Lo here I lie great Selimus▪ which held the world in fear: The world I leave, but not the wars, which I seek though not here. No fortunes force, or victor's hand, could take from me the spoils: And though my bones lie buried here, my ghost seeks bloody broils. Selimus before his death commendeth the ●●ition of his son Solyman to Pyrrhus Bassa. He used commonly to say, That nothing was sweeter than to reign without fear or suspicion of his kindred. A little before his death he commended his son Solyman to Pyrrhus' Bassa; straightly charging him, that after his death he should leave the Persian, and turn his forces altogether upon the Christians. And the more to incense him to the effusion of blood, he left him the lively counterfeit of himself hanging at his bed side, with sundry bloody precepts breathing forth his cruel and unmerciful disposition. Tabulae Epigraphe. Soldanus Selimus Othomannus, Rex Regum, Dominus omnium Dominorum, Princeps omnium Principum, filius & Nepos Dei. S. S. S. Ad dextram, versus Graeca lingua ad scripti in hunc sensum. Tutus ut imperij princeps sibi sceptra capessat, Anxia ne dubio corda pavore premat. Ne putet esse nefas cognatum haurire cruorem: Et nece fraterna, constabilire domum. jura, fides, pietas, regni dum nemo supersit Aemulus, ha●d turbent relligione animum. Haec ratio est, quae sola queat regal tueri Nomen, & expertem te sinit esse metus. Ad Sinistram lingua Sclavonica. Te semel adversus peccantem, mitis haberi Ne studeas, poena vindice tutus eris. Protinus ense rescindendum, putrescere si quid Incipiet, clemens rex male sceptra gerit. Ad veniam facilis, peccanti porigit ansam Quase sustentans, ad nova damna ruat. Ad Calcem tabulae lingua Turcica. Qui non ipse sua princeps hastilia dextra, Agmen in adversum mart favente jacet. Sed refugit saevis caput obiectare periclis Dum gravia impavido, praelia cord subit: Iste sciat vanis belli sese artibus uti: Et votis nunquam fata favere suis. Nulla sibi speret, suscepti commoda belli, Hostiles acies quisqui● adire timet. The Inscription of the Table. Sultan Selimus Ottoman King of Kings, Lord of all Lords, Prince of all Princes, the son and nephew of God. On the right hand of the Table were written Greek verses to this sense. The prince that safely seeks to reign, The bloody and tyrannical precepts left by Selimus to his son Solyman, which he afterwards most assuredly kept, as is to be seen in his lif● following. and hold his state in quiet rest, Must never suffer troubled care to harbour in his princely breast: Nor think it sin to spill the blood of his most near and dearest kin, Not of his brother, so thereby assured safety he may win. Law, faith, devotion, and such like, to break them all he must not spare, Nor conscience make of any thing, to rid him from aspiring care. This is the way and only mean that may protect a prince's state, And set him safe without all fear, whilst none may live whom he doth hate. On the left hand of the Table was written in the Sclavonian tongue. Of him that seeks to work thy woe, deserve not to be counted kind: But take him for thy mortal foe, and plague him with revenging mind. The rotten limb is cut away for fear of doing further harm: The gentle prince doth bear small sway, if no abuse can make him warm. Forbearance makes men more offend, and to presume of further grace, It doth but strength to rebels lend, to thrust their sovereign out of place. At the lower end of the same ●able was written in Turkish verse. What prince in person dareth not in open field to meet his foe, And there with unappauled heart, his deadly darts himself to throw: But hides his head for fear of harm, and shuns the danger of the field, When martial minds with courage bold withstand their foes with spear and shield: Let him well know, how that in vain he beareth arms but for a show, And that the honour of the field will never such a coward know. Ne let him hope to gain the spoil by any wars he takes in hand, That feareth with courageous mind his enemy's forces to withstand. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Selimus the first. Emperors of Germany Maximilian the first. 1494. 25. Charles the fifth. 1509. 39 Kings Of England Henry the eight. 1509. 38. Of France Lewis the twelfth. 1497. 17. Francis the first. 1514. 32. Of Scotland james the fourth. 1489. 25. james the fifth. 1513. 32. Bishops of Rome julius the II. 1503. 9 Leo the X. 1513. 8. SOLYMAN. SOLYMANNUS MAGNIFICUS TURCARUM IMPRATOR QVARTUS FLORVIT ANNO 1520 Phil. Lonicer. Hist. Turc. lib. 1. Imperij Soliman patrij moderatur habenas, Regnaque Christiadum cladibus usque metit. Antiquam capit ille Rhodon, Naxumque Parumque Tyrrheni infestat Littora curua maris. Pannonios' multo populatur milite fines, Et cingit muros clara Vienna tuos. Inclyta Sigethi dum moenia concutit armis, Cogitur, hinc Stygiam nudus adire domum. His father's empire Solyman doth rule with mighty power, And Christian kingdoms ceaseth not with slaughter to devour. The ancient RHODES, with NAXOS Isle, and PAROS he did take, And on the coasts of ITALY did woeful havoc make: Fair HUNGARY with armies great he often did annoy, And with a world of men had thought VIENNA to destroy. But whilst to SIGETH he laid siege, in hope the same to have, Cut off by death in his great pride, went naked to his grave. THE LIFE OF SOLYMAN, THE FOURTH AND MOST MAGNIFICENT EMPEROR OF THE TURKS. THe death of Selimus was with all carefulness concealed by Ferhates the only Bassa then present, for fear lest the janissaries and soldiers of the court getting knowledge thereof, should after their wont manner in the time of the vacancy of the empire, spoil the merchants and strangers in places where they lay in garrison, and especially in the imperial city: and not so contented after their accustomed insolency prescribe unto the greatest Bassas at their pleasure. For preventing whereof, Ferhates dispatched a trusty messenger with letters in post to Solyman the only son of Selimus, then lying at MAGNESIA, certifying him of the death of his father; and that he should deserve well of his peaceable subjects by hastening his coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, whilst all things were yet in good order, in time to repress with his presence the feared disordered proceedings of his men of war. Solyman having to his great content perused the Bassas letters, as one desirous enough of the empire; yet considering the cruel disposition of his father (who upon a mere jealous conceit of his aspiring mind, and for certain words by him let fall in dislike of his father's extreme dealing, had practised most unnaturally to have taken him away by poison: which danger he escaped only by the carefulness of his mother, who misdoubting the worst, caused the poisoned rich shirt sent to him from his father to be first worn by one of his chamber, whereof he in short time after died) and also that the letters were signed only by Ferhates, Solyman hardly persuaded that his father was dead. and the news not seconded from any of the other Bassas: fearing some hidden & secret plot of his father tending to his destruction, durst not adventure to remove from his charge, but returned the messenger as one to whom he gave little or no credit. Ten days thus spent, and the death of Selimus nothing as yet suspected; Ferhates understanding by his messenger the wariness of Solyman, and that he expected more assured advertisement, sent presently unto the other great Bassanes Pyrrhus and Mustapha at HADRIANOPLE, that they should without delay repair unto the court: unto whom at their coming he declared the death of the emperor. Which after they had seen to be true, they by an other secret and speedy messenger advertised Solyman again thereof, firming those letters with all their hands and seals: whereby Solyman now assured of his father's death, presently put himself upon the way, and by long and painful journeys in few days came to SCUTARIUM, called in ancient time CRISOPOLIS, over against CONSTANTINOPLE. Where he was met with the Aga or captain of the janissaries, and by him transported in a galley over that strait passage to CONSTANTINOPLE; where at his landing the janissaries by the appointment of their captain were ready to receive him, knowing as yet nothing of the death of Selimus, until that Solyman being now in the midst of them, the captain with a loud voice said unto them, Behold your emperor. Whereupon they all with great acclamation cried out, Long live the great emperor Solyman: which consent of the men of war, is unto the Turkish emperors the greatest assurance of their estate. And so with much triumph he was by them brought into the royal palace, and placed in his father's seat in the year 1520: in which year also Charles the fifth was chosen emperor of GERMANY. The janissaries disappointed by the Bassas of the spoil of the merchants, especially Christians and jews, received of the bounty of Solyman a great largious; and in the beginning of his reign had their accustomed wages somewhat augmented also, to their wonderful contentment. Solyman was about twenty eight years old when he began to reign, and was at the first supposed to have been of a mild and peaceable disposition: so that the princes to whom the name of Selimus was before dreadful, were now in hope that a quiet lamb was come in place of a raging lion. But in short time they found themselves in that their expectation far deceived; and especially the Christian princes bordering upon him, unto whom he became a far more dangerous enemy than was his father before him; converting his forces most part of his long reign upon them, which Selimus had almost altogether employed against the kings of PERSIA and EGYPT, the greatest princes of the Mahometan superstition. The first that felt his heavy hand was Gazelles Governor of SYRIA: who presently upon the death of Selimus, thinking himself now discharged of the oath of obedience which he had given to Selimus, but not to his successors; and earnestly desiring to restore again the kingdom of the Mamalukes lately overthrown, Gazelles governor of Syria rebelleth against Solyman. gathered together the remainder of the dispersed Mamalukes, which speedily resorted unto him out of all parts of ASIA and AFRICA: and alluring with rewards the leaders of the wild Arabians, with great numbers of the country people of SYRIA discontented with the Turkish government, entered into open rebellion, and by force of arms drove the Turks garrisons out of BIRTHA, TRIPOLI, and divers other cities of SYRIA, taking them into his own possession. And the better to effect that he had taken in hand, he sent ambassadors to CAIRO, unto Cayerbeius, who had of Selimus received the government of Egypt, the unworthy reward of his horrible treason; persuading him by any means to take revenge of the injury and wrong before done to the Mamalukes, and by killing of the Turks garrisons to make himself Sultan of Egypt, and restore again the kingdom of the Mamalukes, offering him therein the uttermost of his devoir and service. But Cayerbeius, either not trusting Gazelles his old enemy, or ashamed by new treason to augment his former dishonour, or else (which was most like) misdoubting his own strength in performance of so great an enterprise: after he had attentively heard what the ambassadors had to say, caused them presently in his own sight to be put to death as traitors, and with all speed certified Solyman thereof; who without delay sent Ferhates bassa with a strong army into SYRIA. Which thing Gazelles hearing, and having in his power most of the cities of SYRIA, retired himself with all his army into the strong city of DAMASCUS; whither at length, Ferhates the great Bassa by long march came also. Gazelles (resolved to try the fortune of the field, and so either by speedy victory or honourable death to end the matter, rather than to suffer himself to be shut up within the walls of the city) upon the coming of the Bassa valiantly issued forth with all his power, and gave him battle; which for the space of six hours was most cruelly fought, and many slain on both sides. At length Gazelles being oppressed with the multitude of his enemies (being eight times more in number) and hardly assailed on every side, was enforced to fight in a ring, and there performing all the parts of a worthy General and valiant soldier, Gazelles slain. honourably died together with his Mamalukes in the midst of his enemies, leaving unto them a bloody victory. Gazelles thus slain, the city of DAMASCUS with all the country of SYRIA without any more ado yielded again unto the Turks obedience, which the Bassa took in so good part, that he would not suffer his soldiers to enter into the city, then richly stored with commodities of all sorts, brought thither by merchants out of divers parts of the world. SYRIA thus pacified, the Bassa went to CAIRO in EGYPT, and there commending Cayerbeius for his fidelity, confirmed him in his government; and envying against the cruelty of Selimus (so to please the Egyptians) wished them to hope for all happiness under the peaceable government of the new Sultan Solyman. And so when he had set all things in order in both the provinces of SYRIA and EGYPT, returned again to Solyman. The year next following, Solyman by the counsel of Pyrrhus Bassa his old tutor (a mortal enemy unto the Christians) and by the persuasion of the janissaries resolved to besiege the strong city of BELGRADE, otherwise called TAURUNUM, scituat upon the borders of HUNGARY, where the river Sa●us falleth into Danubius. Which city his great grandfather Mahomet (surnamed named the Great, and before him the warlike Amurath) had with all their power, long time before to their great loss and dishonour, vainly attempted. Wherein until that time were reserved the ensigns, then taken from the Turks, to their no small grief, with other trophies of the glorious victories of the worthy captain Huniades, and the great king Mathius corvinus his son. Wherefore Solyman sending his army before, was come as far as SOPHIA a city in SERVIA (the place where the Turks great lieutenant in EUROPE is always resiant) before that the Hungarians were aware of his coming: for they living at ease all the time that Vladislaus reigned, and now sleeping in security under the young king Lodovicus his son, a man of no experience; who contenting himself with the title of a king, suffered himself to be peeled and polled by his nobility and great cleargiemen (inverting all the wealth of the land to their own private gain) that he was not able to raise any sufficient power to go against his puissant enemy; especially his nobility, in whose hands rested the wealth of his kingdom, promising him much, but performing indeed nothing. Huniades with his hardy soldiers, the scourge and terror of the Turks, was dead long before; so was also Mathias that fortunate warrior: after whom succeeded others given all to pleasure & ease; to whose example the people fashioning themselves, forgot their wont valour, and gave themselves over to sensuality and voluptuous pleasure. So that Solyman without let, Belgrade 〈◊〉 by Solyman. presented his army before the city of BELGRADE, and with battery and undermining in short time became lord thereof▪ having lost few of his people in that siege. How much the loss of that strong city concerned the Christian common weal, the manifold and lamentable miseries which afterwards ensued by the opening of that gap, not unto the kingdom of HUNGARY only, but to all that side of Christendom, did, and yet doth most manifestly declare. It was won by the Turks the nine and twentieth day of August in the year 1521. After the taking of the strong city of BELGRADE, 1522 Solyman returning to CONSTANTINOPLE, broke up his army and there lay still almost all the year following. During which time, he caused great preparation to be made at GALIPOLIS and other his ports, for rigging up of a great fleet: which caused the Italians, Venetians, and them of the RHODES, to look about them, as men careful of their estates, fearing that those forces would ear long be employed against some or all of them. About the same time Philippus Villerius a man of great wisdom and courage, Philippus Villerius chosen Great master of the Rhodes. then following the French court, was in his absence by the knights of the RHODES chosen Great master of that honourable company: who embarking himself at MARCEILLES, after a long and dangerous journey (being not without the knowledge of Solyman hardly laid for at sea by Cortug-ogli a famous pirate of the Turks, whose two brethren the knights of the RHODES had but a little before surprised at sea and slain, and then held the third in prison) arrived in safety at the RHODES, where he was with great joy and triumph received. The great Bassa, by whose grave advise Solyman was contented in all his weighty affairs to be directed, consulting with the other Bassas of divers great exploits which was first to be taken in hand, for the honour of their emperor and enlarging of his empire, were of divers opinions concerning the besieging of the RHODES. Pyrrhus the Bassa of greatest account, dissuaded the taking in hand of that action, as too full of difficulty and danger: producing for proof thereof the example of the great emperor Mahomet, Soliman's great grandfather; by whom it was unfortunately attempted, and in fine shamefully abandoned. But Mustapha next in place and reputation to Pyrrhus, extolling the power and fortune of Solyman, said, That the greatness of their emperor was not to be concluded within the attempts of his predecessors, as well appeared by the late taking of BELGRADE; from whence first Amurat, and after him Mahomet; two of the most warlike princes of the Turks, had with great dishonour been repulsed: and should no doubt with like good fortune prevail against the RHODES also, being able (if need were) to bring more men before it than were stones in the walls thereof. Which he so confidently affirmed, with extenuating the power of the Rhodians, that he seemed to make no doubt of the good success of that war: presumptuously affirming, that upon the first landing of Soliman's great army, they of the RHODES would without delay yield themselves and their city into his hands. Amongst others of great experience, whose opinions Solyman was desirous to have, before he would take so great a matter in hand, was the famous pirate Cortug-Ogli, a man of a mischievous and cruel nature, but of great experience in sea matters. Who presented to Solyman by Mustapha and Ferhates, two of the greatest Bassas, going before him, after due reverence done, and commanded to deliver his opinion, spoke unto Solyman as followeth: Cortug-Ogli the pirate persuadeth Solyman to besiege the Rhodes. The greatness of your deserts (most mighty and puissant emperor) maketh me (being by you so commanded) at this time frankly to speak what I think may be for the glory and honour both of your majesty and empire. I daily hear the pitiful lamentation of the miserable people of MITYLENE, EVBoeA, PELOPONESUS, ACHAIA, CARIA, LYCIA, and all alongst the sea coast of SYRIA and EGYPT, bewailing the spoil of their countries, the ransacking of their cities, the taking away of their cattle and people, with other infinite and incredible calamities, which they daily suffer of the crossed Rhodian pirates, no man withstanding them: many a time have these wretched people holden up their hands to me for help, most instantly requesting me to be a mean for them to your imperial Majesty, whereby they might be protected from the injury, rapine, and slaughter of these cruel rovers. Wherefore in their behalf I beseech your sacred Majesty, by the most reverend name of the holy prophet Mahomet, and by your own most heroical disposition, to deliver your afflicted subjects from these their most cruel enemies, and at length to set them free from the fury, captivity, and fear of these pirates, more grievous unto them than death itself: and consider with yourself, that this injury and insolency tendeth not so much to the hurt of your poor subjects and oppressed people in private, as to the dishonour and disgrace of your imperial name and dignity; which if any other Christian king or prince should offer, your Majesty I know would not suffer unrevenged▪ and will you then suffer these robbers, cutthroats, base people gathered out of all the corners of Christendom, to waste your countries, spoil your cities, murder your people, and trouble all your seize for who can pass by sea to TRIPOLI, DAMASCUS, ALEXANDRIA, CAIRO, CHALCIDE, LESBOS, CHIOS, nay unto this your imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, without most certain and manifest danger of these rovers? What have we heard every Spring this many years, but that the Rhodians had taken some one or other of your ports, led away your people into miserable captivity, and carried away with them the rich spoils of your countries? And that which is of all other things most dishonourable, this they do under your nose, and in your sight, in the midst and heart of your empire. Pardon me I beseech you most mighty emperor, if I too plainly speak what I think: For whatsoever I say, I say it to no other end, but that you should now at length do that which should many years ago have been done. We your most loyal subjects may not, nor ought not, for the increase of our Mahometan religion, and for the enlarging of your empire and honour, to refuse to adventure our goods, our bodies, our lives to all hazard and danger without exception. If you likewise be carried with love of glory and renown, or ravished with the desire of never dying fame; in what wars can you more easily gain the same, or better employ us your servants, than in vanquishing and subduing the RHODES, the reputed bulwark of Christendom, which only keepeth us from their countries? But some will perhaps say, your ancestors have in former times unfortunately attempted that city: so did they also BELGRADE in HUNGARY: yet hath your happy fortune to your immortal fame brought the same under your subjection, being far more strongly fortified than it was in times past: and do you then despair of the RHODES? Cast off such vain and needless misdoubt, the Turkish empire hath always grown by adventures and honourable attempts: therefore make haste to besiege it both by sea and land. If your subjects mourning under the heavy burden of the Christian captivity, built it with their own hands for the Christians, cannot they now at liberty, desirous of revenge, and fitted with opportunity, with like hands destroy the same? If it please you to vouchsafe but to look into the matter (most dread Sovereign) you shall see that there is a divine occasion by the procurement of our great prophet Mahomet presented unto your most sacred Majesty, now that the Christians of the West are at discord and mortal war amongst themselves. Your Majesty is not ignorant, that in managing of wars, the opportunity of time is especially to be followed; and that when occasion serveth, all remissness and delay is to be carefully avoided: the changes of times are most tickle, and if you suffer your good hap now to pass over, you shall perhaps in vain afterwards pursue the same when it is fled and gone. Solyman by nature an ambitious young prince, pricked forward thus also by the persuasions of Cortug-Ogli and others, seeking their further credit and preferment by fitting his ambitious humour: but most of all by the instigation of the Bassa Mustapha, resolved to go in person himself against the RHODES. And first to make some proof of what spirit and courage Villerius the new chosen Great Master was of, in whose sufficiency the greatest part of the defence of the city was supposed to consist: to him by way of a little cold friendship, he sent a messenger with this short letter thus directed. Solyman by the grace of God, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, greatest Emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE and TRAPEZOND, most mighty king of PERSIA, ARABIA, SYRIA, and EGYPT, lord of ASIA and EUROPE, prince of MECHA and ALEPPO, ruler of JERUSALEM, and Master of the Universal sea: to the reverend Father Phillippus Villerius Lilladamus, Great Master of the RHODES, and Legate of ASIA, greeting. I am glad of thy coming and new promotion, Soliman's letter to Villerius, Great Master of the Rhodes. which I wish thou mayest long and happily enjoy, for that I hope thou wilt in honour and fidelity exceed all them which have before thee ruled in the RHODES: from whom as my ancestors have withdrawn their hand, so I after their example join with thee in amity and friendship. joy thou therefore my friend, and in my behalf rejoice of my victory and triumph also: for this last Summer passing over Danubius with ensigns displayed, I there expected the Hungarian king, who I thought would have given me battle, I took from him by strong hand BELGRADE, the strongest city of his kingdom, with other strong holds thereabouts: and having with fire and sword destroyed much people, and carried away many more into captivity, as a triumphant conqueror, breaking up mine army, am returned to my imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, from whence farewell. The Great Master having read these letters, and well considered of the same, perceived forthwith Soliman's meaning, and that peace was offered him in words and show, but war in deed and meaning. Which because he was ready by force to repulse, he rewarded the Turks messenger, and sent back with him another of his own, a private person. For the Rhodians did seldom vouchsafe to send any honourable ambassadors to the Turkish emperors (with whom they for most part lived in hostility) either the Turks to them. By this messenger he answered Soliman's letters with other of like vain, as followeth. Philippus Villerius Lilladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, to the Turk. I right well understand your letters which your messenger brought unto me. The answer of Villerius to Soliman's letters. The friendship you write of, is as pleasing to me as displeasing to Cortug-Ogli your servant, who went about to have intercepted me upon the sudden, as I came out of FRANCE: but failing of his purpose, stealing by night into the Rhodian sea, he attempted to have robbed certain merchants ships bound from JOPPE to VENICE: but sending my fleet out of my haven, I stayed his fury, constrained the pirate to fly, and for haste to leave behind him the prizes he had before taken from the merchants of CRETE. Farewell from the RHODES. By this answer Solyman perceived, that he was well met withal in his own fineness, and that he should not so easily carry the RHODES, as he had before done BELGRADE. Yet being fully in himself resolved to try his fortune therein, he called unto him certain of the chief commanders of his wars, to whom he opened his whole determination in this sort. Although I doubt not worthy cheefetaines, Soliman's Oration to his men of war declaring his purpose of besieging the Rhodes. but that you are of the same mind now that you have been always of, in the invading of other nations: yet I have thought it good in matters tending to the common glory and good of us all, to use your general advice and counsel. Since the time that my father left this world, we have made war with divers nations and people: The Syrians by nature unconstant, and prone to rebellion, we have by force reduced to their former obedience: The Sophi, that mighty king, nephew unto the great king Vsun-Cassanes by his daughter the sister of king jacup, in heart and deed our mortal enemy, not contented with the kingdoms of ASSIRIA, MEDIA, ARMENIA the greater, PERSIA, and MESOPOTAMIA, we have by our forces shut up within the compass of his own dominions: The last year running through HUNGARY, both on this side and beyond Danubius, we took BELGRADE the strongest fortress of that kingdom: and whatsoever else we attempted, we subdued. Yet for all that (to speak plainly of myself) my mind greater in conceit than mine empire, and the blood of Ottoman, findeth no contentment in these victories. For whatsoever you have yet done, although it be great, yet I deem it all but little, in regard of your worth: my desire carrieth me further. This have I always above all things most earnestly desired, to set upon the RHODES, and utterly to root out all the strength and forces, yea the very name of those Rhodian soldiers. And have not you also no less than myself desired the same? How often have I heard you crying out, The RHODES, The RHODES? I have expected the time, that being discharged of other wars I might here employ my whole strength and power. That we so long desired, is now come: there was never greater opportunity of good success offered, a great part of the walls of the city of the RHODES now lying even with the ground; which cannot in short time be repaired, especially in their want of coin. Beside this, the garrison in the castle is but small, and their aid from FRANCE far off, which will either come too late when the city is lost, or that which I rather believe, never. For neither will the French king (being at mortal wars with the German emperor, and lord of ITALY) suffer his storehouses to be disfurnished, or his ports bared of the necessary defence of his shipping; neither do you believe that the Spaniards (distressed at home with famine, war, and civil dissension) will easily come hither out of SICILIA and CAMPANIA with supplies of men and victual. But you may perhaps think, that great danger is to be feared from the Venetian fleet, and the Isle of CRETE, which I assure you is not so: for I know (although I will not now manifest the same) how I have prevented that mischief. Wherefore courageous soldiers (borne to the subduing of all Christendom, much more of the RHODES) with cheerful hearts follow me your Sovereign against these your most perfidious and cruel enemies. How long I pray you will 〈◊〉 suffer that stain and disgrace to stick upon the Ottoman family, and generally upon all the name of the Turks, which these Rhodians cast upon us the last time they were besieged? Which was not so much done by their valour, as by the unfortunate counsel of my great grandfather Mahomet, calling home Mesithes Paleologus his General in that war, for one unlucky assault. But admit that their valour gained them the victory, will you therefore always suffer these piratical excursions upon our main and Islands? the ransacking of our cities and countries? the carrying away of your c●●tell and richest substance? the captivity and slaughter of your wives and children? the slavery of your nearest friends and kinsmen? So help me great Mahomet, it shall not so be: I vow▪ in despite of Christ and john, in short time to set up mine ensigns with the Moon in the middle of the market place of the RHODES. Neither do I seek any thing unto myself, more than the honour of the enterprise; the profit I give unto you my fellow soldiers, their coin, plate, jewels (which is reported to be great) their riches and wealth is all yours, to carry home with you unto your wives and children. Wherefore let us now with all our forces and courage set forward to the besieging of the RHODES. Soliman's purpose thus made known, and the same with one accord of all his captains well liked: Pyrrhus the eldest Bassa and of greatest authority, who at the first dissuaded the war, standing up in the midst of the rest, said: I cannot but much admire the great wisdom and rare virtues of our young emperor, who so wisely and advisedly hath declared all the deep counsels of a worthy cheefetaine in taking of war in hand. Blessed be Mahomet, thrice and four times blessed is this empire, blessed is our estate, and blessed are we with such a prince, which carrieth with him in his wars not only men and habiliments of war, but most deep wisdom and policy. Which wholesome manner of proceeding, if we had always before our eyes, and would follow, we should in short time bring under our subjection not the RHODES only, but all the kingdoms of the Christians. Yet beside that which our emperor hath most carefully and considerately devised, mine age and experience would exhort you, by gifts, promises, rewards, and all other means whatsoever, to corrupt if it were possible the very chief and principal citizens of the RHODES, thereby to enter into their most secret devices and counsels: which how it may be wrought, I will in few words give you to understand. I as a man indifferent, desirous of peace and quietness, will by messengers and letters induce the Great Master to send some honourable embassage to our dread Sovereign, which if I can once bring him unto, then let me alone with the rest. Solyman maketh preparation against the Rhodes. This counsel of the old Fox pleased all the hearers well, but above others the emperor himself, who gave him in charge with all diligence and speed, to prove what he could do: the other captains he commanded to prepare the greatest forces they could, both for land and sea service. Which preparation was so great both at CONSTANTINOPLE and other places, that it could not long be kept so secret, but that news thereof was brought to the RHODES the fourth day of February: which news daily increasing and still confirmed by more certain reports, Villerius the Great master for more certain intelligence, sent a Christian of EPIDAURUS, who could perfectly speak the Turkish language, as a spy to CONSTANTINOPLE; who by secret letters from thence gave him knowledge, that the Turks were preparing a great fleet, and raising a mighty army, advertising him also of a wonderful proportion of artillery prepared for battery; but against whom was not commonly known, some deeming it to be for the invasion of ITALY, some for the RHODES, others supposing it to be for CYPRUS or CORCIRA: which diversity of conjectures, made many (whose conceits averted from themselves the fortune of that war) to be more careless and secure. But whilst every man was of opinion, that it was made against any man rather than himself; certain advertisement was given to the Rhodians from divers places by letters from their friends and confederates, That the Turks did with extraordinary diligence keep strait watch and ward in all their ports thereabouts alongst the sea coast, otherwise than they were before accustomed: which seemed to prognosticat some farther matter than the defence of their frontiers. Villerius prepareth to make resistance against the Turks. Villerius careful of his charge, as the mark whereat the enemy aimed, provided with all possible diligence great store of victual, armour, weapons, shot, powder, and whatsoever else necessary for the defence of the city. The new walls of the city, and AVERGNE fortress, by Basilius' engineer to the emperor Charles the fifth (a work begun in the time of Fabritius Carectus late Grand master, but not yet finished) was now with all diligent labour set upon, every man putting his helping hand unto so necessary a work. Whilst these things are with so great endeavour and labour a doing, a messenger came from CONSTANTINOPLE, sent from the old Bassa Pyrrhus, a sharp witted and cunning fellow; who with much filled speech in most ample manner doing his message, by the way, painted forth the great towardliness and courteous nature of the Turkish emperor Solyman, with the great commendation of Pyrrhus Bassa his master: delivering from both of them letters unto the Great master of this purport. Solyman by the grace of God King of Kings, Lord of Lords, etc. to the reverend father Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great master of the RHODES and legate of ASIA, greeting. I am certainly informed that my letters are delivered unto thee; Soliman's letter to Villericus. which for that thou understoodest them aright, I cannot express how much it pleased me. Trust to it, that I am not contented with the victory I got at BELGRADE; I hope for another, nay I assure myself thereof, which I will not hide from thee, whom I am always mindful of. Farewell from CONSTANTINOPLE. Pyrrhus' great counsellor to the mighty emperor Solyman, to Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great master of the RHODES and legate of ASIA, greeting. Your letters, Pyr●hus Bassa his letters to Villerius. greater in meaning than character, I have delivered unto our most mighty emperor: but the bearer thereof I would not suffer to come to his presence, lest he should be too much offended with so base a messenger. Unto whom from henceforth send men of worth, commendable for their years and discretion, with whom his Majesty may (if he so please) confer and conclude of matters concerning the common good: which thing if you shall do, it shall neither repent you of the doing thereof, nor me of my counsel. The messenger I send, bringeth letters unto you also from our great emperor; to whose divine excellency how you are to answer, you are already admonished. Farewell from CONSTANTINOPLE. These letters being openly read, drew the minds of the Rhodians diversly. Such as altogether wished for peace, measuring others after their own plain meaning and integrity, commended the counsel of Pyrrhus, saying, That he being an old man of great experience, was not so desirous of our quiet, as of the quiet of his prince and country: and therefore wished by wisdom to order that which the young prince sought for by war, fearing the uncertainty of man's fragility, the common chance of war, the violence of fortune, which hath oftentimes in a moment with a handful of men overthrown most mighty kings with their strong armies. The persuasion of these men took such effect, that one of the knights of the order called Raymund March, a Spaniard, a noble gentleman of great courage and very eloquent, skilful also in the Turkish tongue, and then moster-master, was appointed to have been sent ambassador unto the Turkish emperor. Many there were of a contrary opinion, which suspecting fraud and deceit, said it were good to beware of the enemy's counsel: ask, to what end this embassage were? for should we proclaim war (say they) against the most mighty tyrant, not yet our professed enemy, who writeth all peace? or should we entreat for peace, no war as yet proclaimed? that he which as yet is afraid himself, may now understand that he is of us feared. Besides that, with what security, with what face can our ambassadors go, unrequested of the Turkish emperor, without his safe conduct thorough those countries which we daily burn and spoil? But they shall show Pyrrhus the great Bassas letters forsooth, his protection, his credit and authority shall defend them from all injury and wrong; as though the servant should prescribe laws unto his master, and such a servant as is most like unto his master (that is) cruel, false of faith, a hater of all Christians, but especially of us Rhodians: whom the merciless tyrant having in his power, with his navy and army in readiness, shall with cruel torture enforce to discover unto him our provision, the secrets of our city and Order. This opinion of the wiser son, was greatly confirmed by the too much curiosity of the messenger which was sent, who with all diligence inquired of the state and situation of the city, of the number and strength of the Order. Wherefore in conclusion he was sent back again, accompanied but with one private soldier to carry the Great masters letters unto the Turkish tyrant: the tenure whereof was thus. Philippus Villerius Great master of the Rhodes, unto the Turk greeting. Villerius his answer to S●lymans letters. That you are mindful of me, grieveth me nothing: and I am also mindful of you. You repeat your victory in HUNGARY, wherewith not being contented you hope for another: nay you promise and assure yourself thereof, before you have attempted the war. Beware you deceive not yourself; men's expectations never deceive them more than in wars. Farewell from the RHODES. The other letters written to Pyrrhus, were to this effect. Philippus Villerius Liladamus' Great master of the Rhodes, to Pyrrhus the Bassa. Villerius his answer to Pyrrhus the Bassa his letters. I have advisedly considered thy letters, with the behaviour and disposition of thy messenger. As I contemn not thy counsel, so will I not follow the same, whilst my men of war do spoil the countries and ports of thy lord and master; which I bear withal, by reason of the injuries they have sustained of the Turkish pirates. But I will call them home, and will send ambassadors unto thy great lord: so that thou before send me safe conduct under thy masters great seal, for their safe coming and return. Farewell from the RHODES. But these letters were never delivered unto the great Turk, or the Bassa: for as soon as the Turkish messenger was come over into the main, he presently took horse, which was there in readiness for him, and posted towards CONSTANTINOPLE with as much speed as he could, leaving the Christian messenger his companion behind him; who returning back again to the RHODES, and telling what he had heard and seen, gave them all great occasion to despair of peace: Villerius advertised o● the coming of the Turks fleet. whereupon Villerius sent into CRETE to hire certain companies of Cretensian arche●●. In the mean time advertisement was given unto the Great master by letters from the island of NAXOS, That the Turks were ready to put their fleet to sea with the first appearance of the new Moon: which thing they most superstitiously observe in the beginning of all their great actions. The same news was brought also by certain merchants of the island of PAT●MOS, who came to the RHODES with a great ship laded with corn from EVBoeA; under the colour of the sale whereof, they (by the commandment of the Turks, to whom they were tributaries) diligently noted all that was done in the city, shortly to be besieged. The Great master with no less diligence, sent divers of his small galleys amongst the islands and alongst the main, to learn what might be of the enemies doings. joannes Lupus one of the knights of the order, and captain of one of these galleys, meeting with a great ship of the Turks laded with corn, took her and brought her home to the RHODES. But Alphonsus captain of another of the galleys, lying in harbour in one of the islands, and suffering his men to straggle too far into the land, was set upon by a Turkish pirate and taken. About the same time the Turks by often fires made upon the main in the night season, gave sign unto the Rhodians, that they were desirous to have some parley with them, as their manner was. Whereupon one Meneton a French man, one of the knights, by commandment of the rest of the order, was sent with a galley well appointed to the main to see what the matter might be; and with him was joined jacobus Xaycus paymaster for the galleys, that he might of the inhabitants of the place, and his friends there dwelling, diligently inquire of all things concerning the intended war: for this Xaycus, besides that he was a skilful sea man and one that knew the coast well, had also good experience in civil affairs, and was wonderfully beloved and made of by the Turkish merchants, whose language he had perfectly learned. Drawing near the shore, he found the Turkish merchants making merry upon the main, with their carpets, cotton wool, and such like merchandise about them as they used to exchange with the Rhodian merchants for woollen clothes: unto these merchants he gave due salutations, gauging his faith for their safety, and they likewise to him. But being requested to come ashore to make merry until one of his familiar and old acquaintance might be sent for, who as they said was not far off; he answered, that he could not so do, except they would first deliver a pledge for him a shipboard. The perfidious Turks laughing as it were at his needless fear, willingly sent their merchandise, and a pledge aboard the galleys. Xaycus then going ashore, and embracing the Turkish merchants which met him: upon a sign given, was forthwith beset on every side and taken prisoner, and by post horses conveyed with all speed to CONSTANTINOPLE; where he was with most exquisite torments that could be devised for any man to endure, enforced to confess whatsoever his cruel enemies could desire. After Xaycus was by treachery thus lost, then began their provident wisdom to be highly commended, which were the occasion, that the decree made for sending ambassadors unto the Turk, was again revoked. The hostage given for Xaycus, being brought to the RHODES and examined, was found to be a simple country fellow whom the Turks had of purpose well appareled to deceive the Rhodians: who frankly and plainly according to his simple knowledge, answered to all things that were of him demanded; as that the Turks were making great preparation for sea upon the coasts of CARIA and LYCIA, and had taken up many soldiers in the countries thereabouts to send unto the frontiers of his dominions towards SYRIA, for defence of the same against the Persians. All which was true: For Solyman to put the Rhodians out of all suspicion of invasion (whom he knew carefully to observe his doings) sent those soldiers whom he had levied in the country's nearest unto the RHODES, far away against the Persian, as if he had meant nothing against the RHODES, and so upon the sudden to set upon them with his army brought out of EUROPE, before they were aware. The carefulness of the Grand master. But this his devise served to small purpose, for the Great Master perceiving by many circumstances, but especially by that late calamity of Xaycus, that the RHODES was the place the Turkish tyrant longed after; and fearing that delay might bring farther danger, caused a cessation from all other business to be proclaimed, until all things necessary for defence of the city were accomplished: watch and ward was kept in every street, the great artillery planted upon the walls and bulwarks, companies appointed for the defence of every place, the public armory full of all warlike provision was open, all the streets were full of men carrying weapons, some to one place, some to another. At which time a general muster was taken by the chief men of the Order, where were found about 5000 free men able to bear arms, amongst whom were 600 knights of the Order, and 500 soldiers of CRETE; the rest were for most part mariners, able bodies, who in the time of the siege did great service, encouraged by their sea captains: the island people which repaired into the city, served to little other purpose but to dig and carry earth unto the rampires: and the citizens (except it were some few of the better sort) were for the most part weak and of small courage, not able to endure any labour or pains, and yet hardly to be kept in order and governed, great speakers, but small doers, greater in show than in deed. The Great Master having carefully provided and ordered all things needful for defence of the city, and fearing nothing more than the faint hearts of the citizens, caused them all to be called together; for encouragement of whom, he spoke unto them as followeth: Vill●rius his Oration unto the Rhodia●●. Valiant gentlemen and worthy citizens, we hear that the Turk our mortal enemy is coming against us, with a huge army raised of divers nations: from whose natural cruelty and wont perjury except we defend ourselves by force, one and the self same danger is like to befall me, my knights, and you all. For we have with common consent and hand grievously spoiled him both by sea and land, and you are by booties taken by strong hand out of his dominions, enriched: and at this day we keep his people in grievous servitude, and he ours; but he injuriously, and we most justly: For his ancestors (weary of the dark dens and caves of the mountain CAUCASUS, their natural dwelling) without right, title, or cause, incited only with covetousness, ambition, and the hatred of our most sacred religion, have driven the Christians out of SYRIA: and afterwards, oppressed the Grecians in GRECIA; where not contented to have destroyed the people, with one simple kind of death (as barbarism is ever cruel and merciless) they have with most exquisite and horrible torments butchered many thousands of that nation. All whom, this wicked proud youth (whose mischief exceedeth his years) a● evil neighbour to all men, not contented with the dominions of ARABIA, SYRIA, EGYPT, the greatest part of ASIA, and of many other places more, seeketh in tyranny, murder, spoil, perjury, and hatred against Christ and Christians, far to excel: and forceth himself to the uttermost of his power, to take from us our Islands, and to subdue the Christian countries; that so at length being lord of all, and commander of the World, he may at his pleasure overthrow the Christian cities▪ kill the Christians, and utterly root out the Christian name, which he so much hateth. For the repulsing of which intolerable injury, we have especially chosen this Island of the RHODES for our dwelling place, because the same seemed more commodious than any other for the annoying of this barbarous nation. We have done what in us lay, holpen by you: we know by proof your great valour and fidelity, which we now have not in any distrust. Wherefore I will not use many words to persuade you to continue in your fidelity and loyalty, neither long circumstance to encourage you to play the men: sithence worthy minds are not with words either encouraged or dismayed. But concerning myself and my knights of the Order, I will speak a few words. I wi●● them, with whom (as I hope) the Christian princes and other my knights of the West will in good time join their forces, are most ready and priest to defend yourselves, your children, your wives, your goods, the monuments of your ancestors, and sacred temples dedicated to the service of our God. Which opinion that it may remain firm and fix in your minds, if nothing else, my faithfulness in your wars, my body not yet altogether spent, but able enough to endure pains and travel, the nobility of these worthy knights of the Order, their love towards you, and their hatred towards your enemies, were sufficient to confirm: but beside this, the strength of this city, which this noble Order hath with infinite charges so notably fortified with ditches, walls, towers, and bulwarks against all the force and fury of artillery, is such, that no city may worthily be compared, much less preferred before the same. It is wonderfully stored with all kind of weapons and war like provision: we have laid up plenty of wine, flesh, and corn, in vaults, so that neither wet weather nor worms can attaint the same: of wood and wholesome water not to be taken from us, things necessary for men besieged, we have plenty: and able men enough for the defence of the city. All which things promise unto us assured victory, and such end of the war as we wish for. Besides this, Necessity, which giveth courage even unto cowards, will enforce us to fight. Yet standeth on our side true religion, faith, conscience, devotion, constancy, the love of our country, the love of our liberty, the love of our parents, wives, children, and whatsoever else we hold dear: Whereas they bring with them the proud command of their captains, infidelity, impiety, unconstancy, a wicked desire of your bondage, of your blood, and the blood of your parents, wives, and children. Out of doubt (beloved citizens) our good God will not suffer so many good virtues to be overcome by their foul vices. Wherefore be you in minds quiet and secure, and trouble not yourselves with forboding fear of your enemies; only continue in the fidelity and loyalty which you have always kept inviolat and unspotted toward this sacred and honourable fellowship, in most dangerous wars, and hardest chances of fortune: and if need shall so require, with courageous hand show your valour against your enemies, and 〈◊〉 it known unto the Spaniards, French, Italians, Hungarians, and English, That the Rhodians are of power to daunt the Turkish pride, and to avert their fleets and armies from ITALY, which they ha●e so many years threatened with fire and sword: and will no doubt thither with all speed hasten and come, if (that which my mind abhorreth to speak) they should here prevail. Neither will this ambitious youth, in courage, falsehood, and cruelty exceeding Hannibal, imitate him in that, that having overthrown the Romans in the great battle at ●ANNAS, knew not to use his victory: but he will presently with more than Caesars●eleritie ●eleritie bring forth the treasures his father got in EGYPT, and with great fleets and huge armies invade APULIA, CALABRIA, and SICILIA: from whence he will forthwith break into FRANCE, and afterwards into SPAIN, and other Christian countries, raging through them with all kind of cruelty. But I am carried away further than I purposed, and than need is: For your fidelity and valour (most worthy citizens) to endure the siege and repulse the enemy, is such, as needeth not my persuasion; and of greater resolution, than that it can be shaken with the dangers incident to men besieged▪ Yet the greatest and most forcible miseries of all, which is hunger and thirst, I assure you you shall never feel; which pinching calamities for all that, some people (in faithfulness, courage, and valour nothing comparable to you) have nevertheless most constantly endured. For they of PETELINUM, besieged by the Carthaginensians, for want of victual, thrust their parents and children out of the city, the longer to hold out the siege, and lived themselves with hides and leather sod or broiled, and leaves of trees, and many other homely things, by the space of eleven months▪ and could not be overcome until they wanted strength longer to stand upon the walls▪ and to hold their weapons in their hands. They of CASSILINUM besieged by Hannibal, held out until a poor mouse was sold for much money. You must of necessity keep watch and ward in your Stations: if your houses chance to be beaten down with the enemy's artillery, you must have patience: for why, they shall be repaired again, and it is not a matter of such importance, that we should therefore yield unto our enemies▪ in whose courtesy and fidelity no assurance is to be reposed. For besides that he is by nature cruel and unfaithful, he can by no means be gentle and faithful towards us, which have done him so much harm: who only (as he himself saith) have oftentimes to his grief interrupted the course of the victories of him the conqueror both of sea and land; whom he hath so many times assailed by open force with all his strength, wit, craft, deceit, and policy: yet always hitherto in vain, almighty God still protecting us, whom above all things (most dear citizens) I wish you to serve and call upon: For except he keep and defend the city, the watchmen do but watch in vain. This cheerful speech wonderfully encouraged the hearets, especially the vulgar sort, easily carried away with pleasing words. But whilst they in their jollity dream of nothing but of triumph and victory, the wiser sort possessed with care, ceased not to do what in them lay, to procure, That the good commonly forewished, might in fine come to effect. Amongst others, Clement bishop of the greeks, a man both for his place and devout manner of living had in great reputation amongst them, laboured earnestly by daily exhortations to persuade the greeks his countrymen in that great and common danger with heart and hand to join with the Latins in defence of the city: for although the government was altogether in the Great Master and his Knights, which were Latins; yet the people both of the Island and city were for most part greeks, who liked not altogether so well of the Latin government, but that they did many times repine thereat. Howbeit the matter was at that time so ordered by the good persuasion of the bishop, and good government of the Great Master, that they all agreed as one man to spend their lives in defence of the city; and were so far from fear of the coming of the barbarous enemy, that many of the vulgar people, in whom appeareth commonly more heat than wit, wished rather for his coming than otherwise. But look what they had fond wished, proved afterwards to their costs over true. For within a few nights after, the Turks by fire made in the night time upon the main, gave sign of parley unto the Rhodians. Whereupon a galley well appointed, with a long boat, was presently set forth to see what the matter was: which drawing near unto the shore, was hailed by a Turk, accompanied with a troop of horsemen, desiring the captain of the galley to send some on shore, with whom they might more conveniently parley: which thing the captain refusing, What, said the Turk, art thou afraid of Xaycus fortune? To whom the captain in threatening manner answered again, Xaycus whom you have contrary to your faith and oath taken, troubleth me not; neither am I afraid of you, whom I trust not: but if you have any thing to say, let me hear it, or else get you further off, otherwise I will speak to you by the mouth of the cannon. Then one of the Turks coming to the water side, laid down letters upon a stone, saying, that in them was contained that they had in charge: which said, he presently set spurs to his horse, and departed with the rest of his company. The captain sending out his long boat for these letters, found them directed in this sort▪ Solyman by the grace of God, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, most mighty Emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE and TRAPEZONDE, etc. unto the reverend father Philippus Villerius Lilladamus, Great Master of the RHODES, to his knights, and all his people in general▪ The purport of which letter was as followeth: Soliman's threatening letters to the Rhodians. The compassion I have of my distressed subjects, and the great injury you do me, hath moved ●e to wrath. Wherefore I command you without delay to yield unto me the Island and city of the RHODES, willingly and charitably granting you leave safely to depart with all your riches▪ or to tarry if you 〈◊〉 please under my obeisance, your liberty and religion in no part infringed with an●e tribute or imposition. If you be wise, prefer friendship and peace before bloody war: for unto them which are by force subdued, are reserved all extremities which the miserable vanquished use to suffer of the angry conqueror: from which neither your own force, nor foreign aid, nor huge walls, which I will utterly overthrow, shall be able to defend you, fare you well. All which shall assuredly be performed, if you shall make choice rather of my friendship than of my force: wherein you shall neither be deceived nor circumvented; I take to witness God the creator of heaven and earth, the four writers of the evangelical history, the fourscore thousand prophets descended from heaven, & amongst them out highest prophet Mahomet, the reverend ghosts of my father and grandfather, and this my sacred and imperial head. From our palace at CONSTANTINOPLE. When these letters were openly read in the Counsel chamber at the RHODES, some were of opinion, That it was good to answer the Turkish tyrant roundly, thereby to give him to understand that they were not afraid of his threats: othersome thought it no wisdom with hard words to provoke so great an enemy to further displeasure. Thus whilst every man would have framed an answer according to his own disposition, in conclusion it was agreed upon, to give him no answer at all. The same day these letters came to the RHODES, which was the fourteenth day of june, one of the Turks great commanders at sea with thirty galleys, the forerunners of the Turkish fleet, arrived at the Island of CHOS, famous in ancient time for the birth of Hypocrates the great physician, and the wonderful picture of Venus left there unperfited by Apelles, which for the excellency thereof never man durst afterward take in hand to perfect: which fruitful and pleasant Island was then at the arrival of the Turks, part of the dominion of the RHODES. The Admiral of this fleet here landing his Turks, began to burn the corn which was then almost ripe, with the country villages round about. With which injury, Preianes' governor of the Island (a man of great courage and valour) moved, with a chosen company of footmen, and certain troops of horsemen, suddenly set upon the Turks, in divers places disperse abroad far into the country, with such a terrible cry of the country people, and instruments of war, that the Turks being therewith amazed, ran away as if they had been mad, and were many of them slain without resistance; and had not the galleys lain near the shore, to receive them that were able to fly thither, there had not one of them which landed escaped the hands of the Island people. The Turks having received this loss, left the Island, and put to sea again. The Rhodians for fear of the Turks destroy their suburbs & places of pleasure without the city. The Rhodians for the most part now assured and out of doubt of the coming of the Turks, by the persuasion of Gabriel Pomerolus vicemaster, and other men of great experience, pluck down the suburbs of the city, and laid them even with the ground, their pleasant orchards also and gardens nee●e unto the city, they utterly destroyed; the Great Master for example sake beginning first with his own, being a place of great delicacy, lying under the walls near unto the French bulwark: and taking into the city all such things as they thought needful for the enduring of the siege, they utterly destroyed all the rest, were it never so pleasant or commodious, within a mile of the town, leaving all that space as even and bare as they could possibly make it; to the intent, that the enemy at his coming should find nothing near the city whereof to make use. But whilst the pleasures and delights of the suburbs are thus in defacing, another more heavy and woeful sight presented unto the eyes of the citizens, filled the city with greater mourning and pensiveness than did the coming of the enemy. The ●eare of the country people. The miserable multitude of the poor country people, some bringing wood, some corn, some cattle, some fowls, and other such necessaries as they had, out of the country into the city (for so the Great master had commanded) after whom followed great numbers of women and children weeping, with dischiveled hair, scratching their faces and tearing themselves after the manner of the country▪ wring their hands and casting up their eyes to heaven, beseeching God with heavy countenance and floods of tears to defend the noble city of the RHODES and themselves from the fury of their enemies. Which multitude of country people with their provision, being packed up into narrow rooms in the houses of the citizens, and their cattle starving for want of fodder, afterwards corrupted the air; whereof ensued rotten agues and the flux, during the time of the siege. But after the city was given up, such a plague and mortality followed, as destroyed great numbers of the Turks and poor Christians; which knowing not whither to go, chose rather there to die than to forsake their native country. The General of the Turkish fleet which landed in the island of CHOS, and was of purpose sent by Solyman to provoke the Rhodians to battle at sea; before he with his whole power came to besiege the island, came daily with twenty galleys half those narrow seas over, betwixt LYCIA and the RHODES, leaving the rest of his fleet riding at anchor at the promontory called GNIDUM (not far from the city of the RHODES) ready to aid him as need should require: this manner of bravery he used many days together, hoping thereby to allure the Rhodians out of their haven to give him battle; knowing, that if he should therein obtain the victory, it were at that time little less than the taking of the city, or if he could by cruel fight but weaken the forces of the Rhodians, he should therein do his master good service, and greatly further his victory by diminishing the number of the defendants. When he had many days without intermission in this proud manner come half seas over, and sometimes passing further came and lay at the mouth of the haven, as it were daring them to fight: the Rhodians not wont to be so braved at their own doors, moved with the intolerable insolency of this proud Turk, by their continual importunity caused the Great Master to call a counsel, to consider whether they should fight with this fleet of the Turks or not. The counsellors by the appointment of the Great Master assembled: the Chancellor, a man of great authority and spirit, famous for his noble acts both at home and abroad, and chief of them which were of opinion this fleet of the Turks was to be fought withal, said: So great disgrace was not longer to be suffered, The Chancellor his speech, persuading the Rhodians to fight with the Turke● galleys. but presently revenged: For (said he) the huge fleet of the Turks, I do not sat at whose force & sight, but at whose very name many men do tremble and quake (which for all that is unto us no great novelty, for every year we hear of the like) is as a head to be joined unto these piratical galleys, as members; and then will it be most expedient (which will be a most easy thing for us to do, having the better both for strength of shipping and number and valour of men) to give that great head such a blow and wound, by cutting off these limbs, that it shall ever after stagger and faint for want of strength: or else there is no other fleet at all prepared against us to follow this, and then this discomfited we shall be at quiet. Which thing in my judgement (though others which fear their own shadows and the falling of heaven, say otherwise) is most like to be true▪ for the great Turk is not so sottish to come hither, the fittest time of the year being so far spent, in the latter end of june, to besiege this city, and such a city as he knoweth to be most strong, wanting nothing that is needful, and thoroughly manned with valiant soldiers, from whence his ancestors have been with loss and shame repulsed: when as the remainder of the Summer will be spent, before he can encamp himself and place his batteries; and Winter time as you know is unfit for any siege, especially in this island, wherein they can find no haven or harbour to rest in. Wherefore on God's name let us set upon our proud enemies: and let us not for a few threatening words sent unto us from a fearful youth, upon a fineness and policy lest we should follow the tail of his sleet bound for some other place, sit still like cowards within our walls with our hands in our bosoms, as men which for fear and dread durst not show their heads. Which our cowardice and want of courage we (forsooth) call Fabius his policy: but I would to God we were like Fabius, but I fear we shall prove more like Antiochus, the Aetholians, the Vitellians, all whose courage consisted in words, vainly hoping to gain the victory by sitting still and wishing well. But the help of God is not to be gotten by women's prayers and supplications or these fainthearted policies, which cowards call advised counsel: but victory is gained by adventuring and exposing ourselves to danger and peril. With these and such like speeches he so moved the multitude, which commonly conceiveth most courage upon the greatest uncertainties, that they desired that they might fight, saying. That they would wash away that foul disgrace with the blood and slaughter of their enemies; for why, they wanted not weapons, courage, or hands (as they said) to do it withal. For all this, the graver sort of the counsel (without whose consent the master might in such cases do nothing) thought it not good in so dangerous a time to adventure any great part of their forces, which they should afterwards want for the defence of their city. The Turkish general deceived of his expectation, and perceiving that the Rhodians would not be drawn forth to battle at sea, withdrew his fleet twelve miles off, unto a place called VILLANOVA; where casting anchor and landing his men, he burned the corn all thereabouts which was now almost ripe, but forsaken of the people as a thing desperate: as for the people themselves, they were all fled, and had retired themselves either into the city of the RHODES, or else into strong castles in other places of the island. At the same time, certain troops of horsemen sent forth to have skirmished with the Turks that were burning of the corn, were by a messenger sent from the Great master, commanded to retire: The worthy commendation of the Great master. For the provident General sought by all means to reserve his soldiers for greater dangers, which he justly feared in the expected siege: during which time he showed himself a most politic captain and brave soldier, he would many times by day eat his meat with his soldiers as one of them, and most part of the night keep watch himself walking up and down, resting himself when he was weary upon some stone or piece of timber or other homely seat, as it chanced. In time of assault he was always more forward and adventurous than the grave counsellors wished, fearing neither shot nor enemy: yet did he always more commend discreet counsel grounded upon reason, than prosperous actions commended but by their events. And that which a man would wonder at, amongst so many cares in midst of such divers and dangerous chances, he carried always such a grace and majesty in his cheerful countenance, as made him to be of the beholders both reverenced and loved. All the time he could spare from the necessary cares of his weighty charge, from assaults, and the natural refreshing of his body, he bestowed in prayer and serving of God; he did oftentimes spend the greatest part of the night in the church alone praying, his head-piece, gorget and gauntlets lying by him: so that it was commonly said, that his devout prayers and carefulness would make the city invincible. The Turks ●leet descried at sea troubleth the Rhodians. The six and twentieth day of june early in the morning, news was brought into the city from the watchtower standing upon S. Stephen's hill about a mile from the city, That a most huge fleet was descried at sea, making thitherwards all alongst the Western coast of LYCIA. This bad news much troubled the city, although it was not of most men unexpected; all places was filled with tumult and hurly burly, every man measured the greatness of the danger by the measure of his own fear, and such a pitiful cry was in every place as is usually in cities presently to be besieged. Hereupon public prayers were made through all the city, and every man with great devotion besought the God of heaven, That as it was his pleasure that the Rhodians should at that time be the champions of the Christian religion; so he would give them strength and victory against their enemies, and to turn the calamities of war upon the enemies of his name. Their devotion ended, the gates of the city were shut up, and people from all places ran unto the walls, great flocks of women, children, and aged men not able to stand without a staff, going forth of their houses to gaze upon that dreadful fleet (wherein was above 200 sails as is reported) filled the streets, The order of the Turks fle●●. the tops of the high towers and houses. The foremost of the fleet was the Admiral of CALIPOLIS, to whom Solyman had committed the charge of all his name, and to assail the city by sea: The rear admiral was Cara Mahomates an arch pirate, who was afterwards slain with a great shot out of the city. The vice-admiral in the middle of the fleet with a great squadron of galleys, having a fair Westernly wind, struck sail directly before the mouth of the haven (which was on both sides defended with two strong towers well furnished with great artillery) and began to row towards the city: whereupon an alarm was raised, the trumpets sounded, and many hasted unto the bulwark which defended the left side of the haven, which the enemy seemed to direct his course unto; and was indeed more subject to danger than the other. But the Turk seeing himself in danger to be sunk with shot from the bulwark, was glad to get himself farther off unto the rest of the fleet: the Rhodians from the walls with loud outcries scornfully deriding him for his foolish attempt. This great fleet in exceeding bravery and triumph passing by the city in sight of the Rhodians (standing upon their walls with ensigns displayed) did not more terrify them, than they were themselves terrified to behold the strength of the city and cheerfulness of the defendants. But passing on, they came to the promontory which the inhabitants call Bo, about three miles distant from the city, Eastward: which small harbour being not able to receive so great a fleet, many of the galleys were enforced to ride it out at sea, where they were by shot out of the city oftentimes endangered and enforced to get them farther off. Whilst the enemy was there landing his great ordinance and other instruments of war prepared for the siege, choosing a place for his camp, transporting his land soldiers from the main into the island, viewing the strength and situation of the city, and in what place he might with most ease assault the same: the Rhodians in the mean time were not idle, but sunk divers deep sounds in many places of the city near unto the walls, to discover the enemy's mines; and fortified their bulwarks with greater rampires▪ in which work every man put to his helping hand without respect of age or calling. The Great master by his ambassadors craveth aid of the Christian prin●e●. The Grand master about that time sent Lodovicus Andugus one of the knights of the Order, into SPAIN to Charles the emperor; and Claudius Ducenuillus another of the Order also, to ROME to the Cardinals, and Italian knights of the Order; and from thence into FRANCE unto the French king with letters: craving the aid of these Christian princes, for relief of the city by sea and land besieged. But all in vain, for they carried away with the endless grudge of one against another, or respecting only their own estates, returned the ambassadors with good words, without relief. At this time Preianes' Governor of CHIOS (of whom we have before spoken) a man comparable with any of the captains of that age, an excellent soldier both by sea and land, valiant and thereto fortunate, of an invincible courage, brought up in the wars from his childhood; when he had by the space of two or three days hid himself in the rocks at sea, for fear of the Turks great fleet, came by night in a small pinnace to the RHODES, having deceived the Turks watch: at whose coming the Rhodians wonderfully rejoiced, for the soldiers reposed greater confidence in no man than in him: And if any great exploit were to be done, him the Master trusted above any other: The commendation of Prelan●●. he always in arms during the siege, encouraged the soldiers, searched the watch, surveyed the bulwarks, repaired the breaches; and such labours as others accounted extreme miseries, he cheerfully endured, as if they had been but his pleasures and recreation. At the same time also Gabriel Martiningus of BRIXIA, a most skilful engineer, came to the Rhodes out of CRETA; by whose industry and cunning, 55 mines which the Turks did with infinite labour and charge make (by reason of the springing of the water, and hardness of the rocks (during the siege, were all by countermines disappointed and defeated. The city of the RHODES is situation a plain ground, The description of the Rhodes. on every side to be besieged, only Northward it is defended with a goodly haven, from whence it lieth all Westward: betwixt it and the hills round about it, lieth a stony plain ground, not very broad but of greater length; these hills are full of springs, and orchards planted with Olives, Figtrees, Vines, and such other fruits as such dry and sandy ground will bear. But what by nature wanted, was by the hand and industry of man supplied; for it was compassed about with a most strong double wall and deep trenches, threatening the enemy with thirteen stately towers: and sure against all assaults, with five mighty bulwarks: with divers goodly fair gates: and that which was the greatest defence of all, within the city was always kept a most exact and strait form of warlike discipline. The defence of the whole city was thus proportioned: From the French tower (which with the greatness and height thereof seemed to mate the sky) stood the Frenchmen with the French Lilies in their ensigns, under their Commander joannes Abbinus a noble knight of the Order: from thence to S. George's gate lay the stout Germans, with the Eagle in their ensigns: in the third station were placed the French Auergnois, with the Spaniards, for that the ditches in that place were neither so deep nor broad as elsewhere in the fifth place lay the English garrison, over whom the Grand master himself commanded▪ after them succeeded they of NAR●ONA: and last of all the Italians, in valour no● inferior to any of the rest, under the leading of Petrus Ballnus and Gregorius Morgutas. In every one of these stations were divers valiant knights of the Order, whose names (worthy of eternal memory) for brevity we pass over, all men of themselves sufficient to have taken upon them the whole charge. A Turkish woman slave, conspireth to fire the city. The enemy was not busier without the city in placing his battery, but traitorous minds were as busy within to have betrayed the same. A Turkish woman, slave to one of the rich citizens, had conspired with certain other her complices, at such time as the Turks should give assault unto the town, at one instant to set on fire the houses wherein they dwelled in divers places of the city, that the defendants drawn from the walls to quench the fire, the Turks in the mean time might the more easily enter. But this treason was in good time revealed, and the offenders worthily executed. The Turks had not as yet placed their battery, when as they took a certain hill, whereon stood the church dedicated to Cosmus and Damianus, directly over against the English station: from thence (as it seemed, rather for exercising of their soldiers than for any great harm they could do so far off) they began with small battering pieces to shoot into the city: and afterwards they began to dig mines, and to cast up trenches: for the performance of which kind of work, and for the filling up of the town ditches, they had brought with them fifty thousand pioneers, men better acquainted with country labour and keeping of cattle, than with wars; which being enforced unto their labour day and night, sometime with stripes, and sometime with death, did with incredible celerity bring that to pass, which was before thought impossible. They cut ways through the most hard stony rocks, The painfulness of the Turks pioneers. raising the plains as high as mountains, with earth brought two miles off, and laying the mountains even with the plains, and yet they never wrought in safety, but were miserably rend in sunder with the great ordinance out of the town: and that which most of all troubled them, the Rhodians sallying out upon these over-laboured people, having neither courage nor skill to defend themselves, but trusting only to their heels, slew great numbers of them, and not of them only, but of others also appointed for their defence, whom the Rhodians (taking courage of their fear) fiercely pursued & slew downright. And when many others issuing out of the camp in great companies, thought to have relieved their fellows, the great ordinance before of purpose placed to most advantage▪ so thundered from the walls amongst the thickest of them, that the ground lay covered with the bodies and weapons of the dead Turks. With which manner of fight, after the Rhodians had twice or thrice troubled the enemy, the Turks for their more safety wrought most upon their mou●●s by night, keeping most strong watch for defence of their pioneers, which for more assurance they doubled in the day time, and bend their artillery against the places which the Rhodians used to sally out at: which did not so much keep them in, as the fear of weakening themselves by often sallies, knowing that one man was unto them a greater loss, than unto the enemy an hundred. The Turks deceived by the Christian mariners. Amongst others which in the beginning of this great siege forced the uttermost of their devices to the destruction of the Turks, were certain mariners, who having the Turkish language perfectly, by leave of the Grand Master (disguising themselves in the habit of Turks) departed by night out of the haven in a small boat, loaded with apples, plums, pears, melons, grapes, and such other fruits as the time of the year afforded; and in the darkness came alongst the coast, unto that part of the Island whereunto the passage was out of the main. There as if they had been Turks come from the main, they landed their commodities, which the Turkish soldiers bought greedily. When they had thus sold their fruits, and in selling thereof diligently noted the speech and talk of the soldiers concerning the siege, and were now ready to depart; certain Turks which greatly disliked the hard beginning of this siege, seeing themselves if they did but stir, in danger to be fet off with shot out of the town, earnestly requested the mariners to take them with them into the main: which to do, at the first the mariners dissembling, refused, as a thing dangerous: & besides that, their boat was too little to receive so many as would willingly have gone with them. Yet with much ado they suffered themselves to be entreated to take in seven or eight, such a number as they knew they could well master: who in hope of passing over into the main, were (contrary to their expectation) brought prisoners to the RHODES, where they were by Preianes brought up to the top of the highest tower of S. john's church, from whence they might see all about the country, and well descry all the manner of the Turks camp, which they simply discovered unto the captain, and whatsoever else they were demanded: and amongst other things confessed, that the soldiers were greatly discontented with the siege, having in the beginning thereof lost so many men, and that they were ready to rise in mutiny against their captains, and would hardly by them be commanded out of their trenches and cabins, saying, that all they did was but lost labour: and that they should find it another peoce of work to win the RHODES, than they had at BELGRADE: wherefore if they were wise, they should in time depart before they had received further harm both from the enemy, and for want of necessaries, wherewith the soldiers began already to be pinched. All which was then supposed to have been spoken by the captives to please them in whose power they now were: yet it appeared afterwards to be all true. For Pyrrhus' Bassa considering the troubled state of the camp, and the general discontentment of the soldiers, whom he was at that time gladder to please than to punish, writ unto Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE, That if he would the siege should go forward, he should without delay come in person himself to the camp, for that the soldiers without regard of shame were ready to rise in mutiny and to abandon the siege, refusing to be commanded by their captains. In the mean time whilst Solyman prepareth himself to set forward, the Turkish captains understood by certain fugitives (whereof in all wars some are to be found) that the high steeple of S. john's church served them of the town for a watch tower: for which cause, and for despite of the Cross standing upon the top thereof, they laboured nothing more, than with continual shot to beat down that tower; which whilst they were doing with great diligence, Solyman himself came into the camp the 28 day of August in the afternoon: Selimus cometh into the camp. where finding in his army all the signs of cowardice and fear that could be spoken of or devised, and nothing done according to the command of such as he had appointed for that charge, but all things out of order; he took more grief to see that great disorder, than he did pleasure and good hope of two hundred thousand soldiers▪ which were in his army. Yet for all that he was inwardly chafed with the heat of youth and indignation, against his own people as well as the Rhodians, he moderated himself betwixt his own rage and the offence of his soldiers, and calling them together, caused them to be disarmed, not leaving among them so much as a sword: and compassing them in with fifteen thousand arquebusiers whom he had brought with him well appointed, he stepped up into his royal seat, there set on high for the purpose; where sitting down, he paused a good while without any word speaking, as if he had considered with himself, whether he should only punish the authors of the mutiny, or else with the punishment of many to revenge so foul a sedition, little differing from open rebellion. But following in himself, the milder resolution, he thought it sufficient to correct the multitude and common sort of soldiers with sharp and bitter words: and after general silence made, broke out into this choleric speech. Slaves (quoth he) for I cannot find in my heart to call you soldiers, Soliman's choleric Oration to his souldior●s. What kind of men are you now become? are you Turks? men wont both to fight and overcome? verily I see the bodies, countenances, attire, and habit of my soldiers; but the deeds, speeches, counsels and devices of cowardly and vile traitors. Alas how hath my opinion deceived me? that Turkish force and courage is gone, the valour and strength both of bodies and minds, wherewith the Arabians, Persians, Syrians, Egyptians, Serutans, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Epirotes, Macedonians and Thracians were subdued, is lost: forgetting your country, your oath, the command of your captains, your obedience, and all other warlike discipline, you have against the majesty of my empire refused to fight, like cowards betaken yourselves to flight, for vain fear of death and danger, not beseeming men of war. If any man should at home but have named the RHODES in your feasts, amongst your pots, in your assemblies or great meetings, you could then with your tongues brag to pull it down, you had much ado to hold your hands: here when I would make proof of your force and courage, it is nothing. But you thought perhaps, that the Rhodians so soon as they saw your ensigns before their gates, would straightway yield themselves and their city into your power: Let all men cease so to say or think, and believe me that know the truth, This base and infamous den (which you see) is full of most cruel beasts, whose madness you shall never tame without much labour and bloodshed. Yet shall we tame them; for why nothing is so wild but it may at length be tamed: which except I bring to pass, I am fully resolved and have vowed unto myself, Either here to die or spend my days: and if ever I do or say otherwise, let this my head, my fleet, mine army, and empire, be for ever accursed and unfortunate. And so without further speech, desiring rather to be accounted of his soldiers gentle than severe, he pardoned them all their former offences, and swore them all again to his obedience. This mutiny so appeased, all things were afterwards done with better success and greater care both of the souldious and commanders. First they planted in divers places twelve great bombards, wherewith they threw up stones of huge weight into the air, which falling down into the city, might break down the houses and whatsoever else they lighted upon: with the fall of one of these, Apella, a tra●●or. the Great master was like to have been slain. Howbeit this proved a devise of more terror than danger, for with 200 such shot were but ten men slain; which thing amongst others, Apella a traitorous fugitive declared unto the enemy, with whom he had intelligence, as he himself confessed being taken upon suspicion and examined: for which his treason he was justly executed. The Turks battery. The force of the battery was more feared, wherein the Turks had planted forty great pieces of battery, and amongst them twelve Basilisks (so aptly named of the serpent Basilis●●●, who as Pliny writeth, killeth man or beast with his sight) with these pieces the Turks battered the walls continually; but lying somewhat far off, did no great harm. At the same time also Solyman caused battery to be laid against the tower of Saint Nicholas, standing upon a narrow piece of ground pointing far into the sea, defending the haven upon the right hand, where sometime stood the great Colossus of the Sun, accounted the greatest amongst the seven wonders of the world. Which castle was both strongly and sumptuously built at the charges of the Dukes of BURGUNDY, as appeared by their arms there engraven in many places in marble. This tower was valiantly defended by Guido a French man, who had the charge thereof, with 300 soldiers, amongst whom were 30 knights of the Order. The Turks artillery planted against that tower, was by the skilfulness of the Christian canoneers in short time dismounted with shot from the tower, and many of the gunner's slain: so that they were glad to surcease any more to batter the tower by day, but lying still all the day they began to batter the same by night, wherein they prevailed no more than they had before done in the day time; for the defendants warily observing such places as were likest for the enemy to place his battery in, did so aptly place their ordinance against the same, and to so good purpose, that the Turks swore, heir doings were by some means discovered unto the enemies. So when they had in vain bestowed 500 great shot, and made a small breach which they durst not once attempt to enter, they shamefully abandoned that place also. All this while Pyrrhus was busy in working of mines to undermine the city, two and thickie of which mine's the defendants frustrated with countermines; in which kind of work many were lost on both sides: yet for all the carefulness of the Christians, the English bulwark was underminded by the enemy, The English bulwark blown up. and upon the fourth day of September part thereof blown up, with such violence, that unto them in the city it seemed at the first to be a general earthquake; and therewith divers English men were there overwhelmed. The Turks attempting presently to enter, were by the Grand master and his followers with great slaughter repulsed. But Mustapha the Bassa coming on with fresh supplies, and crying out of the cowardice of them which retired, renewed the assault: where for a while was fought a most sharp and cruel fight, the leaders cheerfully encouraging their soldiers, and they likewise doing what was possible for men to do. All men's ears were filled with the thundering of the shot, noise of trumpets and drums, and crying of men. And unto the Turks it seemed that over their heads it reigned deadly shot, stones, and fire: for the townsmen and women mingled with the soldiers cast down upon the Turks, fire, stones, timber, and whatsoever else came to hand: so that they unable longer to endure the courage and force of the Christians, turned their backs and ran away by heaps, not expecting any sign of retreat, every man seeking to save one: amongst whom as they fled, the great ordinance shot off from the walls made a wonderful slaughter. At this assault of the Turks were slain (as some write) almost 2000, and amongst them the master of the Turks ordinance, a man whom Solyman greatly loved: which victory the Christians gained not without some loss; for besides some few others that were slain, fifty knights of the Order (men worthy of eternal memory) there ended their days also. The Turks assault the English bulwark the second time, and are again repulsed. The fifth day after (which was the ninth day of September) Solyman by the persuasion of M●stapha the great Bassa, commanded a fresh assault to be given to the English bulwark, which was attempted by the Turks with greater resolution than the first. Seven ensigns of the Turks were broken in by the ruins of the bulwark, and had enforced the defendants, oppressed with number to give ground, when the Grand master coming in with the ensign of the Order, guarded with a company of most valiant knights, drove them out again by force, and made good the place. Mustapha seeing his men retire, courageously restored the battle by bringing on of new supply, and other captains with threats, strokes, and terror of death, enforced the soldiers (who had before turned their backs) now again to fight. So that there began a more cruel fight than had before been from the beginning of the siege; which was unto the Christians more dangerous, for that they were overwhelmed with the multitude of the Turkish shot. But in that extremity no man regarded either danger, or life, only this they remembered, That those were their barbarous enemies, whom they must either victoriously overcome or die therefore: with which fury the assault was continued by the space of three hours, until at length Mustapha with his Turks discouraged, with the loss of 2000 of their fellows, and of three great noble men whom Solyman especially favoured, and sore beaten by the Spaniards out of their flankers, were enforced to retire. Few of the Christians in respect of so many enemies were slain: yet had the ensign of the Order been then lost, joachimus Cluys the ensign bearer having both his eyes shot out, had not Emericus Ruiaulx an Auernois and one of the knights of the Order, with incredible courage rescued the same. After this second assault, Mustapha Bassa falleth into disgrace with Solyman. falling out so unluckily to the Turks, Mustapha the great Bassa began to grow in contempt with Solyman: and Pyrrhus to keep his credit by doing something, with continual battery of 17 great pieces did batter the mount near unto the Italian bulwark. At which time also Cassius, Governor of BYTHINIA, another of the Turks great commanders, laboured by undermining to have overthrown the French bulwark: so glad they were to attempt any thing to content their imperious great lord and master. But the endeavours of Cassius was by countermines through the careful diligence of Gabriel Chierus, having charge of those works, frustrated: and Pyrrhus in the other place after he had by hot assault slain them which were appointed for the defence thereof, and gained the mount, and brought a great fear upon the city, was again with great loss shamefully repulsed, and by the commandment of Solyman caused to retire. At this assault the Governor of EUBOEA, Solyman his lieutenant general, a man of great honour (if any of the Turks slaves are so to be accounted) was slain, for whose death Solyman was exceeding pensive and heavy. Mustapha the Bassa finding himself in disgrace with Solyman for the two unfortunate assaults by him given at the English station, The English bulwark assaulted the third time by Mustapha. determined if it were possible by a third to recover his lost credit: and for his better success therein, agreed with Achimetes another great Commander, at the same time to assault the Spanish bulwark: according to this resolution Achimetes having with a mine suddenly blown up a great part of the wall of the Spanish station, in the thick of the dust and smoke, presently entered his men, who by the ruins of the wall recovered the top of the rampires. Mustapha also at the same instant hardly charged the English, so that in both places was made a hard and doubtful fight. Mustapha desiring nothing more than with better success now to redeem his former dishonour, did what he might to encourage his soldiers, calling upon them by name, and putting them in remembrance of their former victories. The Rhodians on the other side mindful of their former honour, with the greatness of the present danger, valiantly repulsed the enemy, and forced him with shame to retire. In this assault many English men were slain, and Preianes also sore hurt, having before slain many of the Turks. Mustapha beside the loss of his men, had also two of his ensigns taken by Christophorus Vualderick Comendatour of the german knights. The Turks ensigns advanced to the top of the walls are again cast down. Achimetes having won the top of the walls, had there set up the Turkish ensigns; but by the valiantness of the defendants, and by means of certain small pieces of ordinance, by Martiningus aptly placed in the houses before the new made breach, and by force of shot out of the flankers on both sides of the breach, whereof none fell in vain, he was again enforced to forsake the walls and to retire. The three and twentieth day of September the Turkish captains hoping by means of a mine which they had made against the Auvergne bulwark, to enter and win the city; approaching the walls with great multitudes of soldiers, ready to have entered upon the blowing up of the mine, which being met with a countermine out of the city, wrought not such effect as was by them expected: so that having received some harm, standing in a place of great disadvantage, and done nothing, they returned again into the camp. Yet the expert captains probably conjecturing that the wall might be inwardly shaken by the mine, although it were not by them outwardly perceived, caused that part of the wall to be most violently battered all the rest of that day and night following: and by the fury of their artillery, made a fair and large breach. All that night was heard in the Turks camp an unwonted clattering of weapons, and of men running too and fro, Another breach made in the walls. as if there had been some great matter a doing; which the Rhodians conjectured (as the truth was) to be a sign of some great assault to be shortly given. Solyman resolved the next day with all his force to assault the new made breach, after he had by himself in a melancholy mood walked up and down in his tent a great part of the night, sent for the chief commanders of his army, to whom he declared his mind as followeth: Your valour and wisdom (worthy captains) needeth not any exhortation, yet the desperate madness of our enemies maketh me to speak unto you these few words. Who whilst they yet do, as from the beginning, as men without reason desperately defend their city rend with our artillery, shake● with our mines, their churches and houses beaten down about their ears, wearied and worn out with slaughter, labour, and wounds, which must needs befall men so often times assaulted: they worthily seem unto our soldiers men of invincible force and courage; which opinion to have removed, much concerneth the happy and wished success of our assault. Wherefore I would have you with effectual persuasion & bountiful promises to hearten on our men to the winning of this city. Besides this, you shall open unto them my purpose and intent, and that they should not think that they are brought hither to besiege one city: but that in taking this one, they shall upon the matter make a way into all the dominions of the Christians. Here be the kinsmen, alliance, and friends of all the kings, princes and potentates of Christendom: here is all our enemy's treasure, the spoil whereof promised unto our soldiers may serve to great purpose to encourage them forward: here is store of ordinance, armour, and other warlike provision, which shall both furnish us, and in time to come miserably confound the rest of the Christians. We shall beside this, enjoy a most goodly and rich city, with a hau●● of all other most commodious, from whence all things necessary for war may at all times as occasion shall require▪ by land and sea be supplied: which as they shall be to us things of great importance, so shall we despoil our enemies of far greater. This is their castle, storehouse, treasury and armory: this is the very receptacle & place of refuge for all such as trouble the Turks by sea: from hence shall we have free scope and passage into APULIA, CALA●RIA, SICILIA, and many other Christian countries. But as for yourselves valiant captains, when as I consider how that you have within these few months by your valour and wisdom subdued unto my empire the strong city of BELGRADE, which my great grandfather Mahomet that mighty emperor could not with all his power get▪ I rest in great hope that these fierce and obstinate Christians shall not long be able to defend themselves in these their dens and lurking places. Having ended this speech, the captains every one unto his company, made known what the great emperors will and pleasure was; and open proclamation made thorough all the camp, wherein the spoil of that rich city was all granted unto the soldiers as a prey and reward for the pains they were to take. Solyman heavy with sleep and care, laid himself down upon his pallet to take his rest. But the Great master (to whom the unaccustomed stir of the enemy portended some great matter) all that night in arms painfully viewed every part of the city, cheerfully encouraging his soldiers to remember, That they did watch for the safety of their country, their lives and liberty. It fortuned the same night, that a poor Christian serving a Turk in the camp, calling secretly unto the watchmen upon the walls, gave them warning that the Turks▪ prepared the next day to give a general assault unto the city. Which thing when the Great master understood, because he would have nothing done rashly or fearfully (as it commonly happeneth in things done upon the sudden) called together his knights, and spoke unto them as followeth. The Great master his oration unto his knights. I am glad sacred companions and fellows in arms, that the time is come when in one battle gr●ting unto yourselves great honour, and defending your country, you may be justly acco●●●ed the worthy defenders and revengers of the Christian commonweal and name. The people against whom we are to fight to morrow, assaileth us only presuming upon their multitude: But if we measure valour, not by number, but by courage and prowess, undoubtedly a few resolute men will easily overcome a multitude of cowards. You know your enemy, and the manner of his fight▪ you are to fight (most worthy knights) with them whom you have always vanquished at sea, and in just battle sometimes overcome by land, at such time as with their whole power they assaulted your walls: omitting in the mean time many hot skirmishes, wherein you ever put them to the worst: Wherefore you and they in the assault to morrow shall have such courage, as conquerors and men conquered use to have. Neither will they fight because they dare fight, but because the great tyrant and violent command of their captains enforceth them thereunto. Wherefore remembering what you are by birth, what opinion the Christian commonwealth hath conceived of you, where you are, and what you have taken upon you; take up your arms with just fury and indignation, and fight against them, following one frantic youth, as if you saw your slaves bearing arms against you: whereunto you are enforced, not only by the indignity of the wrong by them offered, but also by necessity, which of itself is of power to make cowards valiant and hardy. For here we are in an Island from whence we cannot escape, and in a city, whose rent and battered walls do not so much protect and defend us, as our weapons: wherefore to morrow we must here either vanquish them, or die therefore: to morrow shall give unto us either joyful victory, or a most honourable death. As he was yet thus speaking, news of the approach of the enemy caused him to make an end: and every man hasted with speed unto the place of his charge. The enemy coming fast on▪ with a most horrible cry (as their manner is) fiercely assailed the city in five places, The Turks assault the city in five places at once. where the English, Spanish, Italians, Narbonenses, and Auergnoys had their stations. To the assault of every of which places, Solyman had appointed ten thousand Turks. Mustapha the Bassa calling upon the name of his great prophet Mahomet, and promising unto the soldiers the rich spoil of the city, fiercely assailed the English station, from whence he had been three times before shamefully repulsed. Pyrrhus' the other great Bassa with like fury assaulted the Italian station. In both places was maintained a cruel and deadly fight; the Turks fight for the prey, and the Rhodians for their lives and liberty. The Rhodians valiantly de●end the city. Neither was there any, of what degree or order soever, which did not that day fight for defence of the city. The priests and religious were not then exempted, but fought among the other soldiers; women, children, and with them the aged fathers, beyond the strength of their bodies and courage of their minds, brought weapons unto the defendants, some stones, which they had digged out of the streets, some burning pitchbarrels, some hoops with wild fire, some scalding oil, some boiling pitch: which being cast down upon the enemies, troubled them so, as nothing was more feared; for upon whomsoever it fell, it stuck fast, and so scalded their bodies, that they were glad to cast down their weapons to tear off their clothes, wherewith many of them rend off the skin and flesh also. All which things fell so thick upon the Turks, as if it had reigned fire and stones: besides the deadly shot, which amongst such a multitude of enemies never fell in vain. The Great Master having a careful e●e over every part of the city, after he had well relieved the Italian station, which was at the first hardly distressed by Pyrrhus, left there Antonius Monterollus, one of the knights of the Order, with such company as he thought convenient for the safety of that place, and went himself with the rest unto the English station, which was then hardly laid to by the Bassa Mustapha. But whilst he was there busied in repulsing the enemy, and had now well relieved the place, a sudden cry ran alongst the walls, That the Spanish bulwark was already possessed by the enemy. With which heavy news he was not a little troubled, but leaving there Emericus Gombaulus, one of the knights of the Order, with a chosen company of soldiers for defence of that place; he with his guard hasted unto the Spanish station, which he found by a wonderful chance already taken by the enemy. In the beginning of the assault, certain Turks to shun the danger of the shot, had for fear hidden themselves at the foot of this bulwark amongst the stones, The Spanish bulwark taken by the Turk●▪ which had before been beaten down with the battery: in the mean time, other Turks of the same regiment, under the leading of the valiant captain Achimetes, hotly charged the Spaniards on the right hand of the bulwark, not meddling with the bulwark itself, as a thing of greatest strength: the valiant soldiers appointed for the defence of the bulwark, seeing their fellows and countrymen distressed fast by them on the right hand, could not endure to stand still as lookers on, but left the bulwark, and went to the place so hardly assaulted. Where whilst they were valiantly encountering the enemy, the cowardly Turks who had before hid themselves for fear, hearing all silent over their heads, and thereby guessing (as the truth was) that the defendants were drawn thence unto some other place more distressed; to colour their fear, and prove their good fortune, like tall fellows, crept out of the holes wherein they had before for fear hidden themselves, and secretly crawling up the battered walls of the bulwark, got into it before they were discovered: where finding none but a few soldiers (who busied in removing of a great piece unto a place more convenient for the annoying of the enemy, had laid down their weapons) they suddenly set upon them, slew them, overthrew the Christian ensigns, and so became masters of that strong fort. The Turks without seeing that, wonderfully commended the valour of those men, and blaming themselves of cowardice, made great halt through the midst of the town ditch to get up into the bulwark to help their fellows. But in going through the ditch, they were so cut off with shot on both sides out of the flankiers, that few of them could get up into the desired bulwark. And the Great Master with a crew of valiant soldiers, nothing fearing the armed enemy, now in possession of the bulwark over their heads, with great resolution scaled the same. The Spanish bulwark again recovered. In the mean time Hugo Caponus, a Spaniard, and Me●●tius a Frenchman, both knights of the Order, with a company of Cretensian soldiers broke into the bulwark by a gate which the Turks had not as yet bolted, and being once got in, they made of the Turks a quick dispatch; for whom they slew not with the sword, they enforced to mischief themselves for haste back again over the walls. The bulwark thus again recovered, which had been two hours in possession of the enemy, and the city delivered of a wonderful fear, the Great Master (well worthy of that name) leaving a sufficient number of soldiers fo● the keeping of that fort, went with the rest of his company unto the place where the Spaniards with the rest of the defendants sore charged by Achimetes, and now wearied and almost spent, had much ado to hold out: who encouraged with the sight of the Great Master, as if victory had attended upon him, with great cries and signs of joy valiantly and with great slaughter repulsed their enemies, as if they had been fresh men. Long it were to recount the deadly fight and hard adventures which befell at the assault of the other two stations of the Auergnoys and N●bornenses: but the Turks were in every place put to the worst, and lay by heaps slain in the ditches and breaches of the town. The Turks give over the assault. Solyman from his standing (for that purpose made of high masts) beholding the miserable slaughter of his men, and no hope of gaining the city, caused a retreat to be sounded, a thing welcome both to the Rhodians and the Turks. In this terrible assault, which endured by the space of six hours, divers of the knights of the Order were slain, especially of the French and Spanish nation, with a hundred and fifty common soldiers, all worthy of eternal fame: and of the Turks (as they which write most modestly report) twenty thousand. The young tyrant was so much offended with the shameful repulse he had received at this last assault, that he fell into a rage against all them who had persuaded him to enter into that action, but especially against the great Bassa Mustapha, whom he accused as an unfaithful counsellor, and chief persuader of that unlucky war; who flattering him in his vain humour, by extolling his forces above measure, & falsely extenuating the power of the enemy, assuring him that upon the first approach of his army they would yield themselves without resistance, had drawn him into that dangerous expedition, like to sort to the great dishonour of himself and all the Ottoman family: for which doing he adjudged him worthy of death, and in a great fury commanded the executioner without further delay to put him to death in his presence. Solyman in his fury commandeth the two great Bassas, Mustapha and Pyrrhus to be put to death. Which dreadful doom so suddenly and upon so light an occasion given upon a man of so great mark and quality, struck such a terror into the minds of all there present, that none of them durst speak one word against the rigour of that sentence, or so much as fet a sigh in pitying of his case. The executioner now ready to give the fatal stroke, Pyrrhus the most ancient of all the Bassas, moved with compassion, and presuming of his great favour with the tyrant, whom he had from his childhood had the charge and government of, stepped forth, and appealing unto his mercy, earnestly requested him to spare his life. Wherewith Solyman was so filled with wrath and indignation, that for his presumption, and for sending for him to CONSTANTINOPLE, to come to that dangerous siege, he commanded him to be executed also. All the rest of the counsellors seeing the danger of these two great men, fell down at the feet of the fuming tyrant, craving pardon, The Bassas spared at the intercession of the other counsellors. saying, That the enemy's ground had already drunk too much of the Turkish blood, and was not to be further moistened with the blood of such two noble personages and worthy counsellors. Solyman moved with this general intercession of his great men, pausing a little upon the matter, the heat of his fury being something over, suffered himself to be entreated, and granted them their lives: unto Pyrrhus for his great age and wisdom, and to Mustapha for his wives sake, who was the tyrant's natural sister, sometime the wife of Bostanges. All the time of this siege, the Turks great fleet, furnished with men and all manner of warlike provision, lay before the entrance of the haven without doing any thing at all: for the Admiral being no man of war, seeing the mouth of the haven chained, and the castles upon the entrance full of ordinance, Solyman displaceth his Admiral, & punisheth him as a slave. and strongly manned, durst not attempt either to enter the haven, or besiege the castles: for which his cowardice, and for that he had negligently suffered provision both of victual and munition to be conveyed into the city during the time of the siege, to the great relief of the besieged, he was by Solyman adjudged to die a most cruel death: but by the mediation of Achimetes, one of his best men of war, the severity of that sentence was changed into a punishment, unto any noble mind more grievous than death itself: For he was by Soliman's commandment openly set upon the poop of the admiral galley, and there as a slave received at the hands of the executioner a hundred stripes with a cudgel, and so with shame was thrust out of his office. After that Solyman had in so many places with all his power so long time in vain besieged the RHODES, Solyman exceedingly grieved with the repulse and loss receipted at the siege of th● Rhodes, was upon point to have left the same. his haughty courage began to quail; so that he was upon point to have raised his siege, and left the Island, yea the grief he had conceived, went so near him, that he many times fainted and lay speechless, as if he had been a dead man. The remembrance of so many unfortunate assaults, the death of so many worthy captains, the loss of so many valiant soldiers (sufficient to have subdued a great kingdom) so much grieved him, that a great while after he shunned the company of men, and would not suffer himself to be spoken withal: until at length he was again by Abraham his minion, a man in whom he took singular pleasure, recomforted, and persuaded to continue the siege; for that Time (as he said) which worketh all things, would at length tame the fierceness of his enemies, whom the sword could not upon the sudden subdue. In the mean time Solyman for his pleasure, and to show unto the Rhodians, that he purposed not to depart, began to build a sumptuous castle upon the top of the mount PHILERMUS in the eye of the city. During which time divers letters were shot into the city with Turkish arrows out of the camp, wherein many of Soliman's most secret counsels were revealed, and the revolt of a great man promised, which the Rhodians by many circumstances gathered to have been Mustapha, who could not easily forget the injury so lately offered unto him by Solyman: needs it must be some one of Soliman's secret counsel, otherwise he could not have revealed so great secrets as it were out of the bosom of Solyman. But see the chance, at the very same time tidings came unto Solyman, That Cayerbeius the governor of EGYPT was dead: in whose place Solyman sent Mustapha to CAIRO, as governor of EGYPT, by that honourable preferment again to please his discontented mind: after which time no more letters came into the city. Now the Turks began to make fair wars, their terrible batteries began to grow calm, and for certain days it seemed by the manner of their proceeding, that they purposed rather by long siege than by assault to take the town. Nevertheless the enemies watching day and night in their trenches, used all the policy they could, sometimes offering unto the soldiers upon the walls great rewards, if they would yield up the city, and sometimes threatening them as fast: and to breed a dislike amongst the defendants, they would oftentimes say, that Solyman desired only to be revenged upon the Latins, without meaning any harm unto the greeks. It was now the beginning of October, and Winter began to grow fast on, great rain, with terrible thunder and lightning, and mighty tempests, heavens threats, than fell so abundantly, that the Turks before wearied in body with labour and wounds, were now also in mind discouraged. And that more increased their fear, the sea was grown so rough, that the admiral was not able in that open and dangerous sea longer to ride it out with his galleys: but was enforced to slip his anchors, Achimetes promiseth to make a way for Solyman into the city. and as he might to run his galleys on ground. In these troubles wherewith both Solyman himself and all his army were at furthest of their wits, and almost quite discouraged, Achimetes one of his most valiant and expert captains came to comfort him, and promised if he would continue the siege, in short time to make him an open way into the city: Upon confidence whereof, Solyman to encourage his fainting soldiers, now scarce able for cold and lack of courage to hold their weapons in their hands, caused them to be assembled before his pavilion, where from a high place he comforted them in this ●ort: Solyman comforteth his soldiers and persuadeth them with patience to endure the siege. I am not ignorant (most valiant soldiers) what great things you endure for mine honour, and the glory of mine empire. This continual threatenings of the heavens, this immoderate rain, this terrible thunder and lightning, the coldness of the weather, the want of necessaries, with the manifold miseries of this long siege, do much persuade me, to give you leave to lay down arms and to take your rest. But first let us consider if unto men of courage it be not a dishonour, for the tediousness of rain and tempest, to leave unto our enemies the victory already in our hands, and shamefully to forsake our trenches, forts, mounts, overtopping not only the walls of the city but mating the heavens, with such other like work made with my infinite charge and your great travel, all for the taking of this city. Truly this war either should not have been taken in hand at all; or being once begun, is to be ended for the honour of the Ottoman empire. Which for so much as it could not be accomplished in Summer; the reputation of mine empire in common, and the regard of the commodity of every one of you in private, enforceth me to perform it in Winter. For if we shall from hence depart with our army, who doubts but the enemy, not only for desire of revenge, but also strained by necessity, having lost all he had of his own, will pray upon your countries, houses, and goods, and will bring you, your wives, and children, into a far more miserable slavery and bondage than that wherein he himself now is? Wherefore I advise you to continue the siege, and never to depart before you have attained unto the end of your desires. And admit there were no necessity in the matter, yet the honour and fame of the action ought to impose upon you a resolution both of body and mind to endure the siege: For the eyes and countenances of all nations, especially the Christians, are fixed upon you; whom when they shall understand not to be able to endure the field one Winter, they will of right call you Summer birds, which so soon as any storm ariseth look after your houses and places of repose. It is reported, that the Grecians for a strumpet besieged TROY ten years; and shall not the Turks, vexed and oppressed with slaughter, robberies, invasions both by sea and land, and that more is with the servitude of 214 years, endure one Winter's siege? They will say, that the terror of your name is but vain, and that fame hath increased the same (as many other things more) which not seen, are more feared in far countries amongst men of small experience: And that now every man may safely enough abide your force, which make your invasions rather upon a fury and bravery than upon any good resolution, which in all kind of war (but especially in besieging of cities) is most necessary: whereof many being by natural situation and fortification impregnable, time hath with her handmaids, Famine and Thirst, overcome and vanquished, as it shall do this city of the RHOD●S: against which beloved in arms there is a secret mischief prepared, which may not in this open audience be published; for it is as necessary that the vulgar sort should be ignorant of some things, as to know the same. Many thought, that this was spoken rather of policy than upon any good ground: and although his hot persuasion had little moved the cold courage of his despairing soldiers, yet the regard of duty in that most loyal nation, with the greedy expectation of so great a secret, overcame all other difficulties; so that they departed (at leastwise in show) contented to endure whatsoever should befall. Achimetes winneth the Vaumures of the Auvergne bulwark, raiseth a strong penthouse against the wall, and so undermineth the same. Achimetes author of this great expectation, and the only hope of Soliman's success, came oftentimes and assailed the Vaumures of the Auvergne station, which although they were not very high, yet were they always valiantly defended by the Rhodians. It fortuned, that this warlike captain daily attempting the Vaumures, in the end by force obtained the same: and so possessed of the place he so much desired, desperately kept it until greater help came running in, who with wonderful expedition (with matter for that purpose before prepared) clapped up a strong and defensible covering in manner of a penthouse against the town wall, betwixt the wall and the vaumure, under which they shrouded themselves from the defendants; which was an easy matter for such a multitude to do, the ditches of the town in that place being now filled up so high, that the defendants could not out of their flankers scour the ditch, nor yet without manifest danger come to cast any thing down upon them from the top of the walls: for the Turks arquebusiers which lying upon their mounts, higher than the battered walls of the city, suffered none to appear upon them without danger. So that the Rhodians who erst thought themselves at great quiet, were now overtaken with a sudden and unexpected mischief: which at the first filled the city with fear and heavy silence, which straightways after broke out into pitiful outcries and lamentations. The Turks lurking under their penthouse, laboured with mattocks and pickaxes to dig up the foundation of the wall; and Preianes forward and courageous to do what might be done, threw down upon the Turks, fire, scalding oil, burning pitch, wildfire and such things. But when the miserable men which shrunk from the work for fear of the fire, were again beaten forward by their imperious commanders, and presently slain if they made any delay, and fresh men still thrust on in steed of such as weet hurt or slain: the fatal work begun the seventh day of October, went apace forward, with the great & continual labour of these wretched slaves. A great number of the common soldiers whom the Turks call Asapi was employed in this work: The miserable state of the common soldiers of the Turks▪ and the small account is made of them. of whom Solyman in this siege of the RHODES, and other his expeditions, made not much more account but as of pioneers to work in mines and to cast up trenches, and oftentimes with their bodies to fill town ditches to make a way for the janissaries to pass over upon: they by the constraint of Achimetes undermined the wall, and as they wrought, shoared up the same again with timber, whereunto they afterwards set fire, hoping by that means to overthrow the wall: which falling not out according to their expectation, for that they had not far enough undermined it, they assayed with great hooks and strong ropes to have pulled it down. But the Rhodians with their great ordinance from the Auvergne bulwark; quickly put them from that mad work with great slaughter, and frustrated all their long labour. Achimetes thus disappointed of his purpose, stood in great doubt whether he should give over the enterprise, for that he saw he laboured in vain, or else in that dangerous place to expect some better hap, the only mean to save him from the tyrant's heavy displeasure; who as he knew measured all things by the event. Solyman understanding by Achimetes that the wall (although it was not overthrown as was expected) was yet sore shaken and weakened with undermining, caused his battery to be planted against that part of the wall so undermined: which so many ways weakened, and now sore battered, fell down daily more and more. For remedy whereof, the Rhodians laboured day and night to raise a new wall, in steed of that which was beaten down. At the same time Solyman persuaded by the general opinion of all his great captains, that the city was that day or never to be taken, determining to give another general assault, caused proclamation to be made thorough his camp: wherein he gave the spoil of the city unto his soldiers, and the more to encourage them, spoke unto them in few words as followeth. Fortune at length valiant soldiers, Solyman encourageth his soldiers to afresh assault. having notably proved your courage and patience, now offereth unto you the worthy rewards of your labour and pains. The victory and wealth of your enemies which you have so much desired, is now in your hands. Now is it the time to make an end of this apparel people, of whom more are slain than left alive; and they not men, but the shadows and ghosts of men, feeble and spent with hunger, wounds, wants, and labour: who will I know resist you, not because they so dare, but because of necessity they so must, enforced thereunto with all extremities. Wherefore now revenge yourselves of the falsehood, cruelty, & villainies of these Christians, and make them a woeful example to all posterity, that never man hereafter presume to offer injury to a Turk, in whatsoever state he be. The way is already open into the city, there is a fair breach made▪ whereby thirty horsemen may at once enter: nothing wanteth but courage in you to assail the same. The soldiers encouraged with this speech of their emperor, made great show of cheerfulness, and promised to do their uttermost devoir, threatening unto the Christian's most horrible death and miserable captivity. In the mean time the great shot flying continually thorough the breach, did beat down many houses in the city; but the countermure new built against the breach standing upon a lower ground, it seldom touched, to the great good of the Rhodians. The rattling of the falling houses, the horrible noise of the enemy, with the thundering of the great artillery, wonderfully terrified the miserable citizens: in every place was heard the lamentation of women and children, every thing showed the heaviness of the time, and seemed as altogether lost and forlorn. The day thus troublesomely spent, the night followed much more troublesome; and after the night, the day of the assault of all other most dreadful: for with the dawning thereof, the glistering ensigns of the enemy were seen flying in the wind, and the Turks cheerful with the hope of spoil and victory, hasted towards the breach with great outcries and songs, after their country manner: and there before one of the gates of the city called S. Ambrose gate, set down a great number of their ensigns decked with garlands, in token of victory. The Turks great fleet also at the same time sailing too and fro before the haven, made show as if it would have assailed the city on that side: The distressed estate of the Rhonians, and their courageous resolution therein. who had seen the city so beset, would have said that it would at one instant have been besieged both by sea and land; and to most men's judgements, it seemed that the Rhodian state should that day have taken end and been destroyed. Yet for all these extremities, the Rhodians were nothing discouraged, but looking upon their weapons as the only remainders of their hopes, not regarding any danger, upon the alarm given came running out of their houses by heaps unto the walls, like desperate men opposing their bodies in steed of the battered walls against their enemies in defence of their country. There needed neither exhortation nor command of captain, every man was unto himself a persuader to fight valiantly in defence of the city; and one of them propounded unto another the cruel death, the miserable servitude, the mocks and taunts they should endure, if they should chance to come into the proud enemy's hand: all which was to be avoided either by honourable victory or death. The Turks conducted by Achimetes, fiercely assailed the breach, which was by the Rhodians (standing upon the ruins of their walls) valiantly defended. In the mean time, the dismayed matrons and maidens, some in their houses with heavy hearts expected the woeful destruction of the city and themselves, other▪ some in the churches with floods of tears and lamentable cries, poured forth their prayers to the Almighty, craving his help in that their hard distress, and to protect them against their barbarous enemies. The deadly fight at the breach, was on both sides with great courage and force maintained. The Turks were in good hope forthwith to win the city, if they did but a little more strain themselves: and therefore to terrify the Rhodians the more, oftentimes in their fight gave out most terrible outcries: and the Rhodians accounted the Turks as good as vanquished, for that they being so many in number, and in a place of such indifferency, had not yet prevailed: beside that, they were greatly encouraged with the greatness of the common danger, and the sight one of another's valour: so that by their invincible courage the Turks were enforced shamefully to retire. The Rhodians seeing their enemies turn their backs, gave a great shout in derision of them: the Turks disdaining that they in number many (and now victors, if they should with a little resolution maintain the assault they had begun) should be so derided of a handful of men as good as already vanquished; with great indignation returned again to the breach, and more furiously assailed the Rhodians than at the first. At which time the city had undoubtedly been taken, had not they which defended the ends of the wall, yet standing on both sides of the breach, out of their baricadoes with their shot overwhelmed the Turks thronging in at the breach; and others with murdering shot out of the flankiers of the new built wall so 〈◊〉 them in sunder, that a greater slaughter for the time was hardly in any place seen. Achimetes beholding the wonderful slaughter of his soldiers, and that he fought with great disadvantage and loss, against desperate men, who resolving to die feared no danger, gave over the assault, and again retired: leaving behind him in the breach and town ditch the carcases of five thousand of his dead Turks, besides many more which afterwards died upon the hurts there received. This assault was given unto the town the last day of November, a day dedicated to S. Andrew: after which time the captains of the Turkish army, although they despaired not of the victory, yet terrified with so great slaughter of their men, The Turks trouble the Rhodians with continual alarms, and by casting up of trenches get into the city. resolved with one accord no more to attempt the city with any notable assault; but by sundry great trenches to be made thorough the midst of the ruins of the walls, to get into the city; and with mattocks and pickaxes to overthrow the new made wall and another baricadoe which the defendants had made within the same: and in the mean time whilst this was in doing, to keep the Rhodians still busied with continual skirmishes and alarms. This devise put in execution by the wonderful labour of such a multitude of people, served the enemy to greater purpose than all that he had before done: who daily overthrowing or destroying the new fortifications which the Rhodians made in steed of them which were before overthrown, and by little and little creeping on further, drove the defendants to that extremity, that they were glad to pull down many of their houses, therewith to make new fortifications, and to make their city less, by casting up of new trenches: so that in short time they were brought to that point, that they could not well tell which place to fortify first, the enemy was now so far crept within them: for the ground which the enemy had thus gained within the city, was almost 200 paces in breadth, and 150 paces in length. Solyman, although he did now assure himself of the victory, and was by nature cruel and desirous of revenge; Parley o●●ered by the Turks t● the Rhodians. yet persuaded by Achimetes and Cassius (two of his most valiant captains) that for the enlarging of his empire, nothing was better than the fame of clemency: commanded Pyrrhus the old Bassa to prove if the Rhodians might by parley be drawn to yield their city upon reasonable conditions. Whereupon the Bassa sent one Hieronimus Monilia a Genua, unto the walls, who craving of the defendants safe conduct, said he had something to say tending to the common good of the distressed city. All men's minds were presently filled with expectation of some great matter, and he commanded to speak. Who answered, That he might not deliver his message openly, but would either by speech in secret, or by letters deliver the same unto one Mathias de Via his countryman, one of the citizens of the RHODES. When Fra. Fornovius one of the knights of the Order, Secret Parley rejected. a French man of a choleric disposition, whose great courage was well seen in all that siege (having as is reported, with shot out of S. George's tower himself slain 500 Turks during the time of that siege) being now present, and moved with indignation to hear a motion made of private conference with the enemy; bend his piece upon the messenger, and caused him forthwith to depart without doing his message. Many who in time of the assault feared not any danger, but were become altogether desperate and careless of themselves, after that they understood that the enemy had offered parley, and that they began to conceive some hope of life: resorted unto the Great master, requesting him, that he would provide for the safety of his loving people; whose warlike forces was with many assaults sore weakened, the city beaten down about their ears, and most of them which were left, either wounded or sick. They had (as they said) now sufficiently proved both their force and fortune: wherefore he should do well, to beware least while he were too long in consulting, the enemy should conceive a further indignation in seeing his offers refused. With these and such speeches they enforced the Great master to send ambassadors to Solyman. The Great master at the instance of his pe●people sendeth ambassadors to Solyman. The men that were sent, were Antonius Groleus a French man, ensign bearer for the Order, a man of great reputation for his wisdom and experience; and with him Robertus Barusius, a man of great gravity and skilful in the Greek tongue: for whom were received as pledges, a kinsman of the great captain Achimetes, and a certain Epyrot which fled out of the city unto the Turks, because one of the Grecian captains had struck him with his open hand; a man of a sharp wit, and one that could perfectly speak the Greek, Turkish, and Italian tongues, as appeared to his great credit amongst the enemies, being had of them in great regard, although he was not known whilst he dwelled in the city, that he was any such man. After that came also Soliman's interpreter, for he himself could speak no other language more than his own, accounting it a great disgrace, and against the Ottoman empire to use any other language. The ambassadors admitted unto Soliman's presence, told him, That they were sent to know, for what cause he had sent to require parley? Who in a flaming heat, as if he had known nothing thereof, said there was no such matter: and commanding them presently to void his camp, sent them away with letters to the Great master and the citizens to this effect. If I had not compassion of human infirmity, which oftentimes tumbleth headlong men's ambitious and haughty minds, Soliman's letters sent to the Great master and the Rhodians by their ambassadors. into most dangerous and unnecessary mischiefs, truly I would not have directed unto you these letters at this time; but as you have well deserved, persecute you with death and most miserable servitude: which how easy a thing it were for me to do, you yourselves know. But having now sufficiently tried my force, if you be wise make proof of my clemency. You have already satisfied your own fury, your own mad humour: and now advise yourselves, lay your hand upon your heart, and without delay yield yourselves as I command; your lives I give, I give you your wealth; and more than that, your choice to tarry there still, or to depart: Refuse not the grace frankly offered, which was of you to have been most heartily desired. It shall not always be lawful for you (as at this present) to make choice of both. From our camp. Upon the return of the ambassadors, the poor of all sorts flock together to the Great master his house not far from the breach: where after the multitude of the common people was dismissed, and the chief of the Burghers sent for, the imperious letter of the Turkish tyrant was openly read before the knights of the Order, and the better sort of the citizens. Whereunto the Great master accounting it both honour enough, and sufficient term of life honourably to die, answered in this sort. The Great Master his opinion concerning that Solyman demanded by his letters. You heard (sacred fellows in arms, and valiant citizens of the RHODES) these imperious and sorrowful letters: whereunto how we are to answer, requireth no great deliberation: we must as resolute men either yield or die; all hope of victory is gone, except foreign aid come. Wherefore if y●● will follow my counsel, let us with weapons in our hands, until the last gasp and the spending of the last drop of our blood, like valiant men defend our faith and nobility received from our ancestors, and the honour which we have so long time gotten both at home and abroad: and let it never be said, that our honour died but with ourselves. This speech of the Great Master seemed unto many, heavier than the imperious commandment of the Turkish tyrant: and a great while men stood silent, heavily looking one upon another, many with changing of their countenance and outward gesture, more than by words, expressing what they thought in heart. At length a certain Greek priest, with great compassion of mind (as it seemed) and tears trickling down his cheeks, broke forth into these words: A notable speech of a Greek priest, persuading the Great Master to yield. And I would also hold my peace, if I were a private man; and not first of all in so great and troubled an assembly, broach mine own opinion. But for as much as the regard of our common preservation, can wring a word out of no man's mouth; and all men know, that now is the time to speak and say what every man thinketh best, which shall neither always nor long be granted unto us▪ I will not let it now overpass and slip away: Wherefore let us suppose, that no command of a most mighty prince besieging us, were come unto us, but that I were reasoning as a private man with his neighbour, or one friend with another by the fire side, or in our cups without care, without any great affection to either party, as men indifferent, not liking or hating (as men oftentimes do of princes affairs which cencerne them nothing) and then (as I hope) my speech shall be unto you neither unpleasant nor unprofitable. We Greeks and Latins, with joined arms have now this six months withstood our deadly enemies, not only abroad before our walls, but also in the very bowels of our city, without any foreign help: which as we have of long time all vainly looked for, so are we now every one of us out of hope thereof. And yet our enemy either moved with the secret goodness of God, or else ignorant of our strength and forces, spent with wounds, slaughter, sickness, and perpetual labour, doth voluntarily offer that unto us, which was of us to be most of all desired and earnestly sued for. Your public and private treasures, the bodies of yourselves, your wives and children he keepeth unviolated; he taketh from us only the city, which he hath for most part already beaten down and taken. Worthy Great Master, and you most valiant Knights, I have known your prowess and valour in many battles at sea, but especially in this siege; whereof seeing there is no more use in this our desperate estate, I do appeal unto your wisdom and discretion. Since all is now the conquerors, in that he leaveth unto us our lives and goods, is to be accounted gains, and the yielding up of the city and Island no loss, which the victorious enemy already commandeth: which although it be a heavy matter and gre●uous unto the nobility, yet your fortune persuadeth you thereunto. Wherefore if you be to be mo●●d with any compassion, I account it better to yield, than to be slain yourselves, or to see your wives and children by law of arms to be led away before your faces into miserable captivity and servitude. If any Christian compassion remain in your warlike minds, I beseech you seek not the utter destruction of this innocent people, who (I may with modesty say) hath not evil deserved of you, whom Christ jesus, whom the enemy himself would have preserved. That I say this which I speak unto you for Christian charity, and for no other cause, let this be a sufficient testimony, That so long as you were able to resist by your own power, or hoped for aid from foreign princes, I never spoke word, or once thought of yielding: but now seeing the fatal ruin of all things about us, our common estate brought unto the uttermost extremity, our deadly enemy in the heart of our city, no hope, and that the war cannot longer be protracted; I wish you to yield, and for my part had rather make choice of peace th●● war, and to prove the enemy's favour than his fury. Most of them there present, were of the same mind with the priest. But as nothing can be so reasonably spoken as to content all men, so this speech was not of them all liked: some there were (though not many) which considering the harms they had done unto the Turks, and doubting with what safety they might yield themselves into the power of that faithless people, had rather to have fought it out to the last man, and so to have left unto them a bloody victory. Amongst these, one bold spoken fellow stepped forth, and in presence of them all dissuaded the yielding up of the city in this sort: I have not been with any thing more unacquainted, A most reso●●●● speech of a common soldier, dissuading the yielding up of the Rhodes. than to deliver my opinion before princes, or in such great and public assemblies; being always more desirous modestly to hear other men's opinions, than impudently to thrust forth mine own. But now, seeing extreme necessity will not longer suffer me to keep my wont course of silence, I will frankly speak my mind, and tell you what in my opinion is to be answered unto the heavy message and imperious command of the most perfidious tyrant. This cruel enemy hath overthrown our wall, and is entered three hundred foot and more within our city, and as a most troublesome guest liveth and converseth with us as it were under the same roof. Such as list not longer to endure such an unwelcome guest and troublesome neighbour, persuade you because he is troublesome, to give him all: But (worthy and sacred knights) I am of far different opinion; neither do I think a possession of 214 years is so lightly to be delivered up, and the ground forsaken: but rather that this troublesome intruder is in like manner to be himself troubled, and with deadly skirmishes continually vexed: whom after we had by force of arms and undaunted courage, maugre his head, held out five months, at length he broke into our city, not by any valour in himself, but holpen by time, which tameth all things: and since his first entrance it is now almost forty days, in which time for all his haste, he hath scarcely got forward 130 paces, hindered by the blocks we have laid in his way, and will not cease continually to lay if we be wise men, and mindful of our former valour. Destroy me you heavenly powers, before I see with these eyes these sacred knights to yield up this famous city of the RHODES, the ancient bulwark of Christian religion, unto our merciless enemies, polluted with the infamous superstition of Mahomet: who besides the insatiable thirst they have of our blood, how faithless and mischievous they are by nature, if we know not, we need not make example of ourselves, but we may take example by the calamity of CONSTANTINOPLE, the late misery of EVBoeA, and that which later was, of METHONE; as also by the Mamalukes at CAIRO, miserably slain contrary to the league, contrary to the faith and promise by the Turkish emperor himself before given. What? do you not remember how the death of the most noble captains at BELGRADE was of late procured by the falsehood, craft, and deceit of these same faithless miscreants? Let us then, being men of wit and understanding, trust these mad beasts, let us give ourselves into their power, which have no regard of right or reason, of religion, or any thing else; whose covetousness and cruelty it is hard to say which is greater; which for these many years have plotted and laboured nothing more than how by policy or force they may utterly root out the very name of the Rhodians, which they so deadly hate. They keep us shut up and besieged now the sixth month, feeling together with us extreme dangers and endless labours, slain by heaps before our walls and fortresses, and cannot be removed hence with thunder, lightning, storms, tempests, and all the calamities of Winter, a time which giveth intermission to all wars both by sea and land; so desirous they are of revenge, and greedy of our blood: and that not altogether without cause, for we have also shed theirs, and gladly would still so do, if it lay in our power. But seeing it seemeth good unto God otherwise, and that we are surprised with inevitable necessity: yet let us whilst we are at liberty, and have power over ourselves, by honourable death amongst the Christian ensigns, eschew the torments and reproaches which our cruel enemies hope to inflict upon us: so shall we enjoy eternal fame and glory, prepared both in heaven and earth for such as honourably die in defence of their prince and country: Which honour it becometh not them to envy unto thy most noble name and virtue, worthy Grand Master, which having for many years enjoyed the commodity and profit of peace, and greatly enriched by bounty of this sacred military Order, refuse now to bear this last burden of war. At these words an ancient Greek, for his wisdom and discretion of great reputation both with the greeks and Latins, perceiving his countrymen wrongfully touched, and the desperate holding out of the city vainly persuaded, took hold, and interrupting this young gallant, in answer of that he had said, spoke as followeth: That grief of mind and desperation can make men rather eloquent than wise, The former speech notably answered by a Greek▪ and the yielding of the city urged. as you have many times heard before this, so you might this day perceive also, most valiant gentlemen: for advised modesty never falleth into obloquy, neither confoundeth falsehood with truth; it desireth not the slaughter of the citizens, it persuadeth not fury, nor exhorteth men to madness: but it is by nature so engrafted in many, that when they cannot by their own wisdom and policy deliver themselves from their troubles, they yet seek to draw others into the fellowship of the same danger: so greedy have malice▪ and misery always been of company▪ But if you (worthy Commander) will give me also leave to speak, a man amongst his countrymen not of meanest place or authority, which thing both the present calamity and urgent necessity might of you easily obtain; I would allege such reasons, and lay down such matter, as should not only refel the copious and glorious words of this sharp witted Orator, scrapped together of purpose to flourish out the matter, but also such as might stir up your mind to that which is ●onest, profitable, and necessary; expulsing hatred, fear, trouble, or despair. This gentleman, whom we all know, not only to be a vehement Orator, but sometime a man most terrible, whereas for all his great words he is by nature mild, and so mild, that he never had the heart to kill, nay not so much as lightly to wound any one of them whom he calleth barbarous, mad, cruel, whose perfidious dealing he detesteth, whose cruelty he accuseth, whose manner of living he exclaimeth against, as altogether without law, without reason, without order, without regard: and now in time of truce, and whilst the showers of arrows, yro● bullets, fire and stones doth cease, creeping out of his cave, maketh much ado, and keepeth a great stir; and not knowing in what danger he is, doth now with glorious words call upon death, whereof he hath hitherto showed himself too much afraid, and all forsooth (as he saith) lest he should be enforced to endure the mocking and scorning of the enemy. But this is mere pride, not Christian fortitude or humility. But our enemy neither threateneth nor purposeth any such matter, nothing so perfidious or cruel as he would make him, rubbing up the slaughters at CAIRO, EV●oeA, METHONE, and CONSTANTINOPLE, cities taken either by force or warlike policy, and not yielded up by composition, upon faith given betwixt the besieger and the besieged: who because he would spare us, will not suffer us to do that whereby we should undoubtedly perish. But whereof proceedeth this new found clemency? this unwonted favour towards the people of the RHODES? I am not of the tyrant's privy counsel, neither ever curiously sought after the reason of another man's bounty, but am glad to receive it when I need it. Yet for all that, I will not dissemble what I think in a matter so doubtful: He is willing (as I suppose) in this siege and conquest of the RHODES, to show unto other nations whom he purposeth to invade, both his power and his patience: lest always satisfying his cruel nature, he should make desolation in places he would reign over, and so for ever alienating the minds of men, be enforced to fight with all men with fire and sword, by which rigour he hath not so much hurt his enemy as himself. For this cause (as I suppose) he leaveth unto us life & goods, lest whilst he in going about to take them from us by force, & we seeking to keep them by desperateness, we should both fall into great destruction, no less lamentable to the conqueror than to the vanquished. Besides that, if he should kill all here, truly he might then enter the breaches of the city on the bodies of the dead, no man now left alive to resist him. But LERUS is shut up, ARANGIA is strongly fortified, LINDUS is by situation impregnable: here he knoweth are weapons, armour, and men, here he must begin a new war, except he will have the remainder of your war, the fatal plague of his empire, to pray still upon his subjects: all which strong places he shall have without slaughter, without bloodshed (as reason is) if he shall let you and us poor wretches depart in safety with a little trash. Except these worldly considerations have moved him to mercy and compassion: then out of doubt it is wrought by divine power and the secret favour of God towards us, & of our Saviour Christ jesus crucified. Whereunto if you be men well advised, if religious, if mindful of the duty of Christians, it becometh you not to oppose any obstacle, and with the ruin of yourselves to destroy this miserable people, which for this half years siege hath scarcely had so much rest as might suffice the necessity of nature, standing for you in battle, enduring both wounds and death for your honour and victory: by whose faithful labour and diligence you have been always holpen both at home and abroad; whether you invaded the Turk by land in MYTILENE, NAUPACTUS, METHONE, PATRAS, or other parts of P●LOPONESVS, or else by sea thrust him out of the possession of the Ionian or Egeum: whereby it may appear even unto a blind man, how injurious it is & far from truth, to object unto us, That enjoying the fruits of peace, we refuse the charges of wars: nay we never refused wars. But now it is come to that point, that if we would never so feign make wars, we are not able so to do, the flower of our youth being slain: and the small remainder that is left, not only weakened in body with wounds, sickness, watching, and restless labour; but also in mind discouraged, whilst all things fall out prosperously to our enemies, and to us adverse: the greatest and best part of our great artillery being broken with continual use, which if it were whole, we could have thereof small use or profit, for want of powder, which not only this city 〈◊〉 wanteth, but also your strong holds, LERUS, LINDUS, HALICARNASUS, ARANGIA. I was never desirous or curious to look into other men's doings, much less into your manner of wars: but yet (Great Master) you cannot deny but it is so, who have caused soldiers to be brought from thence hither openly, and gunpowder secretly: by which provident foresight you have withstood your foreign enemy these six months, and deceived the treachery of one or two domestical traitors. But I gladly admit we have all these things, I stand not upon the truth, I say not what most men say, but I speak to please a few: and suppose we wanted neither armour nor courage, I would then ask you this, whether they would advise you to use them to your defence, or to your destruction? for unto both it cannot be, no more than at once to be a freeman and a slave. To use them to your destruction, that were madness and senseless pride, hateful to God and man: you should therefore use them to defence: But how shall we defend a city (I do not say, as the truth is) already lost and possessed by the enemy, wherein he reigneth, rangeth, and turneth all upside down? but having the walls battered down, a great breach in the Spanish station, and another not like but even now as good as made in the Italian station, how shall we be able to keep this unfortunate town, battered and rend at the French, English, and Auvergne stations, and the tower of S. Nicholas? Which if it were not so battered and bared of all warlike provision, but sound and thoroughly furnished with munition and victual, yet necessity enforcing, and reason persuading, you ought to forsake it, for so much as all power of further resistance is taken from you. Do you not see how easily and almost without any trouble the enemy (by means of the castle he hath new built upon the mount PHILERMO, not past two miles distant) can take from you all manner of provision both by sea and land, and restrain you from going out or in? Truly notable gentlemen, honourable for your martial prowess, you see and have long ago foreseen these things better than I, altogether ignorant in martial affairs, altogether busied in the trade of merchandise, and caring for my family: yet suffer me to say the truth, All the powers whereby this kingdom stood, are departed and gone; against the force of our enemies no policy or force of man remaineth; and to expect armies of angels or soldiers from heaven, and other such like miracles, is in my judgement more and more to provoke God to anger, although in his anger he be unto us merciful: Wherefore being destitute of all worldly help, let us as we may, provide for our safety. I beseech thee (worthy Great Master) by these my aged tears, by the natural pity engrafted in thy noble nature, expose not this miserable city to the spoil of the enemy, our old and middle aged men to the sword, our wives and daughters to be ravished, our boys and youths to the unnatural filthiness of our barbarous enemies, and to be corrupted with the mad and gross opinion of the ungodly Mahometan superstition. I would (noble knights) you had seen with what tears, with what mourning our heavy families and children crying about their mothers, sent us hither, and what prayers they made for us at our departing: I would you knew with what mind and how great hope they expect their safety from your clemency and advised resolution. This speech of the aged Greek might have moved a heart of flint: The Great Master resolved that the city was not to be defended, calleth a common counsel of all his knights, and the bu●●esses of the city. but the Great master, who in his countenance showed a greater courage than his present state required, commanding every man to his charge: after the matter had been thus most part of the night discoursed, gave them no other answer, but, That he would be careful of all their well doing. The next morning he sent for Preianes, Martiningus, and a few other of greatest judgement and experience; by whom he was fully resolved, that the city in so many places by the enemy laid open and shaken, was not possible to be long defended. Whereupon he caused a common counsel to be called, of all the knights of the Order together with the Burgesses of the city: where after long debating, Whether they should fight it out to the last man, or yield upon such conditions as was to be obtained? it was by general consent concluded, That the city should be yielded, and thereupon a decree made, A truce taken with the ●urkes for four dai●●. which was by the Great master pronounced. Whilst these things were thus in doing, a truce was taken with the enemy for four days, but full of fear and danger. During which time, divers of the Turks presuming upon the truce, came by great companies to behold the walls and rampires of the city: wherewith Fornovius the Frenchman (of whom mention is before made) being sore moved, in his choler without further command discharged a tire of great ordinance amongst the thickest of them, contrary to the truce taken. At which time also, the Rhodians received into the city secretly by night a ship loaded with wines out of CRETE, and in her Alphonsus a Spaniard, chief pilot of the Rhodian galleys, and with him one hundred voluntary soldiers all Latins, all which went out of CRETE without the knowledge of the Venetian Senate: for at that time the Venetians were in league with Solyman. The Turks justly offended with the breach of the truce, and the taking in of new supplies, which they supposed to have been far greater than in truth they were; without command of any captain or ensign displayed, in great numbers thrust in thorough the ruins of the breaches into the city as far as the rampires and baricadoes new made, and furiously assailed the defendants: in which conflict many were slain and wounded on both sides. But after the Turks had to their cost again made proof of the courage of their enemies, as without commandment they began that skirmish, A barbarous ●act. so of themselves they broke it off and retired. After the truce was thus broken, the captain of the Turks fencers, a bloody cruel fellow, having taken three Christians prisoners, cut off their hands, ears, and noses, and sent them so dismembered into the city with letters to the Great master, charging him with the unjust breach of the truce, barbarously threatening within three or four days to make like example of him to all posterity. Amongst other none was more troubled with this sudden and unexpected breach of the truce, than Robertus Perusinus, Raymundus Marchet, and Raymundus Lupus, three knights of the Order, men of singular wisdom and gravity, ambassadors at that time in the Turks camp: whom the barbarous people in their fury had undoubtedly slain or put to torture, if they had not feared the like measure to have been showed to their hostages in the city. But after that Nicholaus Vergot●s, and Georgius Sandriticus, two of the Burgesses of the city, were come into the camp with articles containing the conditions whereupon the Rhodians were contented to deliver up the city, all their fury and rage was quickly appeased. Solyman for his greater majesty and the more terror of these messengers, beset round about with his great army, and guarded about with his janissaries in their richest attire and glistering armour, gave them audience: who admitted to his presence, with great humility offered unto him in writing the conditions whereupon the Rhodians would yield up unto him the city. The chief points whereof were, That the churches should remain unto the Christians inviolated: that no children should be taken from their parents: that no Christian should be enforced to forsake his religion and turn Turk: that such Christians as would tarry still in the city, might so do at liberty, without paying any tribute for the space of five years: that all they which would depart might go with bag and baggage, furnished with convenient shipping and provision as far as CRETE, and to carry with them so much great ordinance as they pleased; and that the Christians should appoint a reasonable day for the time of their departure. All which articles Solyman condescended unto, and solemnly swore faithfully to perform the same. But how they were indeed performed, the writers of that age do much vary: it should seem they were neither altogether kept, nor broken, but so performed as pleased the conqueror: certain it is, that many great outrages were through military insolency committed by the proud Turks upon the poor Christians, contrary to the mind of Solyman. Iaco●us Fontanus a Civilian, and at that time one of the judges of the city (out of whose writings this history is for most part collected) reporteth, That the Turks not expecting the departure of the Christians, broke into the city upon Christenmas day, by the gate called COSQVINIUM, polluted the temples, shamefully abused the Christians, and made havoc of all things: and that he himself falling into their hands, after he had with such money as he had, redeemed himself, having not sufficient to content all their greedy desires, was by them hardly entreated and grievously beaten. The Great master by the counsel of Achimetes, putting on such simple attire as best beseemed a vanquished man that was to humble himself before the conqueror, went out of the city into the camp, attended upon with a few knights of the Order: where after he had waited in the rain most part of the day, before Soliman's tent, at last he had a rich gown cast upon him, and so brought into the proud tyrant's presence. Where after they had a while at the first, with piercing eyes one earnestly beholden the other; the Great master humbling himself before him, was in token of grace admitted to kiss his hand, and welcomed by Solyman in this sort. Solyman his speech unto the Great master. Although (said he) I might worthily and justly infringe the articles I have prescribed concerning the yielding of the city, with thy most wicked crossed compieres, the people of the RHODES, and thee especially such a capital enemy, from whose deserved punishment, neither faith nor oath ought to stay a most just conqueror: yet I have determined to be not only gracious and merciful unto thee so great an offender, deserving exemplary punishment, but also liberal and bountiful: who if thou wilt by well doing amend the grievous transgressions of thy former life, I promise unto thee most honourable entertainment, great preferment, and the highest places in my empire, in my army i● time of war, and in counsel in time of peace. Not to refuse this my offer, both thy present estate persuadeth thee, and the Christians (whose quarrel thou tookest upon thee to defend against me, with better beginning than success) deserve at thy hands no better: for what should let thee, forsaken of all thy friends, a man as it were betrayed and vanquished, to cast thyself into the perpetual faith and protection of a most mighty and merciful conqueror, of himself offering thee this undeserved grace and favour. Whereunto the Great master presently answered: Most mighty and gracious emperor, your offered favours before your other worthy captains, I deserve not; The resolute answer of the great Master to Solyman. neither is my present estate and desert towards you such, as that I dare or aught to refel the same: yet I will speak freely in the midst of your victorious army, a man vanquished in presence of the conqueror, whose great mercy I never despaired of, and whose faith I never doubted: I had rather now I have lost my sovereignty, forthwith to lose my private and unfortunate life; or else for ever hereafter to live in obscurity, than of my people to be accounted a fugitive rather than a vanquished man: For to be vanquished is but chance of war, and of so great a conqueror no shame to him that is conquered: but afterwards to forsake his own people and to turn to the enemy, I account it shameful cowardice and treachery. Solyman marveling at the courage and majesty of the hoary old prince, in his so great extremity, dismissed him, and sent him again into the city, guarded with his own guard, until he was come into his palace: and unto every one of the knights attending upon the Great Master, was given a rich garment, Solyman cometh into the city unto the Great master. in token of Soliman's favour. Within a few days after Solyman coming into the city, went to visit the Great Master also: whom he found busy in packing up his things against his departure. Here when the Great master falling down upon his knees would have worshipped him, he would in no case suffer him so to do: but with his hand putting aside his vail of majesty (which manner of reverence the Turkish emperors give only to God, and their great prophet Mahomet) took him up, and saluted him by the name of Father. To whom the Great master for his wisdom and discretion now to him no less admirable, than he was before in time of war for his valour and courage, spoke in this sort. If my fortune and success had been answerable to my heart and courage, The speech of the Great mas●●● to Solyman. I should here be in this city, rather as a victorious conqueror than a man conquered. But sithence the fatal destinies would needs overthrow the Rhodian estate, I am glad that you are the man before all other by fortune assigned, of whom I should receive both force and grace. And unto you, amongst many other your rare and worthy praises, this shall not be the least, That you vanquished the RHODES, and showed mercy. By this means you have joined unto your dreadful power, the fame of clemency and courtesy; an honour not of the highest to be despised, by which alone we come nearest unto God. Wherefore I doubt not but you will keep the conventions of the late peace inviolate, which your own clemency persuaded you to grant, and necessity enforced us to take. I shall now be an eternal example of the Turkish emperors clemency and virtue, more than if I had by and by at the first yielded myself▪ my obstinate wilfulness hath made thy glory and mercy now famous thorough the whole world, and unto the world's end. Whereunto Solyman by his interpreter, answered: It is to me a great pleasure, The notable answer of Solyman to the great Master. that God at length hath put into thy mind to make choice of peace before war, which I would thou couldst have liked of from the beginning: then truly thou shouldest at this time have received of my great and mighty majesty, more good than thou hast endured harm. Which that I have done unto thee, not for any hatred, but only for desire of sovereignty, thou mayest gather by this, That I suffer thee and thine to depart hence at liberty with all your wealth and substance: For I make not war, thereby to heap up wealth and riches; but for honour, fame, immortality, and enlarging of mine empire. For it is the property of a king royally descended, by strong hand to take from others, and to invade others; not upon a greedy and covetous mind, but for the honourable desire of rule and sovereignty: which whilst my neighbour withstandeth, I count it enough by force of arms to remove him. But the Tyrant (as many supposed) spoke all this by way of dissimulation, having as it was commonly bruited, given order for the rigging up of a great ship and certain galleys, for the sudden transporting of the Great master and the knights of the Order to CONSTANTINOPLE; which report seemeth to have been but feigned either of malice, or else by such as lest knew Soliman's mind: for if he had so purposed, who should have let him, having them all in his power. iovius in his little treatise rerum Turcicarum dedicated to Charles the fifth, reporteth that he himself heard Lilladamus' the Great master say, That when Solyman entered into the RHODES attended upon with thirty thousand men, there was not any man heard to speak a word, but that the soldiers went as if they had been observant friars: and that when he came to ask leave of Solyman that he might depart, he was so courteously used of him, that turning himself to Abraim the Bassa, whom he above all men loved, said, Truly I cannot but grieve to see this unfortunate old man, driven out of his own dwelling, to depart hence so heavily. The Great master embarking himself with his knights and such other as were willing to depart, in vessels and galleys prepared for that purpose, departed out of the island on Newyeares' day at night: and after long and dangerous travel by sea in that Winter weather, landed at last at MESSANA in SICILIA, from whence he afterwards sailed into ITALY, and so traveled to ROME where he was honourably received by Adrian the sixth of that name then bishop there, a Hollander borne, sometime schoolmaster to Charles the fifth, and his Vicegerent in Spain; who if he had been as forward in the short time of his Papacy to have relieved the RHODES, as he was to maintain Charles his quarrel against the French king, it is not unlike but that famous city had been relieved, and the island in possession of the Christians at this day. Thus Solyman, whilst the Christian princes were at discord amongst themselves, to his great glory and no less grief of all good Christians, entered the RHODES the five and twentieth day of December, a day dedicated unto the nativity of our Saviour Christ, Solyman entereth into the Rhodes on Christenma● day, in the year 1522. in the year 1522, after it had been by the knights of the Order valiantly kept and defended against the infidels by the space of 214 years, since the time they by force took it from the infidels in the year 1308: and now being so long holden as was possible, against all the power of the Turks, was yielded up when it had been six months besieged. At this siege Solyman lost a great part of his army; for besides them that were slain at the assaults, which were many, thirty thousand died of the flux. Solyman sendeth Ferhates Bassa against Alis beg the mountain prince. Whilst Solyman thus lay at the siege of the RHODES, Ferhates Bassa Governor of the Marches of the Turkish empire, alongst the river of Euphrates, by the commandment of Solyman went with a great army against Alis-beg, whom the Turks called Schach, Suar-ogli, that is to say, king Suar his son: which P. iovius corrupting, calleth him by the name of Saxovaroglis. This Alis, after he had betrayed his uncle Aladeules the mountain king, unto Sinan Bassa, was by Selimus left chief governor of that large and wild country alongst the borders of ARMENIA and CAPADOCIA, wanting nothing of the honour of a king but the name only, as is before declared in the life of Selimus. Solyman jealous of his honour, and fearing lest he should take upon him the absolute government of that country (which indeed of right belonged unto him, the children of Aladeules the late king being now all dead) and so to make himself king, especially if he should join in friendship with the Persian king: after the manner of ambitious men, purposed by any means to have him taken out of the way: and had therefore sent Ferhates to ease him of that care. The Bassa without making any show of hostility, marching with his army along the confines of his country, as if it had been but to look to his charge, when he was come as near as he could to Alis, without mistrust, thought good to assay if he could by policy bring that to pass which he was otherwise with great danger to attempt by force. Wherefore feigning himself to be extreme sick, he sent ambassadors to Alis, requesting him as a friend to vouchsafe to come unto him being at the point of death, unto whom he had many things of importance from the great emperor to impart, and would if he should die, leave with him all his charge until Solyman should otherwise dispose thereof. Alis and his four sons treacherously slain. Alis, who from his youth had always honoured the Turkish emperors and faithfully served them, mistrusting no harm came to the Bassa, accompanied with his four sons; whom the faithless Bassa without regard of infamy, caused presently to be put to death with their father: and so reducing all that country into the manner of a province under Soliman's obeisance, came to him with twenty thousand men, about the time that the city of the RHODES was yielded up. This is the faithless dealing of the Turks, not with the Christians only, but with them of their own superstition also: using it as no small policy, utterly to extinguish the nobility in all country's subject to their servile tyranny. Solyman after he had thus subdued the RHODES, Solyman returneth to Constantinople. and disposed of the Island as he liked best, returning to CONSTANTINOPLE, broke up his army, and for the space of three years after followed his pleasure, not doing any thing worthy of remembrance. During which time and many years after, the rich and flourishing country of ITALY, sometime mistress of the world, was miserably afflicted and rend in pieces by Charles the fifth, (than emperor) and Francis the French king, the one envying unto the other the glory of the empire●punc; and he not content therewith, seeking with immoderate ambition to make himself lord of all ITALY: most of the other Christian princes and states being at the same time either by the one or by the other, drawn into the fellowship of that war, to the great trouble and sore weakening of the Christian commonweal. Whereupon Solyman waiting all occasions that might serve for the enlarging of his empire, Solyman upon the discord of the Christian princes and disordered state of Hungary, taketh occasion to invade that kingdom. and annoying of the Christians, thought it now a fit time for him to set his foot into HUNGARY, whereinto he had already laid open a way by the taking of BELGRADE. He knew right well that Lewes then king of HUNGARY was but young, altogether unacquainted with the wars, commanding over his headstrong subjects (especially his rich prelate's and nobility) no otherwise than pleased themselves, being himself rather by them altogether overruled▪ Besides that, he was in good hope, that the other Christian princes near unto him, either carried away with regard of their own estate, would not, or else before unto himself by league fast bound, could not afford unto him any great aid or succour: The Germans he knew would make small haste unto such wars as should yield them much danger, and but small pay: As for the princes of the house of AUSTRIA, Charles the emperor, and Ferdinand his brother, although they were joined unto the young king with the nearest bonds of alliance (Lewes having married Marie their youngest sister, and Ferdinand, Anne, king Lewes his sister) yet was there as he thought small help to be expected from them; Charles having his hands full in ITALY, and Ferdinand altogether careful of himself: And that Sigismond king of POLONIA would for the young king's sake break the ancient league he had with the Turkish emperors, he could hardly be persuaded: 1526 As for other Christian princes farther off, he stood not in any great doubt. Thus having with himself singled out this young prince the Hungarian king, Solyman cometh against Lewes' king of Hungary. whom he had in his greedy mind already devoured, he set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE, and was come on his way as far as SOPHIA in SERVIA with a mighty army of two hundred thousand men, before that the Hungarians had any knowledge of his coming (so blind & senseless was that state, which now sleeping in security, had long before lost those eyes which ever watched, and never spared cost or pains to keep the same in safety) in stead of whom were others come in place, sharp of sight and too too provident for that concerned their own advancement; but blind as beetils in foreseeing this great and common danger (wherewith they were shortly after all quite overwhelmed) until it was now brought home unto their own doors. The young king of himself but weak, by reason of his youthful years, and nothing strengthened by them for whom he had most done, and should have been his greatest stay; was wonderfully dismayed with the fame of the approach of so mighty an enemy: yet the better to withstand him, he sent ambassadors with all speed unto the Christian princes his neighbours, requesting their aid against the common enemy: but all in vain. In the mean time, after the ancient manner of his country, he gave out general summons for the assembly of his counsel for the wars: whether his great stipendary prelate's (of duty bound to appear) came with their troops of evil appointed horsemen, and not half full; who also delivered in less sums of money by far, than of right they should have done, towards the maintenance of the charge of that common war. And the temporal nobility, forgetting the warlike discipline of their famous ancestors, as fresh water soldiers which had never seen the Turkish emperor in his strength, and but little acquainted with some light skirmishes or small invasions, in their vain bravery made light account of the Turks, proudly vaunting, That although they were in number but few, yet they would easily overthrow the great numbers of them, if ever they came to hand●e strokes. But above all the rest one Paulus Tomoreus, The vanity of Tomoreus. archbishop of COLOSSA, sometimes a Minorite, who had before been in divers light skirmishes against the Turks, with great insolency did so confidently brag and boast of the victory he vainly dreamt of, that in his sermons unto the soldiers, and in open talk with the nobility (if he could have done so much as he vaunted of) it should seem that he himself had been enough to have overthrown the Turks whole army. But when all the king's army was assembled, and a general moster taken, there was hardly found five and twenty thousand men in all, horse and foot. So that the foolish hardiness of Tomoreus, and others so forwards to give the Turks battle, was of most wise men disliked. The old soldiers and men of great experience said plainly, That it was mere folly and madness with such a handful of men to give battle unto the enemy, who would bring eight times so many more into the field as they were. Wherefore some wished, that the young king should be withdrawn from the imminent danger: amongst whom Stephanus Verbetius, a noble captain, of all the rest best acquainted with the Turkish wars, Wholesome counsel not followed. gave counsel, that the person of the young king should for the safety of the common state, whatsoever should happen, be kept out of danger in the strong castle of BUDA. But the unruly soldiers with open mouth impugned his wholesome counsel, and said plainly, That except the king himself did lead them, they would not at all fight. Of which opinion was also the rash prelate Tomoreus, persuading them with all speed to give the enemy battle, and that the noble young king under the protection of Almighty God, should in person himself go and give the signal of battle against his enemies. The king overruled by this unlucky counsel, upon a bravery without reason set forward with his army, and came to a place called MOHATCHZ or MUGACE, which is a little country village not far from Danubius, almost in the middle between BUDA and BELGRADE. And now Balybeus with twenty thousand horsemen (the forerunners of the Turkish army) was at hand, at which time the commanders and captains of the king's army, entered into counsel, Whether it were better to encamp their army within their wagons alongst the river of Danubius, and so to expect the coming of joannes Sepusius, county of CILIA, and Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA; (who was then said to be coming towards the king with his Transiluanian horsemen, of all other fittest to have encountered the Turks) or else to march on forward, and presently to give them battle? But Tomoreus, who now commanded all, knowing that upon the coming of the Vayvod, he was to give place, and himself to be commanded (which unto so proud a man was no small grief) for the maintenance of his credit and reputation, and to carry away the glory of the victory he so vainly hoped for, could not abide to hear of any delay; but hasting headlong to his own destruction, did with such vehemency impugn the wholesome counsel of others, who would have expected the coming of the Vayvod, that he by his frantic persuasions drew on the unadvised young king into most apparent and manifest danger. For Balibeus divided his horsemen into four battles, which by turns skirmished with the king's army without intermission, The battle of M●hatchz. and gave the Hungarians no leisure to rest either day or night, but continually wheeling about, kept them in so strait, that no man could without great danger go to water his horse at the side of Danubius, which was fast by, or once to stir out of the camp, but were enforced to dig pits for water in places where they lay: with which necessity Tomoreus was enforced to put the army in order of battle, and there was now no remedy, but he must of necessity fight for the honour of his prince and country. His battle was ranged all in length, and his horsemen not altogether (as it was thought) unfitly placed here and there by troops amongst his footmen; lest the Turks (being in number eight to one) should with their multitude compass them round, and so enforce them to fight as it were in a ring: for now was Solyman come also with all his huge army. The Hungarian tents defended with a small garrison, were left a little from the army on the right hand, enclosed round about with wagons, one chained to another: near unto the which, Tomoreus General of this unlucky battle, had not altogether undiscreetly placed a troop of chosen horsemen for defence of the king's person against all uncertain events of the battle. But this day (unlucky to the Hungarian name, but unto the king himself most fatal and unfortunate) overthrew that his purpose, devised too late for the safety of the king's person: for at the first encounter the Hungarians, although they had received no harm by the Turkish artillery (being mounted too high, of purpose as it was thought, the gunner's being for most part Christians) were easily beaten down and overthrown, Tomoreus slain oppressed by the multitude of their enemies, especially Tomoreus with the rest of the prelate's and nobility being almost all slain together, and the Hungarian horsemen also either slain or put to flight. All things going thus to wrack, a company of Turks assailed the camp, which was hardly defended by the weak garrison. Which thing the troop of the chosen horsemen appointed for defence of the king's person, beholding, could not be stayed, but that they would needs help them which defended the camp. The young king seeing all his army discomfited, and himself forsaken of the horsemen which he was in hope should have guarded him, betook himself to flight. But as he was making shift for himself, King Lewis drowned in a ditch. thinking to have passed over a fenny ditch, his horse in plunging out, fell backwards upon him into the ditch; where being heavy loaded with armour not able to help himself, he was in the midst of that filthy ditch in the mud most miserably drowned. Some few horsemen escaped out of the battle, the rest were either slain or taken prisoners. This woeful battle never sufficiently to be lamented, as the ground of the miseries of that worthy kingdom, was fought the 29. day of October in the year 1526. Solyman having obtained this victory, marched on directly to BUDA the regal seat of the Hungarian kings, which was delivered unto him with the castle; upon condition, that he should not violate any man either in person or goods, and at his departure to leave the same again unto the Hungarians: all which things he (according unto their request) faithfully performed. Being entered into the castle, he wonderfully commended the same, but lodged not therein, because it is by their ancient law forbidden the Turkish emperor to lodge within any walled place which is not his own. Wherefore he returned and lodged in his camp alongst the river of Danubius. Whilst Solyman lay thus at BUDA, The heads of slain Christian bishops and captains presented to Solyman. seven bloody heads of the bishops and greatest of the nobility (slain in the late battle at MOHATCHZ) were presented to him, all set in order upon a wooden step: whereat he smiled, to see his courtiers laying their right hands upon their breasts▪ and bending their bodies as if they had done them great obeisance, to salute them by name, and in derision to welcome them by the names of valiant pope's. But afterwards, when he had more particularly inquired what every one of them was, it is reported that he most of all detested Ladislaus Salcanius the great bishop of STRIGONIUM, for his miserable covetousness, that being a man of infinite wealth, refused to spare part thereof unto his sovereign, requesting the same at his great need: Tomoreus he blamed of inconsiderate rashness, for that he being a clergy man, would busy himself so far in matters not belonging to his vocation: The bishop of Veradium too ●rue a prophet. On the contrary part, he commended Franciscus Perenus bishop of VERADIUM, a man honourably descended, for his wise counsel (though it was not followed) for that he had heard it reported, that he as a true prophet foretelling the common slaughter ensuing, had sharply said in the counsel at such time as Tomoreus would needs fight with the Turks, and was not by any means to be removed from that his fatal opinion, That he did foresee what that their friar-like General would the next day do; and that he would with so great an enterprise effect no more, but to make one holiday the more in the Christian calendars, in remembrance of thirty thousand Hungarian martyrs, most miserably slain of the Turks in unequal battle, for defence of the Christian faith and religion (for at that time, they which willingly exposed themselves to death in defence of the Christian faith, were all accounted for Martyrs:) Georgius Sepusius and the others he called rash fools, that would adventure with so small strength to encounter so strong an enemy. At such time as the counterfeits of king Lewes and Marie his wife were showed unto him, he honourably said, That he was sorry for the young king, that it was his evil hap to have so unadvised counsellors in a matter of so great importance, as to persuade him against all reason to fight at so great disadvantage: And that he came not into HUNGARY to take his kingdom from him, The honourable speech of Solyman concerning his coming into Hungary. but only to revenge the wrongs done unto him by the Hungarians: And that if he had escaped the danger of the battle, he would assuredly have again restored unto him the kingdom of HUNGARY, contenting himself with some small tribute: And that it should have been unto him honour enough to have saved the nephew of Sigismond king of POLONIA his confederate, so strongly allied with the honourable house of Austria. All which he commanded to be told to Marie the queen, who was for fear fled from BUDA to POSSONIUM. Which might perhaps all seem to have been either dissemblingly spoken, or falsely reported of the equity and courtesy of the barbarous king, if he had not shortly afterwards to the ample declaration of his bounty and liberality, without any desert, given the same kingdom of HUNGARY to joannes Sepusius, not borne of any royal blood, and then retaining the mind of a very enemy. After that, he took away three goodly images of brass of ancient workmanship, which were placed in the entrance into the king's palace, by that renowned king Mathias corvinus the great favourer of rare qualities and virtues: these images represented the forms of Hercules with his club, of Apollo with his harp, and Diana with her bow and quiver: all which he placed in the tiltyard at CONSTANTINOPLE, as a trophy of the Hungarian victory. Howbeit these images were since taken down by the persuasion of the Mufti, & molten (as contrary to their superstition) and great ordinance made of them. He carried also away with him three pieces of artillery of most excellent and curious workmanship; and certain brazen pillars of chamfred work, which supported the chapters of the gates. He tarried at BUDA about twenty days: In which time to satisfy the cruel nature and greedy desires of his soldiers, he sent out divers troops of horsemen into the country thereabout, by whom all the country betwixt RAB and the river of Tibyscus was by that sudden and unexpected incursion so destroyed, that it is reported that above an hundredth and fifty thousand people of all sorts were either slain or led away into most miserable captivity. All which done, he returned again by the same way he came, to CONSTANTINOPLE. joannes Sepusius, Vaivod of Transiluania, aspireth to the kingdom of Hungary. About the same time joannes Sepusius Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA, with a great power came now too late into HUNGARY to have aided the king: but glad, as was thought, of his death, as tending to his own advancement; for as much as he was now (the king being dead without issue) a man of greatest account amongst the nobility of HUNGARY. Wherefore as one of a deep and reaching wit, and in great hope to obtain the kingdom, he began cunningly to labour divers of the noble men one by one, and instantly to request them, that at the next parliament they would not betray the honour of their country, in suffering the royal dignity of that ancient kingdom to be transferred unto a stranger, of such a nation as happily loved them not: for why, the Hungarians ought well to remember what great calamities they had received in former times, in choosing foreign kings and strangers to reign over them, and in following their unfortunate ensigns against the Turks; which thing the woeful miseries of times passed might notably prove: which either Sigismundus of BOHEMIA, or Ladislaus the first of POLONIA, by their unfortunate battles, once at NICOPOLIS, again at CULUMBARIUM, and last of all at VARNA had brought unto the Hungarians. But to speak, nay once to remember the harms received by the long cowardice of Ladislaus, or this late rashness of his son king Lewes, would make any noble mind to blush and be ashamed: under whose government all military discipline, and the glory of HUNGARY might well be thought to be utterly lost. And yet he said there remained of the nobility of HUNGARY, men honourably descended of most ancient houses, worthy of the kingdom, which bore noble minds, and were of sufficient courage, discretion, and power, in this time of common heaviness to restore the honour of the estate, and worthily to defend the kingdom: Amongst whom (said he) I would not be accounted so base minded, or heavy headed (although there be many which for the honour of their houses and wealth may seem to go before me) that I will therefore confess, that any of them is for valour, prowess, or fortune better than myself, either for conducting of an army, or government of a kingdom: for I shall be a king of courage and valour sufficient, if by your favourable good will I shall be thought worthy of your consent and suffrages. The Vayvod taking this course, by his earnest suit and labour had won the good wills of many; and so much the easier, for that Stephanus Bator (a man of greatest nobility among the Hungarians) was a little before gone into BOHEMIA unto king Ferdinand, who was then greatly busied (by reason of a parliament there summoned) in procuring the favour of the nobility and commons of that realm against the time of the parliament, wherein he was in good hope to be chosen king; as he was in short time after. At that same time the Hungarians were with great solemnity celebrating the funeral of their late king: King Lewes buried. whose dead body after the departure of Solyman from BUDA, was found whole, by the demonstration of one Cotriscus one of the squires of his body, who was present when he was drowned; and so was brought out of the fens of MOHATCHZ to ALBA REGALIS, where it was with great pomp buried amongst the sepulchers of the other kings of HUNGARY his predecessors. Which solemn funeral once ended, the general military parliament (by the authority and voice whereof the kings of HUNGARY were by their ancient laws and customs to be chosen) was called: in the shutting up whereof, john the Vayvod having in that common heaviness no competitor, nor any of the greatest nobility which durst stand against him, was with the great applause and consent of all there present chosen king. To whom forthwith Petrus Perenus came and presented the ancient crown of the kingdom of HUNGARY, which was in his keeping, made after an homely fashion of pure gold; with which the lawful kings of HUNGARY used always to be solemnly crowned. It is reported, that it was the crown of Stephanus first king of HUNGARY, and was by an ancient custom always kept in the castle of VICEGRADE. john Sepusius the Vaivod chosen and crowned king of Hungary. And so john the Vayvod was orderly crowned, and consecrated by the hands of Paulus bishop of STRIGONIUM, lately chosen in steed of Ladislaus Salcanius, slain in the battle at MUGACE, and by the hands of Stephanus Brodaricus bishop of VACIA, whom he chose for his secretary. And unto Americus Cibachus he gave the honour of the Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA, being but a little before chosen bishop of VERADIUM. In his preferment, he was greatly holpen unto the kingdom by the nobility which followed him out of TRANSILVANIA, men of great account both in peace and war; amongst whom descended of the Hungarian blood, were chief, Stephanus Verbetius, Paulus Antandrus, Gregorius Peschenius, Nicolaus Glessa, and janus Docia. But whilst this new king is in this sort busied in rewarding his friends and strengthening himself in his kingdom, he was advertised, That Ferdinand his competitor of the Hungarian kingdom was chosen king of BOHEMIA: Ferdinand king of Bohemia layeth claim ●o the kingdom of Hungary. who out of the old controversy betwixt Mathias corvinus and Fredericus the emperors great grandfather, alleged great claim unto that kingdom, derived from the time of Ladislaus, who was reported to have been poisoned at the time of the solemnisation of his marriage, through the ambition and malice of Georgius Pogibracius; who affecting the kingdom of BOHEMIA, shortly after obtained the same. And now it seemed that the time was come, wherein Ferdinand made greater with the kingdom of BOHEMIA, and strengthened with the power of his brother Charles the emperor, not forgetting his right, might upon good ground lay claim unto the kingdom of HUNGARY, unto him (as he pretended) of right belonging ever since the time of Albertus the emperor. Neither did Ferdinand beside the strength of AUSTRIA & BOHEMIA, want the furtherance of divers of the princes of HUNGARY; having in his court many of unquiet spirit, half fugitives, desirous of change, which envied at the Vayvods royal preferment (as if it had been taken from themselves, more worthy thereof than he) by the rash and tumultuous favour of the vulgar people. For besides Bator, who in most men's judgement might most worthily have required and obtained the kingdom, there were others also almost of like nobility and valour, as Valentinus Turaccus, Stephanus Maylatus, janus Scala, Gasper Seredius, balthasar Pamphilus, and Ferentius Gnarius; to whom also was joined Paulus Bachitius borne in SERVIA, a valiant gentleman, who being entered into the Mahometan religion, to avoid the Turkish slavery got away unto the Christians, and hardly escaped from the battle of MOHATCHZ. By the persuasion of these noble men, Ferdinand of his own disposition ready enough to claim his right, especially a kingdom, and trusting unto his strength in AUSTRIA, BOHEMIA, RHETIA, STIRIA, and CARYNTHIA, marched directly towards BUDA. With whose coming, john the new king being wonderfully troubled, as a man beset with want of all things, having neither sufficient strength whereupon to rest in his new got kingdom, neither any great assurance of the fidelity of his subjects, like enough either for fear, or of their natural inconstancy to fall from him, determined not to abide the coming of his enemy to BUDA: but exhorting his captains to follow him, although he were glad to depart and give place to his evil fortune for a time, with such power as he had brought with him out of TRANSILVANIA, & such other as he could otherwise levy, he passed over the river to PESTUM: and not daring any where thereabouts to rest, by long marches passed over the river Tibiscus, and there encamped at TOCAI, which was a strong castle upon the further side of the river. His departure being known, King Ferdinand taketh Buda. Ferdinand marching on, obtained BUDA without resistance: where he stayed a while, and consulted with his captains, Whether he should pursue his flying enemy, or not? But it was quickly resolved, That the discouraged enemy was to be speedily pursued, before he should gather greater strength, or enter into greater policies. Wherefore Ferdinand committed all his army unto the nobility of HUNGARY, his friends, whom we have before named; who marching with all speed possible, came to the river Tibiscus: where passing over upon a bridge made of boats, which they brought with them in wagons for that purpose, they came with ensigns displayed unto the castle of TOCAI, where the king lay with his army in order of battle. But terrified with the sudden coming of his enemies, and debating with his captains of the greatness of the danger, took a course unto himself rather safe than honourable: For his captains desiring nothing more than to join battle, and in manner contemning their enemies, persuaded him to withdraw himself a little out of the battle, and to keep him out of danger; and if things fell out otherwise than well, to reserve himself unto his better fortunes: as for themselves they would most resolutely fight against those traitorous fugitives, for as much as it were great dishonour for them, being Hungarians, a warlike people by nature, to refuse battle being offered by the enemy. Amongst the cheefetaines in the king's army, Ferentius Bodo, an old captain of great experience and courage was chief, to whom the king delivered his ensign with his own hands, and he with great skill ordered his battle, for the number of his soldiers: he himself stood in the main battle with the Hungarians, placing the Transylvanians in the wings. In Ferdinand's army, Valentinus Turaccus led the main battle with the Hungarians under Ferdinand's ensign, strengthened on the one side with troops of horsemen out of STIRIA, and on the other with the horsemen of AUSTRIA. But Paulus Bachitius according to the manner of the Turkish wars (wherewith he was well acquainted) with a company of light horsemen lay close in ambush in a convenient place for that purpose, a good distance off, against the left wing of the enemy's army, ready as occasion should serve to take his most advantage. It was not greatly needful for the captains to use any persuasions to encourage their soldiers, ready enough of themselves to fight. The battle of Tocai between the armies of king john and king Ferdinand. The great ordinance once discharged, the armies came fast on and joined battle, where the wings of both battles fought with divers fortune. The Stirian horsemen were not able to endure the force of the Transylvanians, but were put to the worse: and on the other side, the left wing of Bodo his army, consisting for most part of raw and unexpert soldiers, was by the horsemen of AUSTRIA overthrown. At the same time both the main battles (being almost all Hungarians) fought with equal courage, and that so eagerly, as seldom had been seen a more fierce or cruel battle. But by a fresh charge given by Ferdinand's horsemen, who had now put to flight the right wing of Bodo his battle, all Bodo his army fight most valiantly, was disordered and put to flight: Bodo the General labouring to restore the battle, and to save the ensign to him before by the king delivered, was by the coming in of Paulus Bachitius with his light horsemen, taken. The other captains seeing all lost, and past hope of recovery, betook themselves to flight: all the king's artillery and ensigns were taken by the enemy. King john flieth into Polonia. The king seeing the overthrow of his army, for safeguard of his life fled into POLONIA. Ferdinand his captains following the course of the victory, entered into TRANSILVANIA, where the people yielding themselves at the first, all the whole province submitted itself unto the authority of Ferdinand. Bodo and the rest of the noble men that were taken prisoners, with the ensigns taken from the enemies, were sent to Ferdinand. But when Bodo having his liberty promised, could not be persuaded to renounce his oath given to king john, and to bear arms against him, he was by Ferdinand his commandment cast into a dark dungeon, where shortly after, consumed with sorrow and grief, he miserably ended his life. Ferdinand crowned king of Hungary at Alba Regalis. Shortly after Ferdinand (the Hungarians generally submitting themselves unto him) was by their common consent saluted king, and crowned with the same old crown wherewith king john had been crowned, which the same Perenus (a man of little constancy) brought unto him; and with him was also crowned Anne his wife, the only sister of the late king Lewes: all which solemn ceremonies were celebrated at ALBA REGALIS, the usual place for the coronation of the Hungarian kings. Ferdinand by rare felicity thus possessed of two kingdoms, whereunto he was not borne, returned into BOHEMIA, and left his deputies for the government of the kingdom of HUNGARY. These were Stephanus Bator, whom he appointed viceroy, with whom he joined Paulus bishop of STRIGONIUM, who had also revolted from king john: and made Berethsaxius secretary, and Alexius Tursonus a Moravian, treasurer. King john thus miserably distressed, and thrust out of his kingdom▪ by Ferdinand, fled to Hieronimus Lascus, a man for his honourable descent and learned virtue, of great fame and reputation amongst the Polonians: who glad of so honourable a guest, was more careful of nothing, than with all possible kindness and courtesy how to comfort him, wrapped up in so many calamities with the loss of his kingdom▪ he frankly promised unto him all his own wealth (which was not small) for the recovery of his former estate: and that which more was, for the reviving of his former felicity, the uttermost of his wit and devise, which in the compass of all great matters was accounted wonderful. That bountiful entertainment of this poor king by Lascus, was not altogether unpleasant to Sigismond king of POLONIA, although because he would not offend Ferdinand, with whom he was joined in friendship and alliance, he seemed to most men plainly to forget himself in showing so small kindness unto king john, whose sister Barbara he had sometime married: which was the cause that Lascus forgot no point of courtesy in entertaining his guest, and yet the credit of Sigismond with king Ferdinand not touched. But when they had spent almost a month in consultation and debating of matters too and fro, Lascus counseleth king john to ●raue and of Solyman. Lascus accustomed with his deep wit sharply to reason and advisedly to determine of most weighty causes, at last rested upon this one point, That ready help in so hard and desperate a case, was only to be hoped for of the Turkish emperor Solyman: being of opinion, that he being a most mighty prince, and of an honourable disposition, answerable to his greatness, would not reject the humble prayers of an oppressed and exiled king; especially, if that being by his mercy and power restored, he could be content for so great a benefi● to hold his kingdom, as of the bounty of the Ottoman kings. For Lascus saw, that Solyman (so great and proud an emperor) was not so desirous of kingdoms (whereof he had so many as could not easily be reckoned, then commanding over a great part of the world) as of glory and renown, wherewith he understood him to be wonderfully delighted above all other kings of the East, naturally carried away with that windy vanity. This counsel (as in effect it proved) was unto king john wholesome and reasonable, if a man do but respect the poor estate of a king, so greatly wronged, living in exile; but respecting the Christian commonweal, it was undoubtedly most dangerous and lamentable for one man's particular profit to bring the whole state into most dreadful and horrible danger: but the sick minds of worldly men, living in small hope of doing well, and at the point of desperation, refuse no worldly remedies, be they never so doubtful or dangerous. And not long after, Lascus goeth ambassador for king john to Solyman. upon this resolution with the king, Lascus desirous by noble actions to increase the honour of his name, took the matter upon him, and went as ambassador from the exiled king to Solyman to CONSTANTINOPLE. The report was, that Sigismond did not only not stay him, but secretly gave him his safe conduct with letters of credence, wherein he commended him unto the Bassas and other great men in Soliman's court, descended of the Polonian blood, as his faithful and loving subject sent thither upon an extraordinary and special embassage. Lascus as soon as he was come to CONSTANTINOPLE, with wonderful dexterity had in short time won the favour, not of the Bassas only, but of the other courtiers also; presenting them with such gifts as might for the fineness and rareness thereof, rather than for the value (as he thought) be most acceptable and pleasing to their wives: for amongst that barbarous and corrupted people nothing is better welcome than gifts, whether they proceed of simple good will, or other respect, is no great difference. Amongst the great Bassas at that time of greatest power and authority, Abraham Bassa. was Luftebeius, or rather Lutzis, who had married Soliman's sister; and Abraham borne at PARGA, a base village in ACARNANIA, brought up in the court from his childhood with Solyman: he was then visier or chief of the Bassas, and keeper of the emperor's seal, and was by his office to subscribe all such grants or letters as passed from the emperor: by which his great place, and the special favour he had with Solyman, he in magnificence power and authority far exceeded all the rest of the Bassas, doing whatsoever pleased himself; and that with such sovereignty and the good liking of Solyman, that it was commonly said, he was the commander of his thoughts. Lascus thus insinuated into the court, and oftentimes talking with the Bassas without an interpreter, for that he could well speak the Sclavonian tongue, (the familiar speech of the Turkish courtiers) earnestly solicited the king's cause, wonderfully commending him: for at his first coming after he had saluted Solyman, and was about to have declared the cause of his coming, he was after the manner of the Turkish court turned over to the Bassas: for Solyman used not to admit any Christian to talk with him in his court. Lascus requested of Solyman, Lascus his request of Solyman in the behalf of king john by the Bassas, That king john wrongfully thrust out of his kingdom by Ferdinand duke of AUSTRIA, and the treason of certain of the Hungarians, might by the Turkish power be again restored unto the kingdom of HUNGARY, which he would hold by homage of the Turkish emperor, as of right belonging unto him, since the time that Solyman with victorious hand revenging his wrongs and subduing his enemies, had by law of arms (fortune so judging) gained the same. Promising that king john, who for his worthiness was by the general good liking of the Hungarians lawfully chosen to be their king, and so after the ancient manner of that kingdom crowned; if he were now received into Soliman's protection and by him restored, should never forget so great a benefit, but always most faithfully and thankfully to honour the majesty of Solyman, paying him such yearly tribute as it should please him to impose, and to make it known to all men that he was his vassal. Which thing if it would please him to grant, it should be no less honour and glory to Solyman himself, than profitable and comfortable unto the distressed king. For beside that heroical kings are compared unto gods, rather for giving than receiving: it was easy to be seen, how greatly it did concern the profit of the Ottoman kings to be neighboured with a weak and tributary king, rather than with Ferdinand, a prince of great power, lately chosen king of BOHEMIA, supported by the strength of his brother Charles the emperor, commanding over the warlike nation of the Germans; which was as much difference as was betwixt the maintenance of a continual heavy war upon his borders, and the safe enjoying of a most assured peace. Beside that, it concerned the Turks to beware, that such things as they had got by the sword, they should also by the sword defend; and not to suffer any one to grow greater than the rest in riches and power. For it might so fall out, that Charles, grown to be a prince of mighty power, might draw the rest of the Christian princes to join with him in the common cause of the Christian religion, and in that quarrel, as the Christian kings of EUROPE had in former time done, with united forces to seek to recover again what they had before lost: whose force it would be hard to withstand. These things being sharply delivered, and by the Bassas again reported to Solyman, who standing at a secret window, had before heard them as they were by Lascus unto the Bassas declared; it was no great labour to persuade the Turkish emperor, of himself desirous of glory and sovereignty, again to undertake the Hungarian war, Solyman granteth Lascus his request. and to grant king john his request, promising according to the success of the victory, to give him that he desired, so that he would faithfully perform what he had promised, and not show himself therefore unthankful. In the mean time, Ferdinand upon great reason thinking it necessary by all means possible to confirm himself in possession of the kingdom of HUNGARY▪ and fearing no force but the Turks, determined to prove Soliman's disposition, and to seek for his friendship; hoping by reasonable means to compass it, by showing unto the barbarous prince (not altogether abhorring from the commendation of justice) his ancient title and claim, and that he was by the ancient laws of the country right heir thereof: Ferdinand sendeth an ambassador to Solyman. thinking that Solyman having obtained so many victories, and ruling over so many kingdoms, would now at length give himself to peace, as a man contented with his glory already gotten. His desire was, to be received into his friendship, and to join with him in league upon the same conditions which Ladislaus and his son Lewes had for certain years before obtained of the Ottoman kings, and Sigismond king of POLONIA then also with like quietness enjoyed. Wherefore having found out a fit man, whom he might send upon this embassage to CONSTANTINOPLE, one joannes Oberdanscus, a Hungarian, he furnished him accordingly, and gave him gifts, such as he thought good to bestow upon the great Bassaes. But when Oberdanscus was come unto CONSTANTINOPLE, he found Solyman harder to be entreated than he had before hoped, and the Bassas altogether unwilling to hear of any league: for although he was courteously received of Solyman, and most patiently heard, whilst he both eloquently and discreetly before the great Bassas, delivered his embassage; yet in the shutting up of all, he received no more but a proud and insolent answer: for Solyman said, it was far from the manner of his ancestors, to receive them into grace and favour which had done injury unto the Ottoman name: Solyman● answer to Ferdinand's ambassador. wherefore that Ferdinand had done impudently to invade another man's kingdom, and to think to hold it to himself: for as much as his old title and claim which he stood so much upon, was altogether extinguished and lost by law of arms, by his late victory against king Lewes: for which causes he adjudged him unworthy of his friendship and favour, purposing sharply to revenge the wrong he had received, and proclaiming war to come again into HUNGARY with such a power as should be sufficient to invade Ferdinand either in AUSTRIA or GERMANY. Wherefore in stead of friendship and league, he denounced unto him all the calamities of war: and so commanded the ambassador with speed to depart from CONSTANTINOPLE. But Oberdanscus when he was come back again as far as VIENNA, and had there told the king's lieutenants, of the threatening words of Solyman, and that he would shortly come thither with his army, he was not of any of them believed, but reputed for a vain man. Wherefore to shun the hatred of them which mistook truth for falsehood, he made haste to come unto Ferdinand, who was then at SPIRES, labouring for voices to further his suit, for that at the next assembly of the states of the empire, which was then at hand for the coronation of his brother Charles, he himself as he well hoped was to be chosen king of the Romans. The news brought by Oberdanscus, did not a little trouble king Ferdinand, foreseeing as it were what would happen: for that the Turkish tyrant used not lightly to break such promises, but to perform them to the uttermost: and that more increased his care, he knew he should come in evil time to crave help of the Germans, for the defence of his kingdom in HUNGARY against so mighty an enemy, especially his brother Charles the emperor being busied in his wars in ITALY, and he himself wanting money, the only means to raise an army to withstand the Turk. 1529 The Spring now come, and all things fresh and green; Solyman cometh into Hungary with a great army. Solyman altering nothing of his former determination, having levied an army of an hundred and fifty thousand men, set forward from HADRIANOPLE, his Europeian horsemen going before him conducted by Abraham the great Bassa and Achomates, Michael-ogli General of the Acanzijs or voluntary horsemen: and his Asian soldiers led by Becrambeus Bassa following after him: he himself with his janissaries and soldiers of the court keeping in the middle. King john cometh to Solyman a● Belgrade. And marching on this sort came in fifteen days to BELGRADE, where king john accompanied with Lascus and such of the Hungarian nobility as took his part, came unto him, of purpose to make himself known unto him which was to protect him; and doing him all the honour he possibly could, to request him to proceed to revenge his quarrel. Solyman with grave and yet friendly countenance, raising himself a little from the cushion whereon he sat, gave him his right hand, protesting, That nothing could happen unto him better, or that he more desired of God, than to be able to relieve distressed princes, especially such as were wrongfully oppressed by his enemies: wherefore he willed him to be of good comfort, promising of his bounty frankly to bestow upon him whatsoever he should in that war win with the sword from the enemy. King john obtained this rare favour of Solyman by the earnest mediation of Abraham the commanding Bassa; whom he had before at CONSTANTINOPLE by his ambassador Lascus so won with gifts and requests, that he thoroughly took upon him the defence of the king's cause: wherein Lascus was especially holpen by Aloysius Grittus the Duke of VENICE his son, who then followed the Turks camp, and was for his father's sake and the great sufficiency he held himself, had in great reputation amongst the Turks; and in such favour with Abraham who did all in all with Solyman, that he could persuade him to any thing he would. For this Aloysius Grittus, borne and brought up in CONSTANTINOPLE, and wonderful eloquent in the Turkish tongue, had by the honourable carriage of himself, and the great port he kept in his house, so thoroughly possessed Abraham (that all commanded) that he would many times bring Solyman himself over the haven to PERA, to solace himself in Grittus his pleasant gardens and banqueting houses, which he had there most sumptuously made after the Italian manner: whereby to his great profit he obtained to be the chief man in receiving of the Turks customs. The fame of Soliman's coming directly from BELGRADE to BUDA, so terrified the citizens of BUDA, that they almost all forsook the city and fled unto other places further off, some to STRIGONIUM, Solyman entereth Buda without resistance and besiegeth the castle. some to ALBA REGALIS, some to POSSONIUM: so that at his first coming he entered the city (almost desolate) without any resistance: the castle holden by a garrison of Germans, he commanded to be besieged. The captain of the castle was one Thomas Nadastus, a man of great account among the Hungarians, both for the honour of his house and his qualities answerable to the same, graced with singular learning: He perceiving his soldiers dismayed with the sight of so great an army and willing to surrender up the castle, (as beseemed a valiant captain) forbade his soldiers to have any talk with the enemy, commanded the great artillery to be bend and discharged upon the Turks: and seeing his soldiers slack and timorous, reproved them of cowardice and treason, threatening them with shameful death if they did not hold out the siege to the uttermost, and show themselves valiant men, both for the honour of their country, and of king Ferdinand whose pay they received, and of whose bounty they were to expect rewards and preferments answerable to their deserts. But they misdoubting by the running too and fro of the Turks, that the castle was undermined; and smelling, or at least wise imagining themselves to smell the sent of the gunpowder, which they supposed to be in the mine, and doubting to be presently blown up; were struck with such a sudden fear, that neither the fear of future punishment, neither the shame of so foul a fact, nor the reverence of so worthy a captain could stay them, but that they would needs without further delay deliver up the castle: which when they could by no means persuade the resolute captain to consent unto, but that he still with stern countenance exclaimed against their cowardice and treason, they laid hands upon him, and bound him hand and foot, and so presently concluded with the enemy to yield unto him the castle, so that they might in safety depart thence with bag and baggage: which their request Solyman granted. But when the garrison soldiers (in number about seven hundred) were about to depart with their baggage towards POSSONIUM, as was before agreed; and the janissaries coming into the castle, having loosed the captain, were about to let him go also: Solyman advertised of the treachery of the garrison soldiers, and of the fidelity of the captain, changing his mind, judged such villainous minded men unworthy of his mercy, and in detestation of their perfidious dealing with their captain, gave them all to his janissaries to be slain: but to the captain himself he offered honourable entertainment, Solyman contrary to his promise causeth the garrison soldiers af●er they had delivered the castle to be slai●. which when he refused, Solyman courteously sent him away; holpen therein by the commendation of king john, although his sister was married to Stephanus Maylat his deadly enemy. Which bloody execution done by the commandment of the cruel tyrant, the Turks said was not only lawfully done, but also to the immortal glory of his name in the execution of justice: which might peradventure seem reasonable, if the perpetual hatred of that most barbarous nation against the Christians gave not just occasion of suspect, that it proceeded rather of their ancient malice than of any regard of justice. For why should the Germans, who had offended to his great good, and therefore obtained his safe conduct, be thought worthy of so cruel death? when as Solyman himself in punishing the perjury of another, ran into wilful perjury himself; perverting the commendation of justice which he so much desired, by his most bloody and unjust sentence. BUDA the chief city of HUNGARY thus taken by Solyman, he resolved forthwith to besiege VIENNA the chief city of AUSTRIA: in good hope, that by the carriage away of that, the other cities of less strength both of HUNGARY and AUSTRIA would without any resistance be yielded unto him. Wherefore he sent before him Achomates with the voluntary horsemen, who according to the manner of the Turkish wars, running thorough the heart of HUNGARY, and entering with fire and sword into AUSTRIA, passed by VIENNA, miserably burning and destroying the country before him as far as LYNTZ. Austria spoiled by the Turk●. The poor people not knowing where to hide themselves from the fury of their enemies, nor of whom to crave help, fled as men and women dismayed, carrying with them their beloved children, the unfortunate pledges of their love, and what else they could, as things saved out of the midst of the fire. For whatsoever fell into the enemy's hand, was lost without recure: the old men were slain, the young men led away into captivity, women ravished before their husband's faces, and afterwards slain with their children, young infants were ripped out of their mother's wombs, and others taken from their breasts were cut in pieces, or else thrust upon sharp stakes, yielding up again that breath which they had but a little before received; with many other incredible cruelties, which were then by the merciless enemy committed. Solyman himself shortly after followed these forerunners, and setting forward with all his army from BUDA towards VIENNA, by the way took the castle of ALTENBURGE, Altenburge taken. whether by force or composition, is diversly reported: of the garrison soldiers there placed by king Ferdinand, he reserved three hundred Bohemians, whom he commanded to follow his camp. He also assaulted the little city of NEAPOLIS seven times in one day, and was as often repulsed: but being loath to spend any longer time about a town of so small importance, Solyman cometh to Vienna. he forsook that, and held on his way to VIENNA▪ whither he came about the six and twentieth day of September, and encamped in five places found about the city, with such a world of people, that unto them which viewed his camp from the highest tower in VIENNA, it seemed that the ground was for the space of eight miles all covered with the multitude of his tents and people. King Ferdinand, who from the time that he had by his ambassador Oberdanscus received the hard answer from Solyman, always stood in doubt of his coming; had beside his own forces (which were not great to oppose against so mighty an enemy) craved aid of the Christian princes his neighbours, especially of the princes of the empire: who granting him aid against the common enemy, appointed Frederick county Palatine of RHINE and duke of BAVARIA, General of their forces. But whilst the Germans after their manner, slowly set forward, and made less haste than the greatness of the present danger required; Solyman coming in the mean time, had so belayed the city, that it was not possible for the duke Frederick by any means to get into it, but was glad to stay with his army at CHREMSE about twelve miles from VIENNA. A few days before by good hap, upon the report of the loss of BUDA, twenty thousand soldiers horsemen and foot out of divers countries, were in good time come to VIENNA: amongst these, the chief commanders was Philip the Paulsgrave, duke frederick's nephew (a young gentleman of great courage and hope, sent thither but a little before with a few companies of horsemen and footmen by Frederick his uncle, who was coming after with a greater power himself, but was now shut out of the city by Solyman) Nicholaus county of SALMA, the L. William Rogendorff, steward of the king's household, joannes Cazzianer, a noble man of CROATIA, and afterwards governor of VIENNA: and next unto them Nicholaus Turrianus, joannes Hardecus, Leonardus Velsius, Hector Ramsack, men both for their birth and valour of great account amongst the Germans. Vienna badly fortified. The city of VIENNA as it was of some good strength toward the North, by reason of Danubius, so in other places it was at that time neither by art nor nature strong. The ditches, such as they were, were altogether dry, and easy to be passed over: the walls of brick, built round without any flankers, and neither high nor thick, but after the ancient simple manner of fortification of cities: for before that time neither had king Ferdinand, fearing no enemy, neither they of VIENNA who had not of many years seen an enemy, had any care to fortify the city: but as men altogether buried in security, and nothing fearing the coming of so mighty an enemy (although they were thereof before admonished by Oberdanscus) had not so much as cast up any rampire or bulwark, more than at the gate of CARINTHIA, whereon they might conveniently place their great Ordinance: so that of a hundred great pieces, and three hundred others of less charge, which might have wonderfully annoyed the enemy, a great part served to no use, for want of convenient place to mount them upon. Yet as the sudden coming of the enemy and the shortness of the time gave leave, such bulwarks as they could upon the sudden, they cast up, and planted their ordinance thereon. The city was divided into divers quarters, and to every part a strong garrison appointed for defence thereof, all the gates of the city were mured up, except such as were of purpose reserved to sally out at. Now had Abraham the great Bassa encamped himself upon a high hill, where stood a ruinous castle, from whence he might overlook all the city, yet so, as that he lay out of the danger of gunshot. Becrambeius, Soliman's great commander in ASIA, lay at the gate called PURGATORIA, near the church of S. Vlderich. In the third camp towards the rising of the hills, lay Michael Ogli, towards the church of S. Vitus. At the Scottish gate towards Danubius, lay the Asapi, with divers companies of the janissaries: which with shot out of their trenches, suffered no man to appear upon the walls in that quarter without most manifest danger, and powered such showers of arrows over the walls into the city, as if they had fallen out of the clouds; that hardly could any man stir in the city unarmed, but he was forthwith wounded. Solyman himself lay near unto S. Marks church, compassed about with the janissaries and other soldiers of the court, defended also with the brick walls of the gardens thereabouts. Whilst the Turks were thus encamping themselves, the Christian defendants oftentimes fortunately sallied out upon them, and slew many of them. In one of which sallies Wolfgangus Hagen a valiant captain, with certain old soldiers of the Spaniards was slain, fight most valiantly at the gates of the castle: and in another skirmish Christophorus Zetlitz a man of great courage, sallying out of the city with five hundred horsemen, even unto the enemy's trenches, was intercepted and taken with six others of his company; who were all compelled by the Turks to carry so many heads of their slain fellows upon poles, and so presented unto Solyman: of whom he inquired many things as well concerning Ferdinand himself, and where he was, as concerning the princes which had the charge of the city, whether they were in hope to defend the same against his mighty power or not. Whereunto Christopherus aptly and wisely answered, although not altogether so truly, That king Ferdinand lay not far off at the city of LINTZ, expecting the assembly of a great army: and that the princes of GERMANY, BOHEMIA, MORAVIA, and of divers other places were coming unto him, with great aid; so that if he would but stay a little until his forces were come together, he should then see whether of them were of greater strength and power: for as much as it would not be long before the king would come and give him battle: As for the princes in the city, he said he knew no more of their minds, but that both they and all the soldiers from the highest to the lowest, had solemnly sworn to defend the city, and not to give it over unto the last man, reposing their hope not in the walls and fortresses thereof, but in their weapons and valour, being men of great resolution, and not easily to be vanquished or discouraged. With which answer although Solyman was a little moved, yet dissembling his present heat, said, he had hitherto made war against divers nations, and always had the victory, whereof he doubted not now also: But as for him, and the others taken with him, they knew they were in his power to save or kill at his pleasure: Solyman releaseth the Christian princes without ransom. Yet to make them know that he could show mercy unto his vanquished enemies, he frankly granted them their lives and liberty: charging them, that after they were again returned into the city, they should in his name wish the defendants of themselves to yield up the city, which it was impossible for them long to defend against his mighty power, which neither the strong city of BELGRADE, nor the famous city of the RHODES were able to withstand; and to accept of such reasonable conditions as he should grant unto them, promising, that amongst other things proceeding of his infinite bounty, he would take order, that they should in safety depart thence with bag and baggage: in which doing they should well provide for the safety of themselves and of their goods by flying unto his mercy in time, before the fury of the war was grown to further extremity: all which it would be too late to expect after the victory, when nothing was to be hoped for but cruel death, murder, and miserable destruction. Wherefore it were good for them well to consider of the matter; and not foolishly to refuse that was now frankly offered them of mercy, which they should not afterwards obtain with any prayers or tears: for why, he was resolutely set down (as he said) not to depart thence before he had taken the city. When he had thus schooled them, he gave unto every one of them three Hungarian ducats, and so sent them away. They being received into the city with great joy, made relation unto the princes and great captains of all the threatening and proud speeches of the Turkish tyrant: which they took in such disdain, that they would not vouchsafe to return him any answer. Solyman not a little displeased, that his great words were so lightly regarded, by way of derision sent word unto the city, That if they wanted help, he would send them the three hundred Bohemians, whom he took in the castle of ALTENBURGE: to whom answer was returned by them of the city, That they needed no help from him, wherefore he might dispose of his prisoners as he thought good. By this, Solyman perceived, that VIENNA was not to be won with words, nor the defendants to be discouraged with great looks: wherefore he begun to use his force, and with such ordinance as he had brought with him, to batter the walls: which because it was not great, but fitter for service in field than for battery, did not much more harm than to beat down the battlements and such little standings, made of timber and bourds in manner of galleries, hanging here and there over the wall, for the small shot to play out of, a simple devise in stead of flankers. His great artillery provided for battery was coming up the river of Danubius, which he daily looked for: but by good hap, Wolfgangus Hoder, a forward captain, hearing of the Turks coming up the river, went out of POSSONIUM with certain small vessels well appointed: and meeting with the Turks, set upon them with such courage and resolution that he slew many of them, and sunk divers of their boats and pinnaces, amongst whom were they which were bringing up Soliman's great pieces for battery to VIENNA: which was there all sunk in the river, with the boats that brought it. By this good service, Solyman was disappointed of his great artillery, and the city delivered of a great danger. So Wolfgangus having made great spoil amongst the Turks, and lost some few men, returned with victory to POSSONIUM. Yet another part of the Turks fleet coming up to VIENNA, at the first coming broke down all the bridges: for a little above the city, the river of Danubius dividing his channel, maketh divers Islands, which by sundry bridges are joined together, over which lieth the way from AUSTRIA unto the city. This fleet so kept the passage, that no man could without danger either by water or by land go in or out of the city. Solyman having lost all his pieces for battery, and seeing how little he prevailed with his field pieces, fell to undermining of the city, hoping by that means to overthrow the walls, and to make a way for his men to enter. This work, as the Turks chief hope, was with wonderful labour and diligence attempted in fifteen sundry places: which was not so secretly done, but that it was by drums laid upon the ground, by basons filled with water, & sounds made into the earth, perceived by the defendants; and so with countermines met withal, that most part of those works were utterly frustrated, and in them eight thousand of his Turks either slain or buried quick. Eight thousand Turks lost in the mines. Solyman to busy the defendants that they should not so perfectly discover his mines, divided his army into four parts, appointing them orderly to succeed one after another in giving alaroms to the town, that filling their ears with continual noise, he might keep them always occupied. In the midst of which hurly burly his works in the mines went forward with all speed possible, The walls of Vienna blown up. neither was he in that his expectation deceived: for one of the mines brought to perfection unperceived by the defendants, and suddenly blown up, shook and overthrew a great part of the wall near unto the gate which leadeth towards CARINTHIA; whereat the Turks gave a great shout as if the city had now been taken, and withal courageously stepping forward pressed in on all sides, by the ruins of the wall to have entered the breach, charging the defendants with their small shot and Turkey arrows as thick as hail. Who on the contrary part like resolute men stood in the face of the breach, The Turks repulsed from the breach. with more assurance than the wall itself, receiving them with deadly shot and push of pike, in such furious manner, that the Turks for all their multitude, unable longer to maintain the assault, began to retire. Which thing Solyman perceiving, sent in new supplies, and so renewed the assault before given over, but with no better success than before: for having received a great overthrow, as men forgetting both duty and martial discipline, they retired, not expecting any sign of retreat. At this assault so many of the Turks were slain, that the ground near unto the town lay coue●ed, and the ditches filled with their dead bodies. Not long after, the wall was blown up in two places more overagainst S. Clares church; by which breach being not very great, the Turks seeking to have entered, made a bloody fight with the Germans which defended that place, which they sought so desperately to have entered, that without regard they thrust one another upon the points of their enemy's weapons: who glistering in good armour, readily received them being for most part naked men, and slew them without number, A most terrible assault. and so enforced them again disorderly to retire, having before filled both the breaches with their dead carcases. Three days after ensued a most cruel fight, when as another part of the wall (near unto the gate of CARINTHIA, and not far from the first breach) was so suddenly overthrown, that the Turks thorough the new made breach seeing the Christians as they stood ready to come to the defence thereof; and likewise the Christians them, now approaching; for eagerness and haste on both sides, threw away their pieces and bows, and came to handy blows in the middle of the breach; the Turks with their scimiters, and the Germans with their long swords. At which times, as the Christian captains encouraged their soldiers with cheerful persuasions: so the Turkish Commanders enforced forward their Turks both with words and wounds. The assault began so terrible, that it was thought a more fierce and deadly fight was never seen from the beginning of the world: which was with greater resolution maintained by the Turks, for that many of their most valiant horsemen forsaking their horses, thrust in with their targets and scimiters, or else with their lances amongst the janissaries and other footmen, and there fought most desperately. At last, after this furious fight had endured by the space of three hours, The Turks the third time repulsed. and many of the Turks best captains and soldiers lay dead upon the ground by heaps; the Turks seeing no hope to prevail, gave over the assault, and retired to their camp. Long and tedious it were to recount every assault given during the time of that dreadful siege, with every particular accident not unworthy the remembrance, which for brevity I wittingly pass over. Yet amongst the rest (the most valiant leader, though afterwards unfortunate) the Lorenzo William Rogendorffe is not to be forgotten, The Lo. William Rogendorffe. who oftentimes perceiving many of the Turks straggling disorderly abroad in the country, one day upon the sudden sallied out upon them with certain troops of horsemen, with such violence, that at the first onset he overthrew them; and having them in chase, did such speedy execution, that of 5300, scarcely 140 escaped his hands: after which time his name became terrible unto the Turks. Solyman was exceedingly grieved with the often and bloody assaults by him in vain given to the city, but purposing now to prove the last and uttermost of all his forces, he called unto him the chief commanders of his army, whom at the first he sharply reproved as men of no courage, which being many times as good as in possession of the victory, had most cowardly contrary to the manner of that victorious nation, turned their backs upon their enemies, in the breaches already half won▪ Wherefore he willed them to pluck up their hearts, and to make all things ready for a new assault, wherein he expected that they should with courageous forwardness and resolution, recompense their late cowardice: for why he accounted it a great dishonour to forsake the siege begun; wherefore they should resolve the next day as victorious conquerors to take the city, or else there as fainthearted cowards to end their days. Vienna again assaulted. The next day after this heavy charge given, which was the fifteenth of October, the great Commanders of the Turks army with all their forces assailed the city, thrusting their men into the breaches by heaps, as if they would, if no way else, yet with very multitude (if it had been possible) have discouraged or overborne the Christians: they were come to handy blows, and the fight was in every place most terrible, the Christian defendants still repulsing them with greater courage than they were able to assail them. Be●●des that, to the great advantage of the defendants, many pieces of their great ordinance skilfully mounted in places most convenient, and continually discharged amongst the thickest of their enemies as they pressed on, made such slaughter amongst them, and so cut them off, that being thoroughly discouraged, they shrunk back, and could not by any threats or command of their captains be thrust forward, choosing rather to be slain of their own captains (as some of them were) than to be rend in sunder with the murdering shot of the Christians. The Turks repulsed. So that the captains seeing now no other remedy, gave over the assault and retired, leaving behind them many thousands of their dead Turks in the town ditches. The next day after this assault, Solyman despairing to win the city, and fearing the coming of king Ferdinand and the county Palatine with a strong army, as it had been to him reported, considering also that Winter was now coming fast on, determined to raise his siege: and to colour the dishonour thereof, he sent certain of the chief prisoners which he had taken, richly appareled with their purses full of money into the city, to tell the captains that he came not with purpose either to besiege or take the city, but to revenge the wrongs done unto him by his enemy king Ferdinand, and to have fought a battle with him for the kingdom of HUNGARY: whom for as much as he could not draw unto VIENNA, he would remove thence to seek for him, as his capital enemy: Wherefore they should do well to yield themselves, which if they would, he promised not to enter their city, but to receive both the citizens and soldiers into his protection, reserving unto them their lives and goods with perpetual freedom. Which his offer the defendants scornfully refused as proceeding of mere desperation. The next night following Solyman with more than barbarous cruelty, caused all the prisoners in his army to be slain, which pitiful outcries was of the soldiers heard into the city, not knowing what the matter should be, until that the next day after the departure of the enemy they found the dead bodies of men, women, and children in all places of the camp wallowed in their one blood, a most lamentable spectacle to behold. Solyman raiseth his siege. Solyman purposing to forsake the siege, caused Abraham the great Bassa to show himself in order of battle, as if he would have given a fresh assault: in the mean time he himself rose upon the sudden with the rest of his army, and returned towards BUDA in such haste, that he neither put any garrison into such places as he had taken, neither demanded of them any tribute. After whom the Bassa followed, keeping himself a days journey behind him: and so in five days he arrived with all his army at BUDA, 32 German miles from VIENNA. 80000 Turks lost at the siege of Vienna. This siege was given over by Solyman about the sixteenth of October, wherein he is reported to have lost eighty thousand men, amongst whom was his great lieutenant of ASIA, with many other of his forward captains and best soldiers. Of the defendants few or none of name were lost, but of the country people it is supposed that there was above sixty thousand slain, and carried away into captivity: all the country about VIENNA was miserably spoiled, all their trees and vines being by the Turks cut down to the ground. Solyman according to his promise, Solyman restoreth the kingdom of Hungary to king john. restored BUDA unto king john, who by solemn writing acknowledged himself his vassal, and to hold the kingdom of HUNGARY of him as his lord and sovereign. Unto him Solyman joined Aloysius Grittus as his legate, to help him to provide such things as should be needful for the defence of that kingdom. It happened one day whilst Solyman lay at BUDA, and had given king john with divers of the nobility of HUNGARY access into his pavilion, that he fell earnestly in hand with king john to pardon Paulus bishop of STRIGONIUM, and Petrus Perenus, who had taken part with king Ferdinand, and to receive them into his former favour: which men king john could in no case like of, because that they as traitors unto their prince and country, forgetting their faith and oath, had performed the like duty unto Ferdinand, as they had but a little before done unto him at the time of his coronation: wherein he showing himself unwilling to be entreated, said▪ That their mutable minds fraught with infidelity, would never contain themselves within the bounds of loyalty, but find occasion to commit some fouler treason than they had before: whereunto Solyman straining his voice a little as one somewhat moved, most honourably replied: Can any thing (said he) happen unto thee in this life better or more honourable, The honourable saying of Solyman to K. john. than if by thy kindness thine enemies shall be of all men accounted ingrateful; that is to say, men noted with eternal infamy: when as in thyself the commendation of a good and courteous prince shall for ever remain? And so not long after fearing the cold of Winter then approaching, dangerous for his beasts for carriage, especially his camels bred and brought up in the hot countries of ASIA, he set forward to BELGRADE, and so traveling through THRACIA returned to CONSTANTINOPLE. All this while that Solyman thus raged in HUNGARY and AUSTRIA, Charles the emperor lately reconciled to Clement the seventh of that name, than bishop of ROME, with a strong army besieged FLORENCE, by his lieutenant Davalus (who might have done much against the Turks, if he had been so well employed) labouring by all means to repress the liberty of the citizens, whereunto they had but a little before aspired▪ and to bring them again under the subjection of the family of Medici's, whereof Clement was the chief. Which thing with much ado he brought to pass, investing Alexander the bishop's nephew in the dukedom of FLORENCE, and afterward giving him his base daughter in marriage; forgetting his brother Ferdinand in the mean time, thrust out of the kingdom of HUNGARY by Solyman, and the dukedom of AUSTRIA wasted by the Turks, with the city of VIENNA in danger to have been lost. Which common calamities might well have moved both the emperor and the bishop, to have had more regard of, than by oppressing the liberty of one free city to seek how to serve their own private respects. The year following, 1530 which was 1530, Solyman with great solemnity and triumph, after the Turkish manner, Solyman circumciseth his three sons. circumcised three of his sons, Mustapha, Muhamet, and Selimus, at CONSTANTINOPLE. Solyman hardly digesting the dishonour he had before received at VIENNA, and oftentimes solicited by king john for aid against Ferdinand, who with greater stomach than power ceased not continually to molest him: but most of all pricked forward with the insatiable desire of enlarging his empire, after the manner of the Ottoman kings, accounting his neighbour princes always his enemies, and their dominions the objects of his victories, and spoil for his soldiers; raised such an army as for the greatness thereof might worthily have been a terror unto the world: Not so much purposing the protection of king john, which he in show most pretended; neither the siege of VIENNA, as was commonly bruited; as the conquering of AUSTRIA, CARINTHIA, CROATIA, STIRIA and the rest of king Ferdinand's dominions, and so afterwards of all GERMANY. For the accomplishment whereof, he had in his immoderate desires prefined unto himself the space of three years, which the great monarches of ROME could not perform in more than so many hundreds. It was commonly reported that the proud tyrant would many times say, That whatsoever belonged unto the empire of ROME, was of right his, for as much as he was rightfully possessed both of the imperial seat & sceptre of Constantine the great Commander of the world, which his great grandfather Mahomet had by law of arms won from Constantine the late Christian emperor, whom he slew at CONSTANTINOPLE. And therefore both in his common talk and writings, as oft as he had occasion to make any mention of Charles the emperor, he would proudly and as it were in disdain term him by the name of the king of Spain, but never by the name of emperor. The discord of the Christian princes, and the great troubles even then arising in GERMANY about matters of religion, did not a little encourage the barbarous tyrant to take in hand this great expedition. King Ferdinand sendeth ambassadors to Solyman▪ King Ferdinand certainly advertised that Solyman was in person himself setting forward with his huge army, sent unto him three ambassadors; whereof Leonardus Negarola a noble gentleman, well learned, and skilful in divers languages, was chief, with rich presents and reasonable offers to entreat with him for peace. Who meeting him upon the borders of SERVIA, were by him courteously received, and patiently heard: yet obtained of him no other answer, but that they should follow his camp, and attend his further pleasure. The report whereof, brought a general fear upon all GERMANY, but especially them of AUSTRIA, in whose fresh remembrance as yet remained the bleeding wounds of their country, their brethren and friends slain, their wives and children led away into captivity, their goods and cattle lost, their houses and fields burnt, and thousands of other grievous calamities which they had endured in the late invasion of the Turks. Charles the emperor had in very good time (a little before) for a while well appeased the dissension then arising in GERMANY about matters of religion, putting them in hope of a free and general Counsel to be holden for the deciding of all such matters: and in a great assembly of the states of the empire holden at RATISBONE, showing the greatness of the imminent danger, so puissant an enemy threatening unto them all the calamities of war, with the manifold mischiefs like to ensue, if they should in so unfit time fall at variance amongst themselves: offering with great resolution to go in person himself with all his old expert soldiers in defence of the common Christian cause, so much prevailed with the princes of the empire, and the ambassadors of the free estates, that they highly commended his forwardness; and all other matters for that time set apart, agreed all with one consent at a prefixed day to send unto VIENNA such warlike forces as they had in any time before set forth, for the defence of the Christian religion, and the majesty of the empire. Whereupon he wrote unto Alphonsus Vastius (his lieutenant General in ITALY, and one of the greatest captains of that age) that he should without delay call together the old captains, and to levy so many companies of arquebusiers as they possibly could; The preparation of Charles the emperor against Solyman. and with them and the Spanish soldiers to repair forthwith unto him into AUSTRIA. He also enjoined Andreas Auria, his admiral, that he should with like diligence rig up a strong fleet of galleys and merchants ships, and to go against the Turks navy into GRaeCIA. At the same time he sent for his choice horsemen out of BURGUNDY and the low countries, and many noble gentlemen and old soldiers out of SPAIN: for the guard of his own person he entertained twelve thousand Germans, such as had longest served in his wars in ITALY, over whom commanded Maximilian Herbersthene, and Tamisius, both famous captains. At the same time Clement the seventh then bishop of ROME, although his coffers were greatly emptied by the late Florentine wars, which had cost him ten hundred thousand ducats; yet to make some show of his devotion in so dangerous a time, with the great good will he bore unto the emperor, after he had with grievous exaction extorted from the clergy a great mass of money (whereunto his rich cardinals contributed nothing, as if it had been a thing utterly unlawful for them in so good a cause to have abated any jot of their pontifical show in the court of ROME,) sent the young cardinal Hippolytus Medici's his nephew, being then about twenty years of age, a man indeed fitter for the wars than for the church, as his legate unto the emperor, accompanied with more good captains than clergy men, and his coffers well stuffed with treasure: whose coming to RATISBONE was unto the emperor and the Germans very welcome, for besides that he was a young gentleman of very comely parsonage and exceeding bountiful, he entertained for those wars (besides the company he brought with him) eight ●housand Hungarian horsemen, of all others best acquainted with the Turkish wars. King john understanding, that the foremost of Soliman's great army were come as far as SAMANDRIA in SERVIA, Strigo●ium besieged by king john. thought it now a fit time to wring from king Ferdinand such towns as he yet held in HUNGARY, wherefore he sent Aloisius Grittus (whom Solyman had left as a helper for his estate) to besiege STRIGONIUM; which is a city of HUNGARY, situate upon the side of Danubius, about thirty miles from BUDA, the castle whereof was at that time holden with a strong garrison of king Ferdinand's: whereunto for all that Grittus laid such hard siege both by the river and by land, that the defendants doubting how they should be able to hold out, especially if Solyman should take that in his way, as it was most like he would; sent for relief to Cazzianer, a warlike captain, than governor of VIENNA, and general of all king Ferdinand his forces: by whose appointment certain small frigates, were sent down the river of Danubius from POSSONIUM, well manned: who suddenly setting upon the Turks fleet (which so kept the river that nothing could that way be possibly conveyed either in or out of the castle) should by their unexpected coming open that way: but Grittus having intelligence thereof by certain Hungarians, which though they served king Ferdinand, made no great account to fly sometime to the one part, sometime to the other, as best fitted their purpose; presently resolved to send his fleet up the river, and by his sudden coming to oppress his enemies, in like sort as they had thought to have done him. And the more to encourage his soldiers, he promised great rewards to all such as should perform any extraordinary piece of service in that action: and so having thoroughly furnished all his fleet with good soldiers, but especially with Turkish archers, sent them up the river to seek their enemies: who fearing no such matter, as men surprised with the same mischief they had prepared for others, were at the first exceedingly dismayed, yet considering that they were reasonably well provided for their coming (although they yet wanted such help as Cazzianer had appointed to send them) they thought it a great shame to fly, and therefore putting themselves in order of battle, came down the river, and with great courage encountered their enemies. There began a sharp and cruel fight, many being slain and wounded on both sides: but at last they of POSSONIUM, not able longer to endure the deadly shot of their enemies, and especially of the Turkish archers, who with their arrows sore gauled both the soldiers and the mariners, they turned their backs and fled: in which fight of sixty frigates which came from POSSONIUM, only thirteen escaped, with Corporanus the General, all the rest being either sunk in the fight, or else taken by the enemy, being run ashore and forsaken by the Possonians, trusting more unto their legs by land than their oars by water. Besides this loss of the frigates, there was slain of the Possonians almost five hundred. After this victory, Grittus hoping that they in the castle of STRIGONIUM, despairing now of relief, and fearing the coming of Solyman, would not long hold out; left off to batter or undermine the castle, wherewith he perceived he little prevailed, purposing by lying still and keeping them in the castle from all relief, to enforce them in time to forsake the place. Thus whilst the divided Hungarians with their own hands inconsiderately sought one another's destruction, with the ruin of their country; Solyman the great enemy of all Christians was ready at their backs to devour both the one and the other, as in few years after he did. Much about this time the old Spanish soldiers in ITALY, drawn together by Vastius, as the emperor had before commanded, were come to the Alps. In this camp, of one sort of men and other, was above twenty thousand, whereof almost the third part was not serviceable: for the old soldiers, enriched with the long wars in ITALY, and the spoil of the rich country of LOMBARDY, wherein they had of late been billeted, brought with them all their old got spoils and substance, not forgetting so much as their women, and whatsoever else served their pleasure: for carriage whereof they drew after them a great multitude of carriages and unnecessary people, all which served for no other use but for the soldiers pleasure, and to consume victuals. Which their licentious wantonness Vastius desiring to reform, gave strait commandment thorough all the camp, That they should leave behind them all such unnecessary baggage, Mutiny amongst the Spanish soldiers. and appointed what carriages should suffice for every company: whereat the soldiers began at the first to murmur, and presently after to arise up in mutiny: for many of the captains being rich, and disliking of that long and dangerous expedition, covertly incited the common soldiers to cry out upon Vastius the General for their pay, already due. Which thing once put into their heads, and the matter set on foot, quickly grew to that heat, that they all with one voice said flatly, That they would go no foot further, before they had received their pay. Vastius although he well perceived that tumult to be raised by some of his enemies, which sought thereby to lighten his credit, was glad for all that for the present to dissemble the matter, and yielding to the necessity of the time, to content the mutinous soldiers with one months' pay, promising them their full contentment, at such time as they should come unto the emperor: and so when he had with much ado appeased that tumult, he set forward into GERMANY. Immediately after the Spaniards followed the Italians, who with such cheerfulness offered themselves to that service, that every captain brought with him twice so many in his company as was expected: so that Vastius (who before doubtful of their forwardness in so dangerous a war, especially in the aid of the Germans, of whom they had in the late wars received great harms, had by great and earnest persuasions induced divers of the nobility, and others of the better sort, to enter into that honourable action, in hope that they would draw after them great numbers of their friends and tenants, as indeed they did) was now glad to send back again many of the common soldiers, by reason of the multitude; and also to his great discredit, and the offence of many, full sore against his will to displace most part of those forward gentlemen whom he had but a little before made captains, who to their no small charge had gallantly furnished themselves, according to their degrees and places: for the emperor had then appointed what number of Italians he should bring, and also given commandment, That rejecting the rest, he should commit the leading of them only to those old expert captains of whose valour and discretion he had before had good experience. These were Martius Columna, Petrus Maria, Rubeus, Philippus Torniellus, joannes Baptista Castalius, Fabritius Maramaldus, Pyrrhus Stipicianus, and Camillus Columna, being all men of great worth and approved faith towards the emperor. In these Italian companies were fourteen thousand select footmen, beside many other brave men who voluntarily resorted from divers places to VIENNA. After these footmen followed Ferdinand Gonzaga with two thousand horsemen, and certain troops of Grecians and Spaniards, and with them came many noble gentlemen out of all parts of ITALY, who had before been great commanders, but now served as private gentlemen voluntarily without charge or pay; accounting it a great shame to tarry at home as cowards, and not to be present in that religious war. The emperor also about the same time, having taken view of his horsemen come out of the low countries most excellently appointed, and shipping his great ordinance whereof he had bought great store at NURUMBERGE, departed down the river from RATISBONE to LINTZ. The river of Danubius never carried so many vessels and soldiers since the time of the great Roman emperors, as it did at that present. And yet besides them which went down the river by shipping, the pleasant banks on both sides were filled with great companies of horsemen and footmen, passing all alongst the river under their colours, with their drums and trumpets sounding, which altogether made the most glorious show that a man could well behold upon earth. 1532 In the mean while Solyman in six and fifty days march come to BELGRADE, thrust over the great river Saws by bridges made in divers places, Solyman cometh into Hungary. an infinite number of his horsemen into HUNGARY: and leaving Danubius on the right hand, turning a little upon the left, marched directly towards the rich country of STIRIA (called in ancient time VALERIA, and now STIERMARKE.) By the way as he went, he came to the little town of GUNZA, which one Nicholas jureschitz (a man of an invincible courage) kept with a small garrison of his own. This town standeth in a plain, not far from the city of SABARIA, built square, and but of a small compass, not very strongly walled, a poor obscure thing, never famous till now by the great dishonour that the great Turkish emperor Solyman there received. Abraham the chief Bassa (who so absolutely commanded amongst the Turks, as if Solyman had received him into the fellowship of the empire with himself) was very desirous to save this captain Nicholas, for that he knew him to be a man of great courage, and was familiarly acquainted with him at such time as he lay ambassador at CONSTANTINOPLE: wherefore he attempted first by gentle persuasions and large offers, and afterwards by most terrible threats, to induce him to yield the town unto Solyman. But finding him so resolutely set down, that he was neither by fair nor foul means, but only by force to be removed out of his town; Gunza besieged by the Turks. he enclosed the same round about with the huge army of the Turks, and by mines overthrew the walls in three places. Which sudden breach, whilst the garrison soldiers most valiantly defended against the furious assault of the janissaries, on the South side of the town; the Bassa planting his field pieces upon the hills on the North side, did from thence grievously annoy the defendants: who fiercely assailed by their enemies before, and beaten with the great ordinance behind, were grievously distressed. Wherewith the worthy Governor somewhat troubled, though not much discouraged, suddenly of timber and boards raised up a curtain twelve foot high, at the backs of his soldiers: wherewith they were so covered from the sight of their enemies, that they could not make any certain shot at them, but only shot at that curtain at all adventures, not doing any thing so great harm as before: and with desperate and restless labour (in despite of all the Turks great power) repaired the breaches, in as strong manner as at the first. In the mean time two hundred of the Turks horsemen, straggling from the camp, and seeking after booty into the country as far as NEOSTAT, were by the Hungarian horsemen intercepted and all slain or taken, whose heads the Hungarians brought to VIENNA; and the more to encourage the soldiers which daily repaired thither, The huge army of Solyman. in token of good luck set them up upon stakes upon the walls of the city. Then was it certainly known of the prisoners, that Solyman had in his camp five hundred thousand men, and three hundred field pieces, which were not of greater bigness but that a camel might well carry one of them, being taken from the carriage: for why, Solyman purposing by destroying the country before him, to draw the emperor unto battle; had (as they said) brought no greater pieces of battery with him. Which report of the prisoners was also confirmed by the ambassadors of king Ferdinand, whom Solyman gave leave to depart at GUNZA, giving to every one of them a gown of velvet and a piece of plate, with letters unto the emperor and king Ferdinand his brother; wherein proudly usurping the titles of many kingdoms, he most insolently writ himself lord and sovereign of almost all countries and nations. Solyman proud 〈◊〉 to Charles the emperor and king Ferdinand. But the effect thereof was, That he was come into HUNGARY, to revenge the wrongs which they had done unto king john his friend and vassal; and would with fire and sword enter their countries, and by the power of God and his great prophet Mahomet, the favourers of just quarrels, give them battle, if they durst meet him: Wherefore if they would as valiant and courageous princes meet him in the field, he would in one battle end quarrel with them, and in reward of the victory either win or lose the empire of the world. When Solyman had thus a great while lain at the siege of GUNZA, and thereto given divers sharp assaults, being still with great loss and dishonour repulsed, he in the space of four days cast up near unto the town ditch two great mounts of faggots and earth, as if they had been two great mountains, of such height, that they overtopped not the walls only, but even the highest towers in the town (by which wonderful work the greatness of the Turks army might easily be conjectured:) one of these great mounts he cast up directly against the face of the town, and the other at a corner of the same, to flanker alongst the wall; from whence he did with his shot not only beat them which appeared upon the walls for the defence thereof, but them also which upon occasion went too and fro in the streets. These mounts being with incredible celerity brought to perfection, the town ditch filled up, and many of the defendants either slain or wounded upon the walls, the Turks gave a most furious assault at that place which was before shaken with the mine: against whom the valiant captain as need was in that extreme danger, opposed all the strength he had left. But the Turks still pressing on with their infinite multitude, were got up to the top of the walls with eight ensigns, from whence they had repulsed the defendants: which being all either wounded or wearied, shrouded themselves under the defence of their penthouses, being neither able nor of courage to make further resistance, so that the walls were now abandoned, and the town there left without defendants: when suddenly such a great clamour was made by the loud outcries and lamentation of the women and children and other fearful people, that the Turks which had recovered the top of the walls, strucken with a sudden fear, thinking the town to have been full of soldiers, stood as men astonished and dismayed, whereupon the defendants began again to take courage, and to show themselves: at whose sight the Turks possessed with a needless fear, forsook the walls, and could not by any persuasions or threats of their captains be brought on again to the assault. The town was that day in all men's judgements defended by the mighty power of God and not by the strength of man. It grieved the proud tyrant above measure, that so base a town should so long hold out against all his power, so that oftentimes in his rage he would threaten to raze it down to the ground, and not to leave any sign thereof remaining: which he would undoubtedly have in time performed, Abraham Bassa persuadeth Solyman to leave the siege of Gunza. had not Abraham the great Bassa (by whose counsel he was altogether directed) otherwise persuaded him: who waiting a fit time, when his choler was past, told him that it was not worth his name and greatness, to spend his time and forces upon so small a town of no importance, by rasing whereof he should neither get honour nor profit: for why, no man would marvel, if he with so puissant an army should take so small a thing, especially by long siege, whereby the strongest places are enforced to yield; and when he had so taken it, yet it would be accounted a greater honour for so little a town to have holden out so long, than for him to have with so great forces in long time constrained it: but if it should otherwise fall out, as the chances of war are uncertain, that he should by any occasion be constrained to leave it, he should thereby get no small dishonour: wherefore it were more wisdom to spare his soldiers labour in so small a matter, whereof he was not to expect either honour or profit, and forto reserve them for his greater designs, and not vainly to spend his forces & time in the besieging of so base a village, from whence he might now depart with less dishonour than he could afterwards, when he had proved the uttermost of his forces, and yet in the end glad peradventure to forsake it: wherefore it were more for his honour to raise his siege, and calling the Governor of the town unto him, to give him the town as it were of bounty, than to spend so many good men as he must needs cast away in the winning of it by force. With these and like reasons the Bassa prevailed so much with Solyman, that Nicholas the worthy governor of the town was by a herald at arms sent for to come unto the great Bassa, Solyman disdaining (as it should seem) to speak with him himself. The Governor being sent for, although he was grievously wounded, and in small hope of life, yet stoutly refused to come to any parley, except he were first well assured both by safe conduct and good hostages for the safety of his person, and that nothing should be exacted of him, not beseeming his religion and honour. Which stout answer caused Solyman and the Bassa to think, that his strength was not yet so weakened but that he was still able to hold out the siege: and thereupon, that he required for his safety was forthwith granted, and two men of great account sent for hostages for him into the city with Soliman's safe conduct. The Governor cometh to the Bassa. Which being received, the Governor went forth, and was by Abraham the great Bassa honourably received into the camp, and commanded to sit down by him in his tent: where he was by him first by the way of courtesy demanded, whether he had recovered his old infirmity wherewith he was troubled at such time as he was sent ambassador unto Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE? After that, whether the wounds he had received in the last assault, were dangerous or not? but last of all, and that which most concerned the matter, upon what hope he alone had so long and so obstinately withstood the mighty Sultan Solyman; when as all his neighbours round about him had so willingly submitted themselves? saying further, That he marveled much why he reposed any confidence in the linger king Ferdinand. Whereunto the Governor modestly answered, His answer to the Bassa. That he was (thanks be to God) well delivered of his old disease: and that his wounds were without danger: but as concerning his holding out, he said, that he for his great wisdom knew, that it was the duty of a good soldier valiantly to withstand his enemies, & not to be troubled with any evil hap, or discouraged with any chance of war: as for himself, he said, when man's help failed, he had reposed his full trust in God, by whose power he had been hitherto preserved, which as he well hoped, should never fail him at his need: and that king Ferdinand was not so far off, but that he would before it were long be there present with a great army: wherefore he did not greatly marvel, that he was not relieved before that time, for as much as many lets and occasions might chance which might hinder the king's purpose, considering that fortune always by nature unconstant, was in nothing more like unto herself in her unconstancy than in martial affairs. The Bassa wondering at the invincible courage of the Governor, said, That although the great emperor Solyman might now at his pleasure utterly destroy the town, with all that therein was; yet being by nature of a most honourable and mild disposition, and a great lover of valiant and courageous men, had commanded him in his name to give him that town, and the lives of all them that were in it, as a reward of his valour showed in the defence thereof: yet so, that he should swear obedience unto him, and receive some few Turks into the town, in token that he had yielded the same. The politic Governor knowing that of eight hundred valiant soldiers he had scarcely a third part left, and them also sore weakened with wounds and want of rest, thought it necessary to make his peace in best sort he could: For what could have happened unto him more wishedly, than with his great honour to keep the town still, and with the loss of a few pleasing words to deliver himself, with so many of his friends, from extreme fear and peril? and so in all his talk showing no sign of fear, and with great words setting forth the strength of his garrison (which was indeed brought to an etreame weakness) said he was ready at the first to have yielded up the town, for the old acquaintance he had with him at CONSTANTINOPLE, but was always letted by the Germans and Spaniards which were there in garrison, fierce and cruel soldiers, whose hard hearts were (as he said) hardly entreated to suffer him at that time to come out of the city into the camp: Wherefore he could promise to be a friend to all such Turks as should pass that way, and to relieve them with such things as his wasted country could afford; and further, in token of his submission, to set up one of Soliman's ensigns in the chief tower of the city: but as for receiving any Turks into garrison, in token that he had yielded up the town, he was willing so to do, but that he was greatly afraid they should be evil entreated by the Germans and Spaniards, who deadly hated the Turks: whereof it was to be thought, that new wars would eftsoons arise. In conclusion, he so cunningly used the matter, that the great Bassa was contented with this small token of submission, That he should receive in at one of the gates of the city, one of Soliman's captains with ten janissaries: which being done accordingly, and they courteously for a while entertained and again dismissed, the great Bassa held himself with that simple submission well contented: when as the Governor had neither German nor Spaniard as then in garrison. Solyman departeth from the si●ge of Gunza. So when Solyman had with his great army lain at the siege of GUNZA by the space of eight and twenty days, and in that time to his great loss assaulted the same thirteen times, he rise with his army, glad of a little feigned submission for the safeguard of his honour: and leaving VIENNA on the right hand, whither most part of the Christian army was assembled, took the way on the left into CARINTHIA, and so came to the river Mura, and from thence to the city GRATIA. This turning of Soliman's out of the way from VIENNA, where he knew his enemies lay, put all fear out of the minds of the Christians, which they had before not without cause conceived, in so much, that he but a little before feared as a prince of great pride and power, shamefully repulsed at the little town of GUNZA, and now shunning his enemies at VIENNA, began to grow into contempt as if he had been running away for fear. Which disgrace the Turks sought by divers excuses to cover, as that the strong city of NEOSTAT lay betwixt him and VIENNA, which could neither without much difficulty be taken, nor danger left enemy behind him: Besides that, Winter began to approach, which caused him (as the Turks gave it out) to content himself with the spoil of the rich countries betwixt the rivers Saws and Dranus, and so in good time to return again to BELGRADE. But they which seemed to see farther into the matter, were of opinion, That Solyman understanding by his espials, and secret advertisement from his friends, that the princes of GERMANY had with one consent joined their forces with the emperors, brought out of ITALY, SPAIN, and the low countries, which at his setting forth he least feared; and that the Christian army in number great, consisted not of raw soldiers, but for the most part of such as had been trained up in wars, men both for courage and skill nothing inferior to his janissaries and best men of war; chose rather to take the spoil of the country, as he might with safety, than to adventure his person and state to the hazard of a most doubtful and dangerous battle. Whilst these things were in doing, Cason sent with 15000 horsemen to spoil 〈◊〉▪. Michael-ogli by the commandment of Solyman sent Cason with fifteen thousand of his voluntary horsemen (who in Soliman's expedition against VIENNA, had run thorough the country of AUSTRIA as far as LINTZ) charging him without stay to spoil all the country far and near which lieth between Danubius and the Alps, thereby to learn what he could of the state and strength of the emperors camp; and by doing all the harms he could possibly, to leave a most lamentable remembrance of the Turks being in AUSTRIA. Cason was of himself forward enough, and desirous of the spoil; but so much the more, for that he was by the former road into that country become both famous and rich: Wherefore dividing his horsemen into three companies not far distant one from another, he suddenly oppressed an infinite multitude of all sorts of people in the fields and country villages as he went; all which he either slew without mercy, or carried away as miserable prisoners. Thousands of men and women tied together in chains and ropes, were by the cruel Turks enforced to run as fast as their horses, the country villages were burnt down to the ground and in them the poor children of the Christians, whose parents were either slain or carried away captives: so that all the country every way for the space almost of an hundred and fifty miles, was covered with smoke and fire, within three miles of LINTZ; where king Ferdinand then lying, was glad to get himself farther off to STRADINGA, where his brother Charles the emperor lay. This cruel Turk, according to his charge having with fire and sword without compassion wrought all the woe he could possible upon the poor Christians, and now loaded with the spoil of the country and multitude of prisoners, began to return the same way he came, thinking to find Solyman either at the siege of GUNZA where he left him, or nearer hand at NEOSTAT coming towards VIENNA. But he as is before said, rising with small honour from GUNZA, and fearing the power of the Christians, was gone quite another way as far as GRATIA, the metropolitical city of STIRIA, standing upon the river of Mura; which turned to the utter destruction of Cason and all his followers. For as soon as it was perceived by the burning of the country all about, that the Turks were come near unto LINTZ, the Christian captains with their companies went out of the camp, some one way, some another, as was thought most convenient for the meeting with of these mischievous Turks, which never rested in one place: wherein they used such diligence in taking the passages, that it was not possible they should escape unfought withal. Four companies of Spanish and Italian horsemen under the leading of Lewes Cove a valiant captain, first lighting upon them in a valley near unto NEOSTAT, and desperately charging them, 4000 Christian captives murdered by Cason. were by the Turks for most part slain: But Cason perceiving how he was on every side laid for by the Christians in the valleys betwixt NEOSTAT, SABARIA, and VESPRINIUM, the night following with more than barbarous cruelty slew four thousand of the Christians he had before taken prisoners, because he should not be hindered by them in his flight; and dividing his army into two parts, about midnight began to set forward, using the benefit of the night to have escaped from his enemies out of these valleys wherein he was enclosed. One part of this army led by Ferises taking the way Southward, did with incredible labour cut a way thorough the thick and overgrown woods (a thing thought altogether impossible) and so with little or no loss came to Solyman into S●●RIA. Cason with the other part of the army breaking out of the valley of STORAMBERG, chanced upon the Palatine (General of the forces sent from the german princes) who with ten thousand footmen and two thousand horsemen, and certain field pieces broke the battle of the Turks, and slew of them a great number: in which conflict Cason his chief ensign was taken. Cason discomfited by the Palatine and slain. He fighting most valiantly in the rearward to give others time to escape, was himself there slain; whose gallant head-piece presented afterwards to the emperor, confirmed the report of his death. They which escaped from the Palatine, in their flight fell into the hands of Lewes and the marquess of BRANDENEURG, by whom they were slain like beasts. The Hungarian horsemen led by Valentinus Turacus, lighting upon them which fled from Lewes and the marquess, had the kill of them for the space of seven miles; and of all others did upon them the cruelest execution, following them hard at the heels with their fresh horses, and fiercely insulting upon them in their own language. Those few dispersed Turks which escaped the fury of the Hungarians, fell into the hands of the country people about VESPRINIUM and the lake of Balaton, The slaughter of the Turks. which came out on every side in hope of spoil, who showed them small favour: so that of 8000 Turks which were with Cason, it was thought not one returned to Solyman. The emperor understanding that Solyman was gone as far as GRATIA in STIRIA, called his chief captains together into the castle of LINTZ, to know their opinions, whether it were best to follow the enemy into STIRIA or not. The cities of LINTZ, GRATIA, and VIENNA are scituat almost in form of a triangle: but from LINTZ to GRATIA is three good days journey of bad rough way by horse. Some said it was best to fight with the Turks in that uneven mountain country, where the Turks chief strength consisting in the multitude of his horsemen, should stand him in small steed, but should be enforced to try the battle with his footmen, wherein he was inferior to the Christians. This counsel although it had in it many difficulties, yet for that it proceeded from the most approved captains, so moved the emperor, that he presently sent Apontius a Spaniard (the most famous captain Antonius Leva his lieutenant) to take view of that passage: who shortly after returned again to LINTZ, bringing word that all the country as he went was desolate and for fear forsaken of the inhabitants: but concerning the place of the enemy's abode, he could learn no certainty. Whereupon it was by general consent concluded, that they should all go to VIENNA, whither all the strength of the Germans was already assembled, there to take a general view of the army, and to give the enemy battle if he should again return. Some there were of great courage which openly disliked of that going to VIENNA, saying, That the emperor should rather in that distress of the provinces of STIRIA and CARINTHIA pursue his enemy, than turn out of the way to VIENNA. But others of greater judgement, whose opinion prevailed, said, It was one thing to invade, and another thing to defend: so that the emperor might with honour enough encamp himself in the fields of VIENNA, and from thence to expect & deride the base expedition and vain brags of his proud enemy, who a far off challenged him into the field, and then like a coward durst not come near him. Charles the emperor his power at Vienna. The emperor coming to VIENNA, and taking a general view of the army, found therein two hundred and sixty thousand men, whereof ninety thousand footmen, and thirty thousand horsemen were accounted old expert soldiers, and of them many whole companies and bands, of such as had before been generals, captains, lieutenants, ancients, or other officers & men of mark in other armies, and now were content to serve as private men. It was thought that so many worthy captains and valiant soldiers, were never before in the memory of man assembled together into one camp: for the princes and free cities had not sent thither common soldiers, but their chosen and approved men; striving as it were amongst themselves, who should send the best. All the flower and strength of GERMANY from the river of Vistula to the Rhine, and from the Ocean to the Alps, was by the princes of the empire and free cities either sent thither, or of themselves voluntarily came thither. A thing never before heard of, that all GERMANY should as it were with one consent, be glad to take up arms for their common safety, in defence of their honour and liberty; especially against people brought out of the furthest parts of ASIA, SYRIA, and EGYPT. Beside the great number of Spaniards, Italians, and Burgundians; the Bohemian camp lay not far off, strengthened with them of SILESIA and MORAVIA. There were also some troops of Polonian horsemen, not sent thither by public authority▪ but serving as voluntary men: king Sigismond winking thereat, who as he was careful not rashly to break the league he had made with Solyman; so lest he should seem careless of the Christian common cause, by notable dissimulation left place for such of his subjects as would (as if it had been without his knowledge) to show their valour in the most honourable war. The Christian army ready to receive the enemy, The order of the Christian army. lay in a great field near unto VIENNA in this order: Three great squadrons of pikemen, standing one squadron a great way distant from another, were so placed against the enemy with like and equal front, that all the horsemen divided into two parts, might well be received into the great spaces betwixt the three squadrons: for it was not thought convenient to oppose so small a number of horsemen in open field without the footmen, against almost three hundred thousand of the Turks horsemen. The right wing of the horsemen was led by the emperor himself, and the left by king Ferdinand. Before and behind, and on every side of the three squadrons of pikes, saving in those places which were left open for the horsemen, about thirty paces off, were placed twenty thousand nimble arquebusiers ranged in length, and but five in a rank; so that whilst the first discharged, the second, and after them the third, and so the rest readily and orderly coming on, might without let deliver their bullets upon their enemies: neither was it thought any disadvantage to place them so thin, for that if they found themselves by the enemies oppressed, they might easily retire amongst the pikes, standing fast at hand. Before the arquebusiers was planted the great ordinance, whereof the emperor had such store and so well placed, that he could therewith (as with a most sure trench) have compassed in his whole army. Only the Hungarians, men well acquainted with the manner of the Turks fight, chose to lie in the open field in two great wings, under the leading of their two valiant captains Valentinus and Paulus. Many noble gentlemen beholding this goodly army, wept for joy, conceiving a most assured hope of victory, if the proud enemy durst with all his forces join in battle. Solyman returneth. But Solyman, who by all means sought with his great number of horsemen to keep the wide and open fields, certainly advertised both of the emperor's strength and the manner of his lying, got him over the river of Mura, and at MARPURGE by bridges which he made on the sudden, passed over the great river Dranus. And so he which that Summer held almost all the world in suspense, with the doubtful expectation of the success of that war; having with all that his huge power wherewith he threatened the world, done nothing at all worth the remembrance, but was in every place either overcome or else shamefully repulsed; left STIRIA & returned the same way he came, directly betwixt the rivers of Saws and Dranus to BELGRADE, and so to CONSTANTINOPLE, leaving here and there some remembrance of his barbarous cruelty, and still looking behind him if the emperor were not at his heels: at such time as a few Dalmatian and Croatian horsemen did still pursue the tail of his army. It is reported that he carried away with him thirty thousand Christians into captivity, besides many thousands of poor country people slain by the merciless Turks; but especially by Cason and his followers: and so to his eternal infamy was twice in the space of a few years driven out of GERMANY. The emperor understanding of Soliman's departure, determined with all speed to return into ITALY, although king Ferdinand his brother most earnestly entreated him before his departure, in so fit a time to employ those great forces against king john, who now as it were forsaken of Solyman, might easily with so puissant an army have been thrust not only out of BUDA, but also quite out of the kingdom of HUNGARY, wherein he was by Solyman as his vassal placed. But the emperor, for that Winter began now to approach, and the plague was got into the camp, yea even into his court, continued in his former purpose of departing into ITALY: yet yielding so far unto his brother's request, as to leave behind him all the Italians, who joined with king Ferdinand's own forces were thought sufficient for the accomplishment of the Hungarian war. Over these Italians, one Fabritius Maramaldus was by the means of Alphonsus Victius appointed General: but no order taken for the payment of their wages, whereby the soldiers might be the more encouraged to take in hand that war, and also kept in obedience. Which thing at the first much offended the minds of the other captains, thinking themselves disgraced by the preferment of Maramaldus, a man of no greater account than themselves: but as soon as it was known abroad, The Italians left for the aid of king Ferdinand, arise in mutiny. the under captains and officers of the bands, led with the credit and favour of their old captains, said plainly, That they would not go into HUNGARY, except either king Ferdinand would in person himself go, or else one of the great Commanders, Vastius or Le●a were appointed for their General: and the common soldiers said flatly, that they would ask leave to depart, except they had three months pay, which they knew well they should never get of that poor king, already brought unto great wants. Vastius to appease this mutiny, traveled greatly with his soldiers, persuading them to remember the faith of soldiers, and by their constant perseverance to maintain the honour they had got by their cheerful coming: telling them, That valiant soldiers never wanted pay, furnishing themselves by their victories with all things necessary from the enemy. And as for Maramaldus their General, they had no just cause to mislike him being an old captain of great experience, for courage and policy not inferior to any of the greatest Commanders, and placed by the emperor his own appointment as a man most sufficient, whose judgement they ought not in any case to dislike. When Vastius had with these and such like reasons well appeased the tumultuous soldiers, and was gone out of the camp into VIENNA to take further order for the remedying of all difficulties; night, the nurse of sedition came on, whose darkness excluding all modesty and fear, gave further scope and place unto the mutinous soldiers insolency. By chance there was at that time brought out of the city into the camp very course, hoary, moulded bread, which some of the soldiers having bought, and thrusting it upon the points of their spears, showed it unto their fellows in great choler, railing against king Ferdinand, which in his own kingdom in the beginning of the war had made no better provision, but with such corrupt and pestilent bread to feed them being strangers, which were only for his defence and quarrel to adventure their lives. And but a little before, a certain Spaniard being but a common soldier coming into the General's tent, and casting the like bread down at the feet of Vastius, bitterly cursing the emperor and king Ferdinand, had raised a wonderful tumult: wherefore the Italian soldiers flocking together out of their tents, gave many hard speeches concerning their pay, their victuals, and the difficulties of the Hungarian war. There one Titus Marconius of VOLATERRA a man of a troublesome spirit, but reasonably well spoken, was by the other soldiers set up upon a great heap of saddles, that he might be the better heard, and by divers seditious captains requested frankly to speak his mind, so far as he thought concerned the safety and welfare of them all. Where it is reported that he spoke unto them in this seditious manner as followeth: The seditious or 〈◊〉 of Titus Marconius, to the mutinous Italians. And shall the Spaniards (said he) beloved companions and fellows in arms, as you have heard, go into ITALY? and to our great hurt again return into their old Wintering places? and that which I am ashamed to say, as notable guests lie with our wives? and we Italians as banished men fight this Winter with ice and snow in HUNGARY? and that forsooth for a most beggarly king, and him also to the Hungarians a forever and mere stranger, against a natural borne prince, of his subjects well beloved, and strongly backed with the power and wealth of the Turkish emperor? And that which might justly grieve any courageous mind, under the conduct of Maramaldus, who oftentimes blinded with anger and hasty cruelty, hath so furiously thrust us thorough with his sword, that he seemeth not more to desire the name of a captain for any thing, than for the kill and murdering of us now his soldiers. Neither can I believe that you, who have oftentimes been captains and ancients yourselves, will be so mad, as to serve under a common captain, without hope of any pay, of any provision, of victory or return. Truly it delighteth me not so much to have come hither for the honour of the Italian name (no more reckoned of than a rush) although I have eleven times served; as it doth this day ashame me to see this shameful end of the war, ended before it was well begun. But in Regal dignity is no shame, nor equity in rewarding the soldier: for kings now adays make account of soldiers only according to their necessity; this is it alone that giveth us pay, this is that getteth us love, this is it maintaineth our reputation; all which, peace once by victory obtained, lose their grace. So fareth it with us at this present (fellow soldiers) the emperor and his brother king Ferdinand, delivered from the fear of a most dangerous war, to ease themselves of this multitude of us, seek to thrust us into HUNGARY as beasts to the slaughter, by the spending of our blood hoping to purchase unto themselves victory; and by the loss of us to take no harm themselves, though the Turks and Hungarians should with sword and famine utterly destroy us, shut up with the ice of Danubius and the snow of the Alps. But peradventure you understand not these devices, no more than you understand what this terrible and bloody * At this very time a great blazing star was seen in the s●●mament at Vienna. comet, shooting his beams towards ITALY, pretendeth. Verily it is not fatal either to Solyman or Caesar, but rather threateneth unto us death and destruction: for they with like counsel, full of safety and discretion, would not open any way unto their own destinies, but warily withdrew themselves one from the other, and shunned all the dangers of the field: Wherefore if it were lawful for them without any blemish of their Majesties, so notably to provide to keep themselves out of danger, when as on each side half the world lay as a reward of the victory; shall not we look to ourselves that we he not thrust thither from whence appeareth no hope of return, but with utter destruction? when as we may do it without offence and by good right, especially seeing no pay is offered us. Thus you see what a goodly end is made of this notable war, wherein only we the Italians in stead of commendation and reward reap injury and disgrace: and are peradventure of purpose exiled into HUNGARY, that this flower of chivalry being drawn out of ITALY and sent far out of the way, colonies of Spaniards and Germans may be placed in our steads. Truly it seemeth hard dealing to be sent out of the way into a barbarous country, where we shall find all hostility, and no place of refuge to receive us, being distressed. Beside this, we shall also whether we will or no feel how heavy and intolerable it will be both to our bodies and minds to endure the miseries of this Winter and dangerous war: and in the mean time with no small heart's grief imagine what things our children, our brethren, our kinsmen, yea and our wives, suffer at home of the Spaniards and Germans. Wherefore worthy companions, it concerneth us more at this time to have a good foresight, than valiantly to fight. The occasion presented unto us far our safety and welfare, standeth upon a tickle point, it must be done without delay, and we must high us hence before that the Spaniards truss up their baggage; and so preventing the emperors foremost companies, come first ourselves into ITALY: for if we shall stay but a little to consult upon the matter, Vastius and our other proud commanders will presently be here, the very betrayers of the Italian blood, who for their own gain and our mischief have brought us into these straits; who I know will most earnestly entreat us, and with many subtleties seek to seduce us, by offering us great pay and whatsoever else we shall require: which will all prove but words. But you, if you be men, refuse to talk with them as with your common enemies, or rather in revenge of their old injuries kill them. Here wanteth not in this assembly valiant men, for courage and integrity of life their betters far, which can lead you forth, order your battle, and fortunately use this your courage and forwardness. Wherefore if you be wise; set forward resolutely, and good fortune no doubt will attend you in your haste, for the full accomplishment of your desire consisteth in your haste only. Marconius had no sooner made an end of this mutinous speech, but the tumultuous soldiers in every band began highly to commend and approve the same, Eight thousand of the Italian in mutiny forsake their captains and return to Italy. and by and by such a confused noise was heard thorough all the assembly, as useth to rise amongst the discontented vulgar people, ready to rise in arms: but the drums presently striking up a march, they made no longer stay, but without delay plucked up their ensigns, and forward they go directly towards NEOSTAT. In this tumult, in stead of their old captains which either were not then present, or refused to go with them, they chose others to be their leaders: who once named by the seditious multitude, might in no case without danger refuse to take the charge upon them, were they never so unwilling. These were Montebellius, Nerius, Melcarius, Sanctius, and the two twins of MILAN, called Glussani: who drew after them eight thousand soldiers, the rest partly for shame, and partly for fear, stayed still with Maramaldus their new appointed General. When they were thus gone, Vastius and divers other great captains hearing thereof in the city, posted after them six miles, and at length overtaking them, requested them to stay, and not to dishonour themselves with so foul a fact, telling them, that their pay was ready for them, and omitting nothing wherewith they might have been moved to stay, mingled their prayers with grievous threats: but they resolutely set down, would neither hear, nor stay; but as men enraged with fury, and their own guilty conscience, with stern looks discharged some small shot upon them. Whilst Vastius would there have stayed the company, and did what he possibly could by threatening and otherwise to have terrified their leaders, and to have brought them back, he was oftentimes in danger to have been slain. In the end he was glad to forsake them, and to return as he came. King Ferdinand by this sudden departure of the Italians, for that time disappointed of all his hope of recovering the kingdom of HUNGARY from king john, in great choler writ unto his subjects of STIRIA and CARINTHIA, whereby the Italians were to pass, that they should show them no manner of courtesy in their passage: whereupon ensued great hurt on both sides. Yet for all that these Italians in despite of what could be done, at length recovered TILIAVENTUM in the borders of ITALY, where they disbanded themselves, and returned every man to his own dwelling, Charles the emperor returneth into Italy. leaving king Ferdinand unto his own forces. The emperor also breaking up his army at VIENNA, and purposing now as before to return into ITALY, appointed Ferdinand Gonzaga to go foremost with the light horsemen, with whom also he went himself: after him followed Vastius with the Spaniards; two days after came the cardinal, whose train was of all the greatest; last of all followed the mercenary Germans: in which order he returned in safety into ITALY. This was the end of those wonderful preparations made by the two great monarches Solyman and Charles the fifth, in the year 1532, which held the world in great suspense with the fearful expectation of some marvelous alteration, and so much the more, for that at the same time appeared a great blazing star by the space of fifteen days. All which for all that, God so appointing, sorted to far less harm than was of most men feared. Auria goeth against the Turks. Now whilst Charles the emperor was thus in Arms against Solyman in AUSTRIA, Andreas Auria by his appointment with a fleet of 35 tall ships and 48 galleys, wherein he had embarked 25000 good soldiers well appointed, did in the mean time wonderfully annoy the Turks in PELOPONESUS. With this fleet Auria departing from MESSANA in SICILIA: and passing alongst the coast of ITALY into the Ionian, near unto the Isle of ZACYNTHUS, met with Vincentius Capellius the Venetian admiral with a fleet of sixty galleys, set forth by the Venetians for defence of their territories; who offered unto Auria all possible kindness▪ but excused himself, that he could not join with him in that war against the common enemy, by reason of an old league betwixt the Turks and the Venetians, which Solyman had but a little before renewed. So that at that time the Venetians stood as men indifferent betwixt Charles the emperor and Solyman, offering like kindness to both, but taking part with neither, yet in readiness to fall out with either, if they should by sea or land offer any injury to their state: wherein they bore themselves so indifferent, that it was thought, that they at one and the selfsame instant advertised Auria, That Himerales the Turks admiral lay with his fleet of sixty galleys, evil appointed in the bay of AMBRACIA, where he might easily be surprised: and gave likewise warning to him of the coming of Auria with a strong fleet, wishing him in time to provide for his better safety, by retiring his fleet into some other place of more assurance, which he presently did: for knowing himself too weak, he departed from AMBRACIA to the strong haven of CALCIDE. Which thing with other like well considered, might give just cause to any Christian heart to bewail the state of that time, wherein the Christian princes being either in mortal wars among themselves, or entangled by Solyman with leagues of no assurance, omitted the fairest opportunity that could have been wished for the abating of the Turks greatness: for if the Venetians joining their forces with Auria, had in time pursued the Turkish admiral, it was like, that not only all Soliman's power at sea had been utterly discomfited: but also most part of GRaeCIA, mindful of their ancient empire and liberty, and then ready to have rebelled, and joined hands with the Christians, might have been recovered out of the Turkish thraldom; yea and the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE greatly endangered, few or none being left for the defence thereof, beside young janissaries, and effeminate eunuches, the heartless keepers of the Turks concubines, Solyman himself being then far off in HUNGARY, and having drawn with him the greatest strength of his empire. Auria taking his leave of the Venetian admiral, with much honour done at sea on both sides, was shortly after advertised; that the Turks admiral was fled to CALCIDE. Wherefore now out of hope to do any good against him, he directed his course to CORONE, which is a strong city upon the coast of PELOPONESUS, Auria besiegeth Corone in Peloponesus. about twelve miles distant from MODON, with purpose to besiege it: which when he had well viewed, and considered of the strength thereof, he laid siege thereto both by sea and land, battering it most terribly, at one time with fourteen great pieces of artillery by land, and a hundred and fifty by sea, so that a more terrible battery had not been lightly heard of: for all that, the Turks valiantly stood upon their defence, and manfully repulsed the Italians, which under the leading of the county of SARNE assaulted the city by land. The Turkish garrisons lying about in the country of PELOPONESUS, did what they might to have relieved the city, who by the valour of the said county were discomfited, and Zadares their chief leader slain, whose head with others of the slain Turks was set up upon stakes to the terror of the defendants. At length the Turks wearied with assaults, and terrified with the thundering shot which never ceased, and driven also from their greatest strength towards sea by the desperate assault of certain resolute Christians, whom they had now full sore against their wills received as it were into their bosoms, Corone yielded to A●●ia by the Turks. fearing also to want victual and powder▪ if they should longer hold out without any hope of relief; yielded the city & castle to Auria, upon condition, that they might in safety depart thence with bag and baggage. CORONE thus taken, and a strong garrison of Spaniards there placed, and the Christian Greeks which dwelled in the city sworn unto them, Auria put to sea with his fleet, and sailing again by ZACINTHUS, came to PATRAS, another ancient city of PELOPONESUS, Patras taken and ransacked by Auria. which he easily took and ransacked: for the Turks distrusting the strength of the city had strongly entrenched themselves near unto the castle, which place also together with the castle they in short time yielded to Auria; covenanting, that they and especially their wives might with their garments only depart in safety into AETOLIA: which was by Auria so precisely performed, that when three thousand of them passed along thorough the army of the Christians ranged on both sides, and some of the soldiers began rudely to handle some of the women, and to take from them some of their jewels, he caused them presently to the terror of others to be hanged. Auria leaving his army at PATRAS, with commandment to follow him by land, sailed alongst the coast of PELOPONESUS, until he came to the straight of NAUPACTUM, now called LEPANTO, which is the entrance into the gulf of CORINTH, parting PELOPONESUS from AETOLIA with a straight somewhat narrower than the straight of HELLESPONT: Upon this strait stood two castles, the one called RHIUM upon the coast of PELOPONESUS, and the other MOLYCREUM in AETOLIA, which Bajazet had wonderfully fortified and stored with ordinance for the keeping of that straight. Auria threatening all extremity unto the captain of the castle on PELOPONESUS side, if he did enforce him to plant his battery, so terrified him, that he without delay yielded to him the castle, covenanting only, That he and his soldiers might in safety depart thence: which granted, and the Turks departed▪ Auria gave the spoil of the castle unto his soldiers which came with him by sea; whereby he so offended the minds of the other soldiers which came by land from PATRAS, that they were about to have forsaken him. The other castle upon AETOLIA side was not so easily taken, being valiantly defended by a garrison of old janissaries, appointed for the keeping thereof. Yet in the end by fury of the ordinance a breach was made, whereby the Christians forcibly entering, slew three hundred of the old garrison soldiers, not taking any to mercy: the rest fled into a strong tower in the midst of the castle, where seeing no remedy but that they must needs fall into the hands of their enemies, they desperately blew up themselves and the tower with a great part of the castle with gunpowder, in such sort, that it seemed all the sea coast to have been shaken with an earthquake, and the galleys which lay a bow shoot off were almost overwhelmed with stones blown out so far off. The great Ordinance taken in this castle, was valued at seventy thousand ducats; whereof certain pieces of a wonderful greatness, with Arabian letters written upon them, were afterwards by Auria brought to GENVA, and in remembrance of the victory mounted upon the bulwark at the mouth of the haven. All these things thus happily achieved, Auria strongly fortified the city of CORONE, storing it both with munition and plenty of victual, committing the defence thereof to Mendoza, a valiant Spaniard, with a strong garrison of Spaniards, promising of his own charge to relieve him whensoever he should need, if the emperor should defer to do it. The straight of NAUPACTUM laid open, Salu●atus with the galleys of MALTA, scoured all alongst the gulf of CORINTH, doing great harm unto the Turks which dwelled on both sides of the gulf, spoiling and terrifying them even as far as CORINTH. Not long after Winter now approaching, Auria receiving letters from the emperor, of Soliman's departure out of HUNGARY, Auria returneth to Italy. returned with his fleet loaded with the spoil of the Turks to NAPLES, and so from thence home to GENVA. In the beginning of the Spring following (which was in the year 1533) it was rifely reported, 1533 that the Turks were coming with a great fleet towards PELOPONESUS: and not long after, The Turks besiege Corone. Mendoza Governor of CORONE by letters advertised Peter of TOLEDO viceroy of NAPLES, that he was both by sea and land hardly besieged by the Turks; and that he would to the uttermost of his power valiantly defend the city, so long as he had any provision of victual: Wherefore he most earnestly requested, that if the emperor would have the town kept, he should in time send him relief, whereupon the oppressed Grecians taking heart were like enough to rebel, and to help to expulse the Turks quite out of PELOPONESUS. But above all things he forgot not to crave speedy help of Auria, Auria sent by the emperor to relieve Corone. and to put him in mind of the faithful promise he had made to relieve him at his need. Upon this news, Charles the emperor commanded Auria his Admiral to rig up a convenient fleet for that service, promising forthwith to send unto him twelve galleys, which he had new built in SPAIN. He also requested the knights of MALTA to aid him with their galleys against that common enemy. Wherefore Auria having with wonderful celerity rigged up thirty tall ships, and as many galleys, came to NAPLES to take in his soldiers: there the old garrisons of the Spaniards which for want of pay were risen in mutiny against the great Commander Vastius and the viceroy, and had rifled the city of AVERSA, and done no little harm all about in the country of CAMPANIA, were again pacified by a pay given unto them, and presently embarked for CORONE, under the command of Rodericus Macicaus their General; at which time also Frederick of TOLEDO the viceroy his son, with a company of brave gentlemen went aboard, vowing unto the sacred war that their first service. The knights of MALTA came thither also with their galleys. But whilst these things were a doing, Auria to encourage them of CORONE, for fear lest they despairing of help should fall to some hard composition with the Turks, sent Christopher Palavicine a resolute young gentleman of an invincible courage, with a most swift galley to CORONE; who by daylight passing thorough the midst of the Turks fleet, safely recovered the haven, to the great joy of the besieged Christians: and shortly after, when he had well viewed all things he was sent for, with the strength and manner of the enemies lying, and filled the minds of the defendants with assured hope of speedy rescue; about noon time of the day he suddenly broke out again thorough the midst of his enemies, and as it were miraculously escaped in safety for all that they could do, although they ceased not to give him chase so long as they were in any hope to have overtaken him. Auria departing from NAPLES came to MESSANA, where he certainly informed of the enemies force both by sea and land, with the number of their galleys, and seeing that the chief hope of relieving of the city consisted in celerity, stayed not for the galleys he expected out of SPAIN, but held on his course towards GRaeCIA: for it was told him that the enemies fleet daily increased by the coming in of the Turkish pirates; and that Assem-beg otherwise called the Moor of ALEXANDRIA (an arch pirate) was still looked for, in whose good directions the Turkish captains reposed the greatest hope of their victory. When he was come as far as ZACYNTHUS, he was informed by the Venetians, That Luftibeius Bassa (or rather Lutzis Bassa, the Turks great Admiral and Solyman his brother in law) with Solyman of ACARNANIA, and the Moor (men for their skill at sea of great fame and reputation) lay before CORONE with eighty galleys, manned with divers companies of the old janissaries; so that it was thought a matter of exceeding peril for him to adventure to relieve the town, except he took the advantage of some prosperous gale of wind. Wherefore Auria to have yet more certain knowledge of the enemy's fleet, sent before him Christopher Palavicine with one galley, again to view the manner of the enemies lying: who passing the promontory of ACRITES, saw all the Turks great fleet lying in very good order before the city: and so returned to AURIA, confirming that the Venetians had before reported, and that the Turks fleet was greatly increased, and lay ready as it should seem to give him battle as soon as he should approach the city. For all that, Auria nothing dismayed with the greatness of the Turks fleet, made no stay but still kept on his course, and with a fair gale of wind passing the promontory of ACRITES, came directly towards CORONE. Two great Galleons, of all the fleet the most warlike ships, came foremost; whereof the one was Auria his own which he had built with a wonderful charge, and the other was of SICILIA: The order of Auria his fleet before Corone. These two great ships were appointed by Auria to turn a little upon the left hand, and at such time as the enemy should set forward from the shore to cast anchor betwixt both the fleets; that as occasion should serve, they might as out of two strong castles beat the Turks galleys with their great ordinance, wherewith they were for that purpose wonderfully stored. Next unto these great Galleons followed the other warlike ships with full sails: after whom came the galleys in three squadrons, whereof Saluiatus had the leading of the right wing, which consisted of the bishop of ROME'S galleys, and them of MALTA: in the left wing and near unto the enemy commanded Antonius Auria: and in the middle was Auria himself. At the first sight of the Hungarian fleet the Turks moved not from the shore, but discharged their ordinance at them a far off, and then begun to set forward and to draw nearer; especially the Moor, who with greater courage than the rest, assailed the side and rearward of the fleet: for the Christians keeping on their course right forth to CORONE, The Christian fleet disordered. and turning nothing to the left hand as was before appointed, seemed as if they had fled; and so much the more, for that the galleys in the right wing, for fear of the Turks great ordinance did fet a great compass farther off into the sea, and many of the middle squadron and of the left wing also, had disorderly thrust themselves in amongst the ships, although they had received little or no harm of the enemies great shot. In this confusion of the Christian Navy, the Moor requested Lutzis the Admiral not to let slip so fair an occasion, wherein the Christian fleet might easily have been overthrown: but whilst Lutzis doth slowly and considerately set forward, Auria arriveth at Corone. Auria in the mean time had put his fleet again in order, and with a fair wind was come to CORONE. Two of the ships by the way falling foul one on another, stayed behind, being not able to keep way with the rest: about which all the Turks galleys presently flocked, and took the lesser of them, killing all the Spaniards they found therein. Out of this they boarded the greater, and with a bloody fight had won the forecastle and waste of the ship: when Auria accounting it no small dishonour to have his ships so surprised at his heels, caused all his galleys to turn again upon the enemy to rescue those ships. The Turks seeing that, and with the Westernly wind by little and little fallen down so far with the ships, The Turks ●●ee● flieth to Modon. that they were come within the danger of the shot of the town, began with great stir to forsake the ships, and to betake themselves to their oars, and so in manner of flight withdrew themselves. Whom Auria pursued a good way to MODON, thundering in their poops with his great shot, which he liberally bestowed amongst them: whilst in the mean time Antonius Auria came to rescue the two distressed ships. There the Spaniards which but a little before had hardly maintained their close fights, began now as men revived to show themselves, and courageously to make resistance: and they which came with Antonius Auria to their rescue, entering with wonderful celerity on every side, slew and took three hundred janissaries, which with great courage had entered those ships, and were there left by the sudden departure of their fellows. Amongst whom was taken one josuphius and old captain of a thousand janissaries, to whom Auria after he was come to CORONE, gave a fair suit of apparel and a chain of gold, and so set him at liberty without any ransom, thereby to provoke the Turks to the like kind of courteous dealing with the Christians. Assam-beg the pirate, and the other captains of the Turks fleet wonderfully blamed Lutzis the Admiral, for that he would not then fight with the Christians, when as he was thereto most earnestly requested both by the captains and soldiers in general, and had a fair opportunity of victory offered at such time as the Christian fleet was disordered: but he excused himself, saying, That it was given him in special charge from Solyman the emperor, that he should in any case respect the safety of his navy, and not to come to the hazard of a battle. The Turks which besieged the city by land, upon the approach of the Christian fleet forsook their trenches & fled: Corone relieved by Auria. at which time Mendoza the Governor sallying out, took great store of victual and warlike provision which the Turks had for hast left behind them. So Aurea to his great honour, having driven the Turks from CORONE both by sea and land, furnished the city with store of corn, wine, victual, powder, and shot: and committed the defence thereof to Macicaus, and the companies of the mutinous Spaniards which he had brought from NAPLES: comforting the greeks, and exhorting them patiently for a while to endure those calamities of war, telling them that the emperor would the next Spring make war against the Turks both by sea and land in PELOPONESUS, and free them from the Turkish bondage. And so embarking the old garrison of Spaniards, departed from CORONE and came before METHON, Auria returneth and before Modon braveth the Turks fleet. where he lay as it were braving the Turks Admiral, hoping thereby to draw him out of that strong harbour to battle. But when he saw that the enemy could by no means be alured out of his strength, or assailed as he lay, he departed thence to CORCYRA, and so back again to MESSANA in SICILIA. Within a few days after Assam-beg the Moor of ALEXANDRIA and most famous pirate, lying in wait for the merchants ships of VENICE coming out of SYRIA with merchandise, The Moor of Alexandria well beaten and taken by Canal●s the Venetian●▪ by chance met with Hieronimus Canalis upon the coast of CRETE: where in the night time was fought betwixt them a fierce and cruel battle, wherein of the Moors thirteen galleys four were sunk, three taken, and the rest having lost most part of their rowers, fled to ALEXANDRIA. In this fight was slain three hundred janissaries which were going to CAIRO, and a thousand other Turks: of all them that were taken there was scarcely one saved, but the Moor himself, who grievously wounded in the face, for safeguard of his life was glad to discover himself: for the Venetians maintaining their state by trade and traffic, do of all other show least favour unto pirates. When the Moor had made himself known unto Canallis, there was great care taken for the curing of his wounds, and either of them began with notable dissimulation to excuse the matter to other, saying, that they were both deceived by the likeness of the galleys, and mistaking of their friends for enemies: when as for all that they knew one another right well. For the Moor said, that he took those Venetian galleys for to have been part of Auria his fleet: and Canalis excused himself, by saying, that he mistook him for Barbarussa, who a few years before had surprised three of the Venetian galleys. Yet the Venetians doubting how Solyman would take the matter, by their ambassador sought to excuse that was done, as a thing happening by error and mischance: of which excuse Solyman excepted, and said moreover, that Canalis had done well and soldior like, to repulse by force the wrong that was offered him. Three of the emperor's galleys staying behind the rest of the fleet, were near unto the promontory PALINURUS, upon the coast of APULIA, intercepted and carried away by Sinam, surnamed the jew, a notable pirate of that time also. The Winter following, the Spaniards and greeks in CORONE began to want victuals, especially wine and flesh: for the Turks had so blocked up the city, that nothing was to be had out of the country; wherefore the soldiers requested Macicaus their Governor and General to lead them forth to some piece of service against the enemy, for so much as they were not to hope for any relief elsewhere before April, The garrison soldiers of Corone desire of their general to be brought to some service. wishing rather valiantly to die like men in fight against the Turks, than to languish within those dead walls for want of victual. But Macicaus mindful of his charge, sought by many reasons to dissuade them from such purpose, showing them what an offence it were rashly to depart out of the city committed to their custody, which might be unto them dangerous, although they should speed never so well; and that those wants which they rather feared than felt, would well enough be overcome by sparing and patience: and therefore told them plainly, that he was resolutely set down to keep the city for the emperor, and to endure all hardness, rather than to incur the infamy, That he had forsaken the city, and betrayed his garrison. Yet for all this, the matter was so urged by Didacus' Tovarres and Hermosilla, both great captains, and by the general importunity of the soldiers, that Macicaus was enforced to yield to their desire, and to promise them to go: yet earnestly protesting, that he did it altogether against his will, rather enforced than persuaded unto that, whereof he had no great hope of success. Amongst other that were so forward in this action, was one Barbatius, a most valiant Greek, who could perfectly speak the Turks language, and of all others best known the bywayes and secret passages of the country: Macicaus governor of Corone goeth out to surprise And●ussa. he undertook to be their guide, and by unknown ways to bring them unto the enemies undiscovered in the dead time of the night, when as they feared no such matter. So Macicaus commending the custody of the city to Liscanius and Mendesius, with charge that they should suffer no man to go out of the city after his departure, for fear of giving any knowledge unto the enemy, set forward about ten a clock in the night towards ANDRUSSA, Barbatius being his guide, who shunning the common beaten ways, brought them by secret and uncouth paths that night half the way to ANDRUSSA: but upon the rising of the Sun he brought them into a secret woody valley, where they rested and refreshed themselves all that day, and setting forward again at night, came to ANDRUSSA before day. In this town, which was of no great strength, lay one Caranus, a warlike captain, with three thousand footmen, whereof the one half was of the janissaries, and in the suburbs lay Acomates with a thousand chosen horsemen, with which garrison the Turks kept all that side of PELOPONESUS in awe. Macicaus brought by his guide unto the place where his enemies lay, went directly to the town to have surprised it: Hermosilla in the mean time standing still with certain companies of Spaniards overagainst the place where the horsemen lay. But this could not be done with so great silence, but that some of the horse boys being awake, discovered them by the fire in their matches; who first awaked the negligent watchmen, and afterwards raised an alarm in the suburbs: whereupon Hermosilla courageously set upon the horsemen, being altogether unready, and slew many of them before they could arm themselves, and set fire also upon the stables wherein the Turks horses stood, with the rage whereof many of the Turks perished, with their horses and armour. Great and terrible was the noise raised upon the sudden in the suburbs, but especially of the horses, which burned as they stood fast tied in the stables, or by chance breaking lose, ran up and down with their tails and manes on a light fire: by occasion whereof, an alarm was raised in the town, and the Turks got to the walls before the Spaniards could enter. Macicaus himself labouring to break in at a postern, Macicaus slai● was shot in the head with a small shot, and slain: divers others near unto him were there slain also. The Turks perceiving the small number of their enemies, sallied out upon them, and enforced them to retire to Hermosilla, who had already made great spoil amongst the horsemen, by whose skilful direction the Spaniards retired in so good order, making many stands, with their arquebusiers all drawn into the reward, that such of the Turks as were most forward to pursue them, did by their death cause the rest to make less haste. Acomates with such of his horsemen as had escaped the fire, hasted thither also, bringing with him two hundred arquebusiers, which he had caused his horsemen for haste to take up behind them upon their horses: but whilst he sought eagerly to be revenged upon his enemies, and with too much heat pressed on with the foremost, he was shot into the body with a bullet and slain. So the horsemen which had before received a great loss as they lay in their lodgings, accounting it in their good haps that they were not there all slain, and having now lost their captain, ceased any further to pursue their enemies, but returned. The Spaniards and greeks, although they were wearied both with their long march and evil success, retired still as resolute men ready to fight, and so returned to CORONE. Presently after, the Turkish garrison removed from ANDRUSSA to MEGALOPOLIS, now called LONDARIUM: after whose departure the Christian soldiers of CORONE came thither, and buried the dead bodies of their slain fellows (which till then lay unburied) and brought back with them the head of Macicaus their late General, which the Turks had there set up upon a long pole, which they honourably buried at CORONE. Not long after the plague began to grow hot in CORONE, Corone forsaken by the Spaniards so much the more grievous, for that it came accompanied with many other hard difficulties. For which causes, the Spaniards as men at once enforced with many extremities, embarked themselves with all the great ordinance and such greeks as would go with them, in certain ships which came with corn out of SICILIA, and so departed, leaving the town empty for the Turks to come unto. It was commonly reported, that the Spaniards left CORONE not without the secret consent of the emperor, which was the rather thought to be so, because that they which forsook the place, received thereby no disgrace, and the emperor himself had offered to give the town to Clement bishop of ROME: the Venetians and the knights of MALTA, who all refused to receive it, as loath to be at so great a charge in keeping a place serving for no greater purpose; the very cause why the emperor was so willing to depart with it. Now Clement the great bishop had by means of Aloysius Grittus made a motion of a peace, to have been concluded for ten years betwixt Solyman and the Christian princes, and thereupon the town to have been again delivered unto the Turks: which peace Solyman was not altogether unwilling to grant, being then wholly bend to invade the Persian king. Ferdinand was also in good hope that his brother Charles the emperor, would for the yielding up of that town have covenanted with the Turk some great matter for his benefit in HUNGARY, which as was thought would also have been easily obtained. But whilst the emperor drawn diversly with the consideration of his honour in keeping it, and of his profit in giving it up, stood too long in resolving; the town in the mean time was by the Spaniards (their necessity daily increasing) abandoned, and so left to the Turks for nothing. Solyman now purposing to return his forces against the Persians, 1534 of whom he had in the frontiers of his dominions received great hurt, especially in COMAGENE; renewed the league he had with the Venetians, and some other Christian princes: but of all other his affairs with the Christians, he was most careful of the interest he had already gotten in HUNGARY. For it was reported, that king john his vassal induced by the continual solicitations of his subjects, was desirous of peace with king Ferdinand, upon condition that he might quietly enjoy the kingdom during his life: and after his decease it to remain to king Ferdinand and his heirs. Wherefore Solyman, Aloysius Grittus the duke of Venice his son. Soliman's lieutenant in Hungary, to ouerse● king john. that nothing should be there done in his absense without his knowledge, sent Aloysius Grittus the Duke of VENICE his son (of whom we have before spoken) a man both for the honour of his house, the good carriage of himself, and the special commendation of Abraham the chief Bassa, in great credit with him: with commission as his Lieutenant to be assistant unto king john, in such magnifical sort, as that without him the king might conclude nothing in matters of state, concerning either peace or wars, with any other the Christian princes. With this proud commission from the Grand signior, Grittus entered into TRANSILVANIA, than a part of the kingdom of HUNGARY (much about the same time that Solyman set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE against the Persian) attended upon with seven thousand persons of one sort and other, amongst whom were Vrbanus Batianus, and janus Docia, two famous Hungarian captains with their companies, and many of the Turks janissaries also. At his first coming, to make his authority the more known, he sent out his proud command unto the great men and Governors of the cities of that warlike province, charging them forthwith to repair unto him as great Soliman's deputy, authorised by him to hear and determine all the controversies and matters of state concerning the kingdom of HUNGARY. At that time Americus Cihachus bishop of VERADIUM, Americus bishop of Veradium and Va●od of Transiluania, contemneth Grittus. a man of great nobility and power, withal singularly well qualitied, was Vayvod or governor of TRANSILVANIA, an honour next unto the king: he understanding that Grittus was come into his province, and making small haste to welcome him, as one not greatly moved with his coming, or much regarding the commandment of Solyman; wonderfully offended Grittus, who desired nothing more than at his first entrance to have confirmed the opinion of his authority in the minds of the vulgar people by the priest and ready attendance of the Vayvod. But it was commonly bruited, that the stout bishop upon a Christian zeal detested the friendship of the Turks, and could not well brook that they should be too much acquainted in his province, for fear lest that fruitful country abounding with men and horses, should by one means or other fall into their hands. Grittus was come to BAXOVIA when he understood by many messengers, that the Vayvod was coming with a great train, and lay about ten miles off, encamped with divers gallant troops of horsemen in warlike manner appointed: for the bishops of HUNGARY being wonderful rich, were by old custom bound to keep great numbers of horsemen, which as occasion served they used to bring into the fields against the Turk; accounting it great honour with their religious hands to defend the cause of religion. But then especially the nobility of the country well appointed, resorted on every side, of courtesy to honour and countenance their great bishop and Governor, at whose commandment they were: in so much as the bishop's retinue made show of a good army. Which thing moved Grittus exceedingly, that he should be enforced contrary ●o his expectation to parley with the bishop in the open fields, as with an enemy in sight of all their followers. Hereof rise envy, a deadly mischief always repining at another man's honour; when as the one swelling with Turkish pride could not then abide any equal, and the other jealous of his honour could by no means endure any superior, in such place as he had the sovereignty of. When these two great men had met together in the open fields, and there dined more like enemies than friends, without any show of friendship or good will: Grittus inwardly chafed at his bare entertainment, covertly threatened to be revenged upon all such as should make so light account of his authority: and immediately as he departed from the banquet, taking his cap from his head (which was after the Turkish manner made of a high fashion, of rich ●ables) and opening it with both his hands, said, This cap will not hold two heads, and therefore it must be fitted to one, and so put it on again. janus Docia one of the Hungarian captains, his followers, who deadly hated the Vayvod (for that he had long time before, for his malapert speech in a great assembly, given him a blow with his fist) took hold of that speech of Grittus, as a fit occasion for him to work his revenge: janus Docia incenseth Grittus against the Vay●od. and said, Your honour maketh a fit comparison, neither can this province contain two equal governors or commanders, nor you ever enjoy your power and authority, except you do this day with speedy and manly resolution defend both Soliman's credit and your own. You know not this proud beast Americus, whose pride and insolency if you but say the word, I will quickly put down: for he hateth Solyman, he regardeth not the king, and of you he maketh no account at all, for why he aspireth unto the majesty of a king, and saith that the Vayvodship of TRANSILVANIA well beesemeth a king, for that in this country Decebaldus the Dacian sometime reigned, whom the warlike emperor trajan with all the force of the Roman empire hardly subdued. No man can more proudly or arrogantly set himself forth than he, neither more craftily or cunningly dissemble to serve his turn. Indeed he hath for fashion sake presented your honour with a few simple presents, and given you his hand also, better known for his falsehood than his faith; to the intent that when you are once past his country, he may scoff and jest at your decrees: verily he deadly envieth at your honour and felicity, and grudgeth in his heart, that you should set down the laws of peace and war in HUNGARY: and whereas he doth manifestly aspire unto a kingdom, he feareth you above all others, lest you should trouble his designs, abate his credit, and chastise his insolency. Verily, he that thus maligneth your happiness, and contemneth your authority, is not to be suffered, but by good reason to be taken away: thereby at this your first entrance to defend the credit of your commission and honour of your name. For nothing is more dangerous than a faithless companion and a secret enemy, especially when you shall leave him at your back behind you: for when he shall as occasion serves show forth his hidden malice, he shall so much the more slily and desperately endanger your person. Grittus enraged with his speech more than before, thought it best to make haste, & to use his authority to the full; he commended Docia, and promised him in short time to requite his good will towards him, especially if he would by some notable attempt abate the bishop's pride. It is reported, that Grittus gave him no other charge but to take the bishop, that so he might after the Turkish manner have sent him in chains to CONSTANTINOPLE, & bestowed the honour of the Vayvod upon Hieronimus Lascus the Polonian, who in hope of that honourable preferment unto him promised by king john, had done him great and faithful service, as his ambassador both unto Solyman and also to the French king. The cause why Lascus the Polonian ●ell from king john. But when king john perceived that he could not conveniently without manifest danger place him, being a Polonian (who could scarcely speak the Hungarian language) governor over such a warlike people; he as it were enforced by necessity, preferred this Americus the bishop of VERADIUM, a man of them both reverenced and feared: Which so grieved Lascus, a man of great stomach and experience, and thereunto excellently learned, that he would never admit any excuse of the kings, but always after complained that he was by the king deluded. Yet for all that, he kept himself within the bounds of loyalty, and enjoyed certain lands and towns which the king had given him in the borders of POLONIA; and estranged nevertheless from him in mind, was now become one of Grittus his followers, hoping of his better preferment by his means unto Solyman; and for that cause was not so forward to do the king such service as he had in times past. Now by the commandment of Grittus, a strong company of Turkish horsemen, and certain troops of Hungarians, were delivered to Docia; who secretly departing that night from BAXOVIA, came suddenly to the Vayvods' camp, having a little before by his Hungarian spies learned that he lay in the open fields in his tent, by reason of the great heat, without any watch or guard, attended on only with his pages and household hold servants, as a man without fear; and that all the rest of his retinue lay dispersed in the country villages round about. All which served so well for Docia his purpose, that the Vayvod ignorant of his death so nigh at hand, who rather contemned than feared his enemies, was suddenly oppressed by Docia his soldiers: The Vayvod murdered in his tent by Docia, and his head presented to Grittus so that whilst he was yet lying in his bed, and scarcely well awaked by his chamberlains and the noise of the enemy; Docia breaking into his tent, cut off his head as he lay. All they which lay near, amazed with the suddenness of the matter, fled away for fear, and left their horses and other things for a prey to the Turks, and other of Docia his followers. Docia having done so great an outrage, returned to Grittus presenting unto him the Vaivods' head, which he brought in his hand by the ear. Lascus was then present, but altogether ignorant of the murder, who as a man moved with a natural compassion in so sudden and horrible a fact, and forgetting all former grudge (as in like case it oftentimes chanceth) stood as one dismayed, nothing rejoicing at the unworthy death of his enemy. To whom Grittus turning himself said, Lascus, Dost thou not know this shaven pate, truly it is a great man's head, but of such a one as was very ambitious, rebellious, and proud. To whom Lascus replied, Truly though I loved him not, yet I thought it not so whilst it stood upon his shoulders: disallowing therein the cruelty of the fact. Which thing Grittus perceiving, began to repent him of that was done, and said openly, That although he was worthily slain, yet he could have wished rather to have had him taken prisoner. The Transylvanians rise up in arms against Grittus, to revenge the death of the Vayvod. The report of this horrible murder once bruited abroad, the bishop's kinsmen and friends, yea almost all the people of that province rise up in arms against Grittus, to revenge the death of the reverend bishop, whom living they had both loved and feared. Never did any people in revenge of a common wrong, enter into arms with greater desire, more heat, or quicker speed: so that in a few days there were assembled together forty thousand horse and foot, under the leading of Stephanus Maylat a noble gentleman, who of all other most honoured the bishop, and in that common grief took upon him as chief, the persecuting of the authors of such inhuman cruelty. Grittus perceiving how grievously the matter was taken, with the danger he was in, began to doubt with himself what course were best for him to take. To go forward, and to fall into the hands of the furious people, the same was present death; and to return and leave the honourable deputation he had with so great expectation of all men taken upon him, was unto his aspiring mind no less torment than death itself. Thus perplexed, he with all speed got himself with his followers to the strong town of MEGE, in hope to shroud himself until such time as the rage of the country people were either of itself appeased (as it oftentimes falleth out in such sudden tumults) or else he might be relieved by king john, or the Turks Sanzacks' which had the charge of the frontiers of the Turkish empire. The townsmen of MEGE seeing Grittus accompanied with so many Turks, shut the gates against him: yet at length by the persuasion of the two Hungarian captains Docia and Batianus, they gave him leave to enter into the base town, having before retired themselves with all their substance unto the higher town, which in manner of a strong castle commanded the lower. Here whilst Grittus with all carefulness fortifieth the place, and dispatcheth the messengers unto his friends abroad for aid; his enemies with hideous noise & outcries approaching the town, at their first coming attempted to have scaled the walls and rampires thereof: which thing whilst they disorderly did, with greater fury than discretion, they were easily repulsed and many of them slain by the Turks janissaries and arquebusiers. Grittus besieged by the Transylvanians. After which loss, by the direction of Maylat their General, they withdrew themselves out of the danger of the shot, and encamped on every side of the town, hoping as the truth was, that their enemies unprovided of victual could not long hold the place, but must of necessity either starve with famine or yield it up. In the mean time Grittus resolutely enduring all the calamities of a man besieged, fell sick, and so much the more for that he could hear nothing of any aid which he expected from his friends: For king john glad in his mind of the distress of the overseer, or rather competitor of his kingdom; and also knowing that he could not without great discontentment of his subjects oppose himself against such a multitude risen upon so just a cause, yet for fashion sake sent certain troops of horsemen to his relief: who not altogether ignorant of the king's mind, made such haste, as men that purposed not to come in time to do him good. As for the Turks Sanzacks' of BELGRADE and SAMANDRIA, they envying at his homage, flatly refused to depard from their charge to relieve him, without express command from Solyman himself: and Lascus (before one of Grittus his chief followers, but now a beholder of his distress) when he had a little before departed from him to procure him some relief as he promised, did now in this extremity forsake him also. The citizens in the upper town, who a great while had stood looking on from above as men indifferent; perceiving the full resolution of their country men to be revenged, and the difficulties wherewith the Turks were enclosed, assailed them also from the high town. Grittus thus beset on every side, offered unto the Transylvanians a great mass of money, to suffer him to pass forward into HUNGARY: but their furious minds more desirous of revenge than money, were not to be moved with any gold. In fine he sent rich jewels unto the Governor of MOLDAVIA his friend, to be ready at a certain hour when he would sally out of the town, to receive him with certain troops of horsemen; so if it were possible to save himself and his children. Grittus (whether it were upon a doubtful hope, or urged by inevitable destiny) sallying out of the town at the appointed time, with Soliman's commission in his hand, and missing of the Moldavian, Grittus taken and b●●ug●t to Maylat. fell upon Francis Schenden the late bishops nigh kinsman, and Maylat his familiar friend, who furiously running in upon him with tumultuous speech, violently ●aught from his head his rich cap of Sables, and with his horsemen took him, being weak with sickness and making no resistance. His followers, especially the Turks, enclosed on every side, were either slain or taken. But Grittus himself being brought to the General's tent, beset round with his armed enemies, and there examined, Why he had commanded the Vayvod to be slain? earnestly protested, That he never commanded any such thing, and that it was done without his knowledge. Which his answer served not his turn, all the people crying out against him with one voice, that he should as a sacrifice be offered unto the Vayvods' ghost. Whereupon he was by Maylat delivered again to Francis Schenden to be executed, Grittus beheaded. who without delay caused his head to be struck off. The nobility and the Vayvods' kinsmen (after the manner of that people) dipped some part of their garments in his blood, the longer to keep in mind the remembrance of the revenge. This was the shameful end of Aloysius Grittus the duke of VENICE his son, Soliman's deputy in HUNGARY, with whom he was in such credit as never was any Christian, abounding in wealth and worldly felicity: but climbing too fast up the evil sta●ed ladder of ambition, suddenly 〈◊〉 and never rise more. The executioner stripping his dead body, The riches foun● about Grittus▪ found about him so many precious stones and ●ewels as were valued at forty millions of ducats. And not long after, La●cus sent for by the king to BUDA, was straightly examined upon torture concerning Grittus h●s commission and purposes, and was in great danger of his life: but at last by the intercession of Sigismond king of POLONIA, he was set at liberty, and so fled out of HUNGARY unto Sigismond his 〈◊〉 in POLONIA: after he had long time wearied himself and adventured his life in the Hungarian state▪ Docia the author of this Tragedy, was by the furious people afterwards rend in pieces, and so perished. The same time that Grittus went from CONSTANTINOPLE into HUNGARY, Solyman the Turkish emperor dreading no danger out of EUROPE, Solyman a● one time purposeth to invade Persia and Affrick●. took in hand two great expeditions both at one time, the one by land into ASIA against the Persians, and the other by sea into AFRICA against the Moors: promising unto himself in his inordinate desires the monarchy of the whole world in short time, if he might subdue those two great nations whom he had already in hope devoured. But for as much as all cannot be told at once, which was at one time in divers places so far distant done; omitting for a while the expedition made in person himself against the Persians, we will first declare what he did by his lieutenants against the Moors. Hariadenus surnamed of the Christians Barbarussa, who succeeding his elder brother Horruccius in the kingdom of ALGIERS in AFRICA, had by many victories so enlarged the kingdom before gotten by his brother, that his name and power was now become terrible both to the Christians and wild Moors, and his fame grown great in the Turkish court, was the chief author and persuader of Solyman to invade AFRICA. But it shall not (as I think) be far from our purpose here briefly to rehearse by what means those two MYTILENE brethren, basely borne, crept out of a small galliot unto the majesty of great kings, that herein they which come afterwards may also admire the wonderful changes and chances of these worldly things, now up, now down, as if the life of man were not of much more certainty than a stage play. These two brethren, Horru●cius and Hariadenus, The ●●ore beginning of Horruccius and Hariadenus, who of base pirates aspired to the kingdom of Algiers. borne at MYTILENE in the Island of LES●O, weary of the poor and base estate they led at home with their father, a renegade Grecian: stealing a little galliot, committed themselves and all the hope of their good fortune to sea, where by chance they consorted themselves with Camales, a most famous pirate of that time, under whom Horruccius the elder brother for his forwardness became a captain: and growing rich by many purchases, and also strong with galleys and slaves which he had at sundry times taken, and at last consorting himself with Haidin, Sinam the jew, Salec, and other less pirates, which afterwards became men of great fame and account, over whom he commanded as an arch pirate, came seeking after purchase as far as MAURITANIA. At which time Selymes king of JULIA CaeSARIA, which now we call ALGIERS, was in arms against his brother Mechemetes, competitor of the kingdom: who aided by the Numidians, now commonly called Arabians, put his brother in great doubt of his estate. Selimus' glad of the coming of Horruccius & the other pirates his followers, with a great mass of money paid before hand, induced Horruccius and the rest to take upon them the defence of him and his kingdom against his brother: Which thing Horruccius so happily performed, especially by the means of his arquebusiers, as than no small terror to the wild Moors and Numidians, that in short time he repulsed that savage people, and set Selymes at peace in his kingdom. Horruccius being a man of a sharp wit, and by nature ambitious, noting in the time of his service the kings mild and simple disposition, void of all distrust; and that the naked Moors were no soldiers, but a light and unconstant people, always at variance among themselves; and that the wandering Numidians living barely, divided into many factions, were easily by reward to be won, or by force constrained: suddenly falsified his faith, and villainously slew Selymes the king, as he was bathing himself, mistrusting nothing less than the falsehood of the pirate; and in the same hurl murdering such as he thought would withstand his desire, and with bounty and cruelty overcoming the rest, so wrought the matter, that he was by general consent chosen king of ALGIERS. Thus of a pirate become a king, he shortly after by policy surprised CIRCELLO, a famous city (about sixty miles distant from ALG●ERS) by his soldiers sent thither in the habit of merchants. Horruccius his success. After that, he by his brother Hariadenus (no less valiant than himself) troubled all the Medeterranian sea from ALGIERS with his galleys, & all his neighbours: himself by land with daily incursions, leaving nothing untouched which might by force or policy be had▪ so that his power daily increased, men of service continually resorting unto him, as the chief man in all those parts. Not thus contented, he to enlarge his kingdom, drove the Spaniards out of BVOEA, a city famous both for the great trade thither, and for the Mahometan school sometime there kept: at the taking whereof he lost his right hand with a shot, and in stead thereof ever after used a hand of iron, wherewith he obtained many worthy victories against his enemies: for near to ALGIE●S he overthrew an army of the Spaniards, with Diego de Vara their general. And shortly after, at such time as Hugo Moncada returning out of ITALY with the old Spanish soldiers, landed in his country, he enforced him again to sea; where he with all his expert soldiers either perished by shipwreck, or driven on shore, were slain or taken prisoners by Horruccius, and thrust into his galleys. At last having in sundry battles overcome the king of TREMIS●A, Charles the emperor his confederate, and thrust him out of his kingdom, he stirred up both the Christians and Numidians against him: so that coming to take ORA and PORTUS, two strong holds kept by garrisons of Spaniards sent thither to aid the king of TREMISSA, Horruccius slain and his head carried about in Spain. he was by them and the Moors at the first repulsed, and afterwards quite overthrown: where most part of his army being slain or taken prisoners, he with a few of his friends sought to save themselves by flight over the desert sands; and seeing himself hardly pursued by his enemies, scattered many pieces of gold ●pon the sands as he fled, thereby to have stayed their hasty pursuit: but they more desirous of him than of his gold, followed so fast, that at the last they overtook him, and without further delay struck off his head, which was afterwards sent into SPAIN, and carried upon a lance thorough all the towns and cities alongst the sea coast, to the wonderful rejoicing of the people, unto whom he had in former time done great harm. Hariadenus surnamed Barbarussa, succeed his brother Horruccius in the kingdom of Algiers. After the death of Horruccius, Hariadenus inferior to his brother neither in courage nor martial prowess, by the general consent of the soldiers took upon him the kingdom of ALGIERS. He, made he●re not only of his brother's kingdom, but of his virtues and haughty thoughts, and of the surname also of Barbarussa, began forthwith to aspire unto the empire of all that part of AFRICA, accounting what he had already gotten, too little and too base to answer his desires. Wherefore he entered into arms, and became a terror both to the Moors and Numidians, holding peace with some, and wars with others, as best served his purpose: and with his galleys robbed and spoiled the coasts of SPAIN, SARDINIA, and the Islands BALEARES; fortune so favouring him in all his enterprises, that he became both famous and fearful unto his enemies. His wonderful success. He slew Hamet, a great commander among the Numidians, & chased Benchades and Amida, two of their greatest princes, out of the country: and with like fortune at sea overcame Hugo Moncada, a famous Spaniard, who sore wounded, had much ado to save himself by flight, when he had lost divers of his galleys. He also in battle at sea overthrew Rodericus Portundus, admiral of SPAIN: in which fight the admiral with his son were both slain, and seven of his galleys taken: In token of which victory, he sent part of the rich spoil there taken with the admiral's ensign, as a present unto Solyman, whereby he became famous in the Turks court; but much more after he had repulsed Auria from CERCENNA, and taken two great Genua ships which were coming to Auria loaded with men and munition, the loss whereof filled the city of GENVA with much sorrow. All things sorting thus according to his desire, and his name become no less terrible in SPAIN, ITALY, SICILY, and the Islands of the Mediterranean, than it was in the greatest part of AFRICA; Solyman grieved with the loss of CORONE, PATRAS, and the castles upon the straits of LEPANTO, taken from him by Auria, Himerales his admiral being shamefully put to flight: by the counsel of his Bassas, but especially of Abraham the chief Bassa, Solyman sendeth for Barbarussa. sent ambassadors unto him to ALGIERS, offering him the greatest honours of his court, and to make him admiral of all his fleet, if he would forthwith repair unto CONSTANTINOPLE: for why he was the only man in all men's judgements, who for his years and great experience at sea, as well as for his invincible courage and glory of his late achieved kingdom, was to be compared with Auria, and to be opposed against the Christian fleet. Sinas a great man in Soliman's court, was with this embassage sent, and speedily transported to ALGIERS by Mangalis, a famous pirate, than governor of the RHODES: who at his landing was honourably received by Barbarussa, and audience given him. Barbarussa understanding the cause of his coming, was exceeding glad thereof, presently conceiving no small hope of obtaining the Monarchy of AFRICA, if he might once come to Soliman's presence, and at large show unto him the state of AFRICA, and power of the Christians, with their continual discord amongst themselves. Wherefore without further delay committing the protection of his son Asanes (then about eighteen years old) and the government of his new got kingdom to Ramada and Agis, two of his nigh kinsmen and assured friends, of whose fidelity he doubted not: he with forty of his own galleys, in most warlike manner appointed, set forward with Soliman's ambassador towards CONSTANTINOPLE; where by the way he met with a fleet of Genua ships bound for SICILY for corn, which after a sharp and cruel fight he took and burnt. After that, landing by night in the Island of EL●A, not far from NAPLES, he suddenly surprised RHIUM, a rich city; where loading his galleys with the wealth thereof, and carrying away with him all the inhabitants into captivity, he arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE in the year 1533, Barbarussa cometh to Constantinople. where he was by the great courtiers brought to Solyman▪ of whom he was joyfully received, if it were but for the presents which he gave him: which were fair boys and young maidens sumptuously appareled, eunuches, and wild beasts of LYBIA, as Lions, Leopards, and such like. But after he had certain days discoursed at large with the great Bassas of the state of AFRICA, the strength of the Christians, and how the wars were to be managed, he was afterwards by them seldomer sent for, Barbarussa envied in the Turk● court. and offering himself into their company, was hardly admitted: for envy (the inseparable companion of growing honour) had quickly over, taken him in the court, so that many men letted not openly to say, That it had not been the fashion of the Ottoman kings to prefer pirates (the worst kind of thieves) to the honour of their great Admiral; and that there wanted not, neither ever would want men both virtuous and valiant in the Turks court, which could with great honour maintain and augment the glory of the Turkish empire both by sea and land, whereas he had against all right and conscience, by shameful treachery intruded himself into another man's kingdom in AFRICA, and there persecuted the Mahometan princes and people, being of no religion himself, as one that was borne of a renegat Greek, and had from his youth lived as a merciless pirate, and common enemy of mankind. By which speeches, Barbarussa well perceived in how evil time Abraham Bassa his best friend, and by whose means he was sent for, was absent from the court: who at that time was gone into COMAGENA, and wintered at ALEPPO, with purpose (as Soliman's forerunner) with the first of the Spring to pass over Euphrates against the Persian. After long suit and much expectation, Barbarussa rejected to Abraham the great Bassa. Solyman answered Barbarussa by A●ax and Cassimes, two of the great Bassas, That all the matter concerning him should be referred to the discretion of Abraham the chief Bassa, for that he was by his counsel especially sent for into AFRICA: wherefore if he did expect any thing, he should repair unto him into SYRIA, that according to his grave judgement all things might be ordered. He traveleth into Syria to the Bassa, and is by him commended to Solyman. Barbarussa thus rejected into SYRIA, although he well perceived that it tended to his no small disgrace; yet in hope by sufferance to obtain another kingdom, seemed contented with the answer, and resolved forthwith to take upon him that long and painful journey, which the old king lustily performed: and so posting by land thorough ASIA the less, and traveling over the mountain AMANUS, then covered with deep snow, came in the dead time of Winter to ALEPPO in SYRIA, where he was honourably received of the great Bassa, and heard at large, to his so good contentation and liking, that he deemed him of all others the fittest to command the Turks power at sea, and to that purpose writ commendatory letters in his behalf to Solyman; wishing him for his sufficiency to place him as the fourth with the other three Bassas of his counsel. His return to Constantinople. After Barbarussa was again arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE with these letters, and that it was once known how effectually the chief Bassa had commended him to Solyman, it was a world to see, how upon the sudden the face of the court was changed upon him, every man either for friendship or flattery begun now to speak of his praises, and to extol his worthiness: who was now in all men's mouths but Barbarussa? so great was the power & authority of the chief Bassa, that being absent, yet was his approbation of all men accounted sufficient to prefer whom he pleased; & his letters laws to the rest of the court, Barbarussa had brought with him from ALGIERS one Roscetes, Roscetes. the elder brother of Muleasses, king of TUNES, who wrongfully driven into exile by his younger brother, had lived certain years at ALGIERS▪ but now by the persuasion of Barbarussa was come with him to CONSTANTINOPLE to crave aid of Solyman against the oppression of his brother. Him Barbarussa oftentimes showed unto the great Bassas▪ and in his discourses with them concerning the conquest of AFRICA, set him out as a most fit instrument for subduing of the kingdom of TVN●S, as a man whom the people more affected than they did Muleasses the usurper. After long deliberation and consultation had with the Bassas, concerning the invasion of AFFRICRE, Barbarussa now admitted unto the presence of Solyman, in these or like words persuaded him to that war, for the entrance whereinto we have thus far digressed. Barbarussa his speech to Solyman to persuade him to invade Tune●. What thing the priests with loud voice use to pray for, at such time as the Ottoman emperors enter into the temple to pray, the same thing do I also wish unto thee most mighty Solyman, which is, That thou shouldest remember, thy progenitors by justice and religion to have got for thee this empire, than which, more magnificent or richer the gods have not given to any: for fortune hath never deceived them that tread that way, and thou hitherto hast so traced their steps, that thou hast easily surmounted their fame and glory, administering justice to thy subjects; and inflamed with the hope of eternal praise, making continual war against the enemies of our religion, the true office of a zealous prince. By this means is BELGRADE taken, RHODES won, the king of HUNGARY slain in battle, GERMANY twice harried and burnt: so that Charles, whom the Christians would make equal to thyself in power and valour, with the great aid almost of all the Christian nations, terrified with the noise of thy army, shunned battle. But for as much as empires be they never so large, or victories be they never so glorious, can either satisfy the greatness of an heroical mind, or glut the same with glory: thou hast therefore sent before thee thy victorious ensigns against the Persians and Parthians, that those nations who have wickedly fallen from our rites, purified as it were by thy sacred arms, may be again reclaimed to the ancient rites of our religion. But be this unto thy greatness most honourable to attempt, and glorious to perform: let it only be lawful for me now grown an old man in the midst of arms and dangers, to declare what is expedient, and briefly to open such things as I have by long experience learned to concern the augmenting of thy fame and empire elsewhere. Neither would I have you to take this as presumptuously spoken of me: for fortune hath enough, yea and more than enough favoured my designs, whom from a poor cottage and bare hope, she hath promoted to glorious victories, great riches, yea unto the title and majesty of a king. But unto these things the gods could give me nothing better than to be called for of thee, and sent for, in counsel to discourse of matters of greatest importance: wherefore my advise shall be unto thee faithful, and with experience confirmed; which although it be all that it seemeth old men can do, yet in my sound body remaineth such strength, that I dare both promise and perform unto thee my good service at all assays both by sea and land. For unto this only course have I bend myself day and night from my youth (following the purpose & counsel of my valiant brother Horruccius, who to extend the bounds of our religion, persecuted the Christians both by sea and land) desiring nothing more, than that thy fleet and power might once be joined with my forces and direction, and so under thy good hap to be either a commander, or else commanded: for as much as it grieveth me not to be commanded by my betters: of which my desires if the gods shall make me partaker, the Spaniards shall shortly be driven quite out of AFRICA, thou shalt hear that the Moors are gone over into SPAIN to repossess the kingdom of GRANADO, that TUNES and NUMIDIA are at thy command, and not to speak of SARDINIA and CORSICA, that SICILIA is ours: which once taken, we shall starve up ITALY, and on every side distress it with our fleet, being now weak and brought low by the discord of the princes, and that part thereof both towards SICILIA and MACEDONIA ready to submit itself upon any condition, so it might cast off the Spanish yoke. Think not that either that strength or unity is now in ITALY, which was when thy great grandfather Mahomet having taken HYDRUNTUM, brought a great fear not upon ITALY only, but upon other the Christian nations also: For by the good success of that war, which all the Christian princes could hardly withstand, he had undoubtedly taken the city of ROME, and so according to right and reason again united the empire of the East and of the West, as they were before in their ancient glory: But he suddenly left the world, rapt to heaven, that he might leave to thee (according to the appointment of the fatal destinies and revolutions of the heavens) this work of absolute perfection. And yet my purpose is not by putting thee in hope of so great and rare a triumph, to interrupt or hinder thee for turning thy power into the East against thy old and irreligious enemies, deserving all extremities: for thy navy shall be sufficient for me, whereof thou shalt have no need in thy wars so far within land, that whilst thou art conquering ASIA, AFRICA the third part of the world may in the mean time be brought under thy subjection also. Where before all other things, Muleasses is to be driven out of TUNES, a man of insatiable covetousness, unstaid lust, horrible cruelty, hated both of God and man: who having by treachery slain eighteen of his brethren, or that which worse is, cruelly burnt out their eyes, doth so reign alone, that he hath left him neither kinsman nor friend: For being as unthankful as perfidious, he hath murdered all his father's friends, who with great travel had preferred him to the kingdom, so to make short payment for so great desert. With this beast we must have to do, whom whilst no man loveth, all men easily wish to perish. The Numidians trouble him with daily invasions, whose injuries the infamous coward endureth with such shame and reproach, that it should seem he had rather to suffer them than revenge them. And yet this effeminate distard holdeth in chains many valiant Turks, and acknowledgeth not your imperial name, whereunto all men on every side sue for grace: and which is not to be suffered, exceedingly favoureth the Spaniards at TRIPOLI, to the intent that Agis and Moses, two valiant Turkish captains, may be driven out of the city. This wild beast disarmed of his claws and teeth, we shall easily destroy, if it be but for that we have with us Roscetes his brother, whom the Numidians wish and long for: him must we use, if it be but for a show, so shall the thing we desire be without blood effected, as soon as we shall but present ourselves before the gates of TUNES. Then shall it be at your pleasure to appoint whom you will have to govern the Numidian kingdom: it shall be unto me glory enough, when the greatest part of AFRICA conquered, shall be peaceably delivered into your hands at your return with the triumphs of PERSIA. But by the way as I return, I assure you upon mine own private so to use the matter, that the Christians shall also have good cause to bewail their calamities: and if I hap to meet with Auria, he shall have small cause to rejoice of the mischief he hath done: for him alone I challenge to persecute as my proper and peculiar enemy, both for the remembrance of the harms we have received at his hands, and for the despite I have at his fame; who once taken out of the way, the seas shall be open only to you and your fleets. And believe me, he that shall be able to command the seas, shall easily also subdue the kingdoms by land. But Solyman, who after the manner of wise princes used well to consider, and afterward with ripe judgement to resolve of such matters as he had with attentive ear harkened unto; commending Barbarussa for his forwardness in his service, for that time broke up the counsel. Not long after a decree was made, according to Abraham the great Bassa his advise, That Barbarussa should be joined as fourth with the other three chief Bassas of Soliman's counsel, and be made great Admiral: so that all the islands, ports, and people all alongst the sea coast thorough out Soliman's empire, Barbarussa made Soliman's great Admiral. should be at his command, and that it should be lawful for him to take up such mariners and soldiers for service at sea, as pleased him in what place soever. This being solemnly proclaimed, Solyman with his own hand delivered him a sceptre and a sword, willing him by worthy deeds to perform what he had promised. After which ajax and Cassimes the two great Bassas, with the captain of the janissaries, brought him with exceeding pomp from the court to the Navy: at which time was carried before him all the tokens of his new obtained honour. And toward the maintenance of that war at sea, he had delivered unto him out of Soliman's treasures eight hundred thousand ducats, and eight hundred janissaries. But for as much, as much it was that he did in the service of Solyman, and more is of him hereafter to be spoken; it shall not be amiss here to present unto the view of the world the stern, but lively countenance of this so famous a man (who living kept all the Mediterranean in fear) as it is by Boisardus expressed, together with the Elogium following. BARBARUSSA. Littora te Hesperiae timuere utriusque, Lybesque Oppressi dextra succubuere tua. Nunquam te Lypare Corcyrave diliget, harum Cum sis immeritos depopulatus agros. The coasts of ITALY and SPAIN, of thee were sore afraid, And so the Moors did stoop to thee, by thy right hand dismayed. LYPPAROS' will thee never love, ne yet CORCYRA strong: For that thou causeless didst to them so great and open wrong. Barbarussa sped of that he desired, stayed not long after at CONSTANTINOPLE, but departing out of HELESPONTUS with eighty galleys and certain galliots, shaped his course towards ITALY; leaving Amurathes (a sea captain) with twelve galleys to transport Solyman and his army, ready to set forward against the Persian, over that narrow sea into ASIA. Who after he had so done, overtook Barbarussa at METHONE, who holding on his course to AFRICA, and suddenly passing the straight betwixt ITALY and SICILY, He spoileth the coast of Italy. brought a great fear upon both the countries; but passing by the bay of HIPPONA alongst the coast of the lower CALABRIA, he set upon the town of S. Lucidius called in ancient time TEMPSA: which although it stood upon a rock, and was reasonable well walled; yet such was the violence of the Turks assault, that it could not be defended but was taken, with so much more hurt to the inhabitants, for that the Mayor of the town to keep the people from flying away, had locked up the gates on the other side of the city from the enemy. From thence he with rich spoil and many prisoners went to CITRARIUM, where he had learned of his prisoners, a fleet of galleys was in building. This town forsaken of the inhabitants for fear, he took without resistance, ransacked and burnt it, where he also fired seven galleys not yet altogether finished. But after he was come with his fleet as far as the island CAPRI within the sight of NAPLES, such a terror was struck into the minds of all that dwelled alongst that coast, that it was thought if he had landed and gone directly to NAPLES, the Neapolitans would for fear have abandoned the city. But holding on his course, he came to PROCHITA, which he took and rifled: so passing by the port of CAIETA, which he might easily have taken, he came to SPELUNCA, a town in the hithermost part of the kingdom of NAPLES. They of the town dismayed with the sudden arrival of so great a fleet, yielded the same without resistance. The enemy entering the town, took twelve hundred prisoners. Pelegrinus a chief man amongst them of SPELUNCA was fled into the castle; him Barbarussa commanded to yield, which if he would presently do, he promised to let him go free; but if he should stand upon his defence, he threatened in short time to make him repent his foolish hardiness with the utter destruction both of himself and the town. The fearful gentleman without delay, came out of the castle, and fell down at his feet; who according to his promise gave him his liberty, and with rare courtesy restored to him his wife▪ his son, and niece, whom he had taken prisoners, who received them with many tears falling from their eyes for joy. The same night also two thousand Turks came from the fleet thorough the rough and bushy mountains to the city FUNDI, ten miles distant from SPELUNCA, in the uttermost borders of the kingdom of NAPLES, conducted as was thought by certain Italians of that country; who a few years before taken at sea, and overwearied with the heavy burden of the Turkish slavery, julia Gonzagá ● fair lady hardly distressed by Barbarussa. had revolted to the Mahometan religion. But such was the suddenness of their coming, and their celerity in entering the city, that julia Gonzaga the paragon of ITALY, and the chief prize which they sought after, had scarce time to get to horse half naked, and so with much difficulty to escape into the mountains. It is reported, that Barbarussa (which thing he himself afterwards seemed not to deny) moved with the same of her incomparable beauty and wonderful perfection, desired exceedingly to have taken her as a present for Solyman. The citizens were for most part either slain or taken prisoners by the Turks; who loaded with the spoil of the city, returned again to the fleet. Another part of Barbarussa his fleet came to TARRACINA, which the Turks took forsaken of the inhabitants, who for fear were all fled into the mountains, except some which for age or sickness could not shift for themselves, whom the Turks slew and spoiled the churches. The Romans afraid of Barbarussa. Barbarussa thus scouring alongst the coast of ITALY, and news thereof daily brought to the city of ROME, struck such an exceeding terror into the minds of the citizens, that it was verily thought if he had come but a little farther to OSTIA, they would generally have forsaken the city. But he having well performed his promise made to Solyman for vexing the Christians, and before resolved of a greater matter he had to do; when he had watered at PONTIA, passed over into AFRICA with such celerity, that he was arrived there before it was thought that he was departed from the coast of ITALY. For Barbarussa to deceive Muleasses king of TUNES, and to take him unprovided, had given it out that he would burn and spoil the coasts of the Christian countries, especially of ITALY, LIGURIA, and SPAIN, in revenge of the harm done by Auria at CORONE and PATRAS. Which thing Muleasses the rather believed, understanding his proceedings upon the coast of ITALY. The Venetians having also at the same time at great charges prepared a great fleet, did in some part lessen Muleasses fear, that Barbarussa would employ his forces for AFRICA: for then what should the Venetians have needed to have made so great and chargeable a preparation. But that which above all other things brought him into security, was for that he had by secret espials certainly learned, that his brother Roscetes was kept at CONSTANTINOPLE, as a prisoner at large, under safe keeping: which made him to think that Barbarussa his forces were not prepared against him, for he knew that he could not be impugned, or his state more endangered by any other means than by producing the competitor of his kingdom, to whom his guilty conscience doubted, that both the citizens of TUNES and the Numidians were for most part well affected. This Muleasses of whom we now speak, and whom hereafter we shall by occasion often remember, was lineally descended of the ancient kings of Tunes; Muleas●e● king of Tunes. who without interruption of descent or mixture of foreign blood, had by the space of nine hundred fifty and four years mightily ruled the great kingdom of TUNES, from TRIPOLI to BUGIA, almost eight hundred miles alongst the Mediterranean, and into the main as far as the mount ATLAS: and for the long continuance of their state, and largeness of their kingdom, were worthily accounted the most reverend and mighty amongst the Mahometan kings of AFRICA. His father Mahomates, when he had with much glory and more pleasure reigned two and thirty years, perceiving the end of his life to approach, had purposed to have appointed Maimo his eldest son (whom for his hasty aspiring he then held in durance) to succeed him in his kingdom. But overcome with the importunity of Lentigesia his wife, a woman of haughty spirit, who had by reward made a strong faction in the court for her son Muleasses, he altered his former purpose, and appointed him his successor: by whom (as it was thought) the small remainder of his own old years was shortened; Maimo the right heir of the kingdom in prison, presently murdered; seventeen of his other brethren unmercifully executed; and three other, Barcha, Beleth, and Saeth, with more than barbarous cruelty, with a hot iron of their sight deprived: only Roscetes the second brother, and Abdemelech, escaping the hands of their unnatural brother, fled to Morhabitus a great prince amongst the Numidians; whither also their brother's malice persecuted them, seeking sometime by practice, sometime by poison to have taken them away, and at last for a great sum of money to have had them delivered into his hands: Which money they Numidian received, but suffered the distressed princes as if they had escaped against his will, to fly further to another Numidian prince a friend of his, called Bentieses: where Muleasses by like practices as before sought to have destroyed them, or to have got them into his own power. Thus chased by their brother's endless malice from prince to prince, and place to place, they for their more safety fled at last to the city of BISCARIS far into the main land: where Abdemelech as one weary of the world, gave over all and betook himself to a solitary life, and became a melancholy Mahometan monk. But Roscetes courteously entertained by Abdalla prince of that city, found such favour in his sight, that he gave him his daughter in marriage, and long time honourably maintained him as his son in law, with such carefulness, that for fear of Muleasses practices, he was seldom permitted to eat any other meat but such as the prince or his wife had before tasted of. Muleasses thus reigning and raging, and yet not contented with the death of so many of his brethren, proceeded further, and murdered divers of their children also. The ingratitude of Muleasses. He caused also the Manifet and Mesuar, men of greatest authority in all the kingdom, his father's grave counsellors and his chief friends, by whose means especially he had aspired unto the kingdom, to be cruelly tortured to death▪ fearing their greatness, or rather as some thought grieving to see them live to whom he was so much beholden, and therefore rewarded them with such sharp payment. And by the instigation of Lentigesia his mother, caused divers of his fathers other wives and concubines to be shamefully murdered, inveighing oftentimes against his father, that as an effeminate prince with infinite charges had for his pleasure maintained two hundred wives and concubines in his houses of delight, by whom he had begot so many sons competitors of the kingdom, that he had left him (as he said) a laborious and envious piece of work, Roscetes riseth against his brother Muleasses. to destroy so great a brood. Roscetes aided by his father in law and the other Numidian princes, to whom the name of Muleasses both for his cruelty against his own blood, and injurious dealing against his neighbours, was become odious, passing over the river Bragada, with a great army, near unto TUNES met with Muleasses his army, conducted by Dorax, a valiant captain, brother to Lentigesia: where in a sharp conflict he overthrew his brother's army, and enforced Dorax with them that were escaped out of the battle for safeguard of their lives to fly into TUNES. Roscetes pursuing the victory, came and presented his army before the gates of the city, in hope that the citizens (whom he knew for the most part to hate the usurping tyrant) would upon the sight of him, in right their king, with so great an army, raise some tumult in the city, and let him in. There he lay by the space of twenty days, still expecting some innovation; in which time the more to alienate the minds of the people from Muleasses, and to show how unable he was to protect them, he burned and destroyed all the olive and fruit trees, which grew most plentifully and pleasantly all alongst the country, from the ruins of old CARTHAGE to the walls of TUNES: which was unto the citizens, whose greatest possessions lay there, a most heavy and lamentable spectacle. But Muleasses had so attempered their minds with fair speeches and large promises of recompensing every man to the full, for all such harm as they should sustain by his brother's fury in the country: and beside that had the city in such strong possession by reason of his soldiers, that the citizens either would not or could not revolt to Roscetes. The Numidian princes weary of that long and vain expectation, Forsaken of the Numidian princes, he flieth to Barbarussa. according to the levity of that nation, accounting it no shame after victory once gotten to depart, began one after another to shrink away to their own dwellings, persuading Roscetes also to provide for himself whilst he had time, and to attend his better fortune. Wherefore he fearing to be betrayed by the Numidians, or circumvented by his cruel brother, fled to Barbarussa, then reigning at ALGIERS in great glory, where he was honourably entertained; and there remained until such time as by his persuasion he went with him as is aforesaid to CONSTANTINOPLE, to crave help of Solyman, by whom he was detained in safe custody: although it was in policy given out by Barbarussa, that he was in the fleet, and that he should by Soliman's power be restored to his father's kingdom at TUNES. This was the state of the kingdom of TUNES, Barbarussa landeth at Biserta. at such time as Barbarussa with Soliman's great fleet, contrary to all men's expectation, suddenly departing from the coast of ITALY, landed in AFRICA at BISERTA, Biserta yielded. a famous port of the kingdom of TUNES. They of BISERTA weary of the government of Muleasses, and of themselves desirous of change▪ as soon as they heard the name of Roscetes, forthwith drove out their Governor, and received the Turks into the town. For Barbarussa had before sent certain of Roscetes his familiar friends ashore, which bore the people in hand, that he was in the fleet, but not able yet to come on shore, for that he was (as they said) sea-sick and troubled with an ague. BISERTA thus possessed by Barbarussa, he presently departed thence: and sailing by UTICA, thirty miles distant from BISERTA, and so keeping alongst the coast, Barbarussa cometh to Guletta. and passing the promontory of CARTHAGE, came before GULETTA, a strong castle within the bay of TUNES, so placed upon a straight, that it commandeth all the passage by sea unto the city of TUNES. Before this castle, Barbarussa in token of friendship, discharged all his great ordinance, which they of the castle answered with like: but being required to deliver it up to Roscetes, they said it should be always at his command that ruled in the city of TUNES. The news of Roscetes his supposed coming, flying swiftly by land from BISERTA to TUNES, and the great fleet once discovered, set all the city on an uproar: for the citizens were in great expectation of their new king, both for the love of Roscetes, who had always showed himself to be of a mild and bountiful nature; and also for the hatred of Muleasses, whose tyrannous and covetous government they thought they had too long endured. Neither was he ignorant what report ran of himself, and how he had lost the hearts of his subjects, which was evidently to be seen in the eyes and countenances of the chief men of the city. And that which more increased their hatred, was for that he had not according to his promise to them in time of his distress, made them any recompense for their goodly houses and olive gardens, destroyed in the country by Roscetes in the former wars: wherefore at such time as he came now out of the castle, and in the greatest assembly of his people, began to persuade them to play the men, and to continue constant in their obedience, promising unto them such reward as they knew he was never able to perform, they all departed, and left him alone: yea some of them under the colour of friendship, and amongst them Abdahar, than Mesuar, (which was chief officer next unto the king) persuaded him to give place to his hard fortune, & forthwith to fly, Muleasses flieth out of Tunes. for by chance at the same instant it was in every man's mouth, that the Turks were even at hand: which thing caused Muleasses, forsaken of his subjects, of himself fearful, and worthily doubting to be betrayed, to fly in such haste out of the city, that he left behind him both his treasure and jewels, which afterwards came into the hands of his enemies. The first that revolted was Abezes, a man of great authority; and Fetuches, captain of the castle; both renegade Spaniards. Fetuches presently after the flight of Muleasses, brought out Roscetes wife and children, whom Muleasses had long time kept in prison, & to welcome their father, placed them in the king's royal seat. Abezes also forthwith advertised Barbarussa of the departure of Muleasses, and with what longing the people expected their desired king, wishing him without delay to repair unto the city: and for a present sent him a goodly Barbarian horse, richly furnished, and divers others for his other chief captains. Hereupon Barbarussa without longer stay set forward with five thousand Turks, Barbarussa entereth into Tunes. which he had already landed, and coming to the city, was of the citizens joyfully received. But after long looking, when they could no where descry Roscetes their supposed king, and heard nothing but the name of Solyman and Barbarussa, doubled and redoubled by the Turks in their military acclamations, as they marched thorough the city towards the castle; they began to distrust, as the truth was, that in stead of their new king whom they so much desired, they had received the Turkish government, which they utterly detested. Which suspicion once confirmed by certain of Roscetes friends (whom Barbarussa had brought with him of purpose to delude the people) who grieved to see the ruin of their native country, spared not for fear of the present danger to tell their friends and acquaintance as they went, That they did in vain look for Roscetes, whom they had left in bonds at CONSTANTINOPLE: The citizens de●●iued of their expectation, ●ise against the Turks. it was a wonder to see, how suddenly the minds of the people were changed, how speedily they ran to their weapons, and how furiously they assailed the Turks, now fearing no such matter, and were not as yet all got into the castle. The chief leader of the citizens in this tumult, was Abdahar the Mesuar, who but a little before upon the coming of the Turks, by augmenting the danger, and the unfaithfulness of his subjects, had persuaded Muleasses to fly; but now perceiving himself deceived of his expectation for the coming of Roscetes, and repenting of that he had done, sought by all means to drive out the Turks, and to recall Muleasses. And the more to animate the people, as he stood on high, from whence he might best be heard, he cried unto them with a loud voice: We are most villainously betrayed (worthy citizens) for Roscetes, whom we expected for our lawful king, lamenteth his misery in chains, in prison at CONSTANTINOPLE: and we, except we presently play the men, and valiantly fight for our liberty, shall for ever serve as slaves to these foreign and merciless pirates. The present danger of our estate telleth us, that we must presently and without delay take the occasion offered. Wherefore let all men that mean not to serve as slaves, and to be bought and sold as beasts, take up arms against the faithless Turks. I myself will be your leader: let us therefore all with one consent with heart and hand revenge this shameful treachery, defend our country and liberty with the ancient honour of the Numidians. There was now no time to stay, every man had betaken himself to his weapons; Muleasses was again sent for, who yet stayed in the suburbs, expecting what should happen; many of the Turks were slain before they were aware, or feared any thing; all the city was filled with outcries and clattering of weapons: the number of the citizens was such, as might easily have expulsed the Turks, had they been but reasonably armed or well conducted, which in a matter so sudden, and with men altogether ignorant of service, was not possible. Yet they armed with fury, and encouraged with the multitude of themselves, swarmed up as thick as was possible one of the bulwarks of the castle, which they knew was easiest to be gained, where the Turks had set up one of their ensigns; and with the multitude of their darts and arrows so overwhelmed the Turks, that they were glad to forsake the place, and to retire farther into the castle to a place of more strength: from whence and all alongst the curtain of the wall, they without intermission discharged their great artillery and small shot amongst the thickest of the naked Moors, making of them a wonderful slaughter. Barbarussa although he was a man of an invincible courage & great experience, all his life time well acquainted with desperate dangers (the dreadful steps of aspiring minds) yet surprised with the suddenness of the assault, shut up in a place whereof he yet knew not the strength, and not provided of victual for three days, was with the due consideration of these difficulties, not a little troubled: which his care was by the disordered fury of his enemies, and known valour of his own soldiers greatly diminished; especially when he saw his own men still fight, as men full of hope and courage, and the Moors as men half dismayed with the wounds and slaughter of their friends, ready to retire. Howbeit, Muleasses returneth into the city. by the coming in of Muleasses and Dorax, the assault twice before given over, was again at both times renewed, with no less desperate fury than at the first, and the Turks hardly charged. In this dangerous assault Halis of MALIGA, a renegade Spaniard, but a most expert soldier, turning himself to Barbarussa, said: If thou wilt save thine honour, and hold this fort, we must sally out upon this enemy, which having never seen a set battle, but only acquainted with light skirmishes, will not be able to endure our charge at hand, but shall in a moment know the price of their foolish hardiness: who as brainsick men could neither endure the government of their cruel king, ne yet thankfully receive the authors of their deliverance and liberty. This motion of the Spaniard, confirmed by the general approbation of the chiefest captains, Barbarussa commanded Halis the author of that counsel, with certain other captains and their companions, at one instant to sally out at two ports of the castle: which they so resolutely performed, that in short time a wonderful number of the naked Moors lay dead upon the ground. Abdahar the Mesuar himself, was there shot thorough with a bullet and slain: whereupon the assault was quite given over, the Moors retiring by companies back into the city, and the Turks still pursuing them: The citis●ns of Tu●e● discomfited by the Turks. where, in the streets for certain hours, was fought a most cruel and bloody battle. At last the citizens overcome, forsook the open streets, and betook them to the refuge of their houses; not so careful of their king, as of themselves, their wives and children. And Holis with the rest, wearied with the slaughter of his enemies, and overcome with labour, heat, and thirst, returned with victory unto the castle. It is reported that there was above three thousand of the citizens slain that day, Muleasses flieth. and thrice as many hurt. Muleasses thus discouraged, and utterly despairing to recover the city; hardly escaped his enemy's hands, by the good help of his uncle Dorax, with whom he fled over the river Bagrada, and came in safety to CONSTANTINA (called of old time CYRTHA) the ancient seat of the Numidian kings, but then a part of Dorax his dominion; where he was honourably maintained and protected until the coming of Charles the emperor into AFRICA. The night ensuing this battle, and the flight of the king▪ was restless both to the citizens and the Turks, each of them for fear of other standing upon their strongest guard. The next day the citizens discouraged with the loss of so many of their kinsmen and friends, and having no king now for whom they should fight, craved pardon of Barbarussa for their rash attempt, The citizens of ●unes yield themselves to Barbarussa. excusing it by the name of loyalty to their ancient kings; offering to submit themselves unto him with all faithfulness. Which their offer he willingly accepted, knowing that he was not able to keep that place with his soldiers three days, for lack of victual: so that all his hope and victory gotten, might easily be overthrown and brought to nought, if the citizens moved either with desperation or desire of revenge, should join with the other Numidian princes, and besiege him in the castle. Whereupon a general peace was granted, and by solemn oath on both sides confirmed, whereby the citizens expressly bound themselves to the obedience of Solyman, and to Barbarussa as his lieutenant. All things thus set in order in the city of TUNES, & new magistrates and officers by him made, he laboured by all means to win unto him the Numidian princes: which when he had easily brought to pass by gifts and rewards with those needy princes, of themselves prone enough upon light occasions to make or break the bonds of friendship, he sent Asan-aga an eunuch, and Halis the Spaniard with the janissaries, & certain pieces of great ordinance, to take in the other cities of the kingdom of TUNES: which they in short time performed, being in all places peaceably received, only the city of CARVENNA held out a while, yet afterwards for fear of further harm received the Turks garrison. But to leave Barbarussa king of ALGIERS and Soliman's great Admiral, thus possessed of the kingdom of TUNES; and Muleasses in exile at CONSTANTINA, until he be again restored unto his kingdom by Charles the emperor, as shall be hereafter declared: let us again return to the wars at the selfsame time undertaken by Solyman in person himself in PERSIA, persuaded thereunto as we have before said by Abraham the great Bassa. Of whom a few words, that they which shall hereafter live, may in him as in others, see in what slippery place they stand, and what small assurance they have, which forsaking God, run headlong after these worldly vanities, and swelling with the favours of great princes, are in a moment when they least fear any such fall, suddenly overthrown, and become the miserable spectacles of man's fragility in the height of their supposed bliss. This great Bassa called of the Turks Ibrahim, The description of Abraham the great Bassa. of us Abraham, was borne in a poor country village near unto PERGA, a town in that part of EPIRUS which was called BUTHROTIA: who in his childhood was taken from his Christian parents, by such as by authority did take up the tribute children of the Christians for the Turkish emperor. A tribute of all tributes most grievous. He was of countenance amiable, of feature comely, active of body, well spoken, pleasantly conceited, and sharp of wit: so that he in shorter time than was thought possible, to the admiration of many, learned both to speak and write the Arabian tongue, and other languages used in the Turks court, and could skilfully play upon sundry kinds of instruments. And being yet a boy, served Scanderbassa, a man of great authority and power, in the time of Selimus the emperor, in whose service he was instructed in the Mahometan religion; but giving himself to all manner of curiosity and neatness, he was wonderfully favoured by the great lady his mistress, and by her commended to her husband Scanderbassa, as a fit page to attemper his melancholy and wayward disposition, with his pleasant conceits and devices. Wherein the Tetrical Bassa finding him to excel, gave him as a rare gift to Solyman the son of Selimus, his grandfather Bajazet yet living: who took in him such pleasure, that the old emperor caused him to be brought up in the court, His bringing up in the court. in all princely qualities with Solyman (who was of like years unto him) as his companion and playfellow. Where he so framed himself unto the young prince his disposition in all points, that he was of him always exceedingly beloved, and afterwards promoted to all the honours of the court, and made one of the Bassas; giving unto him in marriage the only daughter and heir of Scanderbassa, his master then dead, with an exceeding great dowry. And after that, made him Governor of CAIRO: where he had not long remained, but he was again sent for to the court, as the man which gave thereunto life, without whose company Solyman was as one half dead. At length he made him Vesier, which is the chief of all the Bassas, and precedent of his counsel, the greatest honour in the Turkish empire next unto the emperor himself. And to honour him yet more, he delivered him his private signet, wherewith the Turkish emperour● never used to trust any but themselves: he might at his pleasure, grace, and disgrace whom 〈◊〉 would, in court or elsewhere. What he commanded, was done: and whatsoever he did, 〈◊〉 ●aken for well done. He might without the emperors knowledge give any office, His great credit with Solyman. yea the ●●●ernment of whole countries and provinces, unto his favourites: his credit with the empero●●●as so great, that he did what he list, and no man durst presume to ask any reason why. And 〈◊〉 say all at once, he wanted nothing of the majesty of an emperor, but the name only; in steed whereof he was commonly called the Great Commander of all the emperors forces. His house in CONSTANTINOPLE was of all other most stately, wherein was daily to be seen such a multitude of his gallant followers, and such a world of wealth and royal furniture, as that it might be worthily compared with the palace of a great prince. Neither was he partaker of Soliman's counsels in his weighty matters of state only, but of his secret delights and pleasures also; if he were present all was well, if he were away nothing pleased: to be short, he so possessed this great emperor, that men commonly said, The soul of Solyman lived in Abraham. Whereat many of the great men of the court secretly repined; but especially Soliman's mother, and Roxalana his fair concubine, whom of all women he held dearest. His lively and majestical countenance thou mayest here behold. ABRAHAM. Magnus es & Getici tibi gratia prona tynanni Seruit, at ex alto magna ruina venit: Te proceres odere, Parensque, & regia coniux Horum ne pereas proditione cave. Right great thou art, and dost command the favour of thy king: But such great favours oftentimes, a greater fall do bring. The great king's mother, wife, and all the nobles hate thee sore: Beware that by their wily drifts thou perish not therefore. This great Commander, Abraham Bassa persuadeth Solyman to make war upon the Persians. which might at all times be bold to speak what he thought unto Solyman, sought many times in his private discourses betwixt them two, to persuade him to forbear to use his forces any farther against the Christians, over whom he had sufficiently already triumphed, and to turn them upon the Persians by whom he was daily injured. Alleging unto him, that the Germans were a strong and warlike people; who as they both in language and manners differed from the Hungarians, so were they always at variance with them, and therefore much cared not though they were by him subdued: but if he should begin to invade any part of their country, he should then soon see that invincible nation with their united forces, up in arms ready to make strong resistance. And to provoke Charles the emperor (of all the Christian princes the mightiest) were not good, who of himself was able to bring into the field most puissant armies of valiant soldiers out of his own dominions: beside the wonderful concourse of most resolute men out of all parts of Christendom, which would not spare to lay down their lives at his feet in that war, which was of them accounted most religious. Yea what strength both of horse and foot might be raised and brought to the battle by the two brethren Charles and Ferdinand, only might (as he said) even then be plainly perceived, when as they valiantly defended VIENNA, besieged by us with great power. Neither did Charleses afterward, as it seemed, and as the Christians commonly vaunt, fear to have adventured the fortune of a main battle with you: who although I doubt not but he should have been overcome by you so great a monarch with so puissant an army, a thing peculiar to your good fortune; yet I cannot deny, but that that victory against such expert and resolute soldiers, so strongly armed as their manner is must have been bought with a great deal of our blood. These things in my opinion may reasonably persuade you to let the Christians alone, by civil wars to weaken one another, that so afterwards they may become a prey unto us without any danger of ours. So that in my judgement the Persian war is to be taken in hand, rather than the wars in GERMANY, and especially for that you have sufficiently enlarged the bounds of your empire Westward: which you have extended even unto nations very far distant. So that it is now a great matter to defend so much as you have already gotten, and therefore partly for the difficulty of the defending thereof, and partly upon an honourable contempt, according to the infinite bounty of your heroical inclination, have thought good to bestow whole kingdoms upon strangers, yea half your enemies. Wherefore how much more glorious shall it be now upon just occasion to seek for that which joineth unto your own confines; and may therefore easily be united unto your own empire: if you according to the example of your grandfather and father shall force yourself to drive that accursed and abominable race of Ishmael out of ASIA. For it shall be a great glory unto the name of the Ottoman kings for ever, if you shall after your wont manner zealously respect the cause of religion; a work of an incomparable fame, if the authors of a most detestable superstition shall by you be chased quite out of ASIA. For what more just or honourable cause can there be to make war, than to profess yourself the defender of the divine precepts of our great prophet Mahomet, against the wicked and irreligious impugners thereof? And by the way to revenge and utterly to destroy the capital enemies of your ancestors: which was the last prayer of your father Selimus. Can you endure them which rule so insolently, that they account every one that is near them their enemies and prey, and dare also with their pilfering invasions provoke yourself, living contented within the bounds of your own empire in peace both in EUROPE and ASIA? and they (forsooth) such as have by most horrible wrong crept into the royal seat of the most lawful and noble kings descended of the blood of Vsun-Cassanes? who after their wont manner still live by rapine and robbery? Believe me noble emperor, if you shall upon a zeal to your religion with your victorious hand take away this stain and plague of ASIA, there shall undoubtedly be erected unto you so glorious and magnificent a trophy in the midst of PERSIA, as may be compared, yea preferred before the triumphs of your victorious father Selimus. For it is not so much to have destroyed the Mamalukes (by condition slaves) and the proud Sultan's of EGYPT and SYRIA, as to have subdued the Persians, famous in ancient time for their martial prowess, who so oftentimes vanquished by Alexander of MACEDOM gave unto him the name of Great. Solyman pricked forward with many such discourses, daily sounded in his ears by the Bassa, began to yield to his persuasion. Whereof Abraham in himself greatly rejoiced: for it was thought of many, that he did never in heart renounce the Christian religion, but was only in outward show a Turk, and in heart a Christian. Which was the rather conjectured, for that he marvelously favoured and protected the Christian merchants, furthered by all means the leagues of the Christian princes with Solyman, and laboured always to turn his forces from them upon the Persians. And the more to whet him forward, the Bassa had cunningly insinuated into his acquaintance one Mulearabe of DAMASCUS, a man at that time famous in CONSTANTINOPLE, for the opinion the people had generally conceived of his holiness and profound knowledge in the secret causes of things, and the art of Magic; using him as a prophet to fill the ambitious mind of Solyman, with assured hope of prosperous success: which thing the hypocritical wizard, after the manner of such deceivers, slily performed, prophesying unto him all happiness in so religious a war, and so much (as he said) pleasing God. This the Bassa's purpose was much furthered also by Vlemas, a noble and valiant Persian, who having married the great Persian king Tamas his sister, was revolted from him to Solyman, fearing to be called to account for the extorsion wherewith he had grievously oppressed the countries whereof he had the government and being wonderfully countenanced in Soliman's court by the great Bassa, did after the manner of disloyal fugitives persuade Solyman by all means he could to take that war in hand, discovering unto him the power, strength, and state of the Persian kingdom (which he could well do) and plotting unto him the easiest way for the conquering thereof, Solyman resolveth to go against the Persians. offering also unto him the uttermost of his devoir. So Solyman filled with the vain hope of the conquest of PERSIA, yielded fully unto the persuasions of the great Bassa, and ga●e out his commissions into all parts of his empire for the raising of a mighty army for the performance of so great an enterprise, commanding all his captains and men of war to be ready at the city of NICE in BYTHINIA at a certain day appointed▪ Which his purpose, although it was mightily impugned by his mother, and fair Roxalana his best beloved, as that which altogether proceeded from the Bassa: Abraham's credit maligned by Soliman's mother and Rox●lana. the one alleging with what evil success his grandfather and father had before him attempted that same war; the other assailing him with her passionate affections▪ but both of them indeed repining at the credit of the Bassa and in their hearts disdaining that so great a monarch should at the pleasure of his servant be led up and down the world so far from their company: for which cause they did what in them lay to have overthrown the purpose of Abraham, and to have altered Soliman's former determination. But so strong was the Bassa's credit with his great lord and master, that all these great ladies devices and prayers were as women's affectionate passions rejected, and the Bassa's counsel (to their no small grief) in all things regarded. The time appointed being come, Abraham Bassa sent before with an army into Syria. and all things in readiness, Solyman sent Abraham the Bassa, and Vlemas the Persian before him into SYRIA with a strong army, to be ready with the first of the Spring to invade the Persian king. Which thing the Bassa gladly took upon him, and coming into SYRIA, wintered with his army at AL●PPO: whither Barbarussa came unto him for his letters of credence to Solyman, as is before declared. The Spring now approaching, Abraham sent Vlemas the fugitive Persian prince before him with the light horsemen, the forerunners of his army, into MESOPOTAMIA as his guide, because the country was unto him best known; following not far after himself with all his army. And marching still forward in that manner, came at length without resistance unto the famous city of TAURIS in ARMENIA the greater; called in ancient time ECBATHANA, as is probably by some conjectured: a great and rich city, but unwalled and of no strength▪ where the Persian kings (for the pleasantness of the place, and freshness of the air) used commonly to be resiant in the heat of the year. From whence Tamas the Persian king was as then absent, busied in wars with Kezien-bassa, a prince of the Corasine Hyrcanians: The city of Tauris yielded to the Bassa. so that the citizens of TAURIS destitute of all help, yielded themselves and the city unto the Bassa at his first coming. Tamas the Persian king understanding what was happened at TAURIS, drew near with his power, warily expecting to have taken the Turks at some advantage, and so by policy to have defeated his enemies, whom he was too weak to meet with in plain battle. Which thing the wary Bassa well perceiving, for more assurance, by speedy couriers advertised Solyman of the taking of TAURIS, and of the enemy's purpose, requesting him with all speed to repair with his army to TAURIS. Solyman was then come far on his way with a strong army, not by the way of ANCYRA, SEBASTIA, AMASIA, the borders of TRAPEZONDE, and so over Euphrates at ARSEN●A into ARMENIA, as his father Selimus had done before him, because that way was thought longer and more troublesome: but quite another way, on the right hand from NICE in BYTHINIA to ICONIUM, and by CaeSARIA to MALATHIA, where is the notable passage over the river Euphrates, bursting out by the valleys of the mountain ANTITAURUS, from whence the plains of MESOPOTAMIA, than part of the Persian kingdom, begin to open themselves; thorough which country Solyman marched peaceably with his army, paying the poor country people for whatsoever he took and so in four and fifty days march came from NICE in BYTHINIA to the city of COIM in ARMENIA the greater, which is supposed to be built in the ruins of the famous and ancient city ARTAXATA. Solyman cometh to Tauri●. But hearing such news as is aforesaid from the Bassa, he doubled his march, and so in short time after came and joined his forces with the Bassa at TAURIS. Tamas who yet daily expected the coming of the Georgian light horsemen, understanding that Solyman was coming against him with a world of men, thought it not good to abide the coming of so puissant an enemy, but with delay to weary him out that drew such a multitude of people after him; and by taking of him at all advantages, to cut off his people spent with long travel, wanting victual, and falling into diverse diseases; as it commonly chanceth to populous armies in strange countries, where the change of the air, with the inevitable necessities always attending upon a great army, most times causeth grievous and contagious diseases. Wherefore Tamas to shun the coming of Solyman, retired further off into SVL●ANIA, about six days journey from TAURIS. Solyman followeth Tama● the Persian king into Sultania. Whereof Solyman having knowledge, departed from that rich city without doing any harm therein, following after Tamas into SULTANIA to join battle with him if he could possible: leaving behind him for haste, a great part of his carriages and baggage, with five hundred janissaries, and three of his Sanzackes with their companies. The city of SULTANIA was in ancient time one of the royal seats of the Persian kings, but ruinated by the Scythian Tamerlane, retained no show of the ancient majesty, but only in the churches by him spared. near unto this city Solyman lay encamped many days, expecting that the Persian king (in revenge of the injury to him done, and for the safeguard of his honour) should at length come out of the mountains, and show himself in plain field, and give him battle: Which was a thing so far from Tamas his resolution, upon the due comparing of his own strength with his enemies, that he retired in such sort, that Solyman could by no means learn what was become of him, or which way to follow him. The country near unto the city of SULTANIA wherein Solyman lay encamped at large, is on every side environed with huge mountains, whose tops are to be seen a far off, always covered with deep snow: these mountains were in ancient time called NYPHATES, CASPIUS, COATHRAS and ZAGRUS, taking their beginning no doubt of CAUCASUS the father of mountains; and joining one to another, some one way, some another, do divide most large and wide countries. Whilst Solyman in those plain fields most fit to fight a battle in, expected the coming of Tamas, such a horrible and cruel tempest (as the like whereof the Persians had never before seen at that time of the year) fell down from those mountains; which was so much the more strange, for that it fell in the beginning of September: with such abundance of rain, which froze so eagerly as it fell, that it seemed the depth of Winter had even then of a sudden been come in: for such was the rage of the blustering winds, striving with themselves as if it h●d been for victory, that they swept the snow from off the tops of those high mountains, and cast it down into the plains in such abundance, that the Turks lay as men buried alive in the deep snow, most part of their tents being overthrown and beaten down to the ground with the violence of the tempest and weight of the snow, Soliman's army distressed with tempest. wherein a wonderful number of sick soldiers and others of the base sort which followed the camp perished, and many others were so benumbed, some their hands, some their feet, that they lost the use of them for ever: most part of their beasts which they used for carriage, but especially their camels, were frozen to death. Yea Solyman himself was in great danger to have been overwhelmed in his tent, all the tents round about him being overthrown with the violence of the tempest. Neither was there any remedy to be found for so great mischiefs, by reason of the hellish darkness of that tempestuous night, most of their fires being put out by the extremity of the storm: which did not a little terrify the superstitious Turks as a thing accounted of them ominous. And that which troubled them no less than the miseries of the tempest, was the fear of the enemy, whose sudden coming they deadly feared: until that after so tedious a night, the Sun breaking out the next morning, with his cheerful beams revived many before ready to give up the ghost for cold, and gave comfort to them all in general, by discovering the open fields clear of their feared enemies. It was a dreadful thing to have seen what misery that one night had brought into the Turks camp: the ground lay almost covered with bodies of the dead; and many lived, but so, as that they accounted the dead more happy than themselves. Many of the Turks vainly thought, that horrible tempest was brought upon them by the charms and enchantments of the Persian Magicians; whereas it was undoubtedly, by the hand of him which bringeth the proud devices of princes to nought. Solyman troubled as well with the strangeness of the accident, as the loss he had received, after he had a little refreshed his discouraged soldiers, rise with his army and took his way on the left hand into ASSIRIA: Vlemas the Persian persuading him thereunto for many causes, but especially by putting him in hope of the taking of BABYLON; for that Mahomates a friend of his, was governor thereof. But he when the matter came to proof, was not to be won either by promise or reward to betray the city. Wherefore Solyman resolved to take it by force, neither did his fortune fail him therein: for as soon as Mahomates understood that Vlemas was at hand with the forerunners of the Turks army, and that Solyman with all his power was coming after, who as he thought would never have come so far; he not provided to withstand so mighty an enemy, Babylon yielded to Solyman. and not beloved of the citizens, fled out of the city. Solyman coming, in short time after was of the Babylonians received without resistance. This city of BABYLON commonly called BAGDAT, rise out of the ruins of the old city of BABYLON, so much spoken of in holy writ: from whence it is not far distant, standing upon the river Tigris, which not far beneath falleth into the river Euphrates. In this famous city is the seat of the great Caliph, the chief Mahometan priest, whom all the Mahometan princes have in great reverence, & hath an old prerogative in the choice and confirmation of the kings of ASSIRIA▪ and the Sultan's of EGYPT: of which Caliph, Solyman according to the old superstitious manner, received at his hands the ensigns and ornaments of the Assyrian kings, and with great bounty won the hearts of the people: and thereupon resolved to spend that Winter there, billi●ing his army in divers places of that fertile country. The other cities of ASSIRIA and MESOPOTAMIA also, namely CARAEMIDA, MEREDINUM, ORSA, and ASANCESA, hearing that Solyman had without resistance taken BABYLON, yielded themselves and received his garrisons. Yea the fame thereof was so great, that ambassadors came unto him as far as ORMUS, a city in the mouth of Euphrates, where it falleth into the Persian gulf, famous for the great traffic out of INDIA thither, suing unto him for peace. The countries of As●iria and Mesopotamia possessed by the Turks▪ Thus the ancient city of BABYLON with the great countries of ASSIRIA and MESOPOTAMIA, sometimes famous kingdoms of themselves▪ and lately part of the Persian kingdom, fell into the hands of the Turks, and became provinces of the Turkish empire in the year 1534. Where Solyman after he had spent that Winter in great joy and triumph, according to the manner of the Turkish government, placed a great Commander, which they by a proud name call the Beglerbeg (which is as much as to say, the lord of lords) and under him divers others for the government of these countries, by parts, which they call Sanzacks', who are ever at the command of the Beglerbeg. Whilst he thus wintered at BABYLON, he caused Ashender Zelibi (which is to say▪ Alexander the noble) his great treasurer for the wars, to be hanged, for that he had unfaithfully dealt in his office; and confiscated all his goods. Tamas hearing that Solyman was gone to BABYLON, Tamas cometh to Tauris. returned to TAURIS: of whose speedy coming, the janissaries and other captains there left by Solyman understanding, fled in haste out of the city, leaving all such things as were committed to their custody, for a prey unto the Persian soldiers. Soliman's army being mightily increased by the coming unto him of the great Bassa of CAIRO, 1535 with the Sanzacks' of ALEXANDRIA, JUDEA, SYRIA, and COMAGENE; by the persuasion of Abraham, and Vlemas, the Spring now well come on, departed from BABYLON again towards TAURIS, with purpose either to draw Tamas to battle, or else to his eternal infamy before his face to sack that his regal city. Tamas hearing of the coming of Solyman to Tauri●, flieth into Hyrcania. But Tamas advertised of his coming, and knowing himself too weak to give him battle, forsook the city, and fled into the mountains of HYRCANIA: destroying all the country before him as he went, and carrying away the inhabitants, leaving nothing to relieve the Turks, if they should pursue him. Solyman understanding that Tamas was again fled, sent Vlemas with all the choice horsemen of his army to overtake him if it were possible, and to fight with him. But when he had followed him two or three days journey, and still found the country desolate as he went, yielding neither forage for his horses, nor relief for his men, and saw no hope to overtake the king; he began as a provident General to forecast the extremities like to befall in his return thorough those desolate countries, with the enemy at his heels: and thereupon in time retired back again to Solyman, declaring unto him what had happened. Who fretting in his mind, that the Persian king was not to b● drawn to battle, marched forthwith to TAURIS, entered it without resistance, the citizens submitting themselves unto him: whose lives spared, he gave that rich city for a prey unto his soldiers, who left neither house nor corner thereof unransacked, abusing the poor citizens with all manner of insolency▪ every common soldier without controlment, fitting himself with whatsoever best pleased his greedy desire or filthy lust. Tamas had in this city a most stately and royal palace▪ So 〈◊〉 ●ansa●●●keth Tauris▪ so had also most part of the nobility, their sumptuous and rich houses, which by the commandment of Solyman were all razed down to the ground, and the greatest part of the best citizens and beautiful personages of all sort and condition, at his departure thence carried away captives. Solyman contenting himself to have done the Persian king this disgrace in spoiling this his rich and royal city, returned again towards MESOPOTAMIA, destroying the countries all the way as he went, killing the very beasts and cattle, thereby the more to impoverish the Persians, wishing to leave nothing unto them but penury and misery. He was scarcely past COIM and the Calderan fields, famous for his father's victory against Hysmaell, but that certain troops of the Persian horsemen were in the tail of his army, and had taken away some of his baggage, and slain divers of the sick and straggling soldiers; and with their often skirmishes did not a little trouble his whole army. Besides that, it was noised thorough all his camp, That Tamas himself was coming after him with a great power of horsemen, taken up in HIBERIA, ALBANIA, PARTHIA, MEDIA, and ARMENIA, and would be at their backs before they could get out of ARMENIA: for which cause, he appointed the two great Bassas of CAIRO and SYRIA (for so they were called) and Vlemas the Persian with eighteen thousand good soldiers to follow him in the rearward of his army, to receive and repress the sudden assaults of the Persians, if need should require: and so still kept on his march, until he was come to AMIDA, now called CARAEMIDA, an ancient city of MESOPOTAMIA. In the mean time, Tamas the Persian king was returned to TAURIS with a mighty army, in hope there to have suddenly surprised his enemy, surcharged with the pleasures of so rich a city: but finding him gone, and beholding the miserable spoil and desolation he had made in the city; moved with indignation, he resolved to pursue him whither soever he were gone, and was now on his way as far as COIM. Where understanding that Solyman was gone so far before, that he was hardly to be overtaken; and finding the noble gentlemen in his army, unwilling in their heavy armour to undertake such a pursuit, as could not be performed without the wonderful toil of themselves, and most assured loss of their goodly horses, alleging that they were provided to fight a battle, and not to travel so long a journey (all which Tamas now that his choler was over, knew to stand with good reason) he changed his former determination, thinking it best there to stay, and not to follow the pursuit of his enemies any further: until that Delimenthes one of his noble men, Delim●nthes with 5000 Persians' 〈◊〉 the ●urkes. always more forward than the rest, offered with five thousand chosen horsemen to overtake some part of the Turks army, and to do on them some good service. Which his offer Tamas gladly accepted, commending him greatly for the same, promising him most honourable reward: and so in haste sent him away. He forthwith taking the well known and nearest way, used such expedition, that he was in hope to overtake the rearward of the Turks army (marching not far now before him) about the foot of the mountain TAURUS, as in deed it fell out, at a place called BETHLIS. This BETHLIS is a famous town in the confines of the Persian kingdom, where it bordereth upon MESOPOTAMIA, standing in a pleasant valley, by which runneth a little river falling out of the mountain ANTITAURUS; and had a castle kept with a garrison of PERSIANS. In this valley, the two Bassas of CAIRO and SYRIA conducted by Vlemas, thinking they had now been past all danger of the enemy's pursuit, stayed with the rearward of the army to refresh their wearied soldiers, upon certain knowledge, that Solyman with the rest of his army was already come in safety to AMIDA in MESOPOTAMIA; and therefore lay as men secure without any suspicion of the coming of the Persians, whom they had not so much as heard any thing of in long time before. But Delimenthes using most faithful and diligent espials of that country people, by that time he was come within one days journey of BETHLIS, understood certainly where the Turks lay, weary of their long travel, as men without fear, keeping little or no watch in their camp: Whereupon he determined in the dead time of the night following, to assail them in their camp: and by secret messengers gave knowledge both of his coming, and of this his purpose to the captain of the castle of BETHLIS, requesting him at an appointed hour upon sign given, to be ready to sally out with his garrison upon that side of the Turks camp which was towards the castle. Which his venturous designment was so furthered both by the darkness of the night, Delimenthes assa●●eth the Turks camp by night, and maketh a great slaughter. and the abundance of rain which fell at the fame time, as if it had been wished for; that he was got with all his resolute followers within the Turks camp, before they were aware of his coming: where the Persian soldiers, as wolves amongst sheep, did such speedy execution amongst the sleepy Turks, that the two great Bassas and Vlemas, had much ado to get to horse and save themselves by flight. And such was the fury of the Persians, and the greatness of the sudden fear increased by the darkness of the night, that the Turks not knowing which way to turn themselves, or what to do, were slain by thousands, some sleeping, some half waking, some making themselves ready to fight, and some to fly, few of all that great army escaped the sword of the Persians. Of the five great Sanzackes which were in the army, three were slain, and one taken. Eight hundred janissaries seeing themselves forsaken of their cheefetaines, laid down their arquebusiers and other weapons, and yielded themselves upon Delimenthes his word. The fierce mountain people also, who in former time had suffered great injuries of the Turks, after the death of Aladeules their king, had now joined themselves to the Persians, and notably revenged their wrongs; to whose share all the baggage of the Turks camp fell for a prey. It might then well have been said of the Turks which the Poet speaketh of the night wherein TROY was sacked: Quis cladem illius noctis qui funera fando explicet?— The slaughter of that night was such, as that it is of the Turks until this day accounted amongst their greatest losses; and the victory so welcome to the Persians, that in memorial thereof they kept that day (which was the thireenth of October) as one of their solemn holidays for many years after. Delymenthes returning all bloody with the slaughter of the Turks, and loaded with their spoils, Solyman discouraged. was of Tamas joyfully received and honouraly rewarded. This overthrow reported to Solyman by the two great Bassas and Vlemas, as men that had hardly escaped shipwreck, so daunted his proud conceits, that he resolved in himself to return home, and no further to prosecute that unfortunate war: the evil event whereof his mother (as he said) had more truly presaged, than had the cold prophet Mulearabe; but secretly in mind displeased with Abraham the great Bassa, by whose persuasion he had taken in hand that dangerous expedition. By the way as he went he was met at ICONIUM by Barbarussa and Sinan Bassa, surnamed the jew, a man for his skill at sea in reputation next unto Barbarussa. These two great personages lately come from ALGIERS to CONSTANTINOPLE with the remainder of his fleet, met him so far by land, to show their joyfulness for the conquest he had made of MESOPOTAMIA and ASSIRIA, and to excuse themselves for the loss of the kingdom of TUNES; which won by Barbarussa in the beginning of the Persian war, was before the ending thereof again wrong out of his hands by Charles the emperor, and restored to Muleasses, as shall be hereafter declared. They with great humility declared unto him the whole process of that war, and with what success they had endured the force of Charles the emperor himself in person: showing plainly unto him, that there wanted neither valour in the soldiers, nor direction in them the commanders, but only fortune, which as it mightily reigneth in all men's; actions, so especially in matters of war. Solyman graciously accepted of their excuse, and courteously took them up, prostrate at his feet, commending them for their valour in their evil haps, in a plot so well by them laid▪ more than he did the victory of others, got by good fortune, not grounded upon any good reason: willing them to be of good cheer, saying, That he would in short time find occasion for them to recompense that disgrace, & again to show their approved valour. After long travel he came to the straight of Bosphorus, where Abraham the Bassa going before him, had in sign of triumph caused the shore all alongst the place where he should go aboard the galley provided for his transportation, to be covered with Persian silk for him to tread upon: from whence he passed with much triumph over to his palace at CONSTANTINOPLE. Envy, the fatal and cruel companion of princes immoderate favours, had with her prying eyes quickly discovered in court Soliman's changed countenance upon the great Bassa, and began now to show her ghastly face. They which before were most ready to do him all the honour possible, yea to have laid their hands under his feet, sought now by all secret means to work his disgrace and confusion. But of all others, the two great ladies, Soliman's mother, and the fair Roxolana ceased not by daily complaints to incense Solyman against him: the mother, for that he had by his persuasion, contrary to her mind and her superstitious observations drawn her son into the dangers of the Persian war: Abraham the great Bassa in disgrace with Solyman. and Roxolana, for that he most honoured and sought the preferment of Mustapha, Soliman's eldest son by another woman; whereas she above all things laboured by all subtle means to prefer Bajazet her own son to the empire, after the death of Solyman his father: Which her designment she perceived to be much crossed by the credit which the Bassa had with her Solyman, and therefore did what she might both to bring him out of favour, and to work his destruction. But that which most impaired his credit with Solyman, was the common report raised of him by his enemies, That he being in heart a Christian, did in all things favour the Christians (a thing most odious amongst the Turks) and had for that cause craftily persuaded Solyman to take in hand the unfortunate Persian war. And that which more increased the suspicion, was, That he about that time had caused one Mark Nicholas, a Venetian merchant (who had not without the suspicion of some oftentimes come unto him with letters and secret messages whilst he lay at BABYLON) to be taken in the night, and murdered at CONSTANTINOPLE, and cast into the sea, because he should not discover any thing that might be hurtful unto him. Abraham thus brought in disgrace with Solyman, was (after the manner of the Turkish tyranny) bid to a solemn supper in the court about the fourteenth of March, after which time he was never more seen. It is reported, that after supper Solyman fell into a great rage with him, charging him bitterly, That he had misgoverned the state, inverted his treasures to his own private, and as a traitor, had secret intelligence with the Christian princes his enemies: for proof whereof, Solyman with stern countenance showed him his own letters, which had by chance been intercepted, oftentimes ask him in furious manner, If he knew not that hand, if he knew not that seal. All which the Bassa lying prostrate at his feet, humbly confessed, and with many tears craved of him pardon. But his hard heart was not by any prayers to be moved: Abraham Bassa murdered in the court by the commandment of Solyman. for the same night as he was slumbering upon a pallet in the court, overcome with heaviness, an eunuch cut his throat with a crooked knife, which Solyman for that purpose had delivered unto him with his own hand. He was murdered sleeping, because Solyman had in former time of his favour solemnly sworn unto him, That he would never kill him whilst he lived. By which oath the great Mahometan priest said, he was not so bound, but that he might kill him sleeping, for as much as men by sleep deprived of sense, are for that time not to be accounted as living but as dead, man's life consisting altogether (as he said) in lively actions. It is reported, that after Solyman had looked upon the dead body, and bitterly cursed the same, he caused a great weight to be tied unto it, and so cast into the sea. His treasure and goods, which were almost infinite, were the next day all seized upon for the emperor, and a small portion thereof appointed for his poor wife to live upon. His death was no sooner known, but that the vulgar people devised of him infamous songs and slanderous reports, as of a traitor most justly condemned: and in further despite, with stones and mire defaced the trophies of the Hungarian victory, which he had in most stately manner erected before his sumptuous house in CONSTANTINOPLE. This was the woeful end of Abraham the great Bassa, who whilst he stood in favour with his prince, was of all others accounted most fortunate, wanting nothing but the name of the great Sultan: but after falling into disgrace, became the scorn of fortune, and the lamentable spectacle of man's fragility. He was murdered the 15 day of March in the year 1536. How the kingdom of TUNES was by Barbarussa (the Turks great admiral) taken from Muleasses, we have already told: but how the same was again taken from him by Charles the emperor a little before the return of Solyman out of PERSIA, remaineth now to be declared. It was commonly reported, The causes which moved Charles the emperor to invade T●●es. and not without just cause feared, that Barbarussa, possessed of the kingdom of TUNES, and supported by the power of Solyman, would the next Summer, not content himself with the spoil of the coasts of SPAIN, SARDINIA, and ITALY, as he had in former time, but with all his forces invade SICILIA, the garnerie and storehouse of ITALY: and from thence attempt the conquest of the kingdom of NAPLES, which it was thought he in his immoderate desires had longed much after. To repress this his barbarous insolency, and to work the safety of the frontiers of the Christian kingdoms (much subject to the rapines of the Turkish pirates) Charles the emperor resolved in person himself with a puissant army to pass over into AF●RICKE, whilst Solyman was yet busied in the Persian wars, and by force of arms to dispossess the pirate of his new got kingdom in TUNES. For the accomplishment whereof, he caused soldiers to be levied in all parts of SPAIN, and came down to BARCELONA with eight thousand footmen and seven hundred horsemen, far sooner than was by any man expected: The emperors great preparations for the invasion of ●●nes. amongst whom were many of the nobility of SPAIN, with their followers most gallantly appointed: but especially Ferdinand of TOLEDO, duke of ALBA, whose forwardness in that honourable action, with the desire he had to revenge the death of his father Garzias, slain before by the Moors at GIRAPOLIS, gave great hope even then unto his countrymen, That he would in time prove a worthy chieftain, as indeed he afterward did. In the mean time Andrew Auria the great Admiral, Andrew A●ria the emperors Admiral. unto whom only for his approved fidelity and long experience the emperor had fully communicated what he had with himself before purposed, had with wonderful diligence and celerity rigged up a great fleet of ships and galleys, so furnished with all manner of warlike provision, as might well have sufficed a great army: whereunto he joined also his own fleet of seventeen galleys and three galleasses, wherein he had embarked the flower of GENVA and LIGURIA, who with exceeding cheerfulness had voluntarily offered themselves to follow him their old General in that sacred expedition. With this great preparation Auria came to the emperor at BARCELONA: Thither came also Lewes the king of Portugeses brother (whose sister Isabella, Charles the emperor had married) with five and twenty Caravels, ships which the Portugeses used in their Indian voyages, amongst whom was also one huge Galeon; all ships well appointed and fit for service, wherein were embarked two thousand Portugeses, beside mariners: There also arrived sixty sail of tall ships sent out of FLANDERS and the low countries, wherein were a great number of condemned persons, whose lives was spared that they might serve in the galleys: Unto this war Paulus the third of that name, than bishop of ROME, sent ten galleys under the conduct of Virginius Visinus: the Great Master of MALTA sent thither his fleet also. At the same time that all this preparation was in making in other places, that worthy chieftain Alphonsus Davalus Vastius, whom the emperor had appointed General of all his forces at land, had by the emperors commandment taken up five thousand new soldiers in ITALY, which were led by Hieronymus Tutavilla, county of SARNE, Federicke, Caracte, and Augustina Spinula, all famous captains. The old Spanish garrisons which lay in LOMBARDIE, the emperor commanded to be straightly looked unto, that none of them should leave their places to go in this new expedition, but to remain there still under their General Antonius Leva: which worthy captain although he would feign have had him with him, as of all his greatest commanders the best; yet he thought it good to spare him, both for that he was much troubled with the gout, and also for that it was necessary, as he thought, to leave such a valiant captain with his garrisons in that country, so near unto the French and Swissers, whom he durst not so well trust as to disfurnish that country either of so great a commander, Alphonsus Da●●lus Vastius General of the land forces. or of the wont garrisons. At the same time Maximilian Eberstein, an old commander, came to Vastius with eight thousand Germans, over the Tridentine Alps to MILAN, and so to GENVA; amongst whom were divers noble gentlemen, who then as voluntary men served of their own charges. With these Germans and the five thousand Italians, Vastius embarked himself at the port called PORTUS VENERIS, in LIGURIA: having before persuaded them with patience to endure the tediousness of the sea, and to comfort themselves with the hope of the victory in AFRICA; where they should fight in the quarrel of God, and for the emperor, who did never forget his religious and valiant soldiers. So sailing alongst the coast of ITALY, he came to NAPLES, where the viceroy and divers other of the nobility had of their own charges, every man according to his devotion or ability, built or furnished some one galley, some more, for that service. It was a wonder to see with what cheerfulness the gallants and lusty youths of NAPLES, and all that part of ITALY, came and offered themselves unto Vastius, so that it seemed there was none left behind in NAPLES: for he had with singular courtesy so won the hearts of the old soldiers and lusty youths of that kingdom, that both the one and the other thought it a most honourable thing to adorn, the one their before deserved pensions, and the other their first entrance into martial affairs, with the participation of so notable a victory. But whilst every man was thus busied in setting forward, certain mutinous soldiers (weary of the sea, and fearing the dangers of so long a voyage) began to cast many perils, to find fault with their small wages, and to discourage the multitude, persuading them with seditious speeches to forsake their colours, & to run away: for redress whereof, Vastius caused the authors of that mutiny to be taken and thrust into sacks, and in the sight of the whole fleet to be cast into the sea. So Vastius departing with his fleet from NAPLES, came in few days to PALERMO in SICILY. The emperor also losing from BARCELONA, came to the port of MAGO in the Island of MINORICA, and from thence to CARALIS in SARDINIA, whether Alphonsus Vastius was a little before come with all his fleet out of SICILY. No● long after the emperor, now that all his forces were come together, passed over from SARDINIA into AFRICA, and with a fair Westerly wind put into the port of UTICA, The emperor passeth over into Africa. which is of the seafaring men called FARINA. In the entering whereof the admiral galley, wherein the emperor himself was, by great mischance strake upon a sand, and there stuck fast: which so much more troubled the emperor, for that his father Philip had by like mishap been like to have been cast away upon the coast of ENGLAND, as he was sailing out of the low countries into SPAIN: howbeit by the good direction of Auria she was quickly got off the sand again, and entered with the rest, to the great rejoicing of the whole fleet. So presently departing again from UTICA, and sailing alongst the coast, he doubled the promontory of CARTHAGE, yet famous for the ruins of that proud city, and came to anchor before a castle, which of a well beneath it, is called by the name of AQVARIA, or the Water castle. The Moors, Barbarussa advertised the coming of the emperor is much discouraged. who from the hills of UTICA and their watch towers had taken view of the Christian fleet and of the course it held, advertised Barbarussa, That the Christians were coming against him with an innumerable fleet: for there was of one sort and other almost seven hundred sail, whereof 82 were great galleys, which gallantly garnished with flags and streamers, made a show of more than indeed they were and wonderfully terrified the enemy. But that troubled Barbarussa most, that he was by messenger upon messenger certainly informed, That the most mighty Christian emperor Charles was in person himself in the fleet, with such a world of people that it should seem he had left none in SPAIN and ITALY that were able to bear arms. Which news was brought by certain Mahometan slaves, who getting loose in the galleys, had in the night swum ashore, and reported the certainty of the emperors coming: for the proud Turk, a great contemner of the Christian forces, never thought that the emperor would have adventured his person unto the dangers of the sea, and chances of war, especially in an unknown barren and scorching country, but would rather have attempted to do something by his lieutenants; or else by Auria his admiral seek to surprise some base places alongst the sea coast, but not to come directly for the regal city of TUNES: in which opinion he was chiefly confirmed by Aloysius Praesenda, I● hi●●age he executeth Aloysius Praesenda. a gentleman of GENVA, who tooken at sea, was kept as prisoner at large in TUNES: of whom Barbarussa had learned many things concerning the state of ITALY, the manner of the Christians, and strength of the emperor; craftily feeding him with the hope of liberty, if he would truly declare unto him such things as he desired to know. Wherefore now in his rage he caused him to be brought before him, charging him bitterly, that he had craftily and perfidiously told him lies for truth, concerning the emperor, and therefore commanded him to be forthwith executed. When he had thus with the unworthy death of a guiltless Christian, somewhat mitigated the grief of his light belief, he forthwith began to cast with himself how he might best withstand his puissant enemy. And first of all calling to counsel his sea captains, in whom for their approved valour he reposed most confidence, he showed unto them, that they as valiant men, acquainted with the dangers attending upon honourable actions, were not to doubt of the victory, for so much as he saw it as good as already gained; for the same reasons for which he had before persuaded himself, that the emperor (if he had not been half mad) would not have undertaken so desperate and doubtful a war. Barbarussa encourageth his soldiers. For who is there (said he) that knoweth this country (not to speak of our own forces) which would not reasonably think our enemies should in short time know the price of their ambitious desire and rash attempt? which in a most unseasonable time of the year, the days being now at the longest, and the Sun in his greatest strength, are come to ●ight in a country scorched with heat, and altogether without water; where the very sand which riseth with every blast of wind, flying into their eyes and faces, shall no less trouble them than their enemies? Shall we think that they, which as I hear for most part are fresh water soldiers, and surcharged with heavy armour, can easily march forward, or retire, or yet keep their ground, as the divers occasions of battle shall require: when as the deep and hollow burning sand up to the middle leg, will not suffer them to keep any order of array? How shall they be able by any means to abide the force of our Turkish footmen, or the often charging of the nimble Numidian horsemen? And if they be so many of them as they say there is, where can they get victual to feed such a multitude, if we do but protract the war? Assuredly (most valiant and courageous cheefetaines) we shall erect a most rare and incomparable trophy in this country of AFRICA: when as Charles the rich and great emperor of the Christians shall either here be slain in battle, or else fall into our hands as a most rich prey. For mine own part, I will notably provide, that you shall want neither weapons, victual, nor aid, during the time of this war: I will open the old armouries, br●ach my store, and bring forth my treasures. The Numidian princes now our● friends, I will without delay entertain with great pay, and such presents as shall be to them most welcome. As for the citizens of TUNES', you know how easily they are to be kept in obedience, and brought on against the enemy for a small pay, and hope of reward. But this one thing is it that I most earnestly require of your approved valour, That you most valiantly defend the strong castle of GULETTA, as the most assured defence, not of this city only, but of the whole kingdom; and especially of our navy which there lieth in safe harbour: for that piece will our enemies with all their forces first assail▪ Wherefore, as worthy men never to be vanquished, keep that for Solyman and me: so that it being vainly attempted by our enemies, and resolutely defended by you, the Christian emperor there failing of his purpose, and shamefully foiled, shall now begin to despair, not of the taking of the city of TUNES, but of his own return and safety. When he had thus said, the sea captains answered with one consent, That they would most willingly and cheerfully perform whatsoever it should please him to command: and in confirmation thereof, promised him not to do any thing which beseemed not most valiant and resolute men. Barbarussa hi● chief captains. Amongst these sea captains, Sinan of SMIRNA, a jew, who had lost his right eye, was both for his age and long experience in military affairs, of greatest account: next unto him was Haidinus of CILICIA, for his furiousness in fight surnamed of the Italians Cacciadiabolo, and Salec of JONIA; which two had before in a great battle at sea, slain Rodericus Portendus great Admiral of SPAIN, and taken his son john prisoner, and seven great galleys: after these was Tabacches of LAODICIA, and Giaffer a valiant captain of the janissaries: all which were notable pirates and then men of great fame. The strong castle of GULETTA standeth in the bottom of the bay of CARTHAGE, The situation of Guletta. upon a point of the land, where the sea by a narrow strait runneth on the East side of the castle into the lake of TUNES, which being in a manner round, is about twelve Italian miles over. But now that castle is parted from the main on the West side also, by the sea that way let in; which chargeable work was by Barbarussa begun, but given over again by him; persuaded by some, That the sea coming in that way, would in short time fill up the lake with sand: but was afterwards for all that, perfected by others. So that now it standeth in manner of an island, in the mouth of the lake, divided from the firm land by two narrow strait passages, the one on the East, and the other on the West, yet so, that it commandeth both. This castle Barbarussa had before strongly fortified both with men and munition, as the key of that kingdom: but now upon the coming of the emperor, he put into it his most expert and resolute captains before named: well foreseeing that in the defence thereof, rested the safety of his navy which then lay within the lake, as in a most sure harbour; and also the greatest hope he had for the holding of the city of TUNES, whereon depended the whole state of that kingdom. The emperor lying at anchor with all his fleet near unto the shore, gave generell commandment, that his soldiers should with as much speed as was possible be landed with the long boats: which was so orderly done, that the Moors terrified with the hideous cry of the soldiers, making toward land, and not able to abide the showers of small shot, The Christian army landeth 〈◊〉 Guletta. were easily beaten from the shore, whither they were come down in great multitudes, and so suffered the Christian soldiers to land quietly. The first that landed were the Spanish companies, after them the Italians, and last of all the Germans, whom Vastius General of the army caused presently to encamp themselves; straightly commanding, that no man should straggle from the camp farther into the land, until the horsemen and great artillery were all landed. The emperor himself bearing victory in the cheerfulness of his countenance, landed also. In the mean time certain companies were sent out by the General, to view the places nigh hand, and to seek out the cisterns and fountains of fresh waters thereabout, which sometime served the famous city of CARTHAGE; with whom the Moors, but especially the Numidian horsemen, a swift, subtle, and painful kind of soldiers, oftentimes and in many places suddenly skirmished: and though they were but naked men, yet taking all the advantages they could of the places to them well known, with their arrows and darts furiously assailed them unawares, and overloaded with armour; sparing no man's life that fell into their hands. Amongst whom was Hieronimus Spinula a Ligurian captain, who overthrown by a Numidian horseman, had his head cut off, and carried away by the same nimble horseman, before he could be rescued. The like mishap befell Federicus Carectus a noble gentleman, who going with Vastius, to view the places thereabouts, was fast by his side suddenly slain with a small shot. All which nimbleness and fierceness of the enemy, could not for all that stay the emperor: but that he would needs with a small troop of horsemen, in person himself take view of the places thereabouts, even in the sight of the Numidian horsemen, which were in every place to be seen pricking up and down the country in troops; although he was many times requested by his grave counsellors, to leave that service for his inferior captains, and not to expose himself to so great danger both of his person and of the common safety. Vastius had now brought on the army near unto the castle of GULETTA, still casting up a rolling trench as he came nearer thereunto, thereby to keep his men out of the danger of the enemy's shot: which work was not done only by the pioneers and galley slaves, but by soldiers of all sorts; yea many of the captains themselves laid their hands to the spade and mattock: for why, the emperor was there a continual beholder, and cheerful commender of every man's labour and forwardness, and the busy enemy was ever ready to take the advantage, if any thing were by negligence omitted, oftentimes sallying out even unto the very trenches of the Christians, there giving unto them proud words of defiance. When the army was to be marshalled, and every commander to be appointed to the place of his charge in this siege of GULETTA: the county of SARNE, a man famous both for the honour of his house, and for the good service he had lately done against the Turks at CORONA, requested of Vastius the General, to have the charge of the mount nearest unto the castle; which as it was a place of most danger, so was it also of greatest honour. Whereat the old Spaniards (after the manner of their proud nature) much repined. Upon the top of this mount, the county set up his rich tent in the eye of the enemy, and there lay with the Italian companies, over whom he commanded. He had not lain there long, but Salec one of the Turks famous pirates, with certain companies of the garrison soldiers, sallied out of the castle directly upon the mount whereon the county lay; and by making show as if he would desperately have assailed the same, Salec ●all●eth 〈◊〉 ●pon the count●e and the 〈◊〉. raised a great alarm amongst the Italians: yet so, as after certain volleys of shot discharged on both sides, he began to retire as if he had been thereto constrained. Which thing the county perceiving, being a man of greater courage than direction, in great rage with bitter words reproved certain of the captains, whom he perceived not so forward in pursuit of the enemy as he would have had them: and in his fury ran down from the mount, the rest for shame following him, and overtaking the enemies slew divers of them. The crafty pirate now seeing the county drawn out of his strength into the plain ground, and perceiving himself strong enough to encounter him, suddenly turning himself about, said unto his soldiers: The advantage you wished to have of your enemies is now offered, they are now in your danger; wherefore now show yourselves valiant men, and suffer not one of these proud fresh water soldiers to escape alive or unwounded. Which he had no sooner said, but they presently made a stand, and so hardly charged them whom they but even now seemed to fly, that the Italians not able longer to endure the fight, betook themselves to flight. The county himself with Belingerius his kinsman, fight valiantly in the foremost of his companies, was slain: many others endured the same fortune: others flying back again to the mount, were there slain by the Turks, who resolutely entered into the trenches with them so far, that they carried away with them the plate and riches of the counties tent. Neither was there any of the Spaniards which lay nearest unto them, and might easily have rescued them, that would once stir out of their places to help them: for it is reported, that they were nothing sorry for the overthrow of the Italians, for as much as the county had so arrogantly craved of the General the most honourable place, which he so evil held. His head and right hand was cut off▪ and sent by Salec to Barbarussa. This overthrow much grieved the Italians whom Vastius comforted with cheerful speeches, The county 〈…〉 right hand sent to Barbarussa. imputing all that loss, neither to the valour of the enemy, or cowardice of the Italians; but only to the rashness of the county, whom he said worthily to have paid the price of his inconsiderate forwardness. But the Spaniards he sharply reproved as merciless men, which upon so light an occasion had given cause for the Italians to have them in distrust. The Turks in the mean time by the often shooting off of their great ordinance, showed the joy they conceived of this victory. The Spaniards rejoicing at the overthrow of the Ita●ian●● are 〈…〉 by Tabacches. It oftentimes so falleth out▪ that whilst men laugh at their neighbour's harms, their own is not far off; and so it chanced with the Spaniards: for Tabacches another of the piratical captains, shortly after sallying suddenly out of the castle in the dawning of the day, was got up to the top of the trenches wherein the Spaniards lay, before they were aware of his coming, and there slew some as they were a sleep, some idly sitting fearing no harm, others as they were arming themselves; and with their sudden cry, caused the rest which lay near unto that place shamefully for fear to fly out of their trenches: where the Turks taking such trash as they there found, and having slain and wounded many, amongst whom was one Mendosa a captain, and carrying away with them the ensign of Sarmentus which stood upon the top of the trench, returned with victory. The alarm raised in the army was such, as that the emperor himself came running to the place in his armour, severely reproving them of cowardice which had forsaken the place, and grievously offended with them which had kept such negligent watch, against such an enemy, as was not for wiliness agility and courage, to be slightly regarded of the best and most expert soldiers. This disgrace of the Spaniards well comforted the Italians, to see the old soldiers no less overtaken in their negligence, than they had been in their unadvised forwardness. This tumult appeased, Vastius called into his tent the Colonels and chief captains of the Spaniards, and spoke unto them in this manner: Friends (said he) elsewhere always valiant, Vastius hi● spe●ch to the Spanish captains. who together with me, have by your invincible prowess gained unto our emperor many most glorius victories. You seem unto me at this time to have need to be called upon, and to be put in remembrance of your wont and approved valour: for as far as I can see, the remembrance of your ancient fame, is in you grown altogether cold; your hands are become faint for fear; and that which I am sorry and ashamed to say, you are grown I know not how, altogether out of order and heartless, showing no courage for the subduing of these naked pirates. Yesterday (as many say) you smiled at the unskilful and unfortunate forwardness of your friends, which they bought dear; but to day they worthily laugh at your degenerate careless negligence: so that it concerneth you in honour, to blot out this so foul and public a disgrace, by some notable and worthy exploit. Wherefore I exhort you, and I straightly charge and command you, that with all speed you prepare both your minds and weapons for the achievement of some new honour: so that if the proud enemy shall again presume to come forth and assail your trenches, you shall forthwith break out upon him, and beat him back again even to the gates of GULETTA. Perhaps good fortune will so attend your valiant and resolute pursuit, that you may together with their disordered men, enter some of their rampires, wherein we see their whole hope consisteth: which if it shall otherwise fall out than is to be hoped for, yet shall you by this your notable devoir wonderfully content the emperor your sovereign, and me your General, and withal cover your late dishonour. Whereunto they all answered, That they would so bear themselves against the enemy, as that he should not desire greater courage or contempt of danger in men desirous of honour and commendation. It was not long, but that the Turks encouraged with their former success, after their wont manner sallied out again, The Turks ●ally again 〈◊〉 of Guletta. conducted by Giaffer captain of the janissaries, a man of exceeding courage and strength of body: who with the janissaries and certain companies of Moorish archers, about the noon time of the day issuing out of the castle, assailed the uttermost trenches, hoping in that broiling heat to find the Christians in their stations negligent and unprepared. Wherein he was nothing deceived, for the Spaniards that burning hot time of the day, kept such negligent watch, that Giaffer with his janissaries and archers, was got up to the top of the rampires, and there discharged their shot and arrows upon the Christians in their trenches, before they were well aware of his coming. But upon the striking up of the drum, certain companies of arquebusiers broke out upon them in two places at one instant, as Vastius had before commanded, whom he seconded with a company of halberdiers, keeping in readiness his squadrons to rescue his arquebusiers, if they should be enforced by the enemy to retire: and in that order expected the event of the skirmish, which was most valiantly maintained on both sides. For the janissaries, although they were enforced to give ground, yet (as men not used to fly, and standing upon the honour of their order) withstood the Christians with no less resolution than they were by them charged; Giaf●er capucine of the janissaries slain. until that Giaffer their leader desperately fight amongst the foremost of the janissaries, was at once shot in with two bullets, and slain: whose dead body the janissaries labouring to carry away, endured a most cruel fight, many being on both sides slain upon his dead carcase: yet at length they were enforced to fly, and so fiercely followed by the Spaniards, that they of GULETTA, when they had received in the foremost, shut out almost a fourth part of their own men, for fear the Christians should together with them have entered the castle. Didacus' Abila, one of the Spanish ensign bearers, advanced his ensign unto the top of one of the enemy's rampires, and was there slain, but his ensign saved by one of the soldiers of the same band. The Christians received more loss in their retreat than they had in all the fight, for the Turks from their rampires then discharged their shot as fast as they could upon them, which they could not before do, without the like danger to their own men mingled amongst them. This days work well abated the pride of the Turks, and gave good hope to the Christians, that the castle would without any great loss be gained: for being near unto it, they perceived it not to be so strong as they had supposed. The emperor having spent a few days in consultation about his farther proceeding, and preparing of things for the siege, resolved without further delay with all his forces to assault the castle, persuaded thereunto by many reasons: first by the cheerfulness of his own soldiers, and the courage of his enemies sore daunted in the last skirmish, which he was loath they should again recover by the coming of new supplies; besides that, he was informed, that divers companies of the Numidians were coming to TUNES, entertained by Barbarussa, whose strength was like daily to increase: but that which moved him most to hasten the matter, was, for that his men began to grow sickly in his camp, being all the day time scorched as it were with the fervent heat of the Sun, and well near starved in the night with cold and exceeding dews wherewith they were commonly wet to the skin; neither was there either good water or fresh victual by any means to be had in that sandy and barren soil for the relief of the sick, other than that was brought out of the fleet: for all the water thereabout was most unpleasant and exceeding brackish, so that both sick and whole were glad when they could get a crab to quench the extremity of their thirst: although the emperor did what he might to remedy these extremities, and much relief was in good time sent both from SICILIA and NAPLES: the biscuit also in the ships, especially in the Spanish galleys, was grown hoary and unwholesome. Wherefore he began to place his battery about the fifteenth of july, which was defended all alongst with Gabions, and cask filled with sand, for that the country soil in that place yielded neither earth nor turf to do it. Auria appointed to batter the castle by sea, divided his galleys into three squadrons, which orderly succeeding one another, should by turns beat the same: his great ships rid at anchor, and out of their forecastles thundered with their great ordinance. And Vastius at land had divided the army into three battles, Spaniards, Italians, and Germans, every nation by themselves, in such sort, as that they might indifferently be partakers both of the danger of the assault, Guletta furiously battered. and of the glory of the victory. There was never strong place in the memory of man, since guns, that fatal engine were first invented for the destruction of mankind, assailed with greater force, greater preparation, or greater industry. The great ordinance in manner of a great earthquake so terribly roared and thundered, that the earth seemed not only to tremble and quake under men's feet, but even by and by to rend in sunder and swallow them up: and the sea which was even now quiet and calm, began to rise aloft, and to rage and ●ome as if it had been in a great storm: at which time the air became thick, and the sky darkened with the smoke of the great artillery: from the break of the day until noon the roaring cannon and culvering never ceased: so that the Vamures were beaten down, the castle made saultable, and the walls so shaken, that in many places the Turks canoneers, together with their cannons, lay buried in the ruins thereof. Guletta assaulted by the Christians. Which thing perceived, they which were before appointed to give the first assault, upon signal given by the emperor, presently upon the ceasing of the great artillery assailed the breach, and others with their scaling ladders scaled the walls: which was done with such courage and resolution, that the Turks when they had done what they possibly could for the defence of the place, by casting down darts, wild fire, and such like things upon the Christians as they were climbing up: at length as men despairing longer to hold the place, and overcome with a greater fortune, turned their backs and fled. Sinan and the rest of the captains by a wooden bridge, fled out at the farther side of the castle into the main, and so alongst the left side of the lake by land to TUNES, not looking behind them for haste: which way most part of his men followed him also. The rest were either slain or driven into the lake, where seeking to save their lives by swimming, they were either slain in coming to land by the Spanish horsemen, or else in their swimming shot at pleasure by the arquebusiers, so that all the lake was as it were covered with the dead bodies of the Turks and Moors. The emperor with small loss thus gained the castle of GULETTA, with all the warlike provision therein, and with it all Barbarussa his great fleet & strength at sea, which he for the more safety had before put into the lake: which as it was unto the emperor a thing most pleasing, Guletta ●oon▪ and Barbarussa his flee● taken. so was it unto Barbarussa and his pirates the greatest grief and loss possible, having at once lost all their power at sea, which but a little before was no small terror to all the frontiers of the Christian countries and Islands in the Meditterranean. Barbarussa troubled and terrified with so great a loss, Barbarussa ●●geth. with a stern and scornful countenance received the jew and the rest of the captains fled from GULETTA, reviling them bitterly in his rage, and calling them faint hearted cowards, which had in so short a time given over so strong a place. Whereunto Sinan answered for them all in this sort: Hairadin (said he) so long as we were to fight with armed men, The short answer of Sinan the jew to Barbarussa. we did as thou well knowest, and our enemies cannot deny, what well be seemed us and thy magnificent fortune. But when we were to withstand the devil and his infernal furies, which came against us with flames of fire, and earthquakes, things of extreme terror and danger: it ought not to seem strange unto thee if we sought to escape the uncouth fury of the immortal enemies of mankind, to do thee service in thy better fortune, in defence of this thy city and kingdom. Neither do we account it any disgrace to have escaped that danger, as men that mind again to fight: out of which thou, a most ancient and expert Commander (if I may frankly speak unto thee the truth) if thou hadst been there present, wouldst have accounted it no dishonour, but very good discretion to have escaped in safety. Barbarussa repressing his fury, began in a more temperate manner to request them every one particularly, as valiant and courageous men to stand fast unto him in that war against their enemies the Christians: telling them, that he well hoped, that after the great supply of the Moorish footmen and Numidian horsemen were once come, which were now at hand, the enemy should not long rejoice of the taking of GULETTA. After that, he forthwith converted all his study and endeavour, to prepare such things as were needful for the war, bringing forth his treasures, and bountifully bestowing the same amongst the Moors and Numidians, thereby to confirm the friendship of such as well affected him, and with this new bounty to win the hearts of such as yet stood doubtful. In the mean time Muleasses the exiled king, Muleasses cometh to the emperor. with a small retinue of his friends and followers came from the farthest part of NUMIDIA into the emperors camp: the emperor sitting in a royal seat in the midst of his pavilion, whereinto Muleasses was admitted, with a mitre upon his head, in a garment of green and blue changeable silk: he was of a tall & manly stature, of colour tawny, but so squinteyed that he seemed spitefully to look upon them whom he beheld: who after he had kissed the emperors right hand, and had set himself down, with his legs gathered close under him, upon a carpet spread upon the bare ground, after the manner of his country, he by an interpreter spoke unto the emperor as followeth: Thou art come in arms into this country, The Oration of Muleasses to Charles the emperor. and art now almost conqueror of the same (thrice mighty Emperor) provoked thereunto not by any desert of mine, for that our different religion so required: yet as I verily think, not without the appointment of the most high God, whom both thou and I do with like devotion worship, to take revenge of the most perfidious and cruel tyrant and pirate, the mortal enemy of mankind: whom I foresee as good as already vanquished, now that GULETTA is taken, and his navy surprised. So that I hope he shall in short time by thy revenging hand, at once receive the just guerdon of all his former villainies: which shall be so much the more to my comfort, for that I hope the fruit of thy rare felicity and glorious victory will redound in great part to me, being restored by thee into my father's kingdom: which I as a poor exiled prince most humbly request of thy justice and bounty. For it shall be unto thee a thing most honourable and profitable, if thou shalt receive into thy protection me, a king royally descended, of a most ancient progeny, strengthened with the great alliance of the Numidians and Moors. Neither do I refuse either to pay thee tribute therefore, or to acknowledge myself vassal unto thee the Christian emperor: Of which my fidelity, there can be no greater assuance than the thankful remembrance of so great a benefit received, which shall for ever remain unforgotten of me and my posterity, even for that especially, that I detest and abhor the name of an unthankful man, and do well by experience find, how much my state may be confirmed, and the minds of my people to me assured, by thy garrisons so near at hand in SICILIA and SARDINIA. The emperors answer to Muleasse●. Whereunto the emperor answered, That he was come over into AFRICA to be revenged of the injuries which Barbarussa had many times done upon the frontiers of his dominions, and to root out the pirates, of all others most mischievous: which his good purpose had by the goodness of Christ his Saviour taken so good effect, that he doubted not in short time by the taking of TUNES to obtain a perfect victory; which once gained, he would then kindly grant him all things which should stand with the convenience of his affairs, and the use of his victory: so that he would not falsify his faith, which he might justly suspect, if he reposed not a special trust, that the remembrance of such a benefit would for ever remain in his heroical mind; and was further assured, that the same power which should restore to him his kingdom of courtesy, could also take it from him again, if his unthankfulness should so deserve. The behaviour of Muleasses. Muleasses in presence of the emperor used such a gravity and grace in his speech and gesture, as well declared, that he had nothing forgotten his former estate: but towards the General and the other great captains he used all manner of courtesy, so that he rid up and down with them gallantly mounted, managing his horse, and charging and discharging his lance with such agility and skill, as showed him to be a very good horseman, and of great activity. At other vacant times he would subtly reason with the learned men, after the manner of Auerrois, of the nature of things, of the motion of heaven, and power of the stars. By the emperor's commandment he had a tent appointed for him, and honourable allowance for his diet. Vastius and the rest of the chief commanders of the army used him with all honour, and at such time as he was desirous to see the camp, courteously brought him into all places of it, that he might himself see what mounts they had in short time cast, what abundance there was of great artillery, what strong watch and ward was kept, what a number there was of brave and warlike soldiers of divers nations, differing much one from another in language, countenance, and manner of furniture: and further demanded, Whether that puissant army which the emperor had brought over to his great good, were in his judgement sufficient to subdue the enemy? Where above all things Muleasses wondered at the number and order of the great ordinance: and next unto that, at the wonderful plenty of things to be bought and sold in the market place, and at the modest quietness of the soldiers in buying the same. Not long after, the expert captains by diligent inquiry learned of him many things well serving for their better proceeding in that war, especially of the disposition and strength of them of TUNES, of the situation of the city, of the nature of the walls, and fortification of the castle, of the wells and cisterns in the suburbs, and what strength the Moors and Numidians were of, His opinion and counsel concerning the present war. which Barbarussa had entertained. In conclusion he assured them (as afterwards it fell out) that Barbarussa would never trust to the strength of the walls, which would easily be overthrown with the great artillery, but would in a great bravery with ensigns displayed bring all his forces into the field, of purpose to terrify the Christians with the sight of the multitude of his rascal soldiers, and to break their array with his Numidian horsemen; who with hideous and terrible cries, after the manner of that nation, would not fail to assail them: and yet for all that would never bring into the battle his Turkish footmen, in whom he reposed his greatest confidence, and whom he desired most to spare, but would as a crafty and subtle Turk, by opposing of the Moors, whom he held in small regard, try by their blood what might be done without the danger of his own men. But as he told them, nothing could be more strange unto the Moors his countrymen, or that they were more afraid of, than in a set battle to fight with that enemy whose squadrons coming orderly on in glistering armour with long pikes, might scorn & easily overthrow the naked archers of the Moors, and the unarmed Numidian horsemen: and that our men should find nothing more grievous or troublesome than the scorching heat of the Sun, and the thirst rising thereof; which might easily be remedied by plenty of water, which by slaves and small boats might easily be brought in casks and bottles from the fleet alongst the lake, and so distributed amongst the army: although not far from the walls of the city, were certain old conduit heads, which would yield them great plenty of water, if the malicious enemy did not to his own hurt and others poison the same. These things orderly reported to the emperor, confirmed the hope he had before conceived of the desired victory: So that wholly bend thereupon, and carefully forecasting all things, he resolved forthwith to depart from GULETTA, and with all his power to besiege TUNES. But whilst he was preparing things necessary, ordering his soldiers, and discovering the enemy's purposes, his soldiers had daily divers skirmishes with the Numidians; so that once the skirmish was like to have come to a just battle, which began in this sort. The Moors had planted certain field pieces amongst the olive gardens, wherewith they shot continually into the camp: for removing whereof, the emperor leaving the Italians, with certain companies of the old German and Spanish soldiers, for the keeping of his camp and trenches, went forth with his horsemen and the rest of his army: sending before him Montegius, General of the Spanish horsemen, who for most part were but raw soldiers, such as were of the noblemen's ordinary servants and followers, The Spanish light horsemen put to flight. not before acquainted with the wars. These light horsemen with divers fortune skirmished a while with the enemy, but when they saw themselves to be hardly charged, and Montegius their General grievously wounded, they turned their backs, and in the sight of the emperor shamefully fled to the men at arms which were coming after them. The manner of the enemy's fight was, to give at the first a fierce and desperate charge, and upon the encounter given, of purpose to retire, avoiding thereby the sudden force of their enemies, and by and by to turn again upon them with a fresh charge. The emperor seeing the flight of his light horsemen, came on courageously with his men at arms, by whose coming in and valiant encounter the Turks and Moors were put to flight, and their fieldpieces wherewith they had before annoyed the camp, taken. In this skirmish the emperor in person as he stood foremost in his armed troops, gave the signal of battle himself by crying with a loud voice, Saint james, Saint james, whom the Spaniards take for their patron; and so charging the enemy, performed the part not only of a courageous cheefetaine, but of a resolute and valiant soldier also: The emperor restoreth the battle, and with his own hand rescueth Andreas Po●tius of Granad●. rescuing with his own hand Andreas Pontius, a noble gentleman of GRANADO, whom unhorsed and sore wounded, the enemy was ready presently to have slain, had not the emperor by his coming in saved him; deserving thereby the Oaken garland, which the Romans by the name of Civica Corona gave as an honour to such as had in battle saved a citizen. About the same time it fortuned, that thirty thousand Moors came upon the sudden to have surprised a little tower, standing upon a hill near unto the ruins of old CARTHAGE: wherein the emperor had placed certain soldiers for the keeping thereof, because it was near unto his camp. Before these Moors went a Numidian priest, who bellowing out certain superstitious charms, cast divers scrols of paper on each side the way, wherein he cursed and banned the Christians: and now they had with fire and smoke brought the Christians in that tower to great extremity, when the emperor himself coming to their rescue with certain companies of horsemen and footmen, slew the conjuring priest, with others, and put the rest to flight. The discomfiture of the Spanish horsemen caused many men to think, that if the emperor should come to a set battle with the enemy, he should find his horsemen too weak, both for that they were but few in number, The emperor advised by his counsellors to return home. and not to be compared with the Numidians. For which cause and divers others, certain of the emperors grave counsellors, but none of the best soldiers, wished him not to proceed further in that dangerous war, but with speed to return out of AFRICA, for as much as he had won honour enough by the taking of GULETTA, and the surprising of the enemy's fleet: whereby he had to his immortal praise, and the common good of Christendom, delivered all the frontiers of the Christian countries in the Mediterranean from the danger and fear of those most cruel pirates: besides that, the flux began to rage in his camp, whereof many of his soldiers fell sick, and died daily: whereas on the contrary part, the mighty Numidian princes, such as were Muleasses old enemies, were reported to come in daily to the aid of Barbarussa. These unseasonable speeches the emperor thought good to repress betime▪ reasoning against the authors thereof with great gravity, as against men, who with more fear doubted of the success of things, and the event of the victory, than beseemed them, whom for their constant resolution and good opinion conceived of their discretion, he had chosen to be of his most secret counsel. Saying▪ The resolute answer of the emperor. that he desired not of them, that their needless and dishonourable labour, wherein they should show themselves more careful of his person than of his honour: for as much as those things which he now alleged, should have been said before the war was taken in hand, now by good hap half ended; before he ever passed over into AFRICA. For he might (as he said) have rested quietly in SPAIN, and have easily neglected and rejected the injuries done upon the sea coasts, and the complaints of his subjects; but he was (as they well knew) for most urgent causes come thither: whereas he was resolved to satisfy the expectation of the world with a notable victory, or if God should otherwise appoint, there to end his days with honour. Wherefore he willed them to cease farther to flatter him that was no way dismayed, or to possess the minds of his valiant soldiers with a vain forboding fear; and with resolute minds, together with him their chieftain, against the next day, to expect what the fortune of the field should appoint for the full accomplishment of that war. For he was (as he said) set down to give the enemy battle, or if he refused the same, to batter the walls of TUNES, not doubting but that God would stand on his side in so good and so godly a quarrel. The emperor leaving a sufficient garrison in the castle of GULETTA, commanded the breaches to be repaired, and the great ordinance there taken to be laid upon carriages; which before, after the old rude sea fashion, lay bound in great unwieldy pieces of timber, with iron rings fastened thereto, and could not handsomely be handled or removed too or fro. After that, when he had caused the country to be well viewed all about, which betwixt the Olive groves and the right side of the lake, giveth a direct passage unto the city of TUNES; he set forward with his army in so good order, that he still marched as ready to fight, for fear of the policies and sudden assaults of the enemy. On the left hand marched the Italians next unto the lake, on the right hand the Spaniards near unto the Olive groves, The emperor marcheth toward Tunes. which in the manner of a great wood ran all alongst the country, from the ruins of CARTHAGE almost to the walls of TUNES: in the midst betwixt both marched the Germans; next unto them followed the great ordinance; and after it, the carriages of all the army. In the vanguard was Vastius, whom the emperor had made General of the army, and especially for that day: in the rearward was the duke of AL●A, with certain troops of chosen horsemen: in the middle of the main battle was the emperor, and by his side Lewes his brother in law the king of PORTUGESE'S brother. The Italians were conducted by the prince of SALERN, the Spaniards by Alarco an ancient captain, and the Germans by Maximilian Eberstein. But the emperor in his armour ceased not to ride from squadron to squadron, with cheerful countenance and full of hope, recounting unto them the former victories which they had gotten for him: and telling them, that he did that day expect of them a most honourable days service, for as much as they were to fight against the naked enemies of the Christian religion: wherefore they should with resolute minds, set down themselves to endure the weight of their armour, the painfulness of the march, the heat of the Sun and sand, and the tediousness of the thirst arising thereof; until they might join battle with their enemies, where they should undoubtedly by the goodness of God (in whose quarrel they fought) obtain the victory: in the mean time they should with patience overcome all difficulties, comforting themselves with the undoubted hope of a most rich prey, which they were to expect of the spoil of a rich city. Whereunto every squadron answered with a great shout, that he should not trouble himself with those matters which he had before rehearsed, but to assure himself that they his soldiers would most patiently endure all extremities, and not deceive the expectation he had conceived of their wont valour, but by valiant fight to make him emperor, not of AFRICA, but of ASIA also. Now Vastius had withdrawn two companies of arquebusiers out of the Spanish squadron to skirmish with the Moors, who continually followed in the tail of the army; whom by those arquebusiers and certain troops of horsemen deputed to that purpose, the duke of ALBA notably repulsed in the rearward. The army was now come unto the cisterns of fresh water, which Muleasses and others which well knew the country had before told them of; which as soon as the soldiers almost fainting under the weight of their armour, with the scorching heat of the sun and extremity of thirst, The soldiers for greediness of water disorder their march. descried a far off: they for desire they had to quench their thirst, forthwith forsook their colours, and disorderly ran as fast as they could to those cisterns: Vastius the General, to the uttermost of his power labouring in vain both by fair means and foul to have stayed them; who saw by that disorderednesse of the soldiers, a great advantage offered unto the enemy, which then was not far off. But when the General could neither with words or blows prevail any thing with them, the emperor himself was glad to hast thither, with his presence and authority to have kept them in order: yet such was the force of their intolerable thirst, that neither the sight of the emperor, nor all that he could do, could remedy the disorder; some fainting in the sand for lack of drink, and some other for greediness ready to burst their bellies at the fountains; so that the emperor was feign with his truncheon to beat them away. Amongst the rest one Tullius Cicero of ARPINAS a famous captain, died at the cistern side with drinking too much. This extremity for want of water seemed justly to have happened unto them, for as much as Vastius the day before, had by general proclamation thorough the camp, commanded that every soldier should carry with him a bottle of wine or water at his girdle: although he caused so much water as he conveniently could, to be carried in great casks, for the common relief of the army; A draft of water sold for two ducats. whereof the Germans had the greatest part. Some almost ready to give over for thirst, were glad to get a draft of cold water of their fellows which had it, for two ducats. This disorder being with as much speed as was possible reform, and the army again brought into order, the emperor held on his march toward the enemy: for Barbarussa with a wonderful multitude of horsemen and footmen, and a number of ensigns (the instruments of vain fear and foolish bravery) gallantly displayed after the manner of the Moors, Barbarussa in field against the emperor. was come about three miles from the city, and with certain field pieces (as Muleasses had foretold) went about to have broken the battle of the Christians: which pieces although they were oftentimes discharged, yet did they little or no harm, by reason of the unskilfulness of the canoneers. Vastius in like manner and for like purpose, had commanded the great ordinance to be brought into the front of the battle: but perceiving what toil and time it required to have it done, for that it was drawn but by strength of men, and the wheels of the carriages sunk deep in the devouring sand, and the shot and powder which the mariners and gallyslaves carried altogether upon their shoulders, came but softly on; he suddenly changed his purpose, and told the emperor, That he thought it not best to stay for the great artillery in that cheerfulness of his army, when every man desired battle, but to commit all to the valour of his resolute men and his own good fortune, which ever favoured his honourable attempts: lest whilst we stay (said he) too long upon our great ordinance, which doth not always serve to great purpose in sudden battles, our enemies gather courage in the time of this our unnecessary delay; and this exceeding cheerfulness of our soldiers, the most sure token of an undoubted victory, by deferring of time grow cold. Whereunto the emperor desirous of battle, and filled with good hope, cheerfully answered: Vastius if thou so think it good, which I also like well of, in God's name give the signal. That shall I by and by do (said he) but first it is reason, that you which sway and command a great part of the world, learn at this time to obey him, whom to his great charge and shame, you laying aside the imperial majesty of yourself, have for this day made General and Commander of so mighty an army: Vastius commandeth the emperor. Wherefore said Vastius, I will now use mine authority, and command you (sith I may not so request you) to depart from this place, and to get you into the middle of the battle near unto the ensigns; least by some unlucky shot, the whole estate of the army be brought into extreme peril by the danger of one man's life. Whereat the emperor smiling, willed him to fear no such thing, saying moreover, That never emperor was yet slain with a gun. For all that he departed out of the place as he was commanded, and went into the middle of the battle. Whereupon the signal of battle was by the sounding of the trumpet and striking up of the drum, presently given, and the enemy (with more haste than the extreme heat of the day required) furiously charged by the emperors horsemen, who to avoid the danger of the great artillery, made all the hast they could to come to handy blows. In the foremost of these horsemen was Ferdinand Gonzaga, a most valiant noble man, who then served the emperor without charge: he being somewhat before the rest at the first onset, slew with his lance a notable captain of the Moors, and presently with his sword so troubled them that were next, that he opened a way for them that followed him, to break into the enemy's battle. The arquebusiers also discharged so fast upon the enemy, that three hundred of them lay dead upon the ground before the joining of the battle: which the rest of the footmen seeing, forsook their great ordinance, and fled back to Barbarussa. Who long endured not the force or sight of the Christians; but grinding his teeth for sorrow and grief of mind, turned his horse, and with his Turks retired into TUNES. For now that his designs had in the beginning taken so evil success, Barbarussa flieth to Tunes. he thought it not best to adventure all in one battle; knowing right well that the emperors army could not long endure the inconveniences of the intolerable heat, and want of many things, especially of fresh water: which fed him with hope, that he should out of these his enemies distresses pick some fit occasion of advantage, if he could but a while defend the city of TUNES. The Numidians and Moors, who in great troops and companies had always hovered about the emperors army, without doing any thing worth reporting, retired themselves also into the suburbs, gardens, and other places near unto the city. The emperor glad of the flight of his enemies which were thought to have been in number an hundred thousand, encamped with his army that night in the same place where they before lay; determining the next day to batter the walls of TUNES. In the mean time, Barbarussa surprised with an exceeding fear, Barbarussa in mind to kill all the Christian captives i● dissuaded by Sinan the Iew. and distracted with many cares, and now become more cruel than himself, had in his mind purposed a fact full of exceeding and inhuman cruelty; which was at once to have killed all the Christian captives in the castle of TUNES: fully resolved to have put the same in execution, had not Sinan the jew dissuaded him from that most execrable fact, protesting such a practice to be unseemly for a man of his valour, famous for his many victories, and carrying with him the majesty of a king: whereas he would shortly after wonderfully repent him for doing so shameful a fact: The doing whereof, what was it else (as the jew said) but a manifest demonstration of his extreme fear, and desperation? which two things were most dangerous to him, that was to maintain so doubtful a war, and would much deface the glory of his former life; wherefore he should do well to beware, that by the fame of such a most horrible fact, he did not provoke Soliman's heavy displeasure against him: who devoid of all human cruelty, had used both to detest and revenge such outrages. Wherefore he should suffer the Christian captives to live bound in their fatal chains, so long as it were their fortunes; who being well kept and unarmed, might shortly after serve him to good purpose, and could no way without most certain danger move themselves, if they should unadvisedly lust after their unlucky liberty: for by them, the expected victory could neither be given to the enemy, nor taken from him, or yet so much as hindered. At which speech the tyrant was ashamed, and so sparing the lives of the poor wretches, went out of the castle into the greatest church of TUNES, whither he had caused to be assembled all the chief men of the city, to tell them what he would have done for the defence of the city, and now by persuasion to encourage them to fight: from whom as men by him holden in distrust, he had but a little before the coming of the Christians, taken all manner of armour and weapon. Whilst Barbarussa was thus busied, the most joyful and happy day appeared to those miserable captives; by fortunes change no less black and dismal unto the Turks and Moors. For that heinous purpose of the cruel tyrant, could not long be covered or kept secret: so that a constant report of a danger so imminent, was run thorough the whole castle, even into the deep dungeons; by the compassion of certain manumised slaves, who detesting the savage cruelty of Barbarussa their master, and touched with devotion, had in heart returned to their old and true Christian religion; encouraging by secret speeches the chief of the captives with whom they were acquainted, to lay hand now upon their liberty. Amongst these well minded men was one Francis a Spaniard, whom Barbarussa had from his youth brought up as his minion, having him always in great esteem by the name of Memis; and another called Vincentius Catareus of DALMATIA an eunuch: These two adventuring a most memorable and godly attempt, set open the prison doors, The Christian captives break prison, and drive the Turk● out of the ca●●le of Tunes. and gave instruments unto the poor prisoners, ready to take the occasion offered; who boldly starting up, break off their chains and gives, and so by the great goodness and mercy of God, about six thousand poor naked Christians, armed with that came first to hand, but especially with stones, broke forth suddenly upon the Turks that were in the castle. Ramadas a renegade Spaniard captain of the castle, stirred up with the unexpected and terrible noise of so many prisoners breaking their irons, with a few soldiers whom he had suddenly called unto him, ran to the castle gate, where one of the prisoners (a lusty young man of SICILIA) had with one of the bars of the gate struck down one or two of the warders, and having bolted the gate, was become master thereof: him Ramadas slew, and opening the gate, made way for himself and his few followers, with whom he went to Barbarussa to carry him news of that his hard mischance. But the Christians now loosed from their bands, and having suddenly slain divers of the Turks, possessed themselves of all the castle, broke open the armory, and so seizing upon the king's treasure, armour, and provision, from a high turret gave signs of victory to the Christian army by smoke and false fires made with gunpowder; and lastly, by displaying of Sarmentus his ensign, which (as we have before declared) was by Tabacches taken from the top of the trenches at the siege of GULETTA. These signs, although the Christians in the army could not well perceive, as being too far off: yet by the fugitives which came oftentimes out of TUNES to the emperor and Muleasses, they were both persuaded, that some great tumult was risen amongst the enemies. Wherefore the emperor sent two of his captains with their companies, who going as near as they could to the city and the castle, should discover what the matter was. In the mean time, Barbarussa almost mad for anger, in his fury blaspheming his vain gods, and bitterly cursing and banning the jew, for dissuading him from killing the captives, came to the castle gate, and with tears standing in his eyes pitifully requested the late Christian captives (which then stood upon the top of the walls and the gate with weapons in their hands) That they would forthwith let him in, faithfully promising them their liberty, with a general and free pardon for all that they had done. But they mindful both of their former and present fortune, and moved with just hatred, cast stones at him, and with many opprobrious words rejected his request: so that he enraged with sorrow and madness, shot at them with his own hand, and seeing all past remedy, and the city not possible now to be kept, shamefully betook himself to flight. After him followed the Turks, in number seven thousand, with purpose to fly to the city HIPPONA, now called BONA, famous with the bishopric of that reverend Father and great Divine Augustine. For there (as in a most sure harbour) had Barbarussa left fourteen galleys in the lake near unto the city, to serve his turn whatsoever mischance should happen: but the tackle, sails, oars, and ordinance, he had laid up in the castle fast by, which was kept with a garrison of his own. The emperor understanding that Barbarussa with his Turks was fled, Tunes yielded to the emperor. came with all his army unto the gates of TUNES, where the magistrates of the city were ready to submit themselves unto him, and to deliver him the keys of the city, only requesting of him that he would keep his soldiers encamped without the city, and not to seek the utter spoil and ruin thereof, promising that the soldiers should want nothing that was there to be had. Muleasses also careful of the safety thereof, earnestly entreated the emperor in the citizens behalf. But he, although he was of his own honourable disposition ready enough to have granted what they requested; Yet for that he did not without cause doubt of the Moors fidelity, and that the payment of the money which they of TUNES had by Muleasses promised for the payment of the soldiers wages, was by them craftily delayed, expecting still the uttermost devoir of Barbarussa, he could not by any means be persuaded to promise them any certainty of their safety: moved also so to do by the discontented speeches of his soldiers, who spared not to say, That they should be hardly and unkindly dealt withal, if after so long travel and so much pains taken both by sea and land, they should be defrauded of the reward of the victory, sith nothing but only the hope of the present spoil did relieve and feed them, being poor and miserable, having scarce clothes to cover their nakedness, and their bodies spent with long labour and thirst; so that the Moors of TUNES, enemies of the Christian religion, and the perpetual receivers of most horrible pirates, might worthily rejoice of the Christian victory, and the conquerors themselves for ever bewail their own calamities and miseries. Whilst the emperor stood thus in doubt what to resolve upon, Vastius with a small company came to the castle gate, and was with wonderful joy received in by the Christian captives. But as he was viewing the wealth and provision laid up in the castle, a Ligurian captive discovered unto him where certain treasure lay hidden: for Barbarussa had there cast into a well thirty thousand ducats sowed up in bags, which Vastius getting easily out, obtained them of the emperor of gift, as he whose good service had well deserved them. The castle thus won by a most rare chance, and the captives taking the spoil thereof, the soldiers could no longer be stayed, but that they entered into the city by heaps, Tunes spoiled by the Christians. running after the spoil into every part thereof, the citizens fearing no such matter, and calling in vain upon the faith of Muleasses. The soldiers at their first entrance slew many. The Spaniards and Italians sought most after the spoil. But the Germans desiring more to glut themselves with the Mahometan blood, filled all places with dead bodies, without regard of sex or age; so that the profane temples of their vain prophet, swum with the blood of them that were fled into them. Which furious execution continued until such time as the emperor moved with the pitiful request of Muleasses, caused proclamation to be made, That no man should upon pain of death hurt any citizen, or take any prisoners: yet for all that, it could not otherwise be, but that many young men and women were by the mariners (which were come to the spoil of the city) carried away to the fleet. Muleasses for a little money redeemed divers which he knew, out of the hands of such as had them prisoners: amongst others, one of his wives, whom he sometime held dearest, was ransomed for two ducats. The emperor entering into the castle, commended the captives, who were the occasion of that speedy victory: and giving to every one of them money, set them at liberty, promising unto them shipping and provision to bring them home every man into his own country. Unto the two manumised servants of Barbarussa, which were the authors of breaking the prison, he gave money and apparel, and afterward learned of them many things concerning Barbarussa his purposes and secret disposition. In the spoil of the castle, Muleasses lamented the loss of three things especially: Three things especially lamented by Muleasses in the spoil of the castle of Tunes. first the ancient Arabian books, containing the interpretation of the Mahometan law, and the acts of the kings his predecessors; the loss whereof Muleasses (in the hearing of P. iovius, out of whom this history is taken) said (as he reporteth) that he would most gladly, if it had been possible, have redeemed with the price of a city: Then the precious ointments and perfumes, with the wonderful store of ambergrize, musk, and civet, worth much gold: all which Barbarussa as a rude and rough man had made no reckoning of: And last of all, the rare and rich colours for painting, which lying by heaps, were by the ignorant soldiers, seeking for that might yield them present money, foolishly neglected and trodden underfoot, serving no man to good. In this castle were found divers head-pieces & other armour of the Christians, namely of the French, who with Lewes their king had about three hundred years before besieged that castle: which armour had been until that time there kept by the Moors, in remembrance of that victory against the Christians. Barbarussa in the mean time was come to the river of Bagrada, which the Moors call Maiordech, which he easily passed over, though he was pursued by certain Numidian horsemen, whom Muleasses had raised of his old friends, and of the followers of his uncle Dorax, and sent them to pursue the Turks: but Barbarussa so marched with his arquebusiers and archers placed in the rearward, that the Numidian horsemen durst not come near him, and so in safety came to HIPPONA, as he had before purposed. Yet in passing the river Bagrada, he lost Haydin of SMIRNA, that famous pirate: who being a fat man, and wearied with the heat of the Sun and painfulness of the journey, drank so much, that he presently died upon the bank of the river. When Barbarussa was come to HIPPONA, Barbarussa flieth to Hippona, and there comforteth his soldiers. he rested his men two days: then calling them together again, he comforted them with good words, persuading them, that whatsoever mischance had happened, they should impute it not to the valour of the enemy, but to the treachery of the slaves; exhorting them as valiant m●n patiently to endure that frown of fortune, and by some notable exploit to win again her favour: for he was determined to put to sea with the fleet he had, and to go presently from thence to ALGIERS, where after he had with new supplies increased his power, and augmented his fleet, and better advised himself, he would take an attempt in hand answerable to their desires, and not unbeseeming his own credit and estimation. It is reported, that never vanquished and beaten captain was with a more cheerful acclamation answered by his soldiers, than he was at that present; they all with one consent most willingly requesting him to command whatsoever pleased him, which they would never refuse to undertake, were it never so heavy or dangerous, so that they might be brought to some notable exploit. Barbarussa using this exceeding cheerfulness and forwardness of his soldiers, did with wonderful celerity weigh up the fourteen galleys which he had sunk in the lake, and forthwith rigged them up, and furnished them for all assays: and upon the very brink of the lake cast up a mount of earth, whereon he placed certain pieces of artillery for defence of the harbour; not vainly conjecturing, that the Christian fleet would in short time come thither to impeach his going out: pointing therein as it were at the purpose of the emperor and Auria his Admiral, Auria sendeth certain galleys to intercept Barbarussa. who were of opinion, That by sending part of the fleet thither, those galleys might be drowned in the harbour with the great ordinance, before they could be rigged and made ready. Unto this piece of service Auria appointed one Adam, a captain of GENVA, a man of no great skill in matters at sea, but yet of great wealth & credit, and the Admirals nigh kinsman: he with certain galliots and fourteen galleys, set forward towards HIPPONA, promising unto himself a most certain and easy victory, hoping to purchase unto himself great honour of the unprovided enemy: for that he thought to have taken Barbarussa busy in setting forth of his fleet. But after he was past BISERTA and come near to HIPPONA, he was certainly advertised, that Barbarussa had with incredible celerity rigged up his galleys, and fortified the harbour, by planting great ordinance upon the mount he had there raised. With which news he wonderfully troubled, changed his purpose, persuaded by the other captains of the galleys, in no case to adventure to fight with him, because the Spanish, Sicilian, and Neapolitan galleys were but weakly manned, many of the soldiers being for greediness of the spoil gone ashore without leave at TUNES: so that he should at great disadvantage fight with the Turks, being more in number and desperately bend. Wherefore he upon good advise presently changed his former course, and returned to the fleet for more aid. Barbarussa (as it was afterwards known) stood a good while in doubt, whether he should in hope of victory pursue those galleys, for as much as they were in number no more than his own; or else to persist in his former purpose of going to ALGIERS. Unto which opinion all the under captains inclined, being altogether ignorant of the weakness of the Christians: Barbarussa ●scapeth to Algiers. and so letting slip a fair occasion, leaving a small garrison of Turks in the castle, he departed from HIPPONA and sailed alongst the coast to ALGIERS. When Adam was returned again to the fleet, and had done nothing, many of the Christian princes were wonderfully offended, that by the negligence of some who were hardly to be commanded, and by the unruliness of others who without leave were gone ashore, so fair an occasion of the desired victory, was neglected. For this thing only wanted unto the emperors rare felicity in that war: for if those few galleys had been taken from the cruel enemy, or sunk in the sea, there had been no means for him to have escaped; being verily thought, that the Numidians in number infinite and deadly enemies unto the Turks, would with often skirmishes out of their known places of advantage, have so cut him off in his long and painful travel by land, that they would altogether have made an end both of him and his followers before he could have come to ALGIERS. Auria angry both with himself and those whom he had put in trust, and yet not out of hope to overtake his enemy; with his own galleys and some other of the best ships went to HIPPONA: but finding Barbarussa gone, he took the city and overthrew the walls thereof: but in the castle which he by force took from the Turks, he placed Aluarus Gometius with a sufficient garrison, and so returned unto the emperor. This Gometius, although he was a most valiant captain, yet became so infamous for his avaricious dealing both with the enemy and his friends, that for fear how to answer such things as he knew would be laid to his charge, he became the infamous executioner of himself. The castle was afterwards by the commandment of the emperor, razed down to the ground, for that it was not without a marvelous charge to be kept. The kingdom of Tunes is by the emperor restored to Muleasses. After that, a counsel was holden concerning Muleasses, whom the emperor placed again in the kingdom of TUNES, there to reign as his ancestors had done before him; paying him yearly by the name of a tribute, two falcons and two Numidian coursers: With condition, that he should for ever honour the emperor, and be a friend unto all Christians, and an utter enemy unto the Turks: Besides that, that he should from time to time defray the charges of a thousand Spaniards and more, to be left in garrison in the castle of GULETTA; by holding whereof, the emperor kept as it were the keys of that kingdom at his girdle. The emperor having thus honourably driven Barbarussa and the Turks, pirates, out of TUNES, taken from them their galleys, delivered the Christians countries all alongst the sea coast in the Mediterranean of a great fear, and restored Muleasses again to his kingdom▪ sailed into SICILIA, The emperor returneth with victory into Italy. where he was in great triumph received at PANORMUS and MES●ANA, from whence he passed over to RHEGIUM into ITALY, & from thence by land to NAPLES. Thus was the kingdom of TUNES taken by Barbarussa and the Turks; and by Charles the emperor recovered again out of their hands the selfsame time that Solyman was in person himself in wars against the Persian: whom Barbarussa accompanied with Sinan the jew▪ after this overthrow met at ICONIUM in his return out of PERSIA, well accepting of their excuse, as is before declared. Solyman as well of his own ambitious disposition; as following the manner of the Ottoman kings, 1537 desirous by all means to increase the glory of his name, and to enlarge his empire; determined with himself to take away from the Portugese's all their traffic into the East Indies. It grieved him to hear, that the Christian religion should begin to take root amongst those Pagan kings, which had not long before received the Mahometan religion: Besides that, he was credibly informed, that the Portugese's in these late wars he had against the Persians, had aided them with certain arquebusiers, and also had sent them workmen to show them both the making and use of great artillery: But that which moved him most of all, was for that the Portugese's by their traffic into the Indies, had cut off all the trade of merchandise into the gulf of ARABIA, whereby the riches of the East were wont to be transported unto CAIRO, and so to ALEXANDRIA, from whence they were afterwards by the Venetian merchants and others dispersed into all parts of of EUROPE: but now were carried by the great Ocean into PORTUGAL, and from thence conveyed into all parts of Christendom, to the great hindrance of his tributes and customs of EGYPT. For these causes, and at the instance of Solyman Bassa an eunuch borne in EPIRUS, and then Governor of EGYPT, Solyman caused wonderful preparation to be made, for the building of a great fleet in the Red sea to go against the Portugeses▪ All the timber whereof, was cut down in the mountains of CILICIA, and shipped in the bay of ATTALIA in the bottom of the Mediterranean, from whence it was by sea transported to PELUSIUM, and so up the river of Nilus to CAIRO: where after it was framed and ready to be set together, it was with infinite labour, and no less charge, carried by land with Camels thorough that hot and sandy country, from CAIRO to SVETIA, a port of the Red sea, called in ancient time ARSINOE. The Egyptian kings about to let in the red sea into the Mediterranean. From which place eighty miles distant from CAIRO, the ancient kings of EGYPT seeking by vain and wonderful works to eternise the memory of themselves, had with incredible charge cut thorough all that main land, so that vessels of good burden might come up the same from ARSINOE to CAIRO: which great cut or ditch, Sesostris the rich king of EGYPT, and long after him Ptolomeus Philadelphus, purposed to have made a great deal wider and deeper, and thereby to have let in the Red sea into the Mediterranean, for the readier transportation of the Indian merchandise to CAIRO and ALEXANDRIA. Which mad work Sesostris prevented by death, could not perform: and Ptolomeus otherwise persuaded by skilful men, in time gave over; for fear least by letting in the great South sea into the Mediterranean, he should thereby as it were with another general deluge have drowned the greatest part of GRaeCIA, and many other goodly countries in ASIA, and with exceeding charge, in steed of honour have purchased himself eternal infamy. Yet by the singular industry of Solyman the eunuch, who with severe commandment enforced all the people of the countries thereabouts to the furtherance of the building of that fleet; he had with wonderful celerity in short time new built eighty tall ships and galleys at ARSINOE, and furnished them with men, and all things else needful for so long a voyage. At which time, he upon a quarrel picked without cause, but not without the good liking of Solyman, most injuriously confiscated the goods of the Venetian merchants at ALEXANDRIA and CAIRO, and thrust the mariners into his galleys as slaves. With which fleet in most warlike manner appointed, Solyman the Bassa accompanied with Assan-beg, commonly called the Moor of ALEXANDRIA, a most famous pirate and an excellent seaman, set forward against the Portugeses: and sailing thorough the Red sea, and so Eastward by the gulf of PERSIA, came at length as far as the great river Indus, where with all his power he assaulted DIUM a castle of the Portugeses, Dium a castle of the Portugeses in the East Indies in vain assaulted by the Turks. situate upon the mouth of that great river: but in conclusion, after he had many days besieged the castle both by sea & land, and tried the uttermost of his strength, he was so repulsed by the Portugeses, that he was glad to forsake the siege, and leaving his great ordinance behind him for haste, returned back again to ADEN, a city of great trade in ARABIA FELIX: Where discouraged with the evil success he had against the Portugeses, because he would be thought to have done something, he alured the king of that rich city to come unto him, upon his false faith before given for his safe return: but as soon as he had him aboard, he like a perjured wretch hanged him up at the yards arm of his Admiral galley, and so surprising the city, The butcherous dealing of Solyman the eunuch Bassa with the kings of Arabia. enriched himself with the spoil thereof. The like barbarous cruelty he used at ZI●YTH, another famous port of ARABIA, where the pilgrims of the East do commonly land when they after the manner of their superstition come to visit the temple of their false prophet at MECHA: The king of which place, together with all his nobility he cruelly murdered, contrary to his faith given: and so traveling himself by land to MECHA, as if he had been some devout pilgrim, sent back his fleet by the Moor to SVETIA, having performed against the Portugeses nothing at all. At the same time Solyman by the persuasion of Lutzis and ajax (the Bassas of greatest authority about him, now that Abraham was dead) turned all his forces from the Persians, as men agreeing with him in the chief points of his Mahometan superstition, with purpose to convert the same upon ITALY: whereunto he was earnestly solicited by john Forrest the French kings ambassador, Solyman incited by the French ambassadors to invade Italy. then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE, of purpose to incite Solyman against Charles the emperor, assuring him, that he was not of such power, as at one time to defend APULIA against him, and the dukedom of MILAN against the French king: who (as he said) was determined that Summer to invade that part of ITALY. And to further the matter, about the same time one Troil●s Pignatellus, a noble gentleman, sometime commander in Charles the emperors army, but then exiled out of NAPLES, fled unto Solyman; and for so much as he was a man of name, and like to do him great service in the invasion of APULIA, as one which knew the country well, and promised unto him good success in that wars, was by Solyman honourably entertained amongst his Mutfaracas: which is a certain company of horsemen for their approved valour, chosen out of all nations, having the free exercise of their religion whatsoever without controlment, and are only bound to attend upon the person of the great Turk when he goeth to wars. The cause of his revolt was, for that the viceroy of NAPLES had executed Andrew his brother, one of the knights of the RHODES. But being now grown into great favour with Solyman and the Bassas, and oftentimes called to counsel in the preparation of that war, casting off all natural love of his country, ceased not by all means to persuade Solyman to invade the same, assuring him, that the people of APULIA and SALERNE oppressed with grievous tribute and exactions by the emperors officers, would at the first revolt, especially if they saw any of the French nation to cleave unto. And that which moved him more than all the rest, the ancient Turks told him into what a fear all ITALY was strucken, at such time as Achmetes the Bassa having taken HYDRUNTUM, had undoubtedly conquered not only the kingdom of NAPLES, but the city of ROME also, and all the rest of ITALY, had not the untimely death of Mahomet his great grandfather interrupted the course of that victory. Which persuasions wrought such effect in Solyman, Solyman with an army of two hundred thousand men cometh to Aulon●. that he once fully resolved for the invasion of ITALY, made such expedition both by sea and land, that he himself in person was come with two hundred thousand men unto AULONA, the most convenient port of MACEDONIA for the transporting of his army, before it was thought in ITALY that he was set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE: where he had not long stayed, but Lutzis Bassa his Admiral, accompanied with Barbarussa, sailing alongst the coast of PELOPONESUS and EPIRUS, and so passing by CORCYRA, where Hieronimus Pisaurius, Admiral of the Venetian fleet lay with his galleys (after mutual salutation done after the manner of sea, by shooting off their great pieces in token of friendship) put into the haven of AULONA also. Solyman sendeth Lutzis and Barbarussa with his fleet to invade Italy. Solyman not purposing to lose any time, and having ITALY now in his sight, commanded Lutzis and Barbarussa to pass over with the fleet unto OTRANTO, and to prove the minds of the people; that if the first enterprise fell out well, he might presently follow after with all his army. With them went also Troilus Pignatellus, as forward to the destruction of his country, as any of the rest. He knowing that the great cities of HYDRUNTUM and BRUNDISIUM were kept with strong garrisons of Charles the emperor, leaving HYDRUNTUM on the right hand, directed the Turks to a town upon the sea coast, eight miles off▪ called CASTRUM, near unto which standeth a castle upon a hill then belonging to Mercurinus Catinarius▪ who being a man unacquainted with wars, and terrified with the sudden coming of the Turks, and persuaded by Troilus, yielded up his castle, upon condition that the Turks should offer no violence or injury unto him or his, either in body or goods. Castrum in Ap●lia yielded to the Turks, and by them contrary to their faith spoiled. Upon which condition the town of CASTRUM was also delivered unto them. But the Turks, especially the greedy mariners, being got into the castle and the town, moved neither with the entreaty of Troilus, nor the commandment of Lutzis and Barbarussa, rifled the town and castle, and carried away with them Mercurinus himself, with all the flower of the people, to their galleys as prisoners. But Lutzis ashamed of such faithless dealing, presently set Mercurinus at liberty again. At the same time also Solyman had by night sent over certain troops of light horsemen, in great palendars: which running all alongst the sea coast from TARENTUM to BRUNDISIUM, carried away with them both the people and cattle, and whatsoever else came in their way by the space of forty miles. So that all that country of SALENTINUM, now called OTRANTO, The Turks spoil Ap●●ia. was filled with fear and danger; and had not, there stayed, but was like enough to have overwhelmed all ITALY, by the coming over of Solyman w●●h his whole army, had not the rashness of one Venetian captain by unexpected chance turned that tempest from the Italians upon the Venetians themselves. Alexander Contarenus, a valiant captain of the Venetians, meeting with certain of the Turks galleys, which would neither vail their top sails, nor in token of reverence and friendship, discharge any of their great Ordinance, as of duty they ought to have done in those seas where the Venetians commanded; offended with their proud insolency, fiercely assailed ●●em, and in fight sunk two of them: wherein Vstamenes Governor of CALIPOLIS, a man of no small reputation amongst the Turks, was reported to have perished. Which outrage done by Contarenus in a most unfit time (to the great hurt of the Venetian estate, as it appeared afterward) was imputed to his own private grudge which he bore against the Turks, for that they had intercepted a ship of his as she was coming out of the East country's laden with rich merchandise: so that it was thought, that he to please himself in revenging of his own private injury, regarded not what might in that dangerous time ensue thereof to the common state. A little before the coming over of the Turks into ITALY, Andreas Auria the emperor's Admiral lying at MESSANA in SICILIA, understanding that Solyman was come with his army to AULONA, and that his fleet was arrived there also, put to sea, directing his course towards the Islands of CEPHALENIA and ZACYNTHUS, hoping (as indeed it fell out) to meet with the tail of the Turks fleet: for there according to his expectation he chanced upon divers of the Turks victuallers, whom he easily took. The mariners he chained in his own galleys for slaves, and furnishing his fleet with the victual which was not for him provided, fired the ships. Whilst Auria was thus beating too and fro in the Ionian sea, Iunu●beius with two galleys drive by the Venetians upon the Acroceraunian rocks. it fortuned that Solyman sent junusbeius his chief interpreter, a man whom he made no small account of, with two galleys on a message to Lutzis his Admiral. This proud Turk coming near CORCYRA, where the Venetian Admiral lay with his fleet, offered scornfully to pass by, without veiling: which his pride tending to the disgrace of the Venetians, certain of the Venetian captains not enduring, set upon him with such fury, that the Turks were enforced to run both their galleys on shore upon the coast of EPIRUS, near unto the mountains called ACROCERAUNII, where having escaped the danger at sea, they fell almost all into the hands of the cruel mountain people, living for the most part by theft, and waiting for wracks, as hawks for their prey: by these shavers the Turks were stripped of all they had, and junusbeius with much ado redeeming himself out of their hands, returned to Solyman. Auria sailing alongst the sea coast, chanced upon these galleys, and finding them sore bruised, set fire on them. For these unkind parts, the Turks were wonderfully offended with the Venetians, and grievously complained of them to Solyman: although the Venetian Admiral laboured by all means he could to appease junusbeius, and to excuse the matter, as a thing done by great oversight on both sides. Upon these small occasions, the Turks sought to break off the league with the Venetians; which fell out so much the sooner, for that about the same time Auria sailing up and down in the Ionian sea, and diligently looking into every harbour to intercept such as straggled from the Turks fleet, happened by night to light upon twelve of Soliman's great galleys near unto CORCYRA, all filled with his janissaries and choice horsemen of the court, the best soldiers of the Turks, Auria taketh twelve of the Turks galleys full of janissaries and Soliman's other best soldiers. who had by land sent their horses to the camp by their lackeys, and were coming themselves with the janissaries by sea. Auria falling upon these galleys, had with them a cruel and deadly fight: For they as resolute men, wishing rather to die than to yield unto their enemies, with invincible courage maintained a most bloody fight against Auria with his thirty galleys excellently appointed, until such time as most part of them were slain, and the rest sore wounded; who seeing no remedy, but that they must needs come into the hands of their enemies, threw their scimitars overbourd, because those choice weapons should not come into the hands of the Christians. In this conflict Auria lost also many of his best soldiers: yet having got the victory, and possessed of the galleys, he ankered near unto CORCYRA, there to take view of his own harms and the enemies: but whilst he rid there at anchor, he was advertised, that Barbarussa was coming against him with fourscore galleys. Wherefore knowing himself too weak to encounter so strong an enemy, he departed thence, and returned again to M●SSANA to repair his fleet. Solyman thoroughly chafed with the loss of his galleys and best soldiers, and with the double injury done unto him by the Venetians, fell into such a rage, that he cursed Barbarussa, as one who in those wars had done him no good service; and thundered out grievous threats against the Venetians, saying he was under the colour of an ancient league by them deceived and greatly abused, and that they were secretly confederated with Charles his enemy, and had for that cause (as they had always) holpen Auria with intelligence; and all things necessary, junusbeius Barbarussa, & ajax▪ incense Solyman against the Venetians. receiving him into their harbours, and by their espials giving him knowledge of the order of his fleet, that so he might at his most advantage surprise his galleys, as he had already done: unto which fire, junusbeius his interpreter, Barbarussa and ajax laid new coals, more and more incensing the tyrant, who was of himself sufficiently inflamed, persuading him by all means they could to break the league with the Venetians: Wherein junusbeius sought to revenge his own private injuries; and the other two after their greater profit and credit▪ gaping after the spoil of the Islands near hand, especially of CORCYRA (now called CORFV) ZACYNTHUS, and CEPHALENIA, all subject to the Venetian signory, finding the wars in ITALY more dangerous and difficult than they had before imagined. For the French king came not then into ITALY, as was by them expected: and it was commonly reported, That Petrus Toletanus, viceroy of NAPLES, having put strong garrisons into the towns all alongst the sea coast, was coming himself with a great army: beside that, the horsemen sent over from AULONA, ranging about in the country of SALENTUM for spoil, were many times cut off by Scipio Sommeius, a noble gentleman, there Governor for the emperor. Wherefore Solyman changing his purpose for the invasion of ITALY, Solyman converteth his forces from the Italians against the Venetians. in his mad mood proclaimed war against the Venetians: and so rising with his army from AULONA, and marching alongst the sea coast until he came overagainst CORCYRA, he encamped near unto the mountains called ACROCERAUNII, where the fierce and wild people inhabiting the high and rough mountain of CHIMAERA (a part of the Acroceraunian mountains) by the instigation of one Damianus, a notable thief, and very perfect in the blind and difficult passages amongst the rocks and woods in those desolate mountains, conspired to attempt a most strange and desperate exploit, which was, by night to spoil Solyman in his own pavilion. Solyman in danger to have been slain in his ●en● in the midst of his army. These beggarly wild rogues living most part by murder and robbery, altogether without law or any manner of religion, in hope of so great a prey, and to become famous by killing one of the greatest monarches of the world in the midst of his strength, guarded with so many thousands of his soldiers, were not afraid of any danger how great soever, hoping in the dead time of the night to steal into the camp undiscovered, and there so to oppress Solyman sleeping in his tent: Which (as was by many afterwards supposed) they were like enough to have performed, to the astonishment of the world, had it not been by chance discovered: for when they had put all things in readiness for their purpose, Damianus ringleader of these desperate savage people, by secret ways stealing down the broken rocks of those huge mountains, and coming very near unto the camp, to view the standing of Soliman's pavilion, with the order of the Turks watch, was by the cracking of a bough espied by the janissaries, where he stood in a tree prying all over the camp: and being there taken, and afterwards put to torture, and confessing what he had intended, was by the commandment of Solyman torn in pieces. Whereupon he forthwith sent a great part of his army up into the mountains, which hunting after these wild people, as if they had been wild beasts, slew many of them, and by Soliman's appointment did what they possibly could to have quite destroyed them, as an infamous people, enemy to all men. When Solyman had thus fully revenged himself upon this barbarous nation, he purposed to invade the Island of CORCYRA, Solyman invadeth the Island of Corcyra. now called CORFV, part of the Venetian sieginorie: sending before Barbarussa with his great artillery, whom he had but a little before called out of ITALY with his forces. Pisaurius the Venetian Admiral in good time foreseeing the tyrant's purpose, strengthened the garrisons in both the castles of CORFV, with new supplies of good soldiers sent out of the galleys: and knowing himself unable to encounter with the Turks great fleet at sea, withdrew himself farther off from the island into the gulf of the Adriatic, to the intent to join his power with joannes Veturius, who kept that sea with another fleet of the Venetian galleys, and so with joined forces to defend the Venetian coasts against the Turks: whom he thought himself strong enough for, with the help of Veturius and of Auria, whose coming was daily expected. Solyman sending a great part of his army out of the main into the island, burnt and destroyed the country villages, leading away a wonderful number of poor country people into most miserable captivity. ajax the Bassa, and Barbarussa in two small pinnaces came as near unto the city of CORFV as they possibly could, to see which way they might most conveniently lay siege unto it: but perceiving the great strength thereof, being wonderfully fortified, and thoroughly manned, they advertised Solyman, that it was a place impregnable. Aloysius Ripa, and Simon Leonius, two Senators of VENICE were then governors of CORFV, who not without cause standing in doubt of the great strength of the Turks both by sea and land, caused the suburbs of the city (which were very great and sumptuously built) to be plucked down, for fear that the Turks shrouding themselves in them, should with more case besiege the town. This was a woeful and lamentable thing to behold, when as at the same time a man might have seen the magnificent houses of the Venetian merchants, built in time of long peace, both for profit and for pleasure in every place of the island, all set on fire by the Turks: But the regard of the public state in so great a danger, made all those goodly things which went so to wrack, to be lightly accounted of in comparison of their lives and liberty; for as much as those lost things might with new charge be again in short time recovered. The two Venetian governors aforesaid, fearing a long siege, and not provided of victual to suffice such a multitude as were got into the city, for any long time; used a heavy and sharp remedy, by turning a great number of weak people and children unable for service, out of the city; of whom many, especially children, died in the town ditches in their mother's arms under the walls of the city, not daring to go any further for fear of the enemy, who had fast by in places convenient cast up great mounts, and planted his ordinance against the city: only the castle called S. Angelo standing in the middle of the island, about fifteen miles from the city of CORFV, being valiantly defended by the inhabitants against the assaults of the Turks, happily saved above three thousand poor people which fled thither from the fury of the Turks, who in all other places of the island had made all desolate. The Turks the more to terrify them of CORFV, taking a hill not far from the city, covered the same with their tents, and from the rock called MARIPETRUS, shot with their great ordinance into the town: some of them in the mean time standing close in the ruins of the suburbs, did with their arquebusiers kill or wound them which appeared upon the walls. The galleys also did oftentimes out of their prows discharge their great pieces against the city, to the greater terror than hurt of the defendants. Solyman perceiving that he did but lose his labour in besieging the city, as he was told at the first by his great captains, Lutzis, ajax, and Barbarussa; determined now to raise his siege, and to return to CONSTANTINOPLE, greatly ashamed that he had no better sped neither in ITALY, nor at the siege of CORFV. But when he was about to have departed, it was told him how unfaithfully some of his soldiers had dealt with them of CASTRUM in ITALY; who yielding themselves upon the Turks faith to them given for the safeguard of their liberty and goods, were nevertheless most injuriously spoiled of all that they had, and carried away into bondage. Which fact as tending to the dishonour of his name, and the deterring of others from yielding, Solyman took in so evil part, Good justice done by Solyman. that for amending thereof, he caused the authors of that fact to be put to death, and the captives of CASTRUM to be diligently sought out, and sent home again into their country: well deserving therein the commendation of a most just prince. The Turks left the siege of CORFV and departed out of the island about the twelfth of September, The Turks depart from Corfu, and carry away with them above sixteen thousand Christians into captivity. in the year 1537: carrying away with them above sixteen thousand of the island people into perpetual captivity. So Solyman rising with his army, marching thorough ACARNANIA and AETOLIA, returned thorough MACEDONIA to CONSTANTINOPE: having in this his expedition done great harm both in ITALY and CORCYRA, but yet nothing increased his empire or honour. Before his departure, calling unto him Lutzis his Admiral, he commanded him also to return with his fleet to HELESPONTUS: who passing by ZAZINTHUS, and landing some of his men in the night, took divers of the country people prisoners. But understanding that the city itself was both strong and well manned, he departed thence to CYTHERA, where unfortunately attempting to have taken the castle, and disappointed of his purpose, he made what spoil he could upon that island, and with eight hundred prisoners returned into AEGEUM to AEGINA, a rich and famous island, and well peopled both with mariners and other inhabitants. Approaching the island, he by his messengers sent before unto the Governor of the city, attempted first by fair means, and afterwards by threats to have had the city yielded unto him: and not so prevailing, but perceiving them to stand upon their defence, he landed his men and gave the signal of battle. Which they of the island refused not, but manfully met him, and at the first encounter slew many of his men: wherewith the Admiral grievously offended; and still landing fresh men, even with his multitude oppressed them of the island▪ being but in number few, and weary of long fight; and so enforced them them to retire into the city. To be revenged of this injury, Aegina with th● other islands of the Aeg●um spoiled. the Bassa caused certain pieces of great ordinance to be landed, and a battery planted against the city: by force whereof, he had in short time in divers places opened the walls, and then with all his power assaulting the breaches, forthwith took the city: which after he had rifled, he burned it down to the ground, razed the walls, and put the men every mother's son to the sword. As for the women, he gave them without respect unto the lust of his soldiers and mariners, whom afterwards together with the boys and young children he shipped into the country near unto ATHENS, to be from thence conveyed to CONSTANTINOPLE into most miserable servitude. AEGINA thus utterly razed, he with much like force and cruelty raged upon them of PAROS, and the other islands thereabouts, killing the old men and such as made resistance, and thrusting the rest into his galleys. Shortly after he came to the island of NAXOS, where all the island people were for fear of his coming, fled out of the country into the city: there landing his men, he made havoc of whatsoever came to his hand. And in the mean time sent a messenger unto the duke, to will him to yield himself and his city to the obedience of the Turkish emperor Solyman. Which messenger admitted into the city, and brought before the duke, in blunt and plain terms, without farther circumstance, delivered his message as followeth: If thou wilt without more ado, The blunt speech of a Turk sent by Lutzis Bassa unto the duke of Naxo●. yield thyself, thy city and territory to the Constantinopolitan emperor, thou shalt deserve his favour, and so save thyself with that thou hast. But if thou otherwise advised, shalt now refuse this grace, thou shalt never hereafter have the like offer: but for ever undo thyself, thy wife and children, thy citizens and subjects in general. Here is present a most mighty fleet with most valiant and victorious soldiers, furnished with all the habiliments of war requisite for battle or siege. Be warned by them of AEGINA, PAROS, and other thy neighbours, princes of the islands. Thy hap is good, if thou be not misadvised; and warned by other men's harms wilfully refuse to remedy thine own▪ and when thou mightest be safe, wilfully cast away thyself. This said, he was commanded by the duke to stand aside, and a while to expect his answer: who with the chief of his subjects there present, but much troubled, and all full of heaviness and sorrow, consulted what answer to make. But after they had according to the weightiness of the cause and necessity of the time fully debated the matter, it was with general consent agreed, That for as much as they were not themselves of power to withstand so furious an enemy, neither to expect for help from others, they should therefore yield unto the present necessity, which otherwise threatened unto them utter destruction, and reserve themselves unto better times. Whereupon answer was given unto the messenger by the duke, That he was ready to yield himself unto Solyman as his vassal, and of him as of his sovereign to hold his signory for the yearly tribute of five thousand ducats. Of which offer the Bassa accepted, receiving in hand one years tribute. So was that notable island yielded unto the Turkish obeisance the 11 of November this year 1537: Naxos becometh tribu●● i● unto the Turk●. from whence Lutzis the proud Bassa laded with the rich spoil of the countries and islands he had passed by, returned to CONSTANTINOPLE with his fleet. Not long after, this great Bassa then in credit and authority next unto Solyman himself, fell at odds with his wife, Soliman's sister: for that he after the unnatural manner of those barbarous people kept in his house a most delicate youth, in whom he took more pleasure than in his wife. Which she being a woman of great spirit not able to endure, and knowing her husband by marrying of her to have been from base degree advanced unto the highest honours that the emperor her brother could heap upon him, in great rage reproved him with most bitter words, saying, That she had married him to be of him beloved, and used as his wife, and not contemptuously abused by his minions. Wherewith the Bassa moved, gave her a blow on the ear, and caused her as a foolish and unquiet woman to be shut up in her chamber. But she not brooking such abuse, came weeping to Solyman her brother, and complaining of her husband, requested to be divorced from him, who made no better reckoning of her: And with her complaint so incensed Solyman, that he took from him his seal, and thrust him out of all his honourable promotions, 〈◊〉 Bassa 〈◊〉 by Solyman 〈◊〉 exiled. and had undoubtedly put him to death, had not the remembrance of his old love and friendship stayed his fury: Yet having utterly disgraced him; he banished him the court into MACEDONIA, where he spent the remainder of his loathed like as a poor private man: of whom Boisardus thus writeth. Quae tibi cum molli res est pollute Cynaedo: Cum cubet in Thalamis regia nympha tuis? Ex humili fortuna loco te evexit in altum Ex alto maior saepe ruina venit. On dainty boys, thou filthy man, why dost thou fix thine eye: Whilst princely dame of royal blood, doth in thy chamber lie? From base estate to honour's height, blind fortune did thee call, And set thee up with princes great, to work thy greater fall. Solyman thus fallen out with the Venetians, as is aforesaid, to entangle them at once with war● in divers places, commanded his lieutenants in every place bordering upon any part of the Venetian signory, The Turks spoil the Venetians, and the Venetians ●hem likewise. to vex and molest them with all hostility, which they did accordingly: In PELOPONESUS, Cassimes besieged NAUPLIUM and EPIDAURUS, two strong cities of the Venetians: Barbarussa landing his men in DALMATIA, surprised the ancient city of BOTROTUS, belonging to the Venetians, carried away the citizens & razed the city: OBROATIUM another city of the Venetians in DALMATIA, called in ancient time ARGIRUTUM, with the castle of NADIN, were taken by Vstref, Soliman's lieutenant in ILLYRIA. The Venetians thus invaded on every side, requited them again with the like: Pisaurius and Veturius (the Venetian Admirals) landing their men, besieged SCARDONA, a city of the Turks in the borders of DALMATIA, which they took by force, put the Turks to the sword, and overthrew the walls of the city, because it should be no more a refuge unto the Turks: They sent also one of their captains called Gabriel Ribeus to besiege OBROATIUM; who upon the coming of Amurathes, one of Vstref his captains, cowardly fled, and in flight lost most of his men; for which his cowardice, Pisa●rius caused his head to be struck off aboard the Admiral galley: And Camillus Vrsinus appointed by the Venetian state Governor of JADERA, a strong town upon the frontiers of their territory in DALMATIA, took from the Turks the town of OSTROVIZZA, which he burned down to the ground: He recovered also OBROATIUM, which was a little before lost; which by the commandment of the Senate he utterly razed, as a place not well to be kept against the enemy. The same Autumn that Solyman having wasted CORCYRA was returned to CONSTANTINOPLE, and the Venetians held wars with the Turks for the towns and castles in DALMATIA: king Ferdinand received such an overthrow at EZEK by the Turks, as a greater or more shameful unto the name of the Christians was hardly in that age seen; if the loss of the choice soldiers and captains of four great nations, with the shameful flight of the General be well considered. After the battle of MOHAHZ wherein king Lewes was lost▪ the Turks having gotten the victory, kept unto themselves that part of HUNGARY which is called POSS●GA, because thereby they had a fit passage from BELGRADE further into HUNGARY. The two great rivers of Saws and Dranus, running almost with equal distance from the West, taking with them divers other smaller rivers, before they fall into the great river of Danubius Eastward, do on both sides enclose this country of POSSEGA, being a rich and plentiful country, and wonderful well peopled: It bordereth upon the provinces of CROATIA and COR●ANIA, which in times past were at continual wars with the Turks garrisons thereby in I●●YRIA and BOSNA. Mahomates Governor of Belgrane. At that time one Mahomates a most valiant captain of the Turks was Governor of BELGRADE, to whom for his approved valour and wisdom Solyman had committed the keeping of those frontiers, and the protection of the kingdom of HUNGARY in the behalf of king john. He the year before had so used the matter, that what by force, what by policy, he had taken from the Christians above thirty small castles in that country (which was sometime part of the patrimony of the Despot of RASCIA) and had joined them to the regiment of BOSNA▪ One of these castles amongst the rest called EXEK, for the commodious situation thereof he strongly fortified, as that which might give him passage over the river Dranus into HUNGARY: from whence he fet in infinite preys out of king Ferdinand's country near unto him. Yet was there at that time a certain league betwixt Solyman and Ferdinand, An evil assure● peace. which notwithstanding after the old custom of those countries for the exercise of the garrison soldiers, did bear with the taking of booty, and light skirmishes without any breach thereof; so that it were done without any great power or field pieces: which wrong named peace, Mathias and the ancient kings of HUNGARY had of long time used with the Turks, doing them with their nimble light horsemen no less harm than they teceived. But the Germans now using no such light horsemen, but serving upon great horses, and charged with heavy armour, received great hurt by those light skirmishes; the Turks with their light horses easily shunning their charge, and again at their pleasure charging them afresh, when they saw the heavy Germane horses almost weary and spent: by which means the Germane horsemen were oftentimes by the Turks light horsemen overthrown, and so either slain or taken. King Ferdinand not well brooking these continual injuries, King Ferdinand breaketh his league with the Turks. and grieved in mind with the league which Solyman had to his profit made with him at his going into PERSIA, finding the same both unprofitable and hurtful to himself; determined to take up arms, with purpose, that if he could drive the Turks out of the country of POSSEGA, then forthwith to pass over Dranus, and to go directly to BUDA against king john. It still stuck in his mind how that kingdom was taken from him by Solyman, and that more was▪ as it were in disgrace of him and the house of AUSTRIA, bestowed upon a stranger, which had neither right thereto, nor was any way royally descended. Yet were there some which wished him not rashly to enter into arms against so mighty an enemy, as was not to be vanquished but by the united forces of all the Christian princes of EUROPE: For they foresaw that Solyman so provoked, would not put it up, but for the hatred he bore against the Christians, and for his own honour seek more cruel revenge: as he had of late done against the Venetians, with whom upon a light occasion he had broken a most ancient league, for sinking one or two of his galleys; for which he would admit no excuse or satisfaction. All this Ferdinand knew to be true, yet all the people of his dominions lay so earnestly upon him to take that war in hand, that they said plainly, they would never bear arms more against the Turks, if he omitted that occasion. For they of CARINTHIA, STIRIA, CROATIA, and NORICUM, subject to the invasion of the Turks, and daily receiving great harms, thought the Turks might easily be driven out of POSSEGA, for as much as Mahomates had no great power nor like to have any greater, Autumn being now almost spent. So, king Ferdinand with the wonderful rejoicing of his subjects, caused soldiers to be taken up in all parts of his kingdom, sending for most of his nobility and best captains, as to a religious war: and in a very short space had raised a good army; yet supposed of greater strength than number, as consisting most of select men. The footmen were for most part Germans, to whom were joined as wings certain companies of Italians, arquebusiers, whom Lewes Lodronius a valiant captain and general of the footmen had raised in RHETIA, and those parts of ITALY which lie near unto the Alps. The horsemen were of BOHEMIA, SILESIA, MORAVIA, STIRIA, CARINTHIA, and some also out of HUNGARY, all conducted by their several captains: all these horsemen were in number eight thousand, but the footmen were sixteen thousand strong: with great store of artillery of all sorts. This army for the expertness and valour of the soldiers, was thought sufficient to have met the greatest army of the Turks in field, if it had been conducted by a politic General, and (as he had at other times been) fortunate: which was one john Cazzianer a noble man of CROATIA, whom as one of great experience and famous for the late defence of VIENNA, king Ferdinand had made General of his army. For Ferdinand by the advise of his best friends, Cazzianer General of king Ferdinand● army. never used to adventure his person unto the danger of any battle, especially against the Turks, by whom many Christian kings had in former time been vanquished and slain, but performed all his wars by his lieutenants: which he was thought to do, not so much for want of courage, as moved with the fatal mishap of so many Christian kings Mahomates Governor of BELGRADE, Mahomates Governor of Belgrade, aided by the other Turk● captains. understanding of this preparation made against him, sent for divers companies of the garrison soldiers, which lay upon the borders near hand; he required aid of the governors of the Turks province thereabouts; and was especially holpen by Vsterf Governor of BOSNA, who of all Soliman's lieutenants in EUROPE, was able to bring into the field most good horsemen: he sent him Amurathes a famous captain with a great company of gallant horsemen, unto whom were joined certain companies of footmen of the wild and mountain people of DALMATIA, entertained for pay; which rough and rude kind of people were governed and kept in order by certain companies of janissaries, drawn out of the garrison towns as far as BELGRADE and SAMANDRIA: after them followed many out of SERVIA & RASCIA, some for pay, some for prey. The Turks receivers liberally paying to such as were willing to serve, two months pay beforehand. Neither wanted he aid of the Hungarians from BUDA: so that the Turkish governors on every side putting to their helping hands, Mahomates had in short time gathered such an army, as for number and strength was not much inferior to king Ferdinand's, and resolved to expect the coming of his enemies at EXEK. Cazzianer was now come as far on his way as CAPRUNZA, a town upon the river Dranus; having before well and conveniently provided for the victualling of his army, if they whom he put in trust and had taken the matter upon them, had with like speed and diligence performed their charge: for they were the chief men of all the country, who all followed the direction of Simon, bishop of ZAGRABIA: who inflamed with zeal above measure, or else for want of judgement deceived, had promised to serve the whole camp with plenty of victuals at a very low rare. Which thing the country people which were to bring in the victual, some by wagon, some by boats alongst the rivers, many difficulties now arising, were not able to perform: which was not to be remedied, by reason of the nearness of the enemy, and also for that Mahomates with small galleys in both rivers, and his troops of horsemen pricking up and down the country, did either stay the country people from bringing of victual, or else alured them for a greater price to bring it to his own camp: where they received for it ready money▪ Cazzianer setting forward from CAPRUNZA, hardly came in ten days to the castle of VERUCZA, which is about forty miles distant from CAPRUNZA, being enforced to make short marches, by reason of the troublesome carriage of seven great pieces of artillery for battery. A slow march. The wiser sort began even then to misdoubt the want of victual both for the reasons before alleged, and for that such victual as was looked for, came not, although they had marched very softly; so that they were then enforced to spend such victual as they had provided, not for the beginning, but for the difficulties of a long protracted war. Wherefore Cazzianer writ sharply to the bishop, and the other which had taken upon them the charge of providing victual for the army, commanding them to use all possible diligence and speed, and not to let the hope of a notable victory to be lost through their negligence, for want of victual rather than the valour of the enemy. In the mean time Cazzianer thought good there to stay, and to expect the coming of the victual, sending before him Paulus Bachitius with a thousand Hungarian light horsemen, and certain companies of Italian arquebusiers, as far as the castle of ZOPIA, to the intent, that he might of such prisoners as he could take, learn something of the enemy's purpose. The Turks in the castle of ZOPIA descrying the coming of Bachitius, and thinking the whole army of the Christians had been there at hand, set fire on the castle, which they thought they could not keep, and by boats fled down the river Dranus. Yet for all their haste Bachitius took some of them in their flight: of whom Cazzianer learned that which he before knew by his own espials, how that Mahomates and the Turks lay encamped at EXEK, with a full resolution to give him battle. Cazzianer setting forward again, still keeping alongst the river Dranus, came in eight days to the castle of WALPO: Cazzianer cometh to Walpo. where by the way he was glad to stay seven days at the river Crassus, which falleth into Dranus, until such time as a bridge was made for the transporting of his army, for that the river was not to be waded over: in which time Cazzianer entered oftentimes into counsel with the other captains, what course to hold for the better proceeding in that war. Where divers men were of divers opinions, some said it were best to leave▪ EXEK, and to besiege a castle of the enemies thereby, called VILLACH: others more weary than the rest, were of opinion, That it were better there to stay, until the rest of the aid and the victual which they daily expected, were come. But the greater number, which also prevailed, urged the first determination of going directly to the enemy at EXEK, for that longer delay would but breed further danger: and there was in the camp (as they said) both strength and victual sufficient for the obtaining of the victory, if they would make an end of their needless consultations, and not protract the war until Winter were come on; whereby they did nothing else, but cause the soldiers to think that they were afraid to meet the enemy, and secretly to steal away back again into their countries: Whereas if they would like resolute men march on forward against the enemy, who at other times trusting most unto his multitudes, and now having no great power, would never abide the sight of the Christian army, bringing with it so much artillery, but would forthwith forsake the place, and never show his face: for as much as the Christian men at arms would (as they said) easily break thorough and overthrow the naked Turkish horsemen, if they durst abide the field. The young soldiers, who as yet had never made proof of the Turks manner of fight, did with such cheerfulness like of this resolution, that they thought two days staying a long delay of so ready and easy a victory. Wherefore it was resolved upon presently to set forward, and thereupon the army was mustered: where, upon view taken, there was found to be ten thousand horsemen (for divers troops of Germans were come to the camp, after the time of the first setting forward of the army:) a more gallant company of horsemen, both for the strength of their horses, and goodly furniture of the men, had seldom been seen in an army so suddenly raised. But the footmen, selected out of all the provinces, was greatly diminished, being now in number scarce eight thousand strong: for many were sick in the camp, others weary of the long journey, linger behind, were stolen away; and generally all they which were left, moiled with dirt and mire, by reason of the deepness of the rotten way, wet thorough with rain, and almost statued with cold, and thereto pinched with hunger, were thought scarce able to endure the hardness of the present war. After that, commandment was given, That every soldier should carry with him three days victual: and proclamation made▪ That no man should upon pain of death take any Turk prisoner, although he yielded himself, or charge himself with any spoil before the battle were fully ended; for as much as the captains would afterwards divide the spoil of the enemy amongst the soldiers. This proclamation thus made thorough the camp, they set forward towards EXEK: & the third day they came to a certain valley, about three miles from EXEK, where they encamped. The next day a company of Turks showed themselves, The Turk● ski●●mish with the Christians. which was by the great ordinance repulsed. The day following the enemy sallied out of the town and skirmished oftentimes with the Christians: in which skirmishes many were slain on both sides, but more wounded of the Christians, for that the Turks had politicly mingled certain janissaries harquebusiers, and archers, with their horsemen; who used to that manner of fight, sore gauled the Christian horsemen. For which cause the General forbade all such light skirmishes, as purposing to keep his strength whole against the general day of battle: commanding his canoneers so to place the great ordinance, as might most annoy the enemy, if he should show himself by troops within the danger of the shot: which was so well performed, that the Turks sallying forth, received thereby great hurt, the deadly shot flying thorough the midst of their companies. The same day Simon bishop of ZAGRA●IA came into the camp with his horsemen, and a certain provision of victual, whereby the fear of the want before conceived, was well eased. Mahomates perceiving that the Christians were not longer to be drawn to those harmful skirmishes, but that he must bring his men in danger of the great shot: to annoy them by another means, sent many small boats, manned with arquebusiers and small pieces of ordinance, into the lake near unto the camp, so to keep the Christians from watering there, and with those small pieces shot oftentimes into the camp. near unto the valley where the Christians lay, was a hill, whereupon stood a village, wherein were placed certain companies of Turks, to skirmish as occasion should serve with the Christians: for displacing of whom the whole army was put in order of battle, and the great artillery bend upon them, that they should not with their light skirmishes, after the manner of the Turkish fight, trouble the order of the army. Which thing the Turks perceiving, and that they were not able to hold the place, The Christians come within the sight of Exek. set fire on the town, and so retired to EXEK. The Christians keeping on their march, came to the top of the hill, from whence they might see EXEK stand about two miles off in a fair plain, near unto the bank of Dranus: all which low ground betwixt the hill and EXEK, was so subject to the castle, that it was thought a matter too full of danger to attempt that way to batter the castle, and to expose the army to the inevitable fury of the enemy's shot. Wherefore descrying a rising ground on the further side of the city, equal with the top of the walls, they thought it best to remove their camp thither, and on that side to plant their battery against the city. But to come to that place, was thought a matter of no small trouble▪ for they must set a compass three miles on the right hand thorough a forest by a foul and troublesome way, before they could come to the place they desired: for the army was not so great, as to besiege the city round; wherein were not (as is reported) above sixteen thousand men: neither was there such store of victuals in the camp, but that the army was like soon to feel the want thereof, without a continual supply, which would hardly be had, the enemy still besetting every passage, and with their light horsemen scouring about all the country, of purpose to keep them from victual. For which cause, some were of opinion, That it were best for them there to stay where they were, until such time as both more aid and better store of victuals were come unto them: but others of contrary mind, said the enemy was but barely stored with victual himself, and therefore could not long hold out, which they said they understood by certain Christian fugitives; and that Mahomates had put his chief substance into certain boats, to be conveyed down the river, as purposing to fly, and would not hold out the siege above three days: As for the forest, they thought it would well enough be passed thorough, if they would courageously set forward: Beside that, the time of the year suffered no delay, Winter coming so fast on, that except some notable thing were done quickly, they should be enforced by the very time of the year to return with shame, without doing any thing. This opinion was best liked of, as more honourable and better beseeming men of valour, than to lie still in one place: whereupon the next day the army removed, and in good order marched thorough the forest. Which thing Mahomates quickly perceiving, presently sent forth a thousand light horsemen, and certain companies of the janissaries, arquebusiers, to trouble the Christians in their passage: who by a nearer and well known way overtaking the army, The Turks skirmish with the Christians in passing the forest. suddenly charged the rearward, wherein the Italians and Bohemians marched. The Bohemians quickly fled, and the Italians with much ado endured the charge: but being relieved by the Carinthian men at arms, they notably repulsed the Turks, and put them to flight. So the army with small loss passed the forest, and came to the place they desired: where after they had encamped themselves, and in good order placed all things needful for the siege, they in seemly order offered unto the enemy battle. But he keeping himself within the town, shot at the Christians with his great ordinance: and they to requite him, with two great pieces which they had placed upon the rising of a hill, shot thorough both the walls of the town and the bulwark also, to the great terror of the defendants. The Christians in the mean time having stood almost all the day in order of battle in the sight of the enemy, vainly expecting when he should come forth to give them battle, returned at night into their camp: Mahomates wisely refuseth to fight with the Christians, offering him battle. For Mahomates upon great consideration kept in his soldiers, although they were most desirous to fight, understanding right well of the want of victual in the Christian camp; and beside that (as the fugitives reported) being straightly commanded by letters from Solyman, that he should not upon pain of a most shameful death forsake the place, but to defend it to the last. Now the Christians desirous of battle, being thus delayed and deceived of their expectation, had in a few days spent the small store of victuals they had, and began to feel a general want: neither was there any apparent means how they should be relieved, so that every man began to fear some general mischief to ensue. When Balthasar Pamphilus, a noble Hungarian, and a captain of great experience, sitting in counsel with the rest, entered into this speech. Balthasar Pamphilus his counsel for relief of the army. Captains (said he) we do all that we do, unadvisedly: for whilst we consult at large how we may overcome our enemies, the strength of our army is in the mean time so weakened for want of victual, that the soldiers are neither well able to stand on their legs, nor to hold their weapons in their feeble hands: and generally, even they which are of greatest courage begin now to quail, and despairing of battle, see that they must miserably and shamefully perish for want. Wherefore in my opinion, we ought first and above all things most speedily to provide for this want, which so grievously pincheth us: and presently to remove hence unto the castle of HERMANDE, that with the provision thereof, which is not like to be little, we may refresh our whole army; and so relieved, to proceed further as occasion shall require. This castle was about ten miles distant from EXEK, whereinto many of the Turks had conveyed their wives and children, and chiefest substance, being kept with a small garrison of twenty Turks. Fast by the castle was a pretty little walled town, without flankers, after the manner of the old fortifying: which town and castle Balthazer said would easily be taken. This his counsel was well liked of all men, and he himself sent with certain companies of soldiers to take the town. Balthasar taketh the town of Hermande. Wherein fortune so favoured him, that it was at his first coming surrendered unto him: but when he had it, he ●ound not therein any such store of corn or victual as he had hoped for: yet he took there certain vessels of wine, to the great relief of the weak soldiers. Upon the news of the taking of this town, the camp removed from EXEK about ten a clock in the night, but so disorderly, that the soldiers scarce knowing their own ensigns; seemed rather to have fled for fear than marched for spoil: yet the Turks for all that moved not out of EXEK, misdoubting some deceit, and loath to attempt any thing rashly in the night. When the army was come to the town, the captains took order, that the victual there found, was equally divided amongst the soldiers, and the next morning battery laid against the castle; which those few Turks valiantly defended half a day, The castle of Hermande yielded to the Christians. and then by composition yielded it. But when the castle was taken, there was found in it but two barrels of meal, and other two of millet. Then might a man have seen the captains themselves hanging their heads as men strucken with a sudden fear, who in steed of a great prey & victual to have served many days, found nothing but a few women and children, and scarce so much victual both in the town and castle, as would serve the army two days. Yet they dissembled the matter, and fed the soldiers with hope of better store, after the bridge were once repaired, that they might pass the river of Bodrog, which ran by the town: which bridge the Turks had before (for defence of themselves) broken, by plucking up of certain piles, and taking away of the planks: wherefore the Carpenters being set on work and every man putting to his helping hand, the bridge was with continual labour in three days repaired. The fourth day, the wagons and smaller pieces of ordinance passed over the bridge, and after them six of the great pieces for battery: but the bridge overcharged with the seventh, which was of a wonderful weight, and much greater than the rest, began to break: so that the captains were enforced to break that fair piece of ordinance, and so by pieces to carry it away, that the enemy should not get so great a spoil. All things being thus well passed over, the piles were again cut down, and the planks struck off, to the intent the enemy should not that way pursue them: and other way was there none, but to fetch a compass about the great lake which was many miles about. Here the captains began to consult, whether it were best to break the great pieces of ordinance, that so they might more speedily march away, or not. Of which opinion was Cazzianer himself, Cazzianer to retire with more host, would have broken his grea● ordinance. promising of his own charge to new cast them. As for the scaling ladders, and such other like things provided for the siege, they burned, because they should not come into the enemy's hand, or trouble themselves in their march. But most of the captains were opinion, that it was not best so dishonourably to break those goodly pieces, the greatest ornament and defence of their country; but to hold on their march thorough POSSEGA, until they came to JUVANCHA, where they should find great store both of corn and wine: which town, with the castle of GARA fast by it, stored with all kind of provision, they said would easily be taken before the Turks could possibly come so far about the lake from EXEK: and that it were a great shame, so to return without doing any thing. Cazzianer thus persuaded, set forward, and with great toil (by reason of the deepness of the way and heaviness of the great ordinance) came by night to JUVANCHA, which was but three miles off: where the Turks having with incredible celerity passed a long journey, arrived at the same time also. near unto this castle was a little town, out of which all the Turks were fled: the townsmen being Christians, opened the gates and received in the soldiers; who there filled themselves abundantly with wine, and could hardly be driven out thence by their captains to the camp. The same night the Turks burned the same town, and whatsoever the Christians had therein left. And every man betook him to his armour in the camp, for the enemy was now at hand: and in the dawning of the day began hoatly to skirmish in divers places with the Christians, but especially in that quarter of the camp where the Bohemians lay. Wherewith Petrus Raschinius General of the Bohemians being grieved, set upon them with a troop of his best horsemen, and enforced them to fly: But the Turks after the manner of their fight, quickly returning again, and relieved by the coming in of their fellows, beset the Bohemians on every side, and slew many of them. Raschinius the General fight most valiantly, was there slain with his followers. The Christian captains purposing to retire home, placed on each side of the army four ranks of wagons for defence on both sides: in the vauward were placed the weak and sick men, yet so, that in the front of the army were certain companies of lusty tall soldiers: but in the rearward was placed the greatest strength both of horse and foot. The army thus marching as it were on both sides entrenched, as it oftentimes met with woody hills which hindered their way, so did the same fitly serve the Christians, that the Turks could not conveniently assail them in their march, The Turks ●ore 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 in their retire. both before and behind. Which thing Mahomates perceiving, sent before certain companies of janissaries and nimble footmen, which knew the country and the passages well, with certain faulconets and other small pieces to take the straits whereby the army was to pass, and so to gall them in their passage; and when they could keep the place no longer, to fly back to another, and so from place to place: and in the open places he had his troops of light horsemen, which were ever busy in one place or another of the army. By which means the Christians in their march received much harm, which grieved them the more, for that no great power of the Turks was any where to be seen together, but straggling companies; which as they were commanded, sometime would come on with a fierce charge, and by and by retire again, and with their arrows and falcon shot, from places of advantage assail them. At one of these straits somewhat bigger than the rest, Paulus Bachitius one of the Hungarian captains, in whom the soldiers generally reposed their greatest trust, was slain with a falcon shot, with divers other of the valiant Hungarians; who seeing there a greater number of the Turks than they had seen in other places, thought to have done some good service upon them: His death brought a general fear upon the whole army, for as much as both then and at other times, without him they never had any good success against the Turks. Yet in that skirmish, the Hungarians to revenge the death of their captain, did with such force repulse the enemy, that they caused him after he had lost many of his men, to run away and leave his small field pieces behind him. But such was the weakness or cowardice of the Christian footmen, and the agility of the Turks, especially the janissaries, that they with their shot out of the woods, stayed the Hungarian horsemen from the pursuit of their fellows, and recovered their small field pieces before they could be carried away by the Christian footmen: wherewith they did again forerun the army, and still trouble it as before. A general fear in the Christians camp. The christians beset with these dangers, and almost spent for want of victual, seeing no means to relieve their weak bodies, nor any small hope to comfort their fainting spirits, did generally fear some extreme calamity to ensue: and so much the more, for that it was reported, that Mahomates still expected fresh supplies from BELGRADE, SAMANDRIA and NICOPOLIS: and many of the Hungarian light horsemen stole away from them, as careful of their own safety: neither did they see any comfort in the dismayed captains, who at other times were wont with cheerful and courageous words to relieve the soldiers, if they saw them any thing discouraged. But when they were come into a fair open field near unto a town called GARA, they were advertised, That the enemy had in the woods before them whereby they were to pass, cut down great trees cross the ways, so that neither their great ordinance nor wagons, nor yet their horsemen could possibly pass that way but that they must needs break their order. This once bruited thorough the army, filled them all with heaviness and desperation: and so much the more, for that Ladislaus Morcus, and others which knew the country well, said there was but two ways to escape: the one thorough the woods about ten miles' space to WALPO, which by reason of the trees cut down cross the ways by the Turks was not to be passed, but they must needs leave behind them their great ordinance and carriages: the other towards the castle of ZENTHVERZEBETH, which was in Ladislaus Moreus his country, certain miles distant from GARA: by taking of which way, the enemy by reason of the straightness of the passage, must of necessity be enforced to give over his pursuit. Yet for all that, it was in counsel resolved upon, to take the way thorough the woods to WALPO, for that there was there victual enough, and in the castle of WALPO was kept money sent from king Ferdinand, sufficient to pay the soldiers for all that Winter. And so leaving the great ordinance behind them, and burning the powder and whatsoever else could not well be carried on horseback, to set forward with all speed: The ●earefull resolution of the Christians to get from the Turks. As for the trees, they said, they would be well enough removed, and the way opened by the pioneers and wagoners: wherefore every captain was commanded to have his soldiers in readiness to set forward upon the sign given; which was by the sound of a shawm or oboe, which when it should be given, was referred to the discretion of the General. There were many which wonderfully disliked of this resolution, and said openly, that the enemy was fewer in number than their horsemen, and pinched almost with like want of victual: besides that, that the Turks durst never in just fight encounter with the Christian men at arms, but like thieves assail them upon a sudden at some advantage, and by and by be gone again: and that the town of GARA where the enemy lay encamped, was not so strong but that it might be won: wherefore all things were to be proved, and some great matter to be attempted of valiant men, p●●ched with wants: for that to run away, would be not only a dishonour unto the captains themselves, who ought always to prefer their honour before their lives; but also dangerous to them, which respected nothing but life. And if they should set forward in the night, many would be lost in the woods; and valour in the dark could not be known from cowardice: besides that, the Turks (as they said) lay so nigh, that it was not possible to depart without their knowledge, especially if they should burn the powder, or break the great ordinance. For which causes, they thought it better to fight a battle with them, and not to believe the false reports of new supplies come unto them; and that God would undoubtedly give them aid, which were ready to lay down their lives for their religion and glory of the Christian name. After all this, they began to consult what was now to be done with the sick and wounded soldiers, which were before carried in wagons or amongst the other baggage of the army: for it was like, that so great a multitude of sick and wounded men, understanding what was decreed concerning the departure of the army, would as miserable forsaken men, fill the camp with lamentation and mourning; which it was thought would be also increased by the weeping and wailing of them, which should never afterwards see their brethren, kinsmen, fellows or friends, so miserably and shamefully left behind and forsaken: the noise whereof, must needs come to the ears of the Turks, which lay within a small gun shot. Wherefore it was determined, that these sick and wounded soldiers should be carried upon the waggon and cart-horses; and that such as were not able to stay themselves, should be holden up by other of more strength riding behind them upon the buttocks of the horse. In five to colour the matter, they which were so desirous to go, said that this their manner of departure grounded upon good reason, was not to be accounted a shameful flight (as some would term it) but a right honest and necessary manner of retiring: for as much as they were stronger than their enemies in horsemen, and equal also (if not stronger) in footmen, although they were sore weakened with sickness. Whilst these things were in counsel diversly discoursed, and the resolution set down as is before said, the matter was brought to this pass, that every captain with troubled judgement conceived in himself secret cogitations, far from the common good, and without regard of shame and dishonour, bethought himself how he might betake himself to flight, The vigilancy of Mahome●●●. the uncertain hope of desired life. On the contrary part, Mahomates▪ using most certain spies, and advertised every hour of all the distresses of the Christians, and thereby presaging his future victory; did by most diligent watch and troops of horsemen, besetting the passages far and near, most vigilantly attend every motion in the Christian camp: of purpose, that when the army should rise and set forward, he after his wont manner might in the straits (fit for his purpose) set upon them being divided and dispersed one from another, as they must needs in those troublesome passages: for he had so placed his horsemen and footmen in the known tracts of those woods, that he had shut up the Christians as it were in a toil▪ It was now almost midnight, and the army taking no rest, so carefully expected the sign of setting forward, that every little delay seemed to most men both tedious and dangerous: The Christian captains shamefully fly, some one way, some another, in the night. so that many great captains upon a cowardly conceit would stay no longer, but hasted to depart, and to go before the rest, without any leave of the General. The beginning of this mischievous departure, is reported to have been begun by the common Hungarian horsemen, which knowing the passages and ways thorough the woods, made most haste to WALPO. Ladislaus M●rcus dishonourably following their example, went the other way to his castle ZENTHVERZEBETH. After them followed in great haste the Stirian horsemen, without regard of shame, led by john Hanganot their General, who was appointed to have guarded the rearward. Simon bishop of ZA●HA●IA fled in like manner, known by his great lantern wandering in the wood: yet with less shame than the rest, because he being a clergy man, thought it not to belong to his vocation to put on arms, or to go into battle. In the mean time it was fearfully told to Cazzian●r, That the Hungarian horsemen were fled, and that Ladislaus and Hunganot, with the S●irian troops were gone also, and that all the rest of the army not expecting the appointed signal, were in like manner upon flying▪ With which report, the cowardly and dismayed General wa● so ●●rrified, that he presently got to horse, quite forgetting the signal▪ he should have given (for that he thought all the rest, The dishonourable flight of Cazzianer. as he afterwards said, to have been gone before) and as he was, unarmed, betook himself to flight, leaving behind him for hast his tent stored with plate and other rich furniture. In this tumult of them which so disorderly fled, Lodronius that famous captain was called up, and told by his servants, that the General was fled and gone▪ to whom he answered again, without doubt it cannot be so, that I should be so shamefully and perfidiously betrayed of him: and so as a man megred with long watching & painful labour, laid himself down again to sleep. Not long after, Mahomates hearing the stir that was in the camp, rise with his Turks to assail his enemies: yet to be better assured what the enemy did, he thought it good to stay for day light, causing his men to stand still in order of battle, and with wonderful silence to expect the sign of setting forward, which was given by the soft sound of a horseman's drum passing thorough every company. For the old captain acquainted with many battles against the Christians, doubting of their feigned flight, would not unadvisedly be drawn into battle, but in a place commodious for his soldiers; as one before ●ully set down (after his wont manner) to perform that service, not by the hazard of one set battle, but by dallying off the time with often skirmishes, when he could take the enemy at advantage. The day appearing, Lodronius again awaking, heard a certain confused noise of the Turks, and withal, Lodronius encourageth the footmen. saw himself forsaken of the greatest part of the horsemen: whereupon he complained in vain, that he was betrayed: yet for all that he was nothing discouraged, but cheered up the footmen, exhorting them to remember their former valour, and to resolve with themselves only with courage to overcome the danger, which hard fortune had at that time brought them into; for that valiant men were rather to think of an honourable death than shameful flight, whereby whether they should escape with life or not, was uncertain: As for himself, who had been their happy General in many battles, he said he was resolutely set down by repulsing the enemy to bring them into place of safety, or else valiantly fight together with them to end his days. As Lodronius was yet thus encouraging the footmen, the horsemen of CARINTHIA, SAXONY, AUSTRIA and BOHEMIA, who mindful of their duty, had in vain expected the appointed signal from the General, came to Lodronius as unto the most valiant captain, beseeching him, in steed of their treacherous General, to take upon him the place: promising to do whatsoever he commanded, and to fight as men against those infidels for their religion and king, so long as they were able to hold up their weapons. Lodronius would in no case accept of that honour so frankly offered, modestly protesting himself unworthy thereof: Yet as a man of courage, and moved with the hard estate of such an army, he with a solemn protestation promised to execute the place in the best manner he could, and so did as long as his fortune gave him leave. It is reported, that as Lodronius was encouraging the footmen, and earnestly invaying against shameful flight, an old Germane soldier was so bold, as bluntly, yet sharply to say unto him: Worthy Lodronius, An old Germane soldier jesteth at Lodronius. thou canst never be thought to fly shamefully, with a horse of such a price under thee. Lodronius perceiving the old soldiers meaning, alighted, and with his sword hoxed his horse: saying aloud, This day valiant soldiers, shall you have me both your General and fellow soldier, fight on foot as one of yourselves: see now that you deceive no● my expectation, but let us either with glorious victory or honourable death end this war together, yet so, as that we die not unrevenged. All his other horses he gave away unto such sick and wounded soldiers as he best knew, amongst whom was one Picenard of CREMONA, a captain who was then in an extreme fit of an ague, and had hardly escaped the hands of the enemy. The first troops of horsemen and bands of footmen, were scarcely out of the camp with their ensigns, but the Turks coming on with a hideous cry, assailed them on every side, and many sharp skirmishes were given unto the horsemen as they marched, with such event, that the Christians sometime valiantly receiving the enemy's charge; and sometime charging them again▪ repulsed the proud enemy still busy with them. The horsemen discomfited by the Turks. In these continual skirmishes, Antius Mace● F●●hstat, General of the Carinthian horsemen, fight valiantly was slain, being for his brave (armou● supposed by the Turks to have been the General of the field. And by like mishap ●oure and twenty horsemen of great name were slain also, and their guidon taken; amongst these were three noblemen, Andrea's Reschius, Christophorus Hernaus, and Georgius Himelberg●●. In another place was made a most cruel skirmish with the Saxon horsemen, and them of 〈◊〉, THURINGIA and FRANCONIA, who followed the Saxons ensign: of these, fighting most valiantly, was slain above 36 worthy captains, lieutenants, or ancients; and Chuenri●●● a principal captain of the Saxons taken, who afterwards died in bonds ●mongst the Turks. Amongst them which were slain, Sebastianus Methes●us, and jacobus Scullemburgh were of greatest nobility. In like manner the horsemen of AUSTRIA courageously resisting the enemy for a space, were in the end overthrown: where amongst them was slain two valiant noblemen, Fettaius and Hofchirchius, with divers other men of great place and reputation both in their own country and abroad. But the greatest slaughter was made amongst the Bohemian horsemen, upon whom (being disordered by the janissaries arquebusiers) the Turkish troops of the old garrison soldiers breaking in with their scimitars and heavy iron mazes, made a most bloody execution. The battle of footmen being sore gauled, The Christian footmen overthrown. and almost disordered in their march by certain companies of janissaries and archers of the Asapi, who from a woody bank of a marish discharged their shot and arrows continually upon them, yet never coming to handy blows, was on the other side so hardly charged by Amurathes with his troops of horsemen of BOSNA, that being not able longer to keep order, it was at last by him broken and cut in pieces: where the Turks with their swords and hatchets slew the poor Christians without mercy. Lodronius himself carried away with the breaking in and force of the horsemen, was driven into a marish: where after that he being sore wounded, and almost fast in the deep mud, had done the uttermost of that his last endeavour; he by the fair entreaty of the Turks persuading him rather to yield, than there to be slain, so yielded himself, that he with three companies which were with him, after they had laid down their weapons, were all saved as valiant soldiers: for now the merciless Turks imbrued with the Christian blood, were weary of slaughter, and began greedily to seek after the spoil, hunting after them, who flying dispersedly, thought themselves to have escaped the enemy's hands; with such success, that a great number of them was taken and led away for slaves: few of the footmen escaped, and almost all the rest which were not fled before the battle, were to be seen dead upon the ground. This shameful overthrow at EXEK was reported to have exceeded the most grievous overthrows that the Christians had received in any former time: for the flower both of horse and foot there lost by the rashness and fault of an unlucky General, rather than by the valour of the enemy, ruthfully perished; so that many provinces were filled with heaviness and mourning. For it never chanced before, as was to be seen by the unfortunate battles of Sigismond the emperor, and king Ladislaus, that the Turks got such a victory without some loss: so that they which fell almost unrevenged at EXEK, may seem to have augmented that loss by the great infamy thereof. Mahomates having thus almost without the blood of his soldiers obtained so great a victory, and taken the spoil of the Christian camp, pitched his tents in a little meadow, being cleansed of the dead bodies, and after he had merrily feasted with his captains, commanded the chief prisoners, the goodly spoils, and fairest ensigns to be brought unto him: and openly commending the captains who had that day done any good service, commanding divers bags of money to be brought unto him by the receivers, he with his own hand rewarded the soldiers, some with gold, some with silver, according to their deserts: And causing all the prisoners which were not common soldiers to be brought forth, he diligently viewed them, and presently caused every one of their names, and the office they bore, to be enroled by his clerks: and unto such as brought in the heads, ears, or hands of the Christians with rings upon them, he forthwith caused one reward or other to be given. Lodronius, when as by reason of his deadly wounds he was thought unable to endure travel, Lodronius slain. or to be brought alive with the other prisoners to CONSTANTINOPLE, was slain by his keepers, and his head afterwards sent thither. For as many noble gentlemen, and amongst others Laurentius Streiperg and Dietmarus Losenstaine have reported (who ransomed afterwards, returned home again to their wives and children) amongst the prisoners which were together with the fair ensigns and other gallant warlike furniture (especially gilt amour and headpieces) presented by Mahomates his messengers to Solyman, three of the greatest captains heads were in a silver basin there seen and known, Three of the great captains heads presented to Solyman as Constantinople. which were the heads of Paulus Bachitius the valiant Hungarian captain, Antius Macer General of the Carinthian horsemen, and Lodronius General of the footmen: which after the tyrant had looked asquint upon, as abhorring that loathsome sight, he with stern countenance commanded all the prisoners to be slain. But upon the intercession of the janissaries, who entreated for them, as valiant men, to whom they had at the time of their taking given their faith, and might afterwards do him good service, he changed his countenance, and saved many of them. Cazzianer generally ●a●ed. But Cazzianer flying to his own castle, was of all men accused, as a wicked forsaker of his own camp and ensigns, and commonly railed upon, as the eternal infamy of his country, and author of the public calamity: so that it was reported, that he durst neither go abroad nor show his face for shame. He was so generally hated, that infamous libels, made against him and the other captains which had shamefully fled as he did, were commonly sung in the streets by boys in all the cities of GERMANY. Wherewith he was so much grieved, that he requested of king Ferdinand, that he might safely come to the court, to answer whatsoever could be laid against him: which his request the king easily granted, and when he came to the court received him with doubtful countenance. But when the hearing of his cause was by the king somewhat longer protracted than he would have had it, and he in the mean time kept under safe custody; impatient of such delay, and half doubtful whether he should be quitted or condemned, thought it better to fly than to abide the trial. Cazzianer imprisoned, breaketh prison. So feigning himself sick, and scraping up by little and little with his knife a brick pavement under his bed, and so in the night getting out first one brick, and after that another, at length broke thorough the vault, and with his sheets letting himself down, escaped, having post horses ready for him without the castle. Not long after, as he was a man of a hasty and unconstant nature, despairing of his estate, he fled to the Turks, Mahomates gladly receiving him, and beside his great entertainment, promising him the government of all CROATIA, in manner of a tributary king, if he would faithfully serve Solyman, and help him in the subduing of the cities of AUSTRIA. After he had agreed upon all the conditions of his revolt, that he might return to Mahomates with some more credit, he began boldly to deal with Nicholaus Sirenus, a noble man of CROATIA, and his dear friend as he supposed, to revolt with him; assuring him, that Solyman would deal as kindly with them both; as he had before with king john in the kingdom of HUNGARY. Sirenus promised him he would, or at least made as if he promised to do what he desired, and so agreed as it were upon the matter, promising to go over with him to the Turk with a troop of his best and most trusty horsemen. But Sirenus considering with himself the heinousness and impiety of so great an offence, changing his purpose, chose rather to deal treacherously with his old friend, fearing no such thing in his house, than to offend both against God and his prince. Wherefore after he had well feasted Cazzianer at his house, Cazzianer shamefully murdered, and his h●ad sent to king ferdinand. he as a most cruel host, caused him to be slain, and sent his head to king Ferdinand: in reward whereof he received of the king's gift Cazzianer his castle, with all his substance. In the mean time the Venetians, provoked by the Turks with divers injuries both by sea and land (when as Solyman but a little before hardly besieging CORCYRA, and with most barbarous cruelty wasting the island, had broken the league, and even then by his lieutenant Cassimes Bassa besieged EPIDAURUS and NAUPLIUM, two of their cities in PELOPONESUS) resolved without delay to make wars likewise upon him, who for a small trespass would admit no excuse or recompense. Whereunto they were also animated both by Charles the emperor, and Paulus the great Bishop: who warned by the late and dangerous attempts of Solyman and Barbarussa, thought it more for the safety of their estates, by giving aid to the Venetians to keep the Turks busied farther off, than to suffer them to acquaint themselves too much with the ports of ITALY or SICILIA. Wherefore all the Winter following they laboured by their ambassadors to set down what number and what manner of ships, what soldiers, what money, was to be provided, and how to be according to their estates apportioned for the setting forth of a strong fleet, The emperor, the Venetians, and the Bishop of Rome enter into a confederation against the Turks. against the next Summer to be sent into GRaeCIA against the Turks. At last it was agreed amongst these confederate princes by their ambassadors at ROME, That the emperor should furnish and set forth fourscore and two galleys, the Venetians the like number, and the bishop six and thirty, to make up the number of two hundred galleys; that the Venetians should lend unto the bishop so many galleys ready rigged as he should desire to be furnished by him with mariners and soldiers; and that the emperor and the state of GENVA should find sufficient shipping for the transportation of the land forces and victual. The Generals also of this great fleet to be set forth, were at the same time appointed. Andrea's Auria for the emperor, Vincentius Capellus for the Venetians, and Marcus Grimmanus patriarch of AQVILBA, for the Bishop; to whom was joined Paulus justinianus, one of the chief Senators, a man of great experience in sea matters. It was also agreed, that Ferdinand Gonzaga viceroy of SICILY should have the commanding of the land forces, and that whatsoever was got from the Turks in that expedition in GRaeCIA, the Islands, or DALMATIA, should be all faithfully delivered to the Venetians, who had received so many injuries from the Turks. The emperor also of his liberality promised unto the other confederates, that they should for reasonable price have as much wheat as they would out of SICILIA, without paying any custom. Solyman understanding of this confederation and preparation made against him by these Christian princes, 1538 commanded Barbarussa his Admiral to make ready his fleet to go against these enemies, Solyman sendeth Barbar●ssa against the Venetians. and to do all the harm he could upon the Islands subject to the Venetian state. Which thing Barbarussa with great care and diligence in short time performed▪ and so with a hundred and thirty galleys in most warlike manner appointed, with the first of the Spring in the year 1538 departed from HELLESPONTUS directly to CRETE, Barbarussa landing in Crete, is repulsed with loss. where having passed the promontory of GYAMUS, which at this day is called SPARTA, he unadvisedly landed most part of his men, to have surprised the city CANEA, which was in ancient time called SYDONIA: For Grittus one of the Venetian Senators than kept the city with a strong garrison, who from the walls and bulwarks thereof so plagued the Turks with great and small shot, and the sallying out of two companies of Italians, that Barbarussa having lost many of his men, was feign to retire again to his fleet in such haste, that he left behind him a thousand of his Turks, which were gone further into the Island after booty, who were afterwards all slain by them of CRETE. After that, he attempted to have taken divers places in the Island, and was every where notably repulsed. With the city of CANDIA, whereof the Island now taketh name, and was in ancient time called CYTHEUM, he durst not meddle: but sailing almost round about the Island, took only CECILIA, a little town before forsaken of the inhabitants, which he set on fire, and so departed from CRETE: for he was advertised, that Vincentius Capellius the Venetian admiral, who was now come to CORCYRA, would in short time come to relieve them of CRETE. Auria Admiral of the emperors fleet, passing the straight of MESSANA, came to CORCYRA also, and there joined with the Venetians. The confederate princes fleets me●● as Corcyra. The Christian fleet was then so great, that it was thought the Turks durst not meet it at sea, but by all means shun to give battle. For Barbarussa then lay with the Turks fleet in the bay of AMBRACIA, expecting when the Christians should enter the strait entrance thereof, where he had on both sides placed divers pieces of great Ordinance, to have sunk them in their coming in: for Grimanus the Patriarch a little before departing from CORCYRA, had with the great Bishops galleys begun to besiege PREVESA, a town upon the promontory of ACTIUM fast by that straight; and landing some of his soldiers, with three great pieces of artillery, so battered the castle of PREVESA, that he was like enough to have taken it, had not the Turks from AETOLIA come to relieve it with a strong power both of horse and foot. Wherefore the Patriarch shipping again his men and ordinance, returned to the fleet at CORCYRA, not repenting him of his journey, for that he had well viewed the straits of that bay, and all the enemies fleet riding at anchor within it. Upon the return of the Patriarch, and relation made what he had both done and seen, the great commanders of the Christian fleet entered into counsel, what course were best to take for their better proceeding in that great act on. Gonzaga his opinion. Gonzaga the viceroy, General of the land forces, was of opinion, That it was best to land the soldiers and great ordinance, and with all their force to assault the castle of PREVESA: which once taken, and their ordinance there placed, the enemy's fleet might in the bay be utterly defeated, for that all passage to sea might easily be taken from them, by sinking of one of their great ships in the mouth of the straight, and by moaring there of three great galleons full of artillery: so that if Barbarussa would desperately adventure to come out, he must needs be sunk in the mouth of the bay. Auria of ano●ther opinion. Whereunto Auria replied, That Gonzaga his counsel was in words and show glorious, but to be put in execution most dangerous: for that first to land the soldiers and great artillery, he said was a thing too too full of hazard and peril: for it was to be thought, that the Turks in AETOLIA would as they had before done, come with speed with their horsemen to relieve the besieged in the castle, whose force the Christian footmen could hardly abide: Besides that if the fleet should by force of weather be constrained to forsake that coast, as it well might, Autumn now coming fast on, after the soldiers were landed; from whence should they then get any victual in the enemy's country, or what relief should they hope for, if they should hap to be distressed, being on every side beset with their enemies, and their friends by tempest driven from them. Wherefore he thought it best, if the enemy could not be drawn out of the bay to battle, to go directly into the bay of NAUPACTUM, & to take that town which was not greatly fortified, and so to ransack and spoil all the towns even to the bottom of the bay of CORINTH▪ which the Grecians in the fleet said might easily be done: By taking of which course it might so fall out, that Barbarussa moved with the danger of his friends, would for shame come out and join with them in battle. This counsel of Auria was best liked both of Capellius and the Patriarch, being far more desirous to fight with their enemies at sea, than at land. Auria braveth Barbarussa lying in the bay of Ambracia. Auria having put in order his fleet, came to PREVESA, and so to the straight of the bay of AM●RACIA, where he so placed the whole fleet, which was in number two hundred and fifty sail, that it might easily of the enemy be numbered. Which sight (as it was reported) wonderfully troubled Barbarussa, who although he was of a courageous disposition, and such a man as greatly feared not either the valour or martial discipline of the Christians, yet was he exceedingly moved with the sight of so great a fleet, so well appointed; for a greater had not of long time been seen in the Ionian sea. Barbarussa reproved of cowardice by one of the Turks eunuches. So that an eunuch of Soliman's court, sent by him as Barbarussa his companion, seeing him to delay the time, as a man half discouraged, did with most uncivil and proud words take him up, because he would not forthwith go out of the bay and fight with the Christians which lay at the mouth thereof daring of them; wherein he was not (as he said) to regard his own safety, who as a coward could not endure the sight of the enemy, but the honour of Solyman his sovereign, who would not take it well, to have the glory of his name stained with so shameful a delay: for if he were a valiant and martial man, as he professed himself to be, he ought never to despair of victory: And if it should so fall out, that fortune should frown upon them, and not answer to their desires, yet should not Solyman therefore want captains and soldiers better than they, if they were overcome, & the woods of PONTUS would afford him timber enough to build twice so great and strong a fleet. And for a conclusion, the insolent Eunuch willed Barbarussa to beware, that whilst he feared a most honourable death, (which was uncertain, though the battle were lost) he drew not upon himself the certain danger of a most shameful death by the displeasure of Solyman. Barbarussa his answer to Salec concerning the eunuches speech. At which speech Barbarussa turning himself about to Salec, one of the arch pirates, a famous sea man, said unto him: We must for aught that I can see, most valiant and faithful captain, adventure this battle, although it be at too much disadvantage, least happily we perish by the complaints of this barking demie man. And so presently commanded all his fleet to weigh anchor, at the same time that Auria had hoist sail and was on his way toward the bay of NAUPACTUS, thinking that the enemy durst not for fear have come out of the bay of AMBRACIA. Auria keeping on his course, Barbarussa putteth out of the bay of Ambracia, and followeth Auria. was come to LEUCADE, when the enemy's fleet was descried out of the top of Bondelmerius great Galleon to be come out of the bay, and to make towards them, keeping close by the shore: which manner of course the crafty Turk misdoubting his own strength, held of purpose, that if he should chance to be overmatched by the Christians, he might turn the prow of his galleys upon them, and running the poops aground, so to land his men and great ordinance, and from land as he might to defend his fleet: accounting it a less loss (if the worst should chance) to lose the galleys than the men. The order of the Turk● flee●. Auria somewhat troubled with this sudden coming out of the enemy, as with a thing which he then least expected, yet notably stayed himself, and commanded all the fleet to prepare themselves to battle, and to follow his Admiral galley. Now all the Turks fleet was come into the open sea in such order, that Barbarussa himself was in the middle battle, where his Admiral galley was to be seen with many purple flags and streamers flying gallantly in the wind: on his right hand was Tabaches, and Salec on the left, both men of great fame, every one of them having almost like number of galleys, which were in all a hundred and fifty: Unto the middle battle were joined the two wings, in such order, that which way soever the Admiral turned, they turning also, still represented the form of a flying Eagle: so that (as Auria himself afterwards confessed) a more firm or orderly fleet could not have been brought out by any expert captain. Before the fleet, came about twenty nimble galleys, conducted by Drogut (or Dragut) an arch pirate, famous afterwards for the great harm he did unto the Christians. Capellius the Venetian Admiral came in his long boat to Auria, requesting him, That he with his galleys might give the first charge upon the enemy: to whom Auria gave great thanks, and praising his forwardness, requested him to follow him, to whom he would in good time give a sign what he would have done. The foremost of the Turks light galleys was now come to the great Galleon of Bondelmerius, which was the foremost of the Christian fleet, whereunto were sent also certain galleys from Salec, to help to assail that tall ship; which shooting a far off, did no harm, neither Bondelmerius them: who would not suffer one piece to be discharged, for he being an expert sea man, and loath to shoot in vain, expected that they should come nearer unto him, and then upon the sudden to discharge all his great ordinance upon them. Neither was he deceived in that his expectation, for the Turks coming near unto him, were so overwhelmed with the great and small shot out of the Galleon, that they were glad to stay their course, and to retire. In the mean time Auria called back again the ships which were gone before, and caused his Galleon to be towed out; and by boats of purpose sent out, charged the captains of the galleys to make themselves ready to fight, upon signal given by the sound of the trumpet and the displaying of the Admiral's ensign: yet was not Auria of mind to fight with his galleys, without his ships: which thing the crafty enemy well perceived, and sought by all means to join battle with the galleys before the coming in of the tall ships, which were as castles in respect of the galleys: for it was then such a calm, that the ships were not able to keep way with the galleys, and the smooth water seemed to offer a fit opportunity for battle; which so well pleased the Patriarch, that many heard him crying aloud to Auria, to give the signal, and marveled much why he deferred to give battle. For he fetching a great compass, and hovering about his ships, with his galleys kept such a course, that many thought he would upon the sudden have done some strange and unexpected exploit upon the enemy: Auria his po●●ticke course. but Auria held that strange course, of purpose to have drawn the enemy's galleys within the danger of his great ships, who thundering amongst them with their great ordinance, might have easily sore beaten and disordered them, and opened a way unto his galleys to have gotten a most certain victory. But the crafty old Turk doubting by the strangeness of Auria his course, to be circumvented with some fineness, stayed his course, and lay still with his own squadron of galleys, warily expecting to what purpose that strange course of the enemy tended. In the mean time, both the wings of his fleet had a little before the going down of the Sun begun in divers places to encounter with the Christians: Some were in vain still assailing Bondelmerius his great Galleon; others with their great ordinance had so sore beaten two tall ships, wherein Buccanigra and Mongaia, two Spanish captains, were embarked with their companies, that they were given for lost, many of the soldiers and mariners being slain: Two other ships loaded with victual, the one of VENICE, the other of DALMATIA, were burnt by the Turks, and some few of the men saved by their ship boats, and by swimming to the ships nearest unto them. In the shutting in of the evening, Sale● took two galleys straggling behind the rest of the fleet, whereof Mozenicus a Venetian, and Bebiena a Florentine, were captains. After these galleys, was taken also the ship of Aloysius Figaroa a Spaniard, although his soldiers had for a time fought most valiantly. In this ship with Figaroa the father, was taken his son, a young gentleman, and beautified with all the good gifts of nature; who afterwards presented to Solyman, turned Turk: and growing in credit in Soliman's chamber, after three years miserable imprisonment, obtained his poor father's liberty, and sent him well rewarded home again into SPAIN. Whilst both the fleets were thus expecting how they might to their most advantage join battle, suddenly arose a great tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain, with a fresh gale of Easterly wind: The Christian flee● shamefully ●li●th. whereupon the Christians seeing the Turks hoisting up their small sails, without delay hoist up both small and great to clear themselves of the enemy; and with that fair wind returned again to CORCYRA; so disorderedly and in such haste, sparing neither sail nor oat, that it seemed rather a shameful flight than an orderly retreat. So that Auria, a man of so great fame at sea, as that he was called a second Neptune, was that day accounted no captain. It is reported, that Barbarussa with the same wind pursued the Christians a while, and being not able longer to see what course they held, by reason of the darkness of the night, to have stayed his course: for the Admirals had caused their lights, which they used to carry in the poops of their galleys, to be then put out. Whereat Barbarussa heartily laughing, said oftentimes in the Spanish tongue: Barbarussa ●●●●leth at Auria. Auria hath therefore put out his light, the better in the dark to hide his flight: noting in him such a fear, as that he without regard of honour sought only how by flight to escape. When they were come to CORCYRA, they were all generally of opinion, That by the benefit of that sudden storm they had avoided a great danger. The emperials, especially the Genoese, to excuse Auria, imputed the cause of so shameful a flight unto the Venetians, who would not from the beginning receive any Spanish soldiers into their galleys, the better to have withstood the enemy; and that Auria therefore doubting of the Venetians, refrained from joining battle, and the rather, because that upon the coming forth of the Turks fleet, they had hoist up their sails tied up to the yards with small lines, which they might at their pleasure easily cut, Barbarussa braveth the Christians. and set sail to fly which way they would. Shortly after came Barbarussa with all his fleet to the island of PAXUS, about four leagues from CORCYRA Eastward, braving the Christians as if he would have fought with them, if they durst come out. Whereat Gonzaga the Viceroy fretting, went to every one of the three great commanders, requesting them for the honour of the Christians, to repress that proud Turk's insolency. At last the matter was brought to that pass, that the Venetians having taken in certain companies of Spaniards, the fleet should be divided into four squadrons, and so to give battle: But this consultation was so long protracted, that Barbarussa fearing the tempestuous Autumn weather, hoist sail, and about the seventh of October returned again into the bay of AMERACIA. After the departing of Barbarussa, the Generals of the Christian fleet directed their course into the bay called SINUS RIZONICUS, to besiege CASTRONOVUM or new Castle, a strong town of the Turks standing in that bay, Castronowm taken by the Christians. and bordering upon the Venetian signiory: the inhabitants were part Dalmatians, part Epirots, which had renounced the Christian religion, and some Turks, living most part by merchandise: Unto this town the Christians laid siege, and in short time won it, where they had a great prey, and a wonderful number of captives of all sorts. Three days after the taking of the town, the castle was also yielded by the Turks garrison, covenanting in vain to depart with life and liberty. This town taken by common force, aught of right by the covenants of the league to have been delivered to the Venetians; yet was it for all that by Auria and Gonzaga reserved for the emperor, and Franciscus Sarmentus with four thousand Spaniards all old soldiers, left there in garrison: Capellius the Venetian Admiral urging in vain the right of the Venetians. Which thing so much grieved the Senate, who ever had the ambitious Spaniard in suspect, and now assured of him as an evil neighbour to their town of CATARUM▪ that repenting themselves of the league with the emperor, they decreed to sue to Solyman for peace: which they afterwards easily obtained, for a short space, by Laurentius Grittus their duke's son, and by the help of Antonius Rincus the French kings ambassador; who then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE, in good time told the great Bassas, that the league the Venetians had made with the emperor, was made without the consent of the greatest part of the Senate, and that war taken in hand against most of their wills. Whilst these things were in doing, Barbarussa put to sea again to have relieved CASTRONOVUM; but being at sea, many of his galleys were by the violence of a sudden tempest driven upon the ACROCERAUNIAN rocks, and there cast away. It is reported, that he lost there twenty thousand men, which with the broken pieces of his galleys were found almost all alongst the coast of DALMATIA. This shipwreck being certainly known, Capellius would have persuaded Auria to have presently pursued Barbarussa so distressed: which motion Gonzaga well liked, as a man desirous by some notable exploit to recompense the disgrace before received at LEUCADE. But Auria for divers causes not liking of the matter, Auria neglecting to pursue Barbarussa, returneth into Italy, to the grief of the Venetian Admiral. was so set down upon his return to ITALY, that he presently hoist sail: leaving the Venetian Admiral in such a rage, that he detested himself for submitting himself to another man's power; and wished the captains there present, never to subject themselves to the command of a stranger, for as much as that Genua, either upon cowardice or malicious mind, as an old enemy to the Venetian state, would not prosecute so manifest a victory, but put up so shameful a disgrace as he had before received. But of all this Auria made small reckoning, referring all that he both said and did, so far unto the emperor's commodity, that Valerius Vrsinus a noble gentleman, then serving in the Venetian pay, merrily said, That Auria had done nothing but wisely and politicly, in setting the Venetians together by the ears with the Turks, & opening a gate for a long war, whether the Venetians would or not, so as the emperor himself could not have better wished, and that without the loss of one galley. For it was thought by many, that the long wars betwixt the Turks and the Venetians, would sort to the great good of the emperor; when as the Venetians worn out and spent with those long and chargeable wars against so mighty an enemy, should be stripped of their lands and territories, either by force, or some hard composition wrung from them by necessity. CASTRONOVUM thus taken, and Sarmentus with a garrison of four thousand Spaniards there placed as is aforesaid, and the Christian fleet dissolved, Solyman took the matter so grievously, that he determined to besiege it again both by sea and land: and in his fury, caused NAUPLIUM and EPIDAURUS, two of the Venetian cities in the country of PELOPON●SVS, to be straightly besieged. 1539 Yet took he singular pleasure, that Barbarussa his Admiral▪ in all respects worse furnished, had driven out of the Sea the great fleet of the Christians, which he before that time had made too great account of. Barbarussa sent by Solyman to besiege Castrono●um. Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring, which was in the year 1539, Barbarussa by his commandment repaired again his fleet, and notably furnished it with all manner of warlike provision; manning his galleys for the most part with janissaries and other such select soldiers. With this fleet Barbarussa (Summer now well come on) departed out of the HELESPONTUS, and came to the bay RIZONICUS; at which time also Vlames the Persian, than Governor of BOSNA, showed himself with his forces upon the mountains as he had in charge from Solyman▪ Barbarussa before he entered the straits of the bay; sent before him Dragut and Corsetus, two notable pirates, with thirty galliots, who landing their men near unto CASTRONOVUM (as they were commanded) were valiantly encountered by Sarmentus with his Spaniards, and forced again to their galliots, many of the Turks being slain and taken prisoners. After that came Barbarussa, with ninety galleys, and three tall ships which carried the artillery for battery and other necessary provision for the camp; where he spent three days in landing his great ordinance and casting up trenches, which could not be done but by night, by reason of the continual shot out of the town: wherewith the Spaniards had in that three days space slain above a thousand Turks; amongst whom was Agis Hariadenus, who had made himself as it were a king at TAIOR●A, a city near TRIPOLI in AFRICA; whose death much grieved Barbarussa, Castronowm hardly besieged by Barbarussa. as one of his most ancient and best friends. At length Barbarussa having cast up his trenches, landed four and fifty great pieces of artillery for battery; whereof he gave a fourth part to Vlames to batter the town on the North side, whilst he in the mean time, in three divers places battered the East side; and Salec from Sea with ten galleys, did morning and evening batter another part of the wall. Whilst Sarmentus was thus in so many places assailed, and did what was possible to have repaired the breaches; the Turks by force took one of the towers, where after they had displayed their ensigns, they from thence with their shot sore troubled the Spaniards. At the same time also, Vlames had made a breach, and was ready on the other side of the city to enter. In which extremities, Sarmentus seeing no means longer to defend the city, commanded the hurt soldiers to get them into the castle below, and the rest with him to take the market place, there to die together like men: where the Turks straightway breaking in on every side upon them, Castronowm taken. made a most bloody and cruel fight, wherein the Spaniards overwhelmed with shot, and the multitude of their enemies, were slain almost every man. Sarmentus wounded in the face with three arrows, and wearied with long fight, seeing Sancius Fria a captain ready to fly, Sarmentus slain. sharply reproved him, and catching him by the hand, made him there to tarry by it, until they were there both together slain. Many valiant captains were there lost, whose names for brevity I omit. Aloysius Arius, and certain other captains, who together with the wounded soldiers were got into the castle, seeing no means to defend the place, yielded themselves: whom Barbarussa according to his promise, took to mercy in sparing their lives, yet carried them away into captivity to CONSTANTINOPLE. The dead body of Sarmentus could not be known amongst so many heaps of the dead, although Barbarussa had caused most diligent search to be made for it, and offered great sums of money and liberty also, to who soever could discover it; being desirous to have sent his head for a present to Solyman. Barbarussa proud of this victory, began forthwith to gape after CATTARUS a city of the Venetians in the bottom of the same bay: and thereupon writ threatening letters to joannes Bembus one of the Venetian Senators than Governor of the city, presently to deliver the city; which he would (as he said) otherwise assault by force. Whereunto Bembus answered again by letters, That in so doing, he should violate the league lately made with Solyman, and that he should find him ready by force to repel his forces. Wherewith Barbadussa displeased, sent certain galleys into the bottom of the bay; who discharging certain great pieces at the city, made show as if they had come to besiege it. At whom Bembus as a man of good courage, caused as many more like pieces to be discharged, and showed his men upon the walls: Which thing Barbarussa perceiving, stayed his course, and calling back his galleys, returned to CASTRONOVUM, from whence (better appeased with presents afterwards sent from Bembus) he departed out of that bay. The long wars betwixt Charles the emperor and Francis the French king, were now well pacified, and such friendship (at leastwise in show) now grown betwixt these two great princes, that most men thought that all other quarrels laid aside, they would now at length with united forces go against the great and dangerous enemy of Christendom: Which opinion no● altogether of the wiser sort believed, Alphonsus Vastius and Hanibaldus sent ambassadors from the emperor and the French king to the State of Venice. was yet at this time wonderfully confirmed by many extraordinary and rare courtesies then passing betwixt them, which concern not this history; as also, in that two of their most famous captains, Alphonsus Vastius, and Hanibald, were as it were with one consent by them both sent ambassadors to VENICE, to have drawn the Venetians into the confederation of that war against the Turk. Which two renowned captains coming to VENICE, most gallantly accompanied, were by Landus the duke, and the whole State, with great magnificence received, the people after their wont manner flocking together in every place to behold them so noble captains sent from such mighty princes; but especially Vastius, whose fame having many times before filled their ears, made them now the more desirous to satisfy their eyes also with the beholding of his tall and comely person. Which two famous captains admitted into the Senate, for that purpose fully assembled, and audience given: Vastius arising from the duke's side, in these or like words delivered their embassage. Vastius his Oration to the Venetian Senat. It is come to pass (as I suppose) by the great providence of Almighty God, and of all the divine powers (most noble duke and honourable Senators) that two of the most mighty kings of EUROPE, who of late had of long time made mortal wars one upon another; touched with the zeal of religion, are become great friends: Undoubtedly to that purpose only, that having made a firm peace, they may bring such a general quietness to the long troubled and afflicted state of Christendom, as best beseemeth their greatness; and taking in hand a sacred war, to revenge so many calamities received from the Infidel. That this might be made known unto you (most noble Venetians) these mighty Monarches have sent us hither in good time to kindle in you the like zeal, wherewith it is well known you have always for the honour of your State been inflamed: for you of all others, which are of such power and valour at sea, they wish for, as their fellows and confederates in this sacred wore and hoped victory, and think you worthy, which should enjoy the especial fruit of all that labour. For as much as the Christian forces once renewed, & so great and strong a fleet once assembled, every man seeth that the Turks must needs be too weak: although they brag, that they carried away the victory of late at ACTIUM, when as they then escaped the victorious ●ands of our men, not by their own valour, but by the unexpected hap of a sudden storm. For all the powers of heaven and earth, and of the sea also, will be propitious unto us, uniting so great forces, in the regard of our sacred religion; and will so take away the hearts of the Infidels, that they shall learn to be overcome. As for our land forces, we are to hope nothing but well, for as much as unto those which the emperor of late brought into the field at VIENNA, and caused the Turkish emperor to fly, shall be joined not only all the horsemen and infantry of FRANCE, a wonderful strength, but Sigismond also king of POLONIA will without delay bring forth his armies, wherewith he hath been used in the quarrel of the Christian religion happily to fight against the Infidels: so that it is not to be doubted of a most certain and assured victory. Wherefore the victorious emperor and most Christian king Francis most instantly request you to enter into the like godly cogitations, conceived for the general good of the Christian name, and religiously to embrace the hope of a most true & glorious victory: and further exhort you, by a wholesome decree to avert your religious and courageous hearts from the friendship of the Infidels. For it may worthily seem unto your most honourable minds, a most foul and shameful thing, to have renewed your league, and to have preferred an infamous and uncertain peace before a most religious and just war. Neither doth it beseem this most wealthy State to be terrified from that which is good and right, with any charges of war, ●e they never so great: for if we shall once overcome, which is incident to this present and long wished occasion, we shall by the profit of one victory, either by sea or land, to your incomparable praise recompense all the losses by us in former times received. The answer of the duke to Vastius. Whereunto the duke in the name of the whole State answered, That there never happened any thing at any time unto the Venetian Senate more honourable, for the manner of the embassage, or for the public security of their estate, more to be desired than the hope of such a peace: after that two most mighty kings by two such famous captains their ambassadors, did certify them of their atonement and assured peace, most glorious to themselves, to their eternal praise, wholesome also to the Venetian state, beset with so many dangers, and wonderfully to be wished for of all the other princes of Christendom, if they would sincerely & religiously with their forces by common consent united, resolve upon that sacred war: for than would not the Venetians be wanting to themselves or the Christian commonweal, but end the league they had with the Turk, not with a dishonourable peace but with arms and victory. Wherefore it was to be requested of Almighty God by prayer, That those puissant kings would with religious and happy event speedily and seriously fulfil all that hope of peace, which they had by their mutual discourses and embracings in show promised unto the world. In few days after certain of the select Senators sitting in counsel, after the manner of that State, called the ambassadors unto them and asked them, Whether they knew any thing of the articles and capitulations wherein that league and confederation was to be concluded? and by the way, whether they thought the emperor in regard of that peace would give unto the French kings son the dukedom of MILAN, Vastius his answer to the demand of the Venetian Senators. as was reported? Whereunto Hanebald the French ambassador answering nothing, Vastius said, That he knew nothing more, but that the two great princes had agreed thereof betwixt themselves, and that the emperor had desired the peace, as one willing to help the afflicted and declining state of the Christian commonweal: which thing any man might see could not be effected or brought to pass, but that the emperor must in many things yield to the requests of the French king, and redeem his good will: For the noble mind (said he) worthy Senators, can easily make light of the greatest loss of his own things, when it forseeth a large way opened thereby to eternal fame and glory. These words were very glorious and gracious to the hearers: but they, as men of great experience, could not let it sink in their minds, that the emperor whom they had often deeply sounded, would ever depart with the dukedom of MILAN, which only thing the French king required, and had for the recovering thereof unfortunately striven almost twenty years, to the trouble and disquiet of a great part of the world. The nobility and authority of this embassage more moved the Senate than did the other former ambassadors, Didaco Mendoza, a Spaniard, and Guilielmus Pellicerius, a Frenchman, than both present: yet was it much suspected by the Venetians, because it contained no certain resolution, but only the bare hope of a future peace; so that it was by many men supposed to be but a matter devised to deceive others and to serve the emperors turn to his greater profit. Yet all the cunning seemed to rest in this point, That the Venetians led on with the hope of this league, should neglect the renewing of the league they had the year before taken with Solyman, which was now almost expired. Upon which uncertainty of other men's resolutions, the grave Senators thought too dangerous a matter to depend. Upon this question of this new league and confederation to be made with these Christian princes against the Turk, The Venetian Senator● diversly affected towards the confederation with the emperor and the French king, against Solyman. the Senate was wonderfully divided: some favouring the emperors request, inveighed against the renewing of that shameful league with the infidels, which they said was nothing else, but as much as in them lay to betray unto them the other parts of Christendom, and especially ITALY, destitute of their help, and yet not to be obtained without great charge; and with many reasons urged the honourable confederation with these Christian princes: others of a deeper reach, considering what infinite harms they had from time to time received by falling out with the Turks, and suspecting also the emperors drift, and joining thereunto the consideration of the great dearth then reigning in the city, which was not to be relieved but out of MACEDONIA and GRaeCIA, the Turks countries; the emperor having at that time as it were of purpose imposed so great a custom upon all corn to be transported out of SICILY, that the very custom came to as much as both the price of the corn and the freight together: all which mischiefs they said were to be prevented by renewing the league with Solyman. This matter was with great heat debated in the Senate too and fro, either part having great faultours: so that the Senators spent almost whole Winter nights in the court in discoursing and consulting what were best to be done. But whatsoever was there said or decreed, was forthwith by one of the factions or other made known, not only to the ambassadors present in the city, but by letters also discovered into provinces far off: a thing never before in that state known, which had ever used as it were with a religious silence to keep secret whatsoever was there decreed. Which thing Marcus Foscarus, Foscarus a 〈◊〉 Senator. an old Senator and a man of great wisdom, perceiving, said openly, That the state was betrayed by the multitude and corruption of voices, and must needs shortly perish, if it were not speedily committed to the grave and faithful judgement of some few: for there was almost two hundred of them which gave voices, reducing that multitude to the number of fifty, who for their experience and love toward their country, were holden for men of greatest gravity and secrecy: so was the madness of many stayed by the discretion of a few. Fosca●us disgraced by the multitude. But Foscarus shortly after fell into such hatred of the multitude, grieved to be as light headed men without discretion, so excluded out of the counsel, that he was by the voices of the multitude first thrust out of the counsel himself, and by them kept a great while after from all the preferments and honours of the city: being indeed one of the gravest Senators, and a man of deepest judgement. Which disgrace turned afterward to his great honour and credit, as one that had foreseen much, after they were once found out and condemned which had traitorously revealed the secrets of the State. The Venetians send Aloysius Badoerius their ambassador to Solyman, to conclude a peace. But this long consultation concerning the confederation, came to this end, That the Senators doubting the union of those two great princes, and yet willing to expect the event▪ decreed forthwith to send three ambassadors; whereof two should be sent to the emperor and the French king to discover their designs, and the third, which was Aloysius Badoerius, a wise and well spoken man, was with all speed dispatched away to Solyman, to prevent the fame of the distrust to be conceived of the agreement of those great Christian princes, and if he could by any means, to spare for no cost, to save unto the Venetians their cities of NAUPLIUM and EPIDAURUS, which Solyman required of them before he would grant them peace. Which if it could not be obtained of the proud and crafty tyrant, than to yield unto necessity, and to conclude a peace with him upon any conditions: which course the Decemviri thought to be most expedient for the State: yet concerning the yielding up of the cities, they gave him secret instructions and warrant, fearing forsooth the force and tumult of the headstrong multitude, who if they had known any such thing, would undoubtedly thereupon have taken occasion to have crossed and overthrown that most wholesome decree: for there was no doubt, that if they had delayed the matter, and sought for peace too late, but that Solyman would upon another man's weakness and necessity have increased his insatiable desire, and not granted them peace, being brought low & forsaken, except they would deliver unto him the islands of CEPHALENIA, ZACINTHUS, and CORCYRA, a matter no less grievous than the destruction of the very city of VENICE itself. So that the great ambassadors Vastius and Hanebald, who came of purpose to have hindered the league with the Turk; by their great diligence wrought nothing more effectually, than that the Venetians the better foreseeing the danger of their estate, should as they did, make haste to conclude the same: for it falleth out in men's purposes and actions, That a good and happy success otherwise well hoped for, is oftentimes marred with too much diligence and ca●e. Neither was it any doubt, but that Hanebald was sent by the French king but for fashion sake, and secretly underhand by Pelliterius the old ambassador persuaded the Venetians to hasten the conclusion of peace with Solyman. Which as Badoerius their ambassador was carefully soliciting the matter at CONSTANTINOPLE, and being loath to yield the strong cities which Solyman required, offering unto him in stead of them a great sum of money: Solyman took him up with threatening words as a shameless dissembler, The most se●ret decree of the Venetian Senate made known to Solyman. earnestly protesting▪ That he would never grant him peace, without the yielding of those cities; rehearsing unto him the most secretest points of his embassage, and how that he was authorised from the Decemviri to yield them unto him: which thing the ambassador little thought Solyman had known. Wherefore Badoerius so shamefully reproved, 1540 and standing in doubt of his life, seeing the greatest secrets of his embassage revealed to Solyman and his Bassas, A peace concluded betwixt the Venetians and Solyman. was glad to accept of peace, by yielding unto him NAUPLIUM and EPIDAURUS, two cities in PELOPONESUS, and with them NADINUM and LABRANA, two castles of DALMATIA, to the great grief of the whole Senate: for granting whereof the common people ignorant of the secret decree of the Decemvi●i, and supposing that Badoerius had given away that which he had no authority to give, were so enraged against him at his return, that it was much ado to save the guiltless man from exile, and his goods from confiscation, although the traitors were then known which had discovered the secrets of the state unto the Turks. The traitors which revealed the secrets of the Venetian state to Solyman, executed. These were Mapheus Leonius a Senator, and Constantinus Cobatius, secretary to the college of the Decemviri, and Franciscus Valerius, one of the Senators base sons; the traitorous disperser of the Turks money for the corruption of others: who with other his complices were for the same fact hanged in the market place, when as Leonius and Cobatius were a little before fled into FRANCE. About the same time which was in the year of our Lord 1540, died joannes Sepusius king of HUNGARY, Soliman's tributary; after whose death ensued great wars in HUNGARY, and the lamentable subversion of that flourishing kingdom: for the better conceiving whereof, it shall not be amiss with as much brevity as the plainness of the history will permit, to open the causes and grounds of the endless calamities which afterwards ensued, and never took end, until that warlike kingdom was to the great weakening of Christendom utterly subverted. King Ferdinand and this tributary king john, had with like desire of peace and quietness, made between them a league; profitable to them both as their estates then stood, rather than honourable: yet most welcome to the Hungarians, who divided into factions, and having followed some the one king and some the other, enjoyed nevertheless their lands and goods by the benefit of this peace; the towns and castles being still kept by them in whose possession they then were at the making of the peace. In the capitulations of which peace, it was comprised, That Ferdinand should from thenceforth call john by the name of a king, whereas before he had both in his common talk and letters called him by the name of the Vayvod only: It was also expressly set down in the same articles of peace, and subscribed with the hands of divers of the nobility of HUNGARY, That if king john should die, king Ferdinand should succeed him in the whole kingdom of HUNGARY: Which condition was suppressed and kept very secret for fear of Solyman, who accounted of that kingdom as of his own, gotten by law of arms, and bestowed upon king john as upon his vassal: neither was it to have been thought, that if he should have known thereof (being of a haughty mind by nature, and not able to endure any injury) he would have suffered that kingdom, got and defended with so great danger and cost, to be by the will of an unthankful man, transferred unto his enemies. This matter of so great importance, The secret confederation betwixt king Ferdinand and king john revealed. was (as it is reported) by Hieronymus Lascus ambassador for king Ferdinand to CONSTANTINOPLE, revealed unto Solyman and the Bassas, to bring king john into hatred. So much did this noble gentleman, for his rare virtues otherwise greatly to have been commended, yield unto his grief, and desire of revenge: when after the death of Aloysius Grittus, he fell from the friendship of king john, being (as is before declared) by him committed to prison, and hardly afterwards enlarged, at the request of king Sigismond. Whereupon Solyman being exceedingly angry with king john, called him unthankful churl, and turning himself about to Lutzis bassa his brother in law, said, How unworthily do these two Christian kings wear their crowns upon their faithless heads; who as shameful deceivers are not afraid, either for worldly shame or fear of God, for their profit to falsify their faith! But king john understanding thereof, and wonderfully fearing his own estate, did by good friends and rich presents, pacify Solyman again, laying all the blame upon king Ferdinand, as better able to bear it. King john in his old years marrieth Isabella king Sigismond his daughter. Not long after, king john having set his kingdom in good order, and strongly fortified the city of BUDA: being now far stricken in years, at the earnest request of most of the nobility of HUNGARY and other his best friends, married Isabella the daughter of Sigismond king of POLONIA, a gracious lady, and of great spirit: which king Sigismond had long before married Barbara king john his sister, after whose death he married the lady Bona Sfortia, the daughter of joannes Galeacius duke of MILAN, by whom he had this lady Isabella whom king john now married. Which marriage Solyman liked well of, having many times by way of talk before condemned the single life of the king: but king Ferdinand liked thereof nothing at all, plainly foreseeing, that the Hungarians (if the king should chance to have a son) would forthwith look upon him as their natural king, and reject himself as but a stranger. This young queen in short time (as he had feared) conceived with child, The Queen with child. and was now very big: when king john was enforced to make an expedition in person himself against Maylat (famous for the death of Aloysius Grittus) and Bala●, both Governors of TRANSILVANIA: whereof Maylat not contented with the name of Vayvod or Governor, sought to make himself king. But Solyman detesting the impudent arrogancy of the faithless man, and hating him for the death of Grittus, and the Turks slain with him, advertised king john of all the matter, wishing him to be more circumspect whom he trusted with the government of so great and rich a country. So Maylat shamefully rejected of Solyman, and out of hope of a kingdom, fearing also to be thrust quite out of his government by king john, thought it best for his own safety, to raise up all the province into rebellion, and to take part with king Ferdinand: which thing Ferdinand by his divers agents secretly furthered to the uttermost. For these two kings, although they were at peace the one with the other, and in words and show made semblance of friendship; yet in heart they envied and hated each other, as if they should presently have waged war. At that same time king john exacted of his subjects, and especially of them of TRANSILVANIA, a great sum of money, to pay the Turk his tribute, than two years behind: which thing served Maylat and his complices, as a fit occasion to raise the people into rebellion; persuading them, that there was no reason to pay unto the Turk such a tribute, as would serve well to wage ten years honourable war against him: so that by that and such like persuasion, all the province was in an uproar, little differing from manifest rebellion. To appease these dangerous troubles thus arising, king john sent certain of his chief nobility and best captains with a great power into TRANSILVANIA, following after himself in his chariot, not yet well recovered of his late sickness: These noble men entering in two places into TRANSILVANIA, and scouring up and down the country, had in short time so used the matter, that what by force what by policy, the tumult was well pacified, and divers of the chief offenders worthily executed. Maylat the ambitious author of this sedition, not able to hold the field against the king, and seeing himself beset on every side with his enemies, retired himself with all his wealth into a town called FOGARAS, a place of great strength, which the king's power shortly after hardly besieged: the king himself then lying at SIBYNIUM, the chief city of TRANSILVANIA, about a mile distant from FOGARAS, sick of an ague, whereinto he was again fallen through too much care and pains taken in traveling in that hot time of the year, the days being then at the longest. Queen Isabella delivered of a son. Whilst he thus lay sick at SIBYNIUM, and his army fast by at the sige of FOGARAS, news was brought unto him from the court, That the queen his wife was delivered of a fair young son: which was no sooner bruited abroad, but the Hungarians as men overjoyed, came flocking to the court where the king lay, discharging their pieces in triumph, with all other signs of joy and mirth they could possible devise: the noble men came from the camp to rejoice with the king, and all the army was filled with gladness. And for the greater solemnity of this so common a joy, a royal feast was prepared, which the noble men would needs have the king to honour with his presence, though he were thereto unwilling, being as yet but a little recovered: Howbeit yielding to their importunity, he suffered himself to be overruled and brought to the feast by them, which was unto him the merriest and the last that ever he made: for willing to show his inward joy, and to content his nobility there present, he forgot himself, and eat and drank more liberally than was for the health of his weak body: whereby the fever which had but a little before left him, was again renewed, in such sort, as that he well perceived he could not long endure. Wherefore feeling his end to draw fast on, he made his will, appointing his young son to be his heir, The death of king john. whom he committed to the tuition of George bishop of VERADIUM, and Peter Vicche a noble gentleman and his near kinsman, until he came to age; requesting the rest of the noble men to prefer his son in the succession of the kingdom, before a stranger, telling them, That Solyman would undoubtedly take upon him the protection both of the kingdom and of his son, if they would in time send ambassadors unto him with presents, and promise for his son, that he should reign as his tributary as he had done before: and so presently after died. This king was of a courteous and gentle nature, bountiful, and in all his doings just, of no fierce and rough disposition, as the Hungarians commonly are, but of a most civil behaviour, garnished with good letters, and thoroughly schooled in the divers chances of both fortunes, not measuring his actions by the strength of his power, but by the exact rule of discretion; for in time of business no man was more circumspect or vigilant than he, nor in time of recreation any man more courteous or pleasant. The honourable saying of king john. He used oftentimes to say▪ That the favour and love of valiant men gotten by bounty and courtesy, was the best treasures of a prince; for that courteous and thankful men, did oftentimes in some one worthy piece of service, plentifully repay whatsoever had been bestowed upon them: as for such as were unthankful, they did to their shame bear the testimony of another man's virtue. The king's death was kept secret until such time as the noble men had agreed with Maylat, that he should take an oath of his faithful allegiance to the king▪ and his son his lawful heir, and so still to enjoy his former place and government: which offer Maylat gladly accepted. Then calling together the counsel, it was decreed to send the same embassage to Solyman, which was appointed the old king yet living. So were presently dispatched away two most honourable ambassadors, Ambassadors sent out of Hungar●e to Solyman joannes Exechius bishop of QVINQVE ECLESIE, and Stephanus Verbetius the Chancellor, a man of great years, carrying with them ten boles of pure gold curiously wrought, six hundred of silver, gilt and engraven; forty pieces of purple silk and cloth of gold for Turk's gowns, and fifty pound of coined gold, to be paid in the name of two years tribute. Which ambassadors passing directly from SIBYNIUM over Danubius into SERVIA, and so traveling thorough THRACIA, came to CONSTANTINOPLE. In the mean time, the dead body of the king was with much heaviness carried from SIBYNIUM to ALBA REGALIS, most part of the army following it, and there with great solemnity buried. After this the young child was christened and called Stephen, and there presently crowned with the ancient crown of king Stephen, A young child crowned king of Hungary. who first erected that kingdom, & without which the Hungarians never accounted their kings lawfully crowned. Yet the royal dignity was by the common consent of the nobility given unto the queen, with condition, that in all public writings the names of the son and of the mother should be joined, and the king's money coined with the same inscription: but the chiefest authority rested in George the bishop, for he was treasurer, and had at his command the castles and strong holds: yet were the soldiers with their ensigns and furniture, at the devotion of Valentinus Thuracus: In the middle between these two was placed Peter Vicche the king's kinsman, and by the old king appointed for one of the tutors to his young son, suspected of neither part, honoured with the name of high Constable. But because the name of this George the bishop was most famous in this woeful war which we are about to write, I thought it worth the labour to speak something of his nature and disposition, that it may be known to all posterity by what policy this war was managed, and how this flourishing kingdom by the madness of the Hungarians came into the hands of the Turks. This George was borne in CROATIA, and brought up from his youth in the house of king john, where virtue and industry never wanted relief; when as he unadvisedly before, had entered into the orders of a monastical life, and weary too late of the straightness thereof, had forsaken his profession. George bishop of Veradium one of the king's tutors▪ a notable man▪ Wherefore being of a wonderful pleasing nature, and still following king john, driven out of his kingdom and long living in exile, he won such credit and commendation for his fidelity, integrity, and ready counsel in the kings most doubtful and dangerous affairs, that after Sibacchus that worthy bishop, was by the treachery of Aloysius Grittus slain at BAXOVIA, he obtained the great bishopric of VERADIUM. After that, when he had strengthened his credit with great wealth, he always as a faithful counsellor swayed and happily ruled both the court and kingdom, to the profit of the king. But he was of such a divers and pliant nature, that performing in all actions all the parts of a most ready and excellent man, he seemed to be made of contrary qualities, and borne to do any thing: For in saying of his princely service, and performing the other ceremonies of the Christian religion, he showed, or at leastwise counterfeited such a contrition in his devout countenance and speech, that a man would not have thought it could possibly be the same man, who in the most weighty affairs both of war and peace, did most stoutly show the wonderful force of a most pregnant and courageous wit: For he used to keep whole companies of most excellent and ready horsemen, and would oftentimes come forth into the battle armed: he would with often banquets and rewards win the hearts of the soldiers; and after the manner of great chieftains, maintain the honour and credit of his name, both with punishment and reward, as occasion required. Besides that, no man looked into the wealth of the kingdom more diligently than he, no man did to more profit let to farm the customs, gold mines, feedings, and saltpits; no man could devise finer means to raise money, of all others the readiest way to credit: insomuch, that king john would confess himself to reign by the especially industry of that man: and king Ferdinand would many times say, That he envied at K. john for nothing he had, but for one hooded fellow which was better for the defence of a kingdom, than 10000 with helmets on their heads. Wherefore this bishop having taken upon him the tuition of the young king, was still busied in all the weighty causes of the kingdom, both civil & martial: he laboured with great care, that the Hungarians should agree together in love and unity, and did what he might, providently to foresee that no tumult or rebellion should any where arise, whereby the beginning of the kingdom, yet but weak, might any way be troubled. But king Ferdinand hearing of the death of king john, thought it now a fit time for him to recover again the kingdom of HUNGARY, which he had so long desired. Whereunto he was also the more pricked forward by the persuasion of Alexius Torso, Ferentius Gnarus, Petrus Bachit, The fugitive Hungarian● persuade king Ferdi●and to invade Hungary. Balthasar Pamphilus, Erancus Capoln●tes, janus Castellamphus, and Casparus Seredus; all noblemen or gentlemen of great account in HUNGARY, who in the former troubles following the part of king Perdinand against king john, lived now in exile: these all with one consent told king Ferdinand, That now or never was the time when they might be again restored unto their country with honour; and that the war might that Autumn be dispatched, if he would make haste: for as much as Winter coming fast on would stay the coming of the Turks, and such noble men of HUNGARY as took part with the queen, did not very well agree together, being unwilling to be commanded by George the Apostata monk, who (as they said) with great cunning and dissimulation seducing the queen, and possessing the treasure, enjoyed all alone the power of a king: and that they, which for taking part with the right had long lived as banished men, might now safely return into their country, and be honourably preferred by the queen; the Bishop (which all commanded) assuring them thereof, if they would return unto the young kings court▪ unto their friends and ancient houses. But they had as they said, before given their faith unto him as to a virtuous and faithful prince, whom they had preferred before one that was an Hungarian borne: wherefore he should do both unadvisedly and unkindly, if letting slip the occasion presented▪ he should defer to make war. For what could be more dishonour to him so great a king, and also emperor elect, than by shameful delay to forsake them, being noble and valiant gentlemen, which had followed his part, and were then ready with strong troops of horsemen to do him the best service they could? The Germane captains in like manner persuaded him to take the matter in hand, who as martial men, expecting some one preferment, some another, in the army, were desirous of honour, pay, and prey, the chief comforts of their travel and peril. Laschus dissuadeth king Ferdinand from see●in● for the ki●●dome of Hu●garie by 〈◊〉 persuading him rather to requisite of courtesy of Solyman. But Laschus the Polonian, who in matters concerning peace and war saw more than all they (as he that knew the disposition of many princes, and had seen the manners and fashions of divers nations, having traveled thorough a great part of the world, and oftentimes been ambassador in the courts of the greatest princes) was of a contrary opinion, and told king Ferdinand plainly, That the kingdom of HUNGARY was to be obtained rather by policy than by force, by craving it at Soliman's hand, to hold it of him by tribute as king john did. For (said he) that may by petition and fair entreatance be easily obtained of that heroical prince (who in his vain humour oftentimes fond seeketh after honour) which will never be got from him by force of arms. I thoroughly know (said he) Soliman's haughty mind, and the proud disposition of his Bassas: he contemneth wealth, and is cloyed with so many kingdoms: but they upon their insatiable covetousness and exceeding pride, desire nothing, nor persuade him to nothing more than war. Wherefore it is good to beware, that with the noise of this sudden war you stir not up the Turks, which lie ready as it were expecting such an occasion, which cannot be withstood, but by the united forces of the Christian princes; which might by their general consent be done, but that their eyes blinded with fatal darkness cannot see it, and the unity of the Christians now desperate, seemeth by God reserved to some better time: seeing that of late the Christian kings are fallen off, and cannot agree upon the long expected peace. Is not (said he) the French king deceived of his hope? and as he would have it thought, greatly dishonoured with this late unkindness? which renewing his old wound, will revive in him an endless hatred. Away with all dissimulations, enemy unto grave counsels, and let plain truth, although unpleasant unto princes ears, prevent flattery▪ Undoubtedly, he being a prince of no base courage (as it oftentimes falleth out with men thoroughly grieved) will in his anger as an enemy power forth his gold, whereof he hath good store, to cross the emperors designs, to trouble the assemblies of the states of GERMANY, to withdraw the minds of the princes, and with bounty to gain them to himself: who mightily envying the imperial dignity, wont to be indifferently given to them that best deserved the same, to be as it were invested in the house of AUSTRIA; which in this perpetual succession of so many emperors, hath as it were got a right by long custom. Wherefore they will secretly conspire together, and as notable lingerers by nature, will either give no help at all, or else too late: at such time as the Turks garrisons shall come flying to the succour of the young king. Neither is there any cause why any man should think that the governors of the Turks countries near at hand, will for the approach of Winter be slack in this cause: for they undoubtedly making an honest and honourable show will take upon them the defence of the fatherless child and widow; of purpose, to make an entrance to the secret desire they have to gain the kingdom to themselves: for if you shall once join with them in battle, if the best happen, and fortune favour our first attempts, truly you shall have war without end, with such an enemy, which will bring with him wealth that will never be spent, power not to be overcome, and courageous soldiers sworn to our destruction: So will it come to pass, and I pray God I be a false prophet, that in seeking for the kingdom of HUNGARY by war, you shall at length be glad to fight for AUSTRIA itself and your own kingdom also. This speech so moved king Ferdinand, that although he purposed to go on with the war, yet he thought it good by an honourable embassage to prove Soliman's mind and purpose also; Laschus sent ambassador from king Ferdinand to Solyman. which to do no man was thought fitter than Laschus himself, author of that counsel, being unto him very well known, and familiarly acquainted with all the great Bassas of the court: which service Lascus refused not, but being furnished with all things needful for such an embassage, departed from VIENNA towards CONSTANTINOPLE. Yet for all that, king Ferdinand persisting in his former purpose, made withal preparation for wars, trusting upon the aid of the emperor his brother, and the coming over of the Hungarians, who ever thought it cause honest enough for them to revolt, if it so stood with their present profit. King Ferdinand sendeth an ambassador to the queen to demand of her the kingdom of Hungary. But before he would enter into open wars; he sent Nicholas county of SALMA to the queen, to show her the instruments of the last league betwixt the king her late husband and him, & to exhort her to yield up the kingdom, which by the late league was another man's right; and not by delaying of the matter, to hurt both herself and her son: for king Ferdinand offered to give unto the child the province of SEPUSIA, as was before agreed betwixt the two kings expressly in the league, and to the queen a great revenue, and whatsoever else she had in dowry. But if she would forget that lawful league, he threatened, that neither the emperor Charles his brother nor he wanted force wherewith to recover by strong hand the kingdom, annexed to the house of AUSTRIA both by ancient right and the new consent of most of the Hungarian nobility. The county SALMA being received at BUDA, hardly obtained to be admitted to the presence of the queen: for George the Bishop, and Vicche, mistrusting her womanlike courage, said, she was not to be spoken withal, by reason she was so full of heaviness and sorrow; and that they were of authority, as the king's tutors, and ready to give him both audience and answer. Which opinion of her weakness, and want of judgement, the queen being a woman of an heroical and royal spirit, took, as tending so much to her disgrace, that she said she would kill herself, if the ambassadors were not permitted to come into her chamber (which was a dark room hanged with black, as the manner is:) and she sitting upon a low pallet negligently attired, as one that had no care of herself, wan and pale coloured, but as then shedding no tears, yet with voice and countenance so heavy, as might show her tears to be rather dried up with long mourning, than that her sorrow was any thing abated: for the desire of bearing rule had now so possessed her mind, that she contemned all the dangers of imminent war, and for defence of her sovereignty resolved with herself to call in the Turks. After the county admitted to her presence, had with due reverence and great protestation delivered his message, she demurely answered, The queen's answer to the ambassador. That such was the fortune of her sex and years, that being bereft of the king her husband, and perplexed with the daily griefs both of body and mind, she could neither take nor give counsel, but purposed in so weighty a cause to use the advice of Sigismond her father, whose integrity and justice was such, as king Ferdinand needed no other judge or arbitrator to end that controversy: Wherefore she requested a convenient time and space, wherein she might ask counsel of her father; to whose just judgement she said she would stand, as she thought the nobility of HUNGARY would also. Which small time of delay if it should be denied, and that they would needs forthwith make war upon her; she said, that the emperor and king Ferdinand his brother should surely win no great honour, if they should come to oppugn her a widow consumed with tears, and a young child yet crying in his cradle. The county so sent away, when he was returned to king Ferdinand, told him, That the queen was altogether in the power of the Bishop, and could neither say nor do any thing, but what she had before received from him: for he only (as he said) commanded all: as for the rest of the nobility, they shared amongst them the honours and preferments of the realm, and as men desirous of credit and gain, had rather be the governors of the young prince, than the servants and waiters of a great and mighty foreign king: all which he said he had both heard and seen. Wherefore all the hope was in war, wherein such speed was to be used, as that the queen with her son unprovided, and expecting the event of their embassage from CONSTANTINOPLE, might be driven out of BUDA before they could take up arms or well advise themselves what to do; and that the queen sought delay but to make herself the stronger, and in the mean time to call in the Turk, and so to make a more dangerous war. Wherefore if ever he purposed to reign in HUNGARY, he should forthwith cast off all other cogitations, and make ready his forces with all speed possible. King Ferdinand invadeth Hungary. Hereupon king Ferdinand furnished with money from Charles the emperor, without delay raised a great army, which he sent down the river Danubius to STRIGONIUM, which city had all the reign of king john continued faithful to king Ferdinand. The General of this army was Leonardus Velsius, a nobleman of RHETIA: who for many causes thought it expedient first to open the way to BUDA, for almost in the middle of the way stood VICEGRADE, with a goodly castle upon the top of an hill by the river side; which town (but not the castle) Velsius after nine days siege took, Vicegrade taken. with the loss of about two hundred of his men, all the garrison soldiers therein being either slain or taken prisoners, with Valentinus Litteratus their captain. From VICEGRADE he passed over the river Danubius to PESTH, Pesth and Vacia taken. which he took, being forsaken of the enemy. With like success he took the city of VACIA, without loss: and removing thence, Bu●a besieged. and crossing again the river with his fleet, came and encamped before BUDA, so to terrify the citizens, and to discover as far as he could the purpose of the queen. Where Perenus, Stephanus Rascaius, and Franciscus Francopanes bishop of AGRIA, all men of great nobility amongst the Hungarians, revolted from the queen to king Ferdinand: the Bishop was reputed for a man of great integrity, and upon mere conscience to have gone over to Ferdinand; yet was he by letters from George the king's tutor challenged to have revolted, in hope by means of Charles the emperor to be made a Cardinal. Velsius lay with his army at the hot baths about a mile and a half from the city, as if he would rather besiege it, than assault it. The Germans lying there, did fetch in booty round about the country, which was taken in evil part by the Hungarians on their side; who seeing their own cattle or their friends driven away, the villages burnt, and the poor husbandmen bound and taken prisoners, fell together by the eats oftentimes with the Germans. On the other side they of BUDA sending out their troops of horsemen, skirmished with the Germans, if they did but stir out of the camp, and well defended the villages from the injury of the enemy: for Valentinus Thuraccus, General of the queen's power, had taken into the city a wonderful number of light horsemen. Whilst the army lay thus encamped, it fortuned that Balthasar Pamphilus, a noble Hungarian, straying out of the camp even to the gates of BUDA, desired the warders at the gate to give him leave to talk with Valentinus their General, for that he desired to see his old friend, and to confer with him of certain matters concerning the good of the common state. Which thing being granted by the General, he was immediately received into the city with his troop of horsemen. Shortly after returning again into the camp, he reported how he had been entertained by his old acquaintance in the city: where viewing the garrison, the great artillery and fortification of the city, he perceived it was not to be taken without a greater power, and in a more seasonable time of the year. Which thing so moved Velsius, by nature suspicious, and doubtful of the fidelity of a stranger, that he commanded him in anger to void the camp, because he had without his leave gone into the city, King Ferdinand's army departeth from Buda. and upon his own private insolency had conference with the enemy, and by amplifying their strength, to have discouraged the army, by putting them out of hope of victory. Wherefore Velsius never attempting to assault the city, returned again to VICEGRADE to besiege the higher castle (wherein the ancient crown of king Stephen, wherewith the Hungarian kings were ever after him crowned, was kept) which castle he also took with something less loss than he had done the lower town. Not long after he marched with his army to ALBA REGALIS, Alba Regalis yielded to king ferdinand. the city where the Hungarian kings were usually crowned and buried, which by the means of Perenus was delivered unto him, and a garrison put into it for king Ferdinand. These things thus done, Velsius retired again to STRIGONIUM, which he did the rather, because the Germans and Hungarians, two rough nations, could by no means agree together, insomuch, as that Velsius the General in parting them was wounded in the thigh, and Perenus hurt with a stone; besides that Winter was now come far on, and the soldiers cried out for pay. For which causes Velsius (being also sick of the stone) billitted his soldiers for that Winter about in the country. Yet before that he new fortified PESTH, and left therein a garrison, because it was reported, that the Turks upon their frontiers were making preparation to come to aid them of BUDA. At such time as king Ferdinand was levying his forces for the invasion of HUNGARY▪ the queen by the counsel of the Bishop, had in good time craved aid of the Turks lieutenants in the country's bordering upon HUNGARY, especially of Vstref, governor of BOSNA (a very aged man, and of great honour, who had married one of the daughters of Bajazet the old emperor) as also of Mahomethes governor of BELGRADE, and Amurathes who had the charge of the frontiers of DALMATIA: from whom she received one answer, That they might in no case without express commandment from Solyman depart from the places of their charge. Besides that, The queen craveth aid of Solyman against Ferdinand. Mahomates was by rewards overcome by Laschus, as he passed by BELGRADE to CONSTANTINOPLE, not to stir or aid the queen. Wherefore she rejected by these great captains, certified Solyman by her ambassadors what danger herself, her son, and the kingdom was in, craving his speedy aid. Laschus was not yet come to CONSTANTINOPLE, being fallen sick by the way, but had sent before Ptolomeus his physician to the great Bassas, and especially to Lutzis his old acquaintance, upon whom he had bestowed great gifts, and was in hope by him to have obtained what he desired: but all in vain, for Solyman who thought it much for his honour to defend his own right, and that he had before given unto king john; thought also, that it would redound both to his great profit and glory, if he should as it were upon charity take upon him the protection of the widow and fatherless child, in their so great distress and danger. Wherefore calling unto him the ambassadors, the three great Bassas standing by, he said, That he had of his mere bounty before given the kingdom of HUNGARY unto king john, Solyman promiseth to protect the queen and her son against Ferdinand, and sendeth presents to the young king. to descend to his posterity, so long as they should retain the kind remembrance of so great a benefit; wherefore to declare his constancy, inseparable from his bounty, he said he would take such a course in the matter, as that the Germans his enemies should not long rejoice of the wars they had begun. And in token of friendship, and that he had taken upon him the protection of the young king, he caused to be delivered unto the ambassadors a royal rob of purple and gold, a buckler with the boss most curiously wrought, a horseman's mase with a handle of gold, and a scimitar with the scabbard richly set with stones: and afterwards writ effectually to Vstref and Mahomates, his lieutenants, that they should without delay aid the queen, and not to make excuse, because it was Winter, threatening them, that if she took any harm through their default or negligence, it should cost them their heads. The queen's ambassadors glad of their good dispatch, were scarce departed from the Turks court, when Laschus came to CONSTANTINOPLE; and understanding by his physician the success of the Hungarian ambassadors, proceeded for all that in his business, and delivered his message, and upon many reasonable conditions requested the kingdom for king Ferdinand. But when he in speaking had oftentimes made mention of Charles the emperor, Laschus king Ferdinand his ambassador imprisoned by Solyman. as if he would with all the power of GERMANY aid his brother; Solyman was so moved therewith, that he was presently taken away and committed to prison: the great Bassas, but especially Rustan, Soliman's son in law, a proud and furious young man, chiding him and shaking him up as worthy of death, for offending with his liberal speech the majesty of so courteous a prince, and as it were mocking the king of kings, requiring friendship, when in the mean time his master most impudently made wars in HUNGARY. Vstref and Mahomates, the Bassas aforesaid, having received such strait commandment from Solyman, assembled their dispersed soldiers, and by shipping brought them down the rivers Saws and Dranus into Danubius, (for it is a hard matter to perform any great thing by wars in HUNGARY, without the help of a great fleet, for conveying of the great ordinance, victual, and other such necessaries of the army, from one side of the great rivers to the other, as occasion requireth) but as then being the midst of Winter, and the North wind blowing hard, Danubius was so frozen on both sides, that the middle of the river was scarce open: so that the Turks not able to pass for the extremity of the weather, nor daring to return for the strait command of Solyman, were enforced in their tents there to abide the hardness of Winter, to show their readiness. It is almost incredible to be spoken, with what patience and resolution the soldiers endured all the extremities of the time, in so bare a place, their horses which of all other things they hold most dear, starving for cold and want of meat. The Spring at length coming on, right welcome both to the Turks and the queen; Mahomates with his Turks and wild Illyrians, 1541 and ustref with his soldiers of BOSNA, entered into HUNGARY, with whom Valentinus General of the queens forces joined also, with a strong power of Hungarians brought from BUDA. The queen joineth her forces with the Turks, and burneth Vacia. And the queen to further the matter, sent presents to the Turks Generals, victualled the camp, and furnished them with great ordinance, for the besieging of such cities as were holden by king Ferdinand her enemy. They passing over Danubius took the city of VACIA, being but badly defended for king Ferdinand, and putting many to the sword (after the manner of their barbarous cruelty) burned the city. From thence they removed to PESTH, Pesth in vai●e besieged by the Turks. which was so valiantly defended by Barcocius and Fotiscus, the one a Hungarian captain, the other a German, that the Turks despairing of the winning of the city, and not well relieved with victual by the queen, then fearing future want, passed again over Danubius, and faithfully restoring the great ordinance without any more doing, returned again into their own countries: but in their retiring, the Hungarians by the leading of Ferentius Gnarus slew many of them, amongst whom was one Achomates, one of their best and valiantest captains. King Ferdinand advertised of the Turks departure, returned again to his old hope of recovering the kingdom: persuading the emperor his brother, not to give over the war so fortunately begun, especially now that the Turks having forsaken the queen, were departed and gone. Wherefore the new forces lately before raised in AUSTRIA, BOHEMIA, SILESIA, and MORAVIA, for the supply of Velsius his army, King Ferdinand sendeth the Lo. William Rogendorff with an army into Hungary. were presently sent into HUNGARY under the leading of the Lo. William Rogendorff steward of the king's house, who was then gone as far as POSSONIUM to have relieved them of PESTH, unto whom as a more ancient and honourable General Velsius gave place. He, furnished with these new supplies, three months victual, and great artillery from VIENNA, joining with the old army, marched directly to BUDA, and laid siege unto it. Buda besieged. Over against the stately castle of BUDA wherein the queen lay, was a great hill called S. Gerrard's mount, so high, that the middle thereof was equal with the highest place of the castle, and from the top thereof they might look into the streets of the city, betwixt which hill and the castle was a great valley and a deep ditch: upon this hill, Rogendorff to beat the castle and to terrify the queen, planted his battery, and so shook a new built tower thereof, that it was thought it would have suddenly fallen; which if it had, yet was it supposed a dangerous matter to assault it, because it was walled about with a treble wall. But the sumptuous turrets and princely galleries of the king's palace in the castle, which every man saw Rogendorff might have beaten down with his great ordinance, he spared: but whether of himself, or else commanded by the king (as loath to destroy so goodly buildings, as could not without great charges be in long time again repaired) was uncertain. Rogendorff threateneth the queen. Wherefore by divers heralds sent unto the queen, he wished her to break in sunder those gives and fetters wherein the bishop under the colour of protection had fast bound her son and her, and to accept of king Ferdinand's offer, who was ready to bestow upon her a goodly signory, wherein she might most honourably live at quiet, and bring up her son in safety: Which thing, if she as a simple woman, and ignorant of her own danger, should refuse and obstinately contemn the peril wherein she stood, he would forthwith in most terrible manner beat down the palace about her ears. Whereunto the bishop in the queen's behalf answered, That she was not such a fool as to exchange the kingdom of HUNGARY for the principality of SEPUSIA: The bishop scornfully answereth Rogendorff. and that she thought Rogendorff a very doting and mad old man, who being once before well beaten in those ditches, came now again like a fool to receive his utter destruction in full guerdon of his rash folly: Wherefore he should cease to terrify valiant men, fight with discretion for their natural king and country against his drunken company, for that they were nothing troubled with the noise of his great shot: But yet he said, that he would above all the rest by way of private courtesy, gently request Rogendorff to discharge his pieces with a little less noise, because he had a sow at home great with pigs, which terrified with the thundering of his guns, would farrow he doubted before her time, to the grief of his guests. For the bishop was of a sharp and taunting spirit, and such a contemner of the Germans, that when two of them were taken in the king's orchards burning certain houses, he in derision caused two hogs to be hanged upon the same gallows with them. Not long after, Rogendorff removed his camp from the mount of S. Gerrard to a more convenient place for the battering of the city, called the jews graves, near unto the gate called the jews gate. Which thing the bishop seeing, after his quipping manner requested of Rogendorff to pardon him, in that he had of late wrongfully called him a doting old man; for that in removing his camp into a more commodious place, he seemed to be a proper wise man and of good discretion, now that he had pitched his tents in a most fit place amongst the dead, both for himself being an old man and almost worn with vain labour, and for his army there condemned to die with him. Rogendorff thus encamped, begun in two places to batter the walls: Perenus and the Hungarians with the Bohemians near unto the gate called SABATINA in one place, and he himself with the Germans betwixt the jews gate and the castle in another: which was done with such violence, that a great part of the wall was beaten down, & another part thereof overcharged with earth, which the defendants had cast up on the inner side for the strengthening thereof, was at the same time born quite out and so fell down, A great breach in the walls of Buda. to the wonderful dismaying of all that were in the city. Which fair opportunity to have taken the city Rogendorff let slip, either not well aware thereof by reason of the great smoke of the artillery on both sides, and the dust arising with the fall of the wall which covered all; or else according to his natural disposition, doing all things leisurely and suspiciously; so that a little delay bereft him of the present apprehension of so sudden a resolution: and the Germans, used more to standing battles than to assault, were not to be so easily brought on to assault the breach upon the sudden, as were the Spaniards, Italians, or French. The wall was opened in that place almost two hundred paces in length, yet standing almost the height of a man, which might easily have been scaled with short ladders; but night was now coming fast on, wherein the Germans would not willingly attempt any dangerous matter: so that the assault was deferred until the next morning. Whereas they of BUDA in the mean time taking the advantage of the enemy's delay, with incredible diligence and labour in that night raised up a new rampire in steed of the wall that was fallen, every man without exception putting his hand to the work. In the morning the Germans coming to the breach, gave such a fierce assault unto the new made rampire, that Otho Fotiscus desperately entered into a shattered house which joined unto the wall; and certain other companies, one soldier helping up another, had almost recovered the top of the rampire, and were there ready to have set up their ensigns. The German● assaulting the breach, are with loss repulsed. When they of BUDA with wonderful constancy and resolution withstood the assailants, George the bishop encouraging them and fight amongst them; who having laid aside his hood, was now to be seen with his helmet on his head, running too and fro as need required all alongst the rampire. At length the Germans seeing themselves to strive in vain against resolute men, were enforced to retire. In this assault Rogendorff lost above 800. men. Perenus was also in like manner, but with less loss, repulsed at the other breach he had made at the gate SABATINA. After that Rogendorff attempted by undermining to have taken the city, but was by countermines disappointed of his purpose. Yet for all this, they in the city began to feel the want of many things, so that it seemed they were not able to endure any longer siege; the common people pinched with hunger crying openly out in mutinous sort, that it was time to yield and make an end of those common miseries: but such was the authority of the bishop with his provident foresight of all urgent events, that once showing himself in the market place as if he would have preached, he could turn the peevish minded people which way he pleased. After all this, it miss but a little, but that this city which could not by enemies force be won, had by shameful treason been lost: there was at that time in BUDA one Bornemissa a lawyer, Bornemissa practiseth to be●ray the city of Buda. who had in former time been mayor of the city: this Bornemissa exceedingly hated the bishop for taking part with a banckerout jew against him, and being full of malice, and desirous of revenge, promised to Revalius (martial in the enemy's camp) to deliver unto him a blind postern in S. Mary's churchyard, whereby he might enter the city: which ga●e served the citizens in time of peace to go thorough to the river. Rogendorff the General made acquainted with the matter, so liked thereof, that he in himself thought it not good, in a matter of so great importance, to use at all the service of the Hungarians: Quite contrary to that Bornemissa had requested of Revalius, who desirous to have the matter brought to pass without the slaughter of so many guiltless people as was by him to be betrayed, would have had it altogether performed by the Hungarians, who he was in good hope would show mercy unto their country men and kinsmen, and use their victory with more moderation than the Germans, who provoked with many despites, and coming in by night, were like enough to make great effusion of blood. But Rogendorff after the manner of his nation, to be counted politic, using to keep promise with no man, and hoping by excluding the Hungarians to have all the glory of the conceived victory wholly to himself; made as if he would have used only the Hungaans', and glossed with Revalius, whose son for the more assurance he took as pledge; For against the appointed hour, which was about midnight, having before given strait charge that no man should stir in the camp, he sent four select companies of Germans with great silence unto the postern; at which time his son Condi stood with a strong troop of horsemen, ready to have entered, at such time as the Germans (received into the city) should break open the great gate, as was before agreed. Neither did Bornemissa fail to perform what he had as a traitor promised: but opening the postern we spoke of, Bornemissa receiveth in the Germans by a postern, supposing them to have been Hungarians. had with great silence received in most part of those Germane companies. But when he still asked softly of them as they came in for Revalius, and heard them answer nothing but in the Germane language; although he was otherwise a man of a bold spirit, yet then surprised with a sudden fear (as it oftentimes chanceth in such actions to men deceived of their expectation) he stood as a man amazed that knew not what to do, & forgot to conduct the Germans: who altogether unacquainted with the city, knew not which way first to go; and stealing on softly in the dark, went on with no great courage, for fear of treason, still ask of them that followed, for him that should direct them. The Germans could not go so closely, but that they were by the clattering of their armour and the light of their matches, descried by the watch; who ask for the word, and they not giving it, presently raised an alarm: but now all too late, the city being as good as half taken, had the Germans well conducted resolutely gone on with the matter so well begun; The Germane not conducted, are discovered and discomfited. but they ignorant of the way, and now descried and chased with their own fear, ran back again to the postern, in such haste, that one of them miserably wrong another, in striving who should get out first; and their passage out much letted by the pikes and weapons which they which fled first had cast cross the way to run the lighter into the camp. The first that set upon the Germans was Bacianus, who had that night the charge of the watch; and after him Vicche, who kept the court of guard in the market place, and hearing the alarm, came thither with a strong company both of horsemen and footmen. Many of the most valiantest Germane, who coming in first, were in flight become last, were slain or taken, and amongst them many of Bornemissa his familiars and friends (as for himself, he was got out amongst the foremost) from whom the bishop by exquisite torture wrong out the whole plot of the treason, and afterwards caused them to be severally executed to the terror of others. Revalius in the mean time complaining in the camp, That he was deceived by the General: and Bornemissa woefully lamenting, That having worthily got the name of an infamous traitor, he had thereby lost all his substance, and undone his friends and kindred. The General Rogendorff (condemned even of the common soldiers, for his foolish arrogancy and pride) was hardly spoken of thorough all the camp, as he that by too much insolency had overthrown the fairest occasion of a most goodly victory: wherefore from that time he attempted no great matter, but set himself down by long siege to tame his enemies, and so to win the city. Solyman understanding of the queen's distress in HUNGARY, and with what desire Ferdinand (supported by the emperor his brother) thirsted after that kingdom; consulted with his Bassas of the purposes and power of his enemies, both there and elsewhere: and politicly resolved at one time, with his divided forces, to withstand their attempts in divers places, and those far distant one from another, whereby the greatness of his power is well to be perceived. First he sent Solyman Bassa an eunuch to BABYLON, Solyman at one time maintaineth wars in di●ers places of the world far distant. to defend the country of MESOPOTAMIA, and the frontiers of his empire alongst the river Tigris, against Tamas the Persian king. Mahomates another of his great Bassas, he sent into HUNGARY to relieve the besieged queen: And after him ustref Bassa, which was the fourth of his chief Bassas, with another army to stay at BELGRADE, in readiness to aid the other Bassa sent before him as occasion should require, if he should find his enemies too strong. Unto Barbarussa he committed his navy, for the defence of GRECIA and EPYRUS against Auria, who but a little before aided by the galleys of SICILIA and NAPLES, had driven the Turks and Moors (which took part with the Turks) out of CLUPEA, NEAPOLIS, ADRUMENTUM, RUSPINA, TAPSUS, and all alongst that coast of AF●RICK which the Moors call MAHOMEDIA, except the city of LEPTIS, and caused those cities to submit themselves to the government of Muleasses king of TUNES. These cities are at this day called CALIBIA, SUSA, MAHOMETA, MONASTERIUM, SFAXIA and AFRICA. And because Solyman understood, that Maylat the Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA took part with king Ferdinand, he sent against him Achomates governor of NICOPOLIS, and commanded Peter of MOLDAVIA, prince of VALACAIA, to aid him: who afterwards accordingly came unto him with thirty thousand horsemen. He himself also doubting the purposes of the Christian princes, and especially of Charles the emperor, more than he had ●eed, came to HADRIANOPLE, and in the countries thereabouts raised a third army, to aid the two Bassas sent before into HUNGARY; keeping with him his son in law Rustan, whom he had made one of the four great Bassas of his counsel, having thrust out Luftibeius, whom the Turks call Lutzis, his brother in law, and exiled him into MACEDONIA for evil entreating and striking his wife, which was Soliman's sister, as is before said, but was at this time done. Mahomates the Bassa desirous to do his great Master the best service he could, Mahomates Bassa cometh with the Turks army to relieve Buda. entered into HUNGARY with his army about the middle of june in the year 1541, taking with him in his way the other Mahomates governor of BELGRADE, who gave the shameful overthrow unto the Christians at EZEK; joining also with him the power of BOSNA, now commanded by Vl●mas the Persian, for that ustref the old Bassa was lately dead. The captains of the Christian army hearing of the coming of the Turks, entered into counsel, Whether they should continue the siege, or else go and meet them by the way and give them battle. But the period of the Hungarian kingdom drawing fast on, and the inevitable destiny thereof so requiring, the opinion of Rogenderff prevailed against the rest for the continuing of the siege, he seeming more willing to die than to cross over the river to PESTH, or to retire to VICEGRADE or STRIGONIUM, as divers would have persuaded him: wherefore he removed from the place where he lay before, The order of king Ferdinand's army. and encamped his army on the further side of the city at the foot of S. Gerard's mount, where the hill lying between BUDA and the camp, and departing from the river leaveth a fair plain toward the East; of purpose, that the Turks which he knew would not go far from the river and their fleet, should be enforced dangerously to pass by the mouth of his great ordinance, which he had aptly placed upon the front of his trenches: for such was the nature of the place, that the camp lay defended on the right hand with the steep hill, on the left hand with the river, and behind toward the city with a strong bulwark. Upon the right hand, upon a little rising ground he placed the lesser camp, wherein were the Hungarians which favoured king Ferdinand, and then followed his ensigns. He made also a bridge from his camp into a little island which lay in the river, and with a fort well planted with ordinance commanded both the river and the plain, so to beat the enemy's fleet coming up the river, and themselves also as they should march alongst the plain. He was about also to have made a bridge of lighters and boats quite over the river, from his camp to PESTH, and in this order to expect the coming of new supplies from king Ferdinand, and to repel the enemy who was coming, and with long siege to weary them in BUDA: for there was such store both of victual and all other warlike provision in PESTH, as would well have sufficed his army until Winter had been spent. As soon as the Turks were come nigh the city, Valentinus as an ambassador from the queen met them with two thousand horse, The Bassa entrencheth his army within half a mile of the king's army. and fully instructed both the Mahomet's what the Christians did, what strength they were of, and how they might most conveniently encamp their army. Wherefore the Bassa marching on boldly forward, came within half a mile of the Christian camp, where he quickly entrenched himself round with a strong trench, filling a great part of the plain with his tents. But the other Mahomates, governor of BELGRADE, a most politic captain, took the higher ground towards the rising of the hill, nearer unto the tents of the Hungarians than of the Germans. Unto these two armies thus encamped, belonged also two fleets, the Christian fleet consisted of four and twenty galliots, about fourscore small pinnaces, and little less than a hundred ships of burden and other great boats: whereas the Turks fleet was not thought to be past half so great. near unto the little island, joined as we have before said by a bridge to the Christian camp, beneath in the river had the Turks taken another island called CEPELLIA, overagainst their own camp; where casting up a great bulwark in the uppermost end thereof, and planting it with great ordinance, they from thence shot at the fort which the Christians held in the little island, and at their vessels passing too and fro in the river; as the Christians did at them likewise. This island of CEPELLIA lieth somewhat more than forty miles in length in the river Danubius, full of country villages, so commodiously, that if Rogendorff had at the first taken it and fortified it, before the coming of the Turks, as the Hungarians persuaded him to have done, the Turks could by no means have encamped in the plain, but must needs have forsaken their fleet, fetching a great compass about more toward the West, further off from the river: which would have turned to the Turks great disadvantage. But no man is so wise as to foresee all things, when as the very evil success, be the plot never so well laid, shall of itself, beside the loss, leave unto the unfortunate man the note of the want of provident foresight and discretion. But Rogendorff was not willing to divide his forces, until he had some new supply from king Ferdinand. Whilst the armies lay thus near one to the other, there were some light skirmishes made every day, either by the horsemen or the footmen, and sometime one brave man challenging forth another hand to hand, whom he thought by his armour or some other sign of his worth, Skirmishes betwixt the Christians and the Turks. to be like to himself: which was so pleasant a sight to behold, that both the armies upon a military courtesy, as if it had been so agreed, would many times for certain hours forbear to shoot any shot, of purpose to see those gallants, with true prowess to prove their valour and manhood one upon another with their spears and swords only. In which light skirmishes the German horsemen were oftentimes put to the worst; who mounted upon great heavy horses, fitter for a set battle, could neither so readily charge the enemy, nor pursue him in his flight; as could the Turks with their nimble and ready light horses, so well acquainted with that manner of flying fight, that they would with wheeling about easily frustrate the first charge of the heavy horsemen, and by and by come upon them again with a fresh charge, & so often retire and come on again, until they had either wearied or overthrown them. But the Hungarians acquainted with that manner of fight as well as they, and also better armed, did easily encounter the Turks, and foil them, although they were in number more. Rayschachius for sorrow of his son slain by the Turks, suddenly dieth. There was amongst the German captains a noble man called Eckius Rayschachius, whose son (a valiant young gentleman) being got out of the army without his father's knowledge, bore himself so gallantly in fight against the enemy in the sight of his father and of the army, that he was highly commended of all men, and especially of his father, who knew him not at all: yet before he could clear himself, he was compassed in with the enemy, and valiantly fight slain. Rayschachius exceedingly moved with the death of so brave a man, ignorant how near it touched himself, turning about to the other captains, said, This worthy gentleman, whatsoever he be, is worthy of eternal commendation, and to be most honourably buried by the whole army. As the rest of the captains were with like compassion approving his speech, the dead body of the unfortunate son rescued, was presented to the most miserable father; which caused all them that were there present to shed tears: but such a sudden and inward grief surprised the aged father, and struck so to his heart, that after he had stood a while speechless, with his eyes set in his head, he suddenly fell down dead. From that time the General commanded, That no man should upon pain of death go out of the army to skirmish with the enemy without leave, wherein he was so severe, that he hanged up one or two which presumed to transgress his commandment: which thing much discouraged his own men, and so encouraged the enemy, that they would sometime brave the Christians upon the top of their own trenches. Many days had now passed since the coming of the Bassa, the Turks and they of BUDA daily increasing both in strength and courage: when on the other side, faint courage, weak strength, troubled counsel, uncertain resolution, the ominous signs of an undoubted overthrow, were easy to be seen; and hope itself, the stay of all human actions, especially of martial affairs, almost lost: the only things that held their fainting hearts, was the often letters from king Ferdinand, and the firm opinion they had conceived, That Charles the emperor would not in so great a danger fail to aid his brother, both with men and money: and last of all, the firm resolution of the General, which far passed all reason, the sooner to draw him to his end. The armies lying in this order, the Turks from the higher ground, and out of CEPELLIA, perceiving the Germans in the little island as careless men to keep but negligent watch, agreed amongst themselves at one instant out of both their camps, to assail divers of their forts: and so in the break of the day landed with their fleet so closely and suddenly to the Island, The Turks suddenly assail the Christians in the Island. that they had slain almost six hundred of the Germans, before they were thoroughly awake or could well arm themselves: wherewith the rest were put in such a fear, that they fled to the camp in such haste, that many of them fell beside the bridge and were drowned in the river. All the camp was wonderfully troubled with the suddenness of the matter, the Turks with their hideous cries raising the alarm in divers places at once: yet for all that, certain Germane companies in one of the forts nearest unto the river, and the soldiers in the fleet, well declared their present resolution and valiant courage, in recovering again of the island. For Herbestulfus the campe-master, persuading them not to suffer the Christian ensigns and great ordinance to be so shamefully carried away of the Turks; and Marius the Admiral at the same time landing divers companies in the island with his pinnaces and great boats: they so courageously charged the Turks, then busied in the spoiling of the dead bodies and drawing away of the great ordinance, that they drove them again to their boats; leaving unto them as victors, both the island and the ordinance, having before their departure, received no less loss themselves than had the Germans before. It was reported, that the Turks fleet might that day have been quite overthrown, if the Christians using the victory, and holpen with the course of that swift river, had courageously pursued them and landed with them. But many things after a matter is done are easily seen, which in the very heat and hurl of the danger cannot well be foreseen; for as much as sudden accidents attended with great peril, do oftentimes dazzle the minds of right wise and valiant captains: yet four of the Turks pinnaces were sunk, and thr●● taken, and many of the Turks slain or drowned in the river. Shortly after, the Turks more and more encouraged with the multitude of themselves, and the fearfulness they perceived in their enemies, did at sundry times so insolently trouble and assail the camp of the Christians on every side, that they left them almost no time of rest, one company still succeeding another; so that they were almost in despair, to be able long to defend their camp, the enemy still growing both in strength and courage. For the Bassa that lay at BELGRADE▪ still taking unto him the sick and wounded soldiers, sent continually fresh men in their steed: and Valentinus taking unto him a company of the Turks janissaries arquebusiers, had driven Perenus with the Hungarian horsemen out of the upper camp. So that they in the neither camp were now hardly beset with their enemies on every side: yet were they well holpen by the great artillery from PESTH, which much troubled Valentinus and his horsemen in assailing the camp on that side. Some report that Valentinus, Valentinus General for the queen in Buda certifieth Perenus of the coming of Solyman. not greatly angry with the Hungarian banished men, but with the Germans, did by the way of private courtesy and friendship, by a faithful soldier wish Perenus speedily to provide for the safety of himself and the Hungarians with him; for that there was a great beast coming, which would at one morsel devour them all. For Solyman advertised of the doings of the emperor and king Ferdinand, thinking that they would have come down to BUDA with a puissant army, was resolved to be present himself at so notable a battle, and was therefore coming thither with his army in all haste. Wherefore Perenus thus forewarned, said plainly to Rogendorff and the other captains, That except they would presently rise with the army and depart, he would now whiles he had yet time, make shift for himself and his country men. Their opinions diversly delivered, at last they all agreed that it was best the next night to pass over the river to PESTH: only the General upon a fatal obstinacy said, He would not without king Ferdinand's commandment depart from BUDA: and therefore sent county Salma with a swift pinnace up the river to VIENNA to know his pleasure therein. In the mean time urged with fear, Perenus fretting at their long stay, it was resolved upon, that they should the next night after the Moon was down, pass over the river in four convoys to PESTH: The Christian army departeth by night from Buda. In the first, were to pass over the Hungarians, with the great ordinance: in the second, the Germane and the Bohemian horsemen: and in the other two, the footmen and the baggage of the army. For it was not so easy a matter to make a bridge over Danubius, as they had at first supposed: for after they had begun it, and almost planked it, there rise such a wind and tempest, and the violent river became so rough, that the timber wherewith the bridge was fastened together was broken, the joints unlosed, and many of the boats whereof the bridge was framed, their cables being broken, were carried away with the force of the stream. The first and second convoy fortune so well favoured, that they passed well over: for although they of BUDA and the Turks, seeing in the day time from their high places the fleet drawing together into one place, might have some suspicion of the matter, some guessing one thing and some another; yet could they foresee nothing of the sudden departure of the enemy: But that multitude of ships and boats now passing too and fro, could not long deceive the attentive and vigilant enemy; and so much the less, for that two fugitive Hungarians even then discovered unto the bishop, the flight of the Germans; who presently certified the Bassa and the other Mahomates thereof, which without farther delay came almost with all their power to assault the Christians in their camp: the great ordinance was brought forth, and after the janissaries & other footmen, followed the horsemen, dismounted from their horses to do the better service, who all with a horrible cry assailed the trenches. The Turks assail the Christians in their camp at their departure. Then began the Germans to quail, their flight being now discovered; yet did they with the Bohemians for a while notably resist the enemy. All the camp was filled with tumult and confusion, and especially at the river side, every man in that great fear striving to get aboard, without regard of order or shame: for the dead time of the night then covered with dark and thick clouds, made all things more terrible, even unto them which were of best courage: the authority of Rogendorff the General (in the darkness of the night, and so great damour both of his own people and of the enemy, and the thundering of the ordinance) was as nothing: He (besides that he was then sick in mind) lay in his bed wounded, by a wonderful and fatal chance: for as he was writing letters to the king, a falcon shot out of the enemy's camp falling in his tent, and striking in sunder a chest which stood there, wounded him grievously in the left shoulder with a splinter of the same. The other captains of the footmen, envying that the horsemen were so well escaped, stood as men more careful of themselves than of the common danger, faintly resisting the enemy. The uppermost tents wherein Perenus lay, were first taken by Mahomates of BELGRADE, and Valentinus; and the Germane footmen chased all over S. Gerrard's mount. They of BUDA also sallied out, and entered the camp on that side which was next unto the city, and with wild fire burnt the tents a little before forsaken by the Germans. And the bishop at the same time caused a great stack of straw standing by the king's stables near unto the rivers side, A mischievous practice of the bishop. to be set on fire; which gave such a light, that a man might have seen all over Danubius unto the walls of PESTH, as if it had been light day: whereby the great confusision of the Christian army by land, as well as the shameful flight by water, was of the Turks plainly discovered. Then was the great artillery from every place discharged upon the flying fleet, as well from BUDA as the Turks camp. And to increase the fear, Cason the Turks Admiral rowing with his light boats against the stream, set upon the ships crossing the river to PESTH, where he took certain boats loaded with soldiers, and with his great ordinance sunk divers others: Great slaughter of the Christians. so that the river was filled with dead bodies, and the miserable company of soldiers and mariners labouring to save their lives by swimming: for at such time as the janissaries having slain the first companies, were broken into the lower camp; and the rest of the Germans flying over the bridge into the little island, were there slain without mercy, by the Turks pursuing them, many of them leapt into the river, and there perished. Three hundred sail of one sort of ships and other, were so confused and mingled together, that Danubius seemed that night to have been covered over, as if it had been with a great bridge. But the Christian fleet seeing all lost, cleared themselves so soon as they could of the Turks; and so beating them back with their great ordinance out of the poops of their ships, got up the river to COMO●A. The rest of the land forces endured the same fortune in the camp, of whom the Bohemians died most honourably, slain by the enemy in fight. Many falling into the hands of them of BUDA were saved, or slain, as was their fortune to fall into the power of a merciful or merciless man. But the sun rising, plainly discovered the slaughter of the Christians and the victory of the Turks, not so well before known. There was about 3000 men of one sort and oth●● who in warlike manner had taken a little hill by Saint Gerrard's church, and there stood upon their guard, until such time as more than two thousand of them were slain; the rest casting away their weapons yielded in hope of life, and were reserved for a spectacle more grievous than death itself. At the same time Cason with his victorious fleet coming to the shore of PESTH, brought such a fear upon them that were escaped thither, and might easily have defended the walls (only with the cry of his soldiers and the thundering of the artillery) that the horsemen for haste to get out, were like to overrun one another. The Germans had at that time so much forgot their wont valour, and so trembled at the name of the Turks, that as soon as they saw their white caps in their ships, they ran away as men dismayed, unarmed, leaving behind them their plate, their carriages, and whatsoever good thing they had else. Yet some of the Hungarian horsemen, more desirous of the spoil than afraid of death, stayed behind rifling the merchant's shops: for PESTH was become a notable rich mart town for all kind of merchandise, merchants resorting thither from all other places of the troubled country, as to a strong and commodious city, and of more safety than the rest. Pesth taken by Cason admiral of the Turks fleet. But Cason now entering without resistance, slew some of those greedy Hungarians▪ and ran thorough the town with such barbarous cruelty and thirst of the Christian blood, that he spared neither man, woman, nor child▪ except some few such as either for their beauty or strength of body were reserved for the Turks beastly lust or slavish labour: so that in this war it is reported, more than twenty thousand Christians were one way and other by divers chances slain. There was taken at PESTH in the camp, and in the island, six and thirty great pieces for battery, of wonderful beauty; and of lesser field pieces a hundred and fifty. As for shot, powder, armour, weapons, and victual provided for Winter, such sto●e was found, Rogendorff against his will carried away by his physician and chamberlain to Comara, there dieth. that the Turks accounted it for the greatest part of their victory. Rogendorff the unfortunate General, at such time as the Turks having won the trenches were fight in the midst of the camp, desiring rather to be slain in his tent, than to live after so great an overthrow, was against his will by strong hand carried aboard a little pinnace by his physician and chamberlain, which would not in any case forsake him as he lay, and was so conveyed up the river to the island of COMARA: where he shortly after, partly for the painfulness of his wound, but more for grief of mind, died in a little country village called SAMARIUM, leaving unto the Germans a woeful remembrance of his accursed obstinacy and pride. Solyman still doubting the coming of Charles the emperor and king Ferdinand to BUDA, Solyman cometh to Buda. was coming with his army from HADRIANOPLE in such haste, that he caused the janissaries his best footmen, contrary to their manner, to march as fast as his horsemen: but understanding by the way of the late victory obtained by his captains, he took more leisure, and came with a great power to BUDA in August, and there encamped on the other side of the city, to avoid the noisome savour of the dead bodies, which lay yet unburied. Where calling unto him the other army, and making one huge camp of both, he highly commended all his captains, but especially the two Mahomates. And understanding that the victory was especially gotten by the means of Mahomates governor of BELGRADE, he made him general of all his Europeian horsemen, one of the most honourable preferments of the Turkish empire: the other captains he rewarded according as they had deserved, and withal augmented their pay. After that, Turkish cruelty he caused the prisoners, in number about eight hundred, to be brought out: who bound in long ropes, were in derision led all alongst the army, ranged in order of battle, and afterward by his commandment slain by his young soldiers: saying with severe countenance, that they were worthy of such death, which by ambassadors dissemblingly entreating of peace, had in the mean time craftily waged war. Amongst these prisoners was one soldier of BAVARIA, of an exceeding high stature, him in despite of the German nation he delivered to a little dwarf (whom his sons made great account of) to be slain, whose head was scarce so high as the knees of the tall captive, with that cruel despite to aggravate the indignity of his death: when as that goodly tall man, mangled about the legs a long time by that apish dwarf with his little scimitar, as if it had been in disport, fell down, and was with many ●eeble blows hardly at last slain by that wretch, still heartened on by others, to satisfy the eyes of the princes, beholding it as their disport. This barbarous and cruel execution done, Solyman sent his ambassadors with presents to the young king, which were three beautiful horses, with their bridles of gold, and their trappings richly set with precious stones, Solyman sendeth for the young king into the camp. and three royal robes of cloth of gold, and unto the chief of the nobility he sent rich gowns and chains of gold. The ambassadors which brought these presents, in courteous manner requested of the queen to send the young king her son, attended with his nobility, into the camp, and without all fear to hope that all should go well both with her and her son▪ for that Solyman, who exceeded all other kings, not in power and fortune only, but in virtue and upright dealing also, was of such an heroical disposition, that he would not only defend the child, whom in the right of his father he had once thought worthy his protection and favour, victory confirming the same, but would also augment his estate, with the largest bounds of his ancient kingdom: Wherefore he was desirous to see the young king, and to behold in him the representation of his father, and with his own hand to deliver him to be embraced of his sons; that of his protection renewed, so happily begun, might be grounded a firm and perpetual friendship with the Ottoman kings: and that he would always account of her as of his daughter. But the cause why he came not to see her, which he did in courtesy desire, was, for that by ancient custom the Ottoman kings were forbidden that point of courtesy, to visit other men's wives in their houses. Besides that, Solyman (they said) was not so forgetful of his modesty and honour, as to receive into his pavilion the daughter of a king his friend and ally, and she the late wife of a king his friend and tributary, and the fair young mother of a son, growing in the hope of like regal dignity; for fear he should draw into any suspicion the inviolate name of her chastity, which in queens was to be guarded with an especial and wonderful care. Whereunto the queen (a manifest fear confounding the tender senses in her motherly affection) answered very doubtfully: The queen sendeth the young king her son to Solyman in the camp attended with the nobility. but the bishop persuading her, and instantly requesting her not to give the Turks occasion to suspect that she had them in distrust, by her little and unprofitable delay, sent her young son in princely swathing clothes, in a rich chariot, with his nurse and certain great ladies in the camp, attended upon with almost all the nobility to whom Solyman had sent presents. In his coming to the camp, he was for honour's sake met upon the way by certain gallant troops of the Turks brave horsemen: and all the way as he passed in the camp, orderly stood the janissaries of Soliman's guard. As soon as he was brought into the pavilion, Solyman courteously looked upon him, and familiarly talked with the nurse, and commanded his sons there present to take him in their arms, Solyman courteously receiveth the young king. and to kiss him, in certain token of the love they would bear him, whom they were in time to have their friend and tributary, when he was grown to man's estate: these were Selimus and Bajazet, begotten of his fair concubine Roxalana, bearing the names the one of his grandfather, the other of his great grandfather. As for Mustapha his eldest son by his Circassian wife, he then lived in MAGNESIA, a great way off: who though he was a prince of so great hope, as never any of the Turkish kings had a son of greater, and was therefore exceedingly beloved of the men of war; yet was he not so well liked of his father, brought out of favour with him by Roxalana, as if he had traitorously gone about to take the empire from him, yet living, as did Selimus his grandfather from Bajazet: for which cause Solyman secretly purposed to take him away, as afterwards he did, and to appoint Selimus for his successor, as hereafter shall appear. Solyman craftily takes the city of Buda. But Solyman, at such time as the noblemen of HUNGARY were dining merrily with the Bassas, had commanded certain companies (to whom he had before given instructions what he would have done) under the colour of seeing the city, to take one of the gates called SABATINA, and the chief streets: which was done so quietly and cunningly, that a wary watchman standing there, and beholding the manner of the Turks coming and going too and fro, could hardly have perceived how the gate was taken, until it was too late. For many of the Turks walking fair and softly by great companies into the city, as if it had been but for pleasure, to have seen it: and othersome to colour the matter, walking likewise back again, as if they had sufficiently viewed the city; by that means they without any tumult or stir quickly took the appointed gate, with the market place and chief streets of the city. Which so finely done, the captain of the janissaries caused proclamation to be made in all parts of the city, That the citizens should without fear keep themselves within their houses, and forthwith as they would have their lives, liberty, and goods saved, to deliver all their weapons: which they seeing no remedy, did: and having delivered their arms, and taken the Turks faith for their security, they received them into their houses, as their unwelcome guests. But such was the quietness and modesty of the Turks, by reason of the severity of their martial discipline, that no citizen which took them into their houses, was by them wronged by word or deed. Solyman understanding that the city was thus quietly and without resistance taken, sent the child back again unto the queen, although it was now almost night; but the chief noblemen he retained still with him: these was George the bishop and treasurer, Solyman detaineth the noblemen of Hungary in his camp. Petrus Vi●che the young kings nigh kinsman and one of his tutors, Valentinus Turaccus General of the queen's forces, Stephanus Verbetius chancellor, and Bacianus Vrbanus governor of the city of BUDA. This sudden and unexpected change exceedingly troubled all their minds, and so much the more, for that the great Bassas with changed countenances began to pick quarrels with them, and as it were straightly and impudently to examine them, and to call them to account for all that they had done. The queen seeing the city so craftily surprised, and the nobility injuriously detained in the camp, troubled with fear and grief, by humble letters requested Solyman not to forget the faith he had long before given unto her, and even of late confirmed by his ambassadors; but mindful both thereof and of his wont clemency, to send back unto her the noblemen, who for their fidelity and valiant service had well deserved both of him and her: this she did by Rustemes Bassa, whom she had loaded with gifts, and amongst other things of great price had sent him a fair coronet of her own of orient pearl, and a goodly jewel set with rich stone to send unto his wife (Soliman's daughter) for a present. After that, The great Bassas of divers opinions for the disposing of the kingdom of Hungary. Solyman consulted with his Bassas four days what order to take concerning the kingdom of HUNGARY. In discourse whereof his great Bassas were of divers opinions, Mahomates advised him to carry away with him to CONSTANTINOPLE both the child and all the nobility, and to leave such a governor in BUDA, as by his wise and moderate government, rather than by rigour, might put the people out of fear of servitude and bondage, by defending them from wrong, and yet by little & little lay upon them the yoke of the Turkish government. But Rustemes Bassa (before corrupted, and a man in greater favour than the rest, because he was Soliman's son in law, and therefore farther from all suspicion of flattery) stood altogether upon terms of honour, saying, That nothing could be more dishonourable unto so great and mighty a monarch, who never had at any time with any spot or stain blemished the glory of his name, than after victory against all right and reason to break his faith at once with a weak woman and silly infant, whom he had before taken upon him to protect and defend. On the other side, Mahomates governor of BELGRADE (an old mortal enemy of the Christians, of all the rest best acquainted with the state of HUNGARY, and for his great experience and approved valour then extraordinarily admitted by Solyman into counsel amongst the great Bassas) disliked of both the former opinions, as too full of lenity: and being asked his own, delivered it in mischievous manner as followeth. I know (said he) most mighty Solyman, The Oration of Mahomates of Belgrade to Solyman, concerning the disposing of the kingdom of Hungary. that he which in consultation of matters of so great consequence is to deliver his opinion last, shall if he descent from the rest, be subject to envy and reprehension. And therefore it cannot be, but that I being of a quite contrary opinion to them that have before spoken, my speech must also be unto your ears both unpleasant and tedious. But I refuse not to be counted by myself, yea and presumptuous, if you will so have it, rather than a smother up of other men's sayings, as one of no judgement; whilst I recount those things, which as the present case standeth, may wonderfully profit your designs & the imperial state: for of right I may desire you to yield a little to my years, and (if I may by your good favour so say) to that I have already done: when as I now grown an old man in wars against these Hungarians, have by experience learned those things of the state and strength of this kingdom, and the disposition of the people; which being here laid down, may much avail for your better determination of this so weighty a cause as amitteth no repentance, if you shall now be overseen therein. You have now within the space of these twenty years come in arms yourself in person five times into this country, when I as no obscure captain or soldier, was in all those wars and battles ever present, of purpose as I suppose to revenge your injuries, to enlarge your empire▪ and in brief to assure you of a good peace, which could never be but by force of arms and victory. And therefore you valiantly won BELGRADE, the infamous dwelling place and receptacle of most outrageous thieves and robbers, and in former time famous for the unfortunate attempts of your ancestors: when as from thence the Hungarians in time of peace had at their pleasure, whilst your father was then occupied in the Persian war, spoiled the borders of SERVIA and ILLYRIA▪ The same Hungarians about five years after, for that they had in cruel manner slain your ambassadors, you overthrew in battle, and slew their king: and possessed of BUDA, to manifest and make known by a notable demonstration the magnificence of your heroical mind, even unto the remotest enemies of our name, did choose out of the relics of that vanquished nation, one whom you might grace with the honour of the regal crown; although not borne of royal blood, or unto you known for any other desert, than that he was a little before both your private and public enemy, and coming against you with a strong power out of TRANSILVANIA, he had in the mean time lost his brother, a better man than himself, slain with our sword. After that, rise up the Austrian king, a new enemy, to expulse this Hungarian, reigning by your courtesy, & so you took in hand the third war against the Germans, which you so effectually prosecuted, that having forthwith restored the king, you carried the terror of yourself not only to the walls of VIENNA, but into the very heart of GERMANY. But two years yet scarcely passed, the same king (never long contented with peace or wars) supported by the power of his brother Charles, and in vain besieging BUDA, defended by your garrisons, stirred you up again to revenge the injury, slaughter, and spoil by his soldiers done: for that you thought it to stand with your honour to protect him with your power, whom you had of your rare bounty made a king, and then desired above all things to fight a noble battle with the two brethren for the empire of the West. But they at such time as you with fire and sword ran thorough their ancient kingdoms, endured not the noise of your coming. After that ensued a peace between the Hungarian and the German, your Majesty permitting and approving it, at such time as you made haste to go against the Persians: but the German king so broke that peace, that had not I in good time revenged his treachery by the overthrow of a great army of his at EZEK, you must of necessity have been sent for from BABYLON yourself, as but now you were glad to come in haste by long and painful journeys from CONSTANTINOPLE, to aid us in time, and as I verily hope, to make an end for all; that all things set in firm order in HUNGARY, the inconveniences of so many labours and so great charge, five times undertaken for another man's profit, might now at length take end: except (as I see some wish) you be in mind never to give over the protection of the child & widow, a matter full of infinite labour & peril, not to be countervailed with that glorious show of honour, which by these (in my opinion) too too wisemen is pretended to your haughty mind, ever desirous of honour and fame. But I as a blunt man understand not this high point of wisdom, abounding with glory, which in the very course thereof cutteth in sunder the sinews of victory, and is never by politic Generals admitted into their camps. In which doing, as I wish you more fortunate than your ancestors, who have united eighteen kingdoms to this your empire, so would I not have you more wise than they: for what can be a more unwise part, than always to play the unwise man? that is to say, always to be careful of other men's affairs, and in mean time oftentimes to endanger his own estate, his health, his wealth, his honour. You have satisfied (and that in my opinion) plentifully the duties both of charity, fidelity, and if it must needs be so, of honour and glory also; if it be to be gotten rather by courtesy, clemency, and lenity, than by the invincible strength of wise policy, and the constant resolution of a martial mind: for by these instruments, and none other, hath worthy virtue always promoted and supported the Ottoman kings. Wherefore let those vain shows (as seemeth unto me) of counterfeit honour delight the minds of idle and slothful kings: assuredly, they never pleased your armed ancestors, but after the enemy was quite overthrown, the triumph made, and the trophies of victory erected. But let this be as best pleaseth your high wisdom and judgement, whereunto the greatest wits give place. Truly I (if I well foresee the chances of war, and the assured events of things) will not follow that manner of counsel which the pleasure of my mind persuadeth me unto; when as necessity, which ruleth all things, presently forceth me and showeth me a far better course. The Hungarians above all other things notably warn us not to trust them, who infamous for their unconstancy, often revolt, and treachery, are still at variance amongst themselves; and their banished men are continually setting on the Germans to invade the country; and the weak power of the queen and the child is not such as may withstand so near and so mighty an enemy: so that another man's kingdom must of necessity be defended by our help, which may not be less than a strong army, without our great peril. To be brief, every year to take in hand so long an expedition of so great labour and travel, with an army furnished with horsemen, footmen, artillery, and a fleet of ships for defence of another man, as commonly we do, seemeth to me mere madness: Neither do I think it to stand with the majesty of the Ottoman emperors, thus to be moved every year at the request of a puling woman, crying for help: except you think it more profitable and honourable to maintain a defensive than an invasive war. Mischievous counsel. Wherefore (in my opinion) it is best to turn this kingdom (so often conquered and defended by law of Arms) after the manner of your ancestors, into the form of a Province: the queen I would have sent to her father, and the boy her son brought up in your Court at CONSTANTINOPLE, and there instructed in our religion: the nobility of the country I wish to be slain, and their castles razed, and the notable families which bore the bravest minds, to be carried away out of all parts of the country into ASIA: as for the base multitude, I would have kept under with good garrisons, to till the ground, and inhabit the cities. By this only means (mighty Solyman) shall both the Hungarians perceive themselves conquered, and the Germans glad to forbear coming into HUNGARY, unless they will rashly and unfortunately hazard both STYRIA and AUSTRIA. Solyman entereth Buda the 30 of August 1541, and there first sacrificeth after the Mahometan manner. But Solyman thinking it good to do sacrifice before he would resolutely determine of so great a matter, entered into BUDA with his two sons, Selimus and Bajazet, the thirtieth day of August in the year 1541: and there in the Cathedral church dedicated to the virgin Marie (being before by his priests purified after the manner of their superstition) sacrificed the first Mahometan sacrifice in BUDA. Shortly after, he as it were moderating the opinions of his great counsellors, provided out of them all, both for his own security and honour, and published a decree the fatal doom of that flourishing kingdom, The doom of Hungary. where under it yet groaneth at this day; That BUDA should from that day be kept with a garrison of Turks, and the kingdom converted into a province of the Turkish empire; and that the queen with her young son should presently depart the city, and live in LIPPA in a fertile and quiet country beyond the river of Tibiseus, which something to comfort her, was near unto the borders of her father Sigismond his kingdom, to be safely conducted thither with all her wealth and jewels by his janissaries. Wherefore the queen and her son according to this decree, The queen departeth out of Buda with he● son. with tears and mourning; detesting in her heart the tyrant's perfidious dealing (which necessity enforced her then to dissemble) departed from BUDA, constrained by the Turks to leave behind her all the ordinance in the castle and city, with all other the warlike provision & store of victual. The noblemen went with her also, who although they went sorrowful for this woeful and unexpected change of things, yet were they very glad of their liberty and safety, whereof they had for the space of three days despaired. Only Valentinus was kept in safe custody in the camp, because he was a martial man, of greatest power amongst the Hungarians; and besides that, much hated of the Turks for the hard pursuit of Cason, and his horsemen, slain at STORAMBERG in AUSTRIA. Thus the royal city of BUDA fell into the possession of the Turks, whereupon not long after ensued the final ruin of that great kingdom, sometime the strong bulwark of Christendom, but lost to the great weakening of the Christian commonweal; which may justly be imputed to the pride, ambition, and dissension of the Hungarians amongst themselves, and the calling in of the common enemy: the due consideration of whose only coming, might well have sufficed to have set them agreed. Whilst these things were doing at BUDA, king Ferdinand expecting the event of this war at VIENNA, and hearing of the shameful overthrow of his army, and that the General deadly wounded was fled to COMARA, and that Solyman (fame increasing the evil news) was coming towards VIENNA; sent Leonardus Velsius (who never liked of the siege of BUDA) to COMARA to stay the further flight of the soldiers, and to gather together so well as he could the dispersed relics of the scattered army, and to comfort again the discouraged men with the hope of new supplies, King Ferdinand sendeth ambassadors and presents to Solyman. & of a pay. And somewhat to stay Solyman, who as it was thought would suddenly come to VIENNA, he sent county Salma and Sigismond Lithestaine, a noble and grave counsellor, his ambassadors, with presents and new conditions of peace to Solyman. The presents was a high standing cup of gold after the Germane fashion, curiously set with rich stones; and a wonderful globe of silver of most rare and curious devise, daily expressing the hourly passing of the time, the motions of the planets, the change and full of the moon, the motion of the superior orbs, ever moving by certain wheels and weights curiously conveyed within the same, and exactly keeping due time and motion; lively expressing the wonderful motions and conversions of the celestial frame. A most curious and strange piece of work, devised and perfected by the most cunning Astronomers for Maximilian the emperor, whose noble mind never spared for any cost to obtain things of rare and strange devise. These ambassadors passing down the river of Danubius, were at their landing, first received by Cason the Admiral of Soliman's fleet, and by him brought into a rich tent, the ground under their feet being all covered with rich carpets: to whom Rustan Bassa sent such good cheer as the camp afforded, but especially most excellent wine, no less forbidden the Turks by their law, than desired of the Germans. The next day after, the great Bassas feasted the ambassadors, Solyman himself dining not far off in his pavilion: at which feast the Bassas for the more courtesy, dined with the ambassadors, not sitting with their legs gathered under them flat upon the ground, as their manner was, but sitting in chairs at a high table, after the manner of the Christians: only Mahomates Governor of BELGRADE, for his age and valour an extraordinary guest, sat down upon a cushion beneath the Bassaes. The frugal cheer of the Turks. Their cheer was only rice and mutton, and that so plainly and sparingly dressed, as if they had thereby noted our gourmandise and excess; who measure not our cheer by that which nature requireth, but that which greedy appetite desireth, as if therein consisted the greatest nobility: And the drink for the great Bassas themselves, right easy to be had, was fair water out of the river Danubius. After dinner the ambassadors were brought in unto Solyman, each of them lead betwixt two Bassas holding them fast by the arms, as if it had been for honour sake, and so brought to kiss his hand. For the Turks suffer no stranger otherwise to come unto the presence of their superstitious emperor, but first they search him that he have no weapon about him, and so clasping him by the arms under the colour of doing him honour, dissemblingly bereave him of the use of his hands, lest he should offer him any violence: yet hath he always as he sitteth in his throne lying at hand ready by him; a target, a scimitar, an iron mase, with bow and arrows. The great globe was also brought in by twelve of the ambassadors servants, which with the strangeness thereof filled the mind of Solyman, and the eyes of his Bassas with admiration: for Solyman was of so sharp a wit; that he was not learned only in such books as contained the laws and rites of the Mahometan superstition, but had also curiously studied Astronomy, and especially cosmography; in which profitable and pleasant studies, he much recreated himself as his leisure served. The ambassadors desired, The request of the ambassadors in the behalf of king Ferdinand. that he would give the kingdom of HUNGARY to king Ferdinand, almost upon the same conditions that Lascus had before required it for him at CONSTANTINOPLE, paying him such yearly tribute as king john had usually paid, and promising farther to draw Charles the emperor his brother into the same league; so that Solyman delivered of all fear that way, might at his pleasure turn his forces upon the Persian, which it was thought he most desired▪ Besides that, they said he should deal neither honourably nor indifferently, if he should prefer the young child before king Ferdinand, who beside his ancient right unto that kingdom (which they were not now to urge, as oppressed by his happy victories, but might in time be revived) had also a late interest by a league betwixt him and king john, wherein he had expressly covenanted by the solemn consent of the greatest part of his nobility, that king Ferdinand should succeed him in the kingdom. Whereby they excused him of the late war, as justly taken in hand against the queen and her son usurping upon his right; which king john knowing to be good, and moved with conscience, had by his solemn act acknowledged, though to the great offence and prejudice of Solyman his setter up and defender, as also to the touching of himself in honour, to have so unthankfully and fraudulently dealt with his patron, to whom he was by the oath of obedience bound. Wherefore they requested, That sith he being a prince of all others most mighty and magnificent, standing upon his upright dealing both in peace and war, had so lightly regarded the sly dealing of so ingrateful a man: he would rather accept of king Ferdinand so many ways injured, as his friend and tributary, than to have him his perpetual enemy. Concluding, that nothing could be unto him for the good report of his justice more commendable, or for the assurance of a perpetual peace more profitable, or to the immortal praise of his bounty more honourable, than to call a king of a most ancient dissent, famous for his virtue and fidelity, chosen for a king by the Bohemians, desired for a king by the Hungarians, emperor elect of the Roman empire by the Germans, and the natural brother of the great emperor, Soliman's proud answer to king Ferdinand's ambassadors. his tributary king of HUNGARY. Solyman with cheerful countenance accepting and commending of the presents, answered them two days after by Rustan the Bassa his son in law, that this was his resolute condition of peace and friendship: If king Ferdinand would forthwith restore all the cities towns & castles which were before belonging to K. Lewes, and for ever after abstain from HUNGARY: and whereas he had been so often provoked by him to war, and had therein bestowed so great charges, and taken so much travel, he could for that be content with an easy pain (which should be for his greater honour) to impose an easy tribute upon AUSTRIA: upon which conditions he was content to enter into league with them: but if so be that those conditions seemed unto them too heavy, and that they would rather make choice of war than peace, he would bring to pass by continual war, that such things as they had taken from the kingdom of HUNGARY, should be requited with the destruction of AUSTRIA. But the ambassadors, although they were much moved at the proud demand of tribute for AUSTRIA, as that wherein the two brethren of mighty power, Charles' the emperor and king Ferdinand were disdainfully abused: to keep the best course of their negotiation, and to win some time in so hard estate of things; required a truce, until such time as king Ferdinand and the emperor his brother might be made acquainted with the matter. Which their request (the Turk perceiving their drift and purpose) would in no case grant, for Winter was now fast coming on. It was lawful for the ambassadors, all the time they were in the Turks camp, to view every part thereof, Rustan Bassa conducting them from place to place: where above all things, The Turks camp well ordered. they most wondered at the perpetual and dumb silence of so great a multitude, the soldiers being so ready and attentive, that they were no otherwise commanded but by the beckoning of the hand, or a nod of their commanders: They marveled also at the exquisite order and sweetness of the Turks camp, finding therein nothing disordered or noisome; so that it seemed not the camp of such a rude and barbarous nation, but rather of them which were the authors of martial discipline. The ambassadors being rewarded and so sent away, Solyman commanded the old Governor of BELGRADE to spoil the borders of AUSTRIA all alongst Danubius: Cason also General of the voluntary horsemen, he sent into MORAVIA for like purpose; who neither of them did any great harm, by reason of the sudden rising of the great rivers, with the abundance of rain then falling in Autumn. After that, Solyman appointed one Solyman an Hungarian (who taken prisoner in his youth by the Turks, had from that time followed the Mahometan superstition) governor of BUDA: who by the upright administration of justice, and courteous using of the people, with Verbetius the old chancellor▪ should do what was possible to put the people in hope of long peace and tranquility▪ Solyman returneth towards Constantinople. Which things done, after he had stayed about twenty days at BUDA, he determined to return again into THRACIA, because the rain of Autumn, and the cold of Winter was now come in: and was also in doubt to be shut in with the rising of the great rivers, wherewith the country of HUNGARY is in every place so watered, and on every side so compassed, that it is a hard matter to pass. Lascus set at liberty by Solyman, shortly after d●●th. By the way he set Lascus king Ferdinand's ambassador again at liberty, whom he had left in prison at BELGRADE: but he long enjoyed not that benefit, for shortly after returning into POLONIA, he died of the flux; which caused many to suppose, that he was poisoned by the Turks. A man for his virtue and learning famous, worthy of a longer life, whose death the king himself much lamented. As Solyman was returning into THRACIA, and was come to the river Dranus, it was told him, that Stephen Maylat Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA, who took king Ferdinand his part, a professed enemy of the Turks, was taken, by the cunning of Peter of MOLDAVIA, and prince of VALACHIA; and that all the country of TRANSILVANIA was well pacified and yielded to his obedience. Of which news Solyman was passing glad, for he exceedingly hated Maylat: a martial man of a froward nature, desirous of rule, and ready upon any occasion to revolt; forasmuch as he remembered Grittus his legate, and the Turks by him slain; and knew also, that the Transylvanians, an invincible people, borne to trouble, and more delighting in uncertain war than assured peace, was by him stirred up; whom he wished rather by gentleness to appease, than by force of arms and strong hand to subdue▪ But because we have oftentimes before made mention of this Maylat, of whose taking Solyman so much rejoiced, it shall not be amiss in few words to declare by what fineness he fell into the hands of this treacherous and bloody man, Peter of MOLDAVIA. This Moldavian by the commandment of Solyman (as is aforesaid) had joined his forces with Achomates Governor of NICOPOLIS, against Maylat; which being united, were in number fifty thousand horsemen, beside footmen, which after the manner of those countries were not many, every man almost in the country be he never so poor, keeping a horse to serve upon. Maylat the Vayvod not able to keep the field against Achomates, & the prince of Moldavia, flieth to Fogaras. Maylat beset with the multitude of his enemies, and finding himself too weak to encounter them, despairing also of aid from king Ferdinand, whom he knew to be busied in a greater war; forsook the field, and fled again into the strong town of FOGARAS, as he had done the year before, when he was overcharged by king john his power: for there as in a most strong place both by nature and fortification, he had laid up his greatest substance and provision for the wars, but especially the rich spoil he had long before taken from Grittus. Achomates coming th●●her with his power, and perceiving the place was not to be battered or taken by force, but with much labour and long time: thought it best, to assay if he could overcome him by craft and deceit. Wherefore he sent a messenger unto Maylat, to persuade him to yield himself unto Solyman, and to make choice rather to be called of him his friend, than to be judged his enemy; of whom he might well hope of all goodness, which had given whole kingdoms unto his enemies: promising, that he would use the uttermost of his credit, which was not small, and labour for him as his friend, that he might feel the fruit of his clemency and bounty▪ and still enjoy the government of TRANSILVANIA, paying him some small yearly tribute, as he had before requested: for as much as he could take no course better, being beset with so many enemies, than to make his peace upon reasonable conditions, and that with as much speed as were possible: in which doing, besides that he should well provide for his own safety, he should also save both his wealth and honour; for Solyman was coming (as he said) with his victorious army, who would with assured death revenge his vain hope of holding out the siege, if he should upon a stubborn and obstinate mind then refuse to obey his command. Whereunto Maylat, who foresaw that it was better for him to make a certain peace, than to endure an uncertain war, answered, That he could be content to conclude a peace, so that it were not upon any hard conditions; and would not greatly refuse Soliman's command, which was wont to be both reasonable and just: wherefore upon sufficient pledges he would come into the camp, in presence to agree upon the conditions of the peace, and demanded to have Achomates his son, a valiant young gentleman, delivered in hostage. Which thing Achomates denied, for that he had (as he said) before given him to Solyman, as the manner was, and therefore had over him no more power: but he promised for him, that was but one, to give four of his best captains. Which offer Maylat (misdoubting no deceit) accepted, Mailat cometh into the Turks camp. and with a great and gallant retinue attended upon, came into the enemy's camp, where he was courteously and honourably received. But the parley, as it could not be conveniently begun immediately after their first salutation, so could it by no means be then ended, but was deferred until the next day: to the intent, that the treacherous Moldavian might take his well acquainted and well known guest, whom he had against that time invited to a solemn banquet. By that means, the next day about the midst of dinner, fortune so favouring the intended treachery, Maylat who was of so proud and choleric a nature that he could not well brook the least indignity, was by occasion of some insolent speech of purpose ministered by the Moldavian guests, put into such a fret, that laying his hand upon his sword, he in a rage flung from the table: at which time all the other guests starting up also, laid hands upon him and took him, fuming, and in vain crying out, that he was shamefully betrayed. Maylat treacherously taken prisoner by the Moldavian. His followers were all forthwith stripped of all their bravery by the needy Moldavians, and their horses and armour taken from them. Whilst Maylat was yet furiously exclaiming of this treason, in came Achomates, who to seem guiltless of the matter, with deep dissimulation sharply reproved the false Moldavian, that he had in doing so foul a fact shamefully violated the laws of hospitality, reverenced of all nations, falsified the faith which he had given him for his safety, and betrayed the lives of such notable captains as lay in hostage for him. Whereunto the Moldavian (as if it had been in contempt) scornfully answered, That he had upon good cause taken Maylat prisoner, and so would in safety keep him for Solyman, unto whom it only belonged to judge, whether he had justly or unjustly detained him. Not long after, the strong town of FOGARIS was delivered, with the hostages; but whether by fear or by corruption of Maylats' lieutenant, is uncertain. So Valentinus Turaccus, and Maylat, two of the greatest noble men of HUNGARY, sufficient of themselves to have restored the Hungarian kingdom (first rend in sunder with civil discord, and afterward with the invasion of the Turks) fell into the hands of the enemy, not vanquished in battle, but deceived by treason. The town being thus surrendered, Transiluania given by Solyman to the young king. almost all the country of TRANSILVANIA, was by Soliman's consent delivered to the young king, unto whom all the people most willingly submitted themselves, and took the oath of obedience, remembering that his father had almost for thirty years space with great justice and quietness governed that province; and with many presents honoured the young king lying in LIPPA, with the queen his mother, and his two tutors, the bishop, and Vicche. At the same time, Charles the emperor at the importunate suit of his subjects of SPAIN, had prepared a great force both by sea and land for the conquering of ALGIERS: from whence the Turkish pirates did so infest all that coast of the country, from GADES to the mountains PYRENEI, that the Spaniards (all trade of merchandise being set apart) were glad to keep continual watch and ward all alongst that coast for defence of the country. Wherefore although he well knew of the coming of the Turks to BUDA, Charles the emperor returneth out of Germany to invade Algiers. and how hardly he was by the Landgrave and others spoken of, for leaving his brother so hardly bestead, to go against a sort of pirates in AFRICA; yet persisting in his former determination, he departed out of GERMANY into ITALY, where by the way he was met by Octavius Farnesius his son in law, Alphonsus Vastius his lieutenant, by the Venetian ambassadors, near to VERONA, and so brought to MILAN, where he was with great solemnity joyfully received of the citizens, and under a canopy of gold brought unto the palace: he himself going in a plain black cloak, and a homely cap in mourning wise; when as the women and vulgar people, upon a curious simplicity, expected to have seen so great an emperor in his royal robes, glistering with gold and precious stone, and the imperial crown upon his head. His heavy countenance answerable also to his attire was much noted, as presaging the woeful overthrow which was the day before r●receiued at BUDA, but not yet known in ITALY. From MILAN he departed to GENVA, where he was advertised by letters from his brother king Ferdinand, of the overthrow of the Germans, of the victory of the Turks, and the coming of Solyman. Upon which news, Vastius and Auria, his two chief commanders, the one at land, the other at sea, would have persuaded him to have deferred his intended expedition for AFRICA until the next Spring: and with such power as he had already raised in ITALY, & brought with him out of GERMANY, to stay still in ITALY, so to make show unto the Turks as if he would have returned and holpen his brother: and in the mean time to assure himself of his state in ITALY against the French, who (as it was thought) would be ready to take all occasion of advantage, if any mishap should befall him, either by the force of the enemy, or violence of tempest. But he constant in his former resolution, answered them as they sat in counsel, that they had persuaded him for great reasons to stay in ITALY; but that he was for far greater to pass into AFRICA: for if he should then stay in ITALY, it would be thought, that he was for fear of the Turks fled out of GERMANY: which disgrace could no otherwise be prevented, but by the present prosecuting of his former determination for ALGIERS, and satisfying the expectation of his subjects of SPAIN; and so by sea valiantly to prove their better fortune, which had of late not so evil favoured them at land, in hope that ALGIERS might be won before the seas should grow rough and dangerous with Winter tempests: which if it should fall out according to his mind, he would not, as he said, greatly care what the French could do. Yet was it thought, that the dissembling friendship betwixt the French king and him, would not long endure: and the rather, for that there was a new grudge risen betwixt them about the death of Antonius Rinco, who for certain years had lain ambassador for the French king at CONSTANTINOPLE to Solyman, and was a few months before sent back again by him into FRANCE to the king: but returning back again with new instructions from his master, for the confirmation of a further league betwixt the Turkish Sultan and him, The French kings ambassador slain by the ●mperial●. he was by certain Spaniards of the emperor's old soldiers, who had knowledge of his coming, belaid upon the river Padus as he was going down to VENICE, so to have passed into EPYRUS, and slain, together with Caesar Fregosius: or as the common report went, first taken and tortured, to get from him the secrets of his negotiation, and afterwards slain. Which report so much touched Vastius in credit, that in purgation of himself, he offered the combat to any man of like quality to himself, that durst charge him with the truth thereof. But many were of opinion, that he was well and worthily taken away, for undertaking so odious a charge, as to stir up the Turks against the Christians, and to show unto them such opportunities as might best serve their purpose, by discovering unto them the emperors desseigns, to the great hurt of the Christian commonweal. But were it well, or were it evil; The emperor and the bishop of Rome meet a● Luca. as Paulus the third of that name then bishop of ROME, meeting the emperor at LUCA as he came from GENVA, could not, or would not determine; sure it served as no small occasion to set those two great princes again at odds, whereby the wished unity of the Christian state was sore shaken, and a way opened for the Turk. The emperor at his coming to LUCA, was honourably received by the cardinals and bishops, and lodged in the court: the great bishop was before placed in the bishop's palace, whither the emperor came thrice to talk with him, and the bishop to him once. But the bishop having nothing at all prevailed with the emperor and the French ambassador, for the appeasing of the troubles even then like to arise betwixt him and the French king: did what he might to persuade him to employ such forces as he was about to pass over with into AFRICA, against the Turks in defence of his brother Ferdinand, and of the country of AUSTRIA, if Solyman should happily pursue his late obtained victory at BUDA. But he still resolute in that fatal determination of invading of AFRICA, rejected that the bishops request also. So the great bishop having moved much, and prevailed little, in the greatest matters which most concerned the common good, taking his leave of the emperor, returned by easy journeys to ROME. The emperor in the mean time with certain bands of Italians, under the leading of Camillus Columna and Augustinus Spinula, and six thousand Germans, came from LUCA to the po●t LUNE, and there embarking his soldiers in certain merchant ships provided for the purpose, and five and thirty galleys, departed thence, commanding the masters of the ships to direct their course to the islands of BALEARES: but after they had put to sea, they were by force of tempest suddenly arising, brought within sight of CORSICA: where after they had been tossed too and fro two days in the rough seas, and put out of their course, the wind something falling, they put into the haven of SYRACUSE, now called BONIFACIUM. The dispersed fleet once come together into the port of SYRACUSE, and the rage of the sea well appeased, he put to sea again for the islands BALEARES, now called MAIORCA and MINORCA: where in his course he met with a tempest from the West, The emperor driven by tempest into Sicilia. more terrible and dreadful than the first: wherein divers of the galleys having lost their masts and sails, were glad with extreme labour and peril in striving against the wrought sea to get into a harbour of the lesser island, taking name of Barchinus Mago the famous Carthaginensian, whose name it retaineth until this day. From hence the emperor with all his fleet passed over to the greater island, being wonderful glad that Ferdinand Gonzaga his viceroy in SICILIA was in good time come with the Sicilian galleys and ships of ITALY, in number a hundred and fifty sail, wherein he had brought such store of biscuit and victual, as might have sufficed for a long war. Mendoza was also expected to have come thither with his fleet from SPAIN, but he by reason of contrary winds being not able to hold that course, altered his purpose according to the tempest, and so happily cut over directly to ALGIERS. So the emperor nothing misdoubting the careful diligence of Mendoza, and thinking that which was indeed already chanced, and the wind now serving fair, by the persuasion of Auria his Admiral hoist sail, The emperor comes to Algiers. and in two days came before ALGIERS, and there in goodly order came to anchor before the city in the sight of the enemy. Whilst the fleet thus lay, two of the pirates which had been abroad at sea seeking for prize, returning to ALGIERS, not knowing any thing of the fleet, fell into the bay amongst them before they were aware: the bigger whereof Viscontes Cicada stemmed with his galley and sunk him, the other with wonderful celerity got into the haven. In the mean time Mendoza with his galleys had passed the promontory of Apollo, now called the cape of CASSINEUS, and in token of honour saluting the emperor after the manner at sea, with all his great Ordinance, gave him knowledge that the Spanish fleet was not far behind. The emperors fleet out of Spain and the low countries. In this fleet was above a hundred tall ships of BISCAY and the low countries, and of other smaller vessels a far greater number. In these ships besides the footmen was embarked a great number of brave horsemen out of all parts of SPAIN: for many noble gentlemen had voluntarily of their own charge gallantly furnished themselves with brave armour and courageous horses, to serve their prince and country against the Infidels. Over these choice men commanded Ferdinand of TOLEDO, The duke of Alba. duke of ALBA, for his approved valour then accounted a famous captain. These ships going altogether with sails, were not yet able to double the cape, as did Mendoza with his galleys, for now it was a dead calm: howbeit the billow of the sea went yet high, by reason of the rage of the late tempest, and did so beat against the plain shore, that it was not possible to land the soldiers, but that they must needs be washed up to the middle: which thing the emperor thought it not good to put them unto, and so to oppose them sea-sick and thorough wet against the sudden and desperate assaults of their fierce enemies. He also stayed for the coming of the Spanish ships for two causes: first, that he might with his united power more strongly assault the city, and terrify the enemy; then, to communicate the whole glory of the action with the Spaniards, at whose request and forwardness and greatest charge he had undertaken that war. Delay in great actions hurtful. Which fatal delay of two days, although it was grounded upon good reason, did not only disturb an assured victory, but to the notable hurt of the whole army, opened a way to all the calamities which afterwards ensued. The emperor sendeth a messenger to Asan aga governor of Algiers for Barbarussa. In the mean while the emperor sent a convenient messenger to Asanagas, otherwise and more truly called Assan-Aga, or Assan the eunuch; who with a little flag of truce in his hand making sign of parley, and answered by the Moors with like, as their manners is, went on shore, and was of them courteously received and brought to Assan. This Assan was an eunuch, borne in SARDINIA, brought up from his youth in the Mahometan superstition by Barbarussa, a man both politic and valiant, and by him left for the keeping of his kingdom of ALGIERS in his absence with Solyman. This messenger brought into his presence, required him forthwith to deliver the city (first surprised by force and treachery by Horruccius, and afterwards to the destruction of mankind, fortified by Hariadenus Barbarussa his brother) to Charles the mighty emperor, come in person himself to be revenged on those horrible pirates: which if he would do, it should be lawful for the Turks to depart whether they would, and for the natural Moors to abide still, with their goods and religion wholly reserved unto them untouched, as in former time: and for himself, he should receive of the emperor great rewards both in time of peace and wars, so that he would remember himself, that he was born in SARDINIA, and was once a Christian; and accept of the fairest occasion which could possibly be offered for him to return again to the worshipping of the true God, and to enjoy the favour and bounty of the most mighty emperor, and withal to revenge himself of the cruel tyrant Barbarussa, for the unnatural villainy done unto his person. But if he would needs dally on the time, and make proof of the strength of so great a preparation, he should undoubtedly with the rest of his followers receive the same reward of his obstinacy, which they had to the example of others received at TUNES. The scornful answer of Assan the eunuch to the emperors messenger. Whereunto the ungracious eunuch answered, That he thought him altogether mad, that would follow his enemy's counsel: and with a grinning countenance asked him, Upon what hope the emperor trusted to be able to win the city? the messenger pointing with his finger directly to the fleet, told him, That which you see, with his great artillery, and valour of his soldiers, both horse and foot: Whereat the eunuch scornfully laughing, replied, And we with like force and valour will defend this city, and make this place, already famous for your overthrows here twice, now the third time of all others most famous by the emperors discomfiture. It is reported, that there was in ALGIERS an old witch, famous for her predictions, who had (as it was said) foretold the shipwrecks and misery of Didaco Verra and Hugo Moncada to them of ALGIERS; and also prefixed a time when as the Christian emperor adventuring to besiege that city, should there receive great loss both by sea and land: The fame of which blind prophecy serving fitly to confirm the hope of good success in the minds of the vulgar multitude, Assan so fed and augmented (although he himself being a crafty wise fellow, believed no such vanity) that he did therewith not only encourage his own soldiers, but also struck a terror into the minds of the weaker sort of his enemies, seeing themselves cast upon so dangerous a coast upon the approach of Winter. There was in garrison in the city but eight hundred Turks, and most of them horsemen, but such, as whose valour and resolution far exceeded their number. For Assan had lost many of his best men, some in fight against Mendoza; and othersome at sea, slain or taken by Auria in CORSICA; and in other places by the Rhodian, Neapolitan, and Sicilian galleys; but many more were by his leave gone to aid the Moors against the Portugeses: the other multitude did scarce make up the number of five thousand; which were partly natural Moors borne in that country, and partly such as were born in GRANADO; to whom was joined many fugitives out of the islands of MAIORCA and MINORCA, who in former time having entered into rebellion, and fearing condign punishment, were fled to ALGIERS, and there revolted to the Mahometan superstition. But the captains of the wild Numidians made up a great number both of horse and foot: which lying straggling without the city in the open fields, should night and day vex and molest the Christians. This brutish people, naturally enemies unto the Christians, had Assan with rewards and hope of a rich spoil, alured out of the countries thereabout to aid him: neither was it lawful for any man to carry his wife or children out of the city into places of more safety farther off, or to show any small token of fear, pain of death being by the imperious eunuch proposed to whosoever should but look heavily for fear of danger, or speak a word savouring of cowardice. The emperor by Auria making choice of a most convenient place for landing his men, The emperor landeth his army as Algiers. laid his galleys so close unto his tall ships, that his armed soldiers might with ease come out of the high built ships into them, and so out of them into the long boats, to be forthwith set on shore. And such was the speedy diligence of them that had the charge of that matter, and the plenty of boats still ready to receive the soldiers as fast as they could come out of the galleys, that the footmen were in a very short time all landed. The emperor having a little rested and refreshed his soldiers, divided his army into three equal battles, which was in number about twenty thousand footmen, besides horsemen, and others who of their own voluntary will than followed the emperors fortune. Unto every battle he appointed three field pieces, to terrify the Numidian horsemen, which were still pricking up and down about them, ready to charge, if they could take them at any advantage. And so setting forward a few furlongs, encamped in a strong and convenient place, near unto the city between two deep ditches, which the water falling from the mountains had naturally worn so deep, that neither horseman no● footman could well pass over, but by bridge: and fast by upon the left hand was a hill, from the top whereof it seemed the city might with great ordinance well be battered. The description of Algiers. The city of ALGIERS, sometime the royal seat of the great king juba, called of the Romans JULIA CaeSAREA, is in form of a triangle, scituat fast by the sea towards the North, having a haven, but neither great, neither safe from the North wind. The houses farther off from the sea, stand in seemly order upon the rising of a steep hill, as it were upon degrees, in such sort, that the windows of one row still overlook the tops of the next beneath it, into the sea, most beautiful to behold. The emperor having divided his camp into three parts, every nation by themselves, lying on the East side of the town, was in great hope to win it; and the rather, for that whilst he assaulted it on that side, his ships and galleys from the North side, might in time of the assault with their great ordinance beat the enemy all alongst the wall: which still rising higher and higher according to the rising of the steep hill, could not conveniently be defended with one bulwark, as we see it may in plain ground. Nearest unto the rising of the hills, lay the Spaniards; in the midst, the Germans with the emperor; and in the plain nearest unto the sea, The Numidians skirmish with the Spaniards. the Italians. In the mean time whilst the great ordinance was landing and the horses unshipping, the Numidians with a hideous outcry showed themselves upon the tops of the mountains above the Spaniards, and from thence easily gauled them with their darts and shot: for they nimbly running too and fro in the known paths of the rough mountains, would suddenly and fiercely assail them, but after the manner of their nation skirmishing a far off, rather than near at hand. In which manner of light skirmishes, all that day was spent until night with small danger, but much trouble to the Spaniards. And when night was come, these wild people, one company still succeeding another in the place they had before taken, never left shooting; for wheresoever they saw any fire in the Spanish camp, thither came arrows, darts, and stones flying as thick as hail: for remedy whereof, the Spaniards were glad to put out their fires, The Spaniards put the Numidians to flight, and game the hills. and with silence to expect the day, that they might come nearer unto them. Wherefore as soon as the sun was up, the Spaniards by the persuasion of Aluares Sands, master of the camp, valiantly climbing up the high mountains, repulsed and put to flight the Numidians, and took the top of the hills, and there lay as it were encamped in the poor shepherds cottages. But the same day such a multitude of the wild people was flocked about them, that they were compassed in round, and glad to fight on every side in a ring. Yet this fierceness of this barbarous people, was by the valour of the Sicilian companies quickly repressed, whose pikemen glistering in their bright armour, made small account of the Numidians arrows and darts, but orderly stepping forwards with their pikes, and the arquebusiers close by their sides, easily repulsed their naked enemies. The description of the Numidian footmen and horsemen. The Numidian footmen are for most part youths half naked, with long hair not unlike the Irish, using no other weapons but darts: they fight mingled with their horsemen, trusting the one to the other, and are of a wonderful swiftness and agility of body. Their horsemen use long spears, armed at both ends, which they with a marvelous dexterity use to the endangering of their enemy pursuing them: they use also long and light targuets made of leather, wherewith they so cunningly defend themselves and their horses, both in their charge and retreat, that for a small trifle, in respect of the danger, they will give a man leave to cast seven darts at one of them, which they will all most surely avoid, either with their spear, or receive them without harm in their target. In the mean time, whilst this wild people thus skirmished all the day, at night a sudden mischance overthrew all the emperor's hope: for as he stood beholding the unshipping of his great ordinance, his horses, victual, and other necessaries of the army, a storm of wind and rain began about six a clock in the afternoon, holding on all the night without intermission, A marvelous tempest. with such rage, as if heaven and earth should have gone together: wherewith the whole army at land was wonderfully troubled, and a great part of the fleet at sea by force of tempest driven aground, perished. That night three companies of the Italians, by the appointment of their General, lay without the trenches against the sudden assault of so uncertain an enemy, who when they had all the night endured the vehement rain and extreme cold, were so overcome with the extremity of the weather, that neither was their minds able to relieve their weak bodies, neither their feeble bodies their discouraged minds: for they could neither conveniently stand nor lie down, all the ground being so miry, that at every step they sunk up to the calf of the leg. Upon these staruen companies, the Turkish horsemen and Moors footmen, who diligently observed the watch of the Christians, perceiving their distress, suddenly sallied out in the dawning of the day; and so fiercely charged them, their match land powder being now so wet that they could not use their pieces, that they all fled, except a few pikemen, who made a stand, and were all quickly slain by the Turks: who so desperately pursued the rest in chase, that they followed them over the trench into the camp. This alarm being heard, Camillus Columna the Italian General came presently thither, being sent by the emperor, who with certain companies issued out over the bridge against the enemy: who now in show discouraged with the coming out of this new supply, did in deed, or at leastwise made as if they did disorderly retire for fear. At which time Ferdinand Gonzaga, viceroy of SICILIA, a man of greatest account in the army next unto the emperor, coming in also, and angry with them which had before fled; persuaded them as valiant men, to recompense their shameful flight with a fresh charge, by driving the enemy home to his own door: which thing Columna said could not be done without great peril: But Gonzaga being a man of noble courage, desired to have the disgrace which the Italians had received, salved some way, although it were with never so great danger; thinking also that it might happily fall out, that the enemy being put to flight, and hastily pursued, they might together with them enter the city, without danger of the artillery. The Moors 〈◊〉 to flight by the Italians. So without farther delay, the rest of the Italian companies were fled forth of their trenches with great cheerfulness by Augustine Spinula, who so valiantly charged the enemies that they put them to flight, and pursued them so hard, that they came with them to the very gates of the city: where many shut out for fear of letting in the Italians together with them, escaped by known ways, some to another gate, and some into the mountains. But then these barbarous people, with darts and shot from the walls, began to overwhelm the Italians which were unadvisedly come within their danger, and with terrible outcries to terrify them: and they which before were fled without the walls, The Italians discomfited by the Moors fly, and endanger the whole camp. returned again to fight. They also which had shut the gate, sallied out again, and hardly charged the Italians, who already galled with shot from the walls, and rend in sunder with the great ordinance, fled most disorderly; for why, they were but raw soldiers taken up in haste, little or nothing acquainted with the wars. At which time Asan also sallying out, who was easily known by his countenance and rich attire, pursued the chase with his troops of Turks and Moors footmen. Only certain knights of the RHODES fought valiantly, and retired orderly: and Spinula with some other gentlemen making a stand at a little wooden bridge, somewhat stayed the enemy and saved the lives of many. So the Italians which first charged most valiantly, being in the flight become hindermost, the enemy striking them down as they fled, covered the fields with their dead bodies by the space of half a mile, especially they which fled towards the sea: for there they were circumvented and slain by the merciless Numidians, who beholding the shipwreck, were come down to the sea side for prey. But the foremost companies of the Italians which first fled into the camp, fled in so much haste and so great fear, that none of the leaders in so great and sudden a perplexity, remembered either the common safety, or performed the duty of an advised captain; so that all s●●med at once lost, both by sea and land. Only the emperor, armed with an invincible courage against all the chances of fortune, and not to be dismayed with any mishap, was both unto himself and others that day the greatest captain; for when as all was almost lost, he in good time stayed the matter by coming on with the squadron of Germans, whereof he sent before three ensigns to stay the flight, and with them as a sure and fresh supply to guard his camp beyond the bridge which was over the ditch, serving his army for a trench as we have before said. But such a fear had possessed the minds of the flying Italians, and such was the fierce pursuit of the enemy, that those Germans (not before wont to turn their backs) as if they had been afraid of the Turks white caps, or not able to abide their sight, or to hold up weapon against them; by and by turned their backs, and shamefully fled for company with the Italians. Then the emperor galloping forth with his horse, The notable courage of the emperor in slaying the ●light of his army. and his sword in his hand drawn, reproving them of cowardice that fled, set forward with the Germane squadron, and with a stout and manly courage spoke to them these few words in their own language: When will you (fellow soldiers) show your faces to your proud enemies; if now when you should fight for the honour of the Christian name, for the glory of the Germane nation, for the safeguard of your own lives, in the presence of your emperor, you fear a few disordered and naked Barbarians? Immediately when he had thus said, the Germans touched with shame, and disdaining that it should be thought they needed any exhortation to perform the parts of valiant soldiers, issued out against the enemy: who moved with their coming▪ and seeing the Italian battle again restored by the valour and travel of certain valiant and expert captains, stood still a while, and began to retire; whether it were because they feared the great artillery & assault of the Germans, or that they thought they had done enough for that sally: when as for the full accomplishment of the victory they saw the Christian fleet overcome with a most horrible tempest, miserably to perish before their faces; and many of their men, especially the moors hasted to the sea side in hope of a more certain prey, whereas was no enemy to be feared. For the blustering winds blowing from divers quarters, as if they had conspired to raise a most horrible tempest, An horrible tempest. had made such a wrought sea, and the huge billows went so high, that the ships by the violence of the weather, and rage of the sea, put from their anchors, fell foul one of another, and were so lost; or else driven upon the main, were there beaten in pieces in the sight of the army: so that all the sea coast Westward, from ALGIERS to CERCELLO, layfull of dead men and horses, The Christian fleet perisheth by shipwreck. and the ribs of broken ships. The Numidians beholding this miserable wrack, came down by great companies from the mountains, and without mercy slew all that came alive to land. In the space of a few hours was lost about an hundred and forty ships, and all the small boats and carvels, which were in number many. Some of the galleys, when they had from midnight to the next day at noon, by the painful labour of the mariners and skilfulness of the masters, rid it out; being no longer able to endure the rage of the tempest, and fearing to be eaten up with the sea, with sails and oars ran a ground: but the soldiers and mariners swimming to land in hope to save their lives, and thinking that the greatest danger had been now past, were by the Numidian horsemen which ran up and down the sea side, slain. There might a man have seen free men of all sorts, with tears commending their lives and liberty to their own galleyslaves; that by the speech and entreaty of them, which by the sudden change of fortune had but even now shaken off their irons, and with merry hearts swum out to their liberty, they might be saved from the cruelly of the fierce Numidians. A hard choice. It was a most grievous and woeful sight for divers hard extremities; when as every man according to the disposition of his mind and skill in swimming, standing doubtful in most assured death, which to receive or refuse, was by fatal destiny drawn to his end, and either drowned in the sea, or thrust thorough with the enemy's lance: yet most made choice to abide the danger of the sea, and to expect the event of the tempest, rather than to hasten their end by the enemies merciless hand. By that means it came to pass, that that barbarous cruelty of the enemy (as a thing most feared of the mariners and soldiers) saved many galleys, which by the appointment of the fearful mariners and passengers should otherwise have been run on ground. But after that, a notable galley wherein jannettin Auria went, was seen to come near unto the shore, and to be driven upon the sands by force of weather and the beating of other galleys. Many galleys lost by saving of one man. The emperor not enduring to see so valiant a young gentleman, captain of many galleys, slain without help by the Moors in the sight of Auria his uncle; sent by and by one of his captains called Antonius of ARRAGON, with three bands of Italians to the sea side: by whose coming the Moors were put to flight, and he with the rest in the galley saved; but so, that the saving of him was the loss of divers other galleys. For many delivered of the fear of the Numidians, and trusting to the rescue of the soldiers come down to the sea side, desiring to save themselves from the rage of the sea, ran their galleys on ground; and had not some bold captains (grieved to see so great a loss) run up and down the banks with their drawn swords in their hands, and by threatening death unto the galleyslaves and mariners, stayed their rowing, most part of the galleys had by the example of the other perished. Auria, not so angry at himself as at the emperor (who, contrary to the observation of skilful seamen, could not be dissuaded from taking in hand that great expedition in so suspicious a time of the year) with an invincible courage strive against the violence of the tempest, and rage of the sea: insomuch, that being requested by some of his friends, to save himself whatsoever became of the galley; he was so angry thereat, that he commanded them to be bestowed under the hatches. Four galleys also of Virginius Vrsinus, earl of ANGVILLARIA, and as many of the Rhodians, after his example rid it out, the reputation of their honour exceeding the fear of death. Certain galleys also of SICILIA, NAPLES, and SPAIN, happily endured all the rage of the tempest: yet was there fifteen great galleys cast away; with the loss whereof, besides the loss of so many ships, the tempest still enduring, so great sorrow and desperation in the woeful expectation of the wrack of all, possessed the whole army, that not only the young soldiers regarding only their own lives, but even the most valiant captains, careful of the common estate, were utterly discouraged: for never was army in any memory, overwhelmed with a greater concourse of calamities, when as all their victuals being lost in three days, nothing was left to relieve them withal, and they wanted tents wherein to shroud and rest the soldiers spent with labour, hunger, cold, and wounds, in such perpetual rain and so duty a country. The misery of the Christian army. In which so great miseries, a wonderful care heavier than the former fear exceedingly troubled the minds of all men, to think upon that horrible wrack; when as having lost so many ships, & they poor men landed in AFRICA, were in doubt how ever to return again into their native countries. Yet the notable courage of the emperor still kept the distressed men in hope, which never altogether forsaketh wretched men in the midst of their calamities: for he with a courageous heart & cheerful countenance performed all the parts of a provident & courteous General. The cheerfulness of the emperor comforteth the whole distressed armi●. For when he had again made sure his camp against the assaults of the Barbarians, he commanded the wearied captains, especially the duke of ALBA (wonderfully wearied in the late skirmish) and dung wet, to spare themselves, and take their rest: he comforted the wounded men, and caused them to be carried and cherished in the tents which by chance yet stood (for the tempestuous wind had almost overthrown them all) and so not sparing himself for any pains, being in his armour and thorough wet, won the hearts of all his soldiers the more. In this conflict he lost about three thousand men, amongst whom was five of his forward captains, and three knights of the RHODES: but many more were hurt. The greatest loss was thought to be in loss of the ships and of the mariners, which was also increased by the loss of a wonderful deal of great ordinance, reckoned so much the greater, for that it would come into the hands of the Moors, to the common harm of the Christians, so soon as the sea would give them leave to dive for it. Shortly after, Auria (as he was to foresee a tempest, a wonderful observer of the sea, of the heavens, and of the clouds) mistrusting that place, departed with the remainder of the fleet to the cape called META●VSIVM; because it was a place of safer riding for his galleys, and better for the taking in of the soldiers: advising the emperor to march thither by land. Which his counsel the emperor liking well of, Horses good mea● in the emperors army. to relieve the hunger of his soldiers, commanded first all the draft horses which were first unshipped for the drawing of the great Ordinance, and after them the horses for service, to be killed, and divided for meat amongst the soldiers: As for wood to make fire of, they had plenty of the planks and ribs of the broken ships, fortune as it were with that one poor benefit recompensing so many calamities. The emperor departeth from Algiers. The next day the emperor departed from ALGIERS, with his army divided into three battles, the sick and wounded men being received into the middle: and when he had marched seven miles (the enemy's horsemen still hovering about him) he came to a heady brook, which the Moors call ALCARAZ: which was grown so high with the abundant rain and the check of the wind and of the sea, that being but a shallow thing before, it was not now to be passed over by a good horseman. Wherefore the emperor of necessity there encamped, in such sort, that lying with his army in form of a triangle, two sides of his army was defended with the sea and the brook, and the other with a strong guard of armed men, for he thought it not good to depart from the sea, a sure defence for his army on the left hand, to seek a fourd further of: many adventuring to swim over, were by the violence of the stream carried away and drowned. Wherefore the emperor caused a bridge to be made over it, of the masts and sail yards of the broken ships, which were by chance there taken up, and so passed over the Italians and Germans. The Spaniards marching higher up the brook, found a fourd whereby they passed over. After which time the Turks pursued them no further, being called back again by Assan their governor: as for the Moors and Numidians which still followed at hand, always ready to skirmish, they were easily repulsed by the arquebusiers, and field pieces appointed to every nation: but upon such sick and wounded men as were not able to keep way with the army, they exercised all manner of cruelty: for there was none which in that small hope, possessed with fear of their own safety, was greatly moved with the compassion of their fellows misery. The next day passing over another little river, which the soldiers waded over up to the breasts, they came in three days march to the road where the fleet lay, and encamped in the ruins of the old city TIPASA, near unto the sea side, which served them in stead of a fortress against the Barbarians. The sea was now calm, the wind laid, He embarketh his army. and the weather so fair that all men thought the soldiers might now well be embarked and transported into EUROPE; wherefore the emperor to the great joy of the whole army commanded every man to make himself ready to go aboard, in such sort, that first the Italians, next the Germans, and last of all the Spaniards should be embarked: but so many ships and galleys as is before said, being lost by shipwreck, it was thought that those which were left were not able to receive the whole army, although it were crowded together as close as were possible. Wherefore the emperor commanded the masters and owners of the ships to cast all the horses overbourd into the sea, reputing it an unmerciful part to prefer the safeguard of those horses, although they were of great worth, before the life of the basest common soldier or horseboy in his camp; which thing much grieved the minds of the noblemen and owners of those goodly beasts, Horses of great price drowned by the emperou● a command to in the room for the common soldiers. not only for that they were (not without extreme necessity) for the present deprived of such an inestimable treasure, but should for ever, as they said, lose the most notable race of horses in SPAIN: there, with grief and vain compassion, was to be seen goodly horses of service, bearing high their proud heads, swimming all about the sea unto the ships nearest unto them for safeguard, as if it had been to the shore, and in the end wearied with long swimming to be there drowned. But scarce half the soldiers were yet embarked, when the East and Northeast wind, and straightways after, divers contrary winds almost as great as the first, rose: whereupon the ships which had already taken in the soldiers, not expecting any command, for fear of being driven upon the rocks, directed their course according as the wind carried them with full sails alongst the coast: They were quickly out of sight and dispersed with the tempest, some into one country, some into another, carrying the fame of that shipwreck, and the report that all was lost, into all the Islands of the Mediterranean and ports of ITALY. The force of this tempest was so great, and the billow went so high, that some of the ships were in the sight of their fellows swallowed up of the sea. But amongst the rest two Spanish ships full of soldiers were by wonderful mishap by contrary winds driven again to ALGIERS, Two Spanish ships f●ll of soldiers driven by tem●●st to Algiers. and there set fast upon that fatal shore, where the Numidian horsemen with a multitude of Moors following them, came running down to the sea side, to kill them as they should come to shore: for the barbarous people thirsting after Christian blood, would not receive them to mercy, although they were ready to yield themselves, and covenanted nothing but the safeguard of their lives. At which their cruelty the Spaniards disdaining, with their weapons in their hands got to shore, and standing close together as desperate men, withstood them who had with their multitude quickly compassed them in round: yet in despite of what that barbarous multitude (without regard of humanity or law of arms) could do, they made way thorough the midst of them, from the place where they were cast on shore, unto the very gates of the city. But seeing the Turks sally out, they called unto them, offering to yield themselves prisoners to Assan, without further resistance, if they would assure them their lives, which they were in good hope of, for that he was borne of Christian parents in SARDINIA, and was attended upon with many renegade Spaniards. So Assan coming forth of the city, Assan taketh the Spaniards to mercy. gave them his faith for their safety, and beating away the Moors and Numidians, courteously saved them all, wisely making great account of so great a gain as would redound unto him by so many prisoners, joined with no small commendation of his clemency in saving them. Of the Germans the third part never returned home, but were either lost with shipwreck, or else dead of the sickness ensuing so great miseries. The emperor persuaded (or rather overruled) by Auria to avoid the violence of the tempest, sailed alongst the coast of AFRICA Eastward to BUZIA, the castle whereof was kept with a small garrison of Spaniards: where the emperor landing, found some fresh victual, though not much, yet such as did both him and the other noblemen no small pleasure. The emperor cometh to ●●zia. Whilst the emperor lay at BUZIA expecting fairer weather, a great ship of GENVA, laded with victual, chanced to come into the bay, to the great rejoicing of the hungry soldiers: but such was the violence of the tempest, that her anchors came home, and she driven upon the flats, was cast away; yet so, as that part of the victual driven to shore, and half spoiled with the salt water, well relieved the increasing want. In the mean time the emperor when he had long looked for the assuaging of the tempest, and was now out of hope of any new supply of victual, sent away Gonzaga with the Sicilian and Rhodian galleys: for the wind before at North was now come to Northwest, and put them in hope to adventure again to sea, rather than to stay there longer. So although with a troublesome yet a prosperous course they came in short time into the port of UTICA, now called FAR●NAS: where Muleasses king of TUNES bountifully relieved Gonzaga and his fleet with all kind of victual and other necessaries. From whence they afterward departed, and landed all in safety at DREPANUM in SICILIA. The blustering winds were now at length weary of blowing, and the raging sea became calm, so that the skilful sea men for fear of new dangers, and weary of those that were passed, thought it best to adventure again to sea. Almost every hour they were reasoning in counsel, What course they were for most safety best to take: when some were of opinion, that it was best to bear for SARDINIA or CORSICA: and othersome would have had them to have kept alongst the coast of AFRICA, and so directly for SICILIA. But the wind coming fair at East, the emperor directed his course to the islands BALEARES, The emperor arriveth in Spain. and from thence at length arrived at the port of new CARTHAGE in SPAIN, greatly commended even of his enemies for his wonderful courage and constancy in passing thorough so many extremities, in such sort, as if he had triumphed over the malice of fortune. About this time the dissembled friendship betwixt Charles the emperor and Francis the French king broke out into open hatred. 1542 The French king the more to trouble the emperor▪ soliciteth Solyman to invade his countries. The king first thinking himself deluded by the emperor, who had long time fed him with the vain hope of the restitution of the dukedom of MILAN, when as he meant nothing less; and of late abused by the death of Rinco his ambassador, slain by the Spaniards in passing down the river Padus, as is before declared. In revenge whereof he raised a great power in FRANCE, and at such time as most men thought he would have invaded ITALY, sent Charles his son with the one part of his forces into the low countries, which were then governed by Marie queen of HUNGARY, the emperors sister; and Henry his other son with the other part of his forces to invade SPAIN, both young princes of great hope. And not so contented▪ but desirous by all means to trouble and molest the emperor, as he did in the low countries by setting on the duke of CLEVE: so by Antonius Polinus his ambassador, a man of great discretion, he earnestly solicited Solyman the great Turk, with whom he was then in league, to spoil the borders of SPAIN with his galleys, at the same that Henry his son was besieging PERPENNA in SPAIN. For which practice he was of most men discommended, as too much favouring his own grief; and especially by such as affected the emperor. But how this matter, which drew upon the French king no small envy, was carried in the Turks co●rt, shall not (as I hope) be unto this history impertinent to declare. After the death of Rinco slain by the Spaniards▪ Francis the French king sent Antonius Polinus, a man of great dexterity, his ambassador to Solyman: who passing by many byways to VENICE, and so over the gulf to SIBINICUM, crossing over ILLYRIA, met with Solyman in MISIA, as he was coming from BUDA: and there first offered unto him the present sent from the king his master (for with empty hands no man might presume to come to those barbarous kings of the East) which present was a cupboard of plate, Polinus the French ambassador meeteth Solyman coming from Buda, and offereth unto him presents from the French king. curiously wrought, in weight 600 pounds; and 300 rich garments of all sorts of silk and scarlet to be bestowed upon the Bassas and other great courtiers. Solyman after he had read the French kings letters, and heard what he had further to say, seemed to be greatly moved with the death of Rinco, and promised Polinus not to be wanting unto the French king, by sea or land to give him aid in his just wars against Charles his enemy, for breaking of the league: but for as much as nothing could be well determined of such matters in his journey of so great haste, he told him, that as soon as he was come to CONSTANTINOPLE, he should then have answer by his Bassas of all his demands. The ambassador above all things desired, The request of the French ambassador to Solyman. That he would send Hariadenus Barbarussa with his fleet against the next Summer into PROVINCE, there to be received into the French harbours, & to be employed against the emperor as occasion should require: and further, That he would request the Venetians, with whom he was able to do much, to join in league with the king his master against Charles the emperor, whose power began now to be dreadful to their estate. Polinus was not slack in his business, but all the way as he went ●ought to win the favour of the Bassas, still giving them one present or other, & filling their minds with the hope of greater. But when they were come to CONSTANTINOPLE, in the latter end of December, Solyman promising what he had before said, advised Polinus to return into FRANCE with his letters, & to bring him certain word back again from the king of the determinat time and full resolution of taking those wars in hand: & that he would in the mean● time send I●nusbeius his ambassador to VENICE, who had been there divers times before, & would provide to have such a fleet in readiness, as he desired. Polinus exceeding glad of that answer, with wonderful speed returned back again to the king, bringing with him as presents from Solyman two goodly Turkish horses, Polinus returneth into France. and a sword richly set with stones of great price. The French king having by his ambassador received Soliman's letters and presents, and three days together discoursed with him at large of the manner of his proceeding in the Turks court, in short time after sent him back again to Solyman with full instructions both of the time and places, and other circumstances of the intended war. Polinus sent back again to Solyman, cometh to Venice, and notably soliciteth the Venetians to take up arms with the French king against the emperor. Polinus coming to VENICE, found not junusbeius there, as he had well hoped: yet to lose no time in expecting his coming, he with Pellicerius ambassador Legier for the French king, and other of the French faction, laboured the Senators in the behalf of the king. For it was thought likely enough, that the Venetians still measuring all their counsels by their profit, would easily consent to that league, especially being requested thereunto by Solyman, and put in hope to have the port town MARANUS delivered unto them in reward thereof; which otherwise the French, in whose possession it was, threatened to deliver to the Turks, and to make them their evil neighbours, rather than to have it taken from them by the Germans. Wherefore Polinus having audience given him in the Senate, notably pleaded the French kings cause, grievously lamented the death of the ambassador slain by the Spaniards, and bitterly enueighed against the ambition of the emperor, who as he said aspired to the whole monarchy of all ITALY, not by true virtue and valour, but by mere craft and deceit, encroaching still upon the liberties of the free states, and by little and little imposing upon them the yoke of bondage: In confirmation whereof, he produced many examples, to them well known, requesting them, as ancient friends and confederates of the French, to join their forces with the kings, in which doing, they should assure themselves of such rewards of the undoubted victory, as they could not desire greater. Whereas if they should refuse so to do, and would rather sit still and look on as neuters, they should undoubtedly, fortune having decided the quarrel, grievously offend both, and might worthily expect of the vanquished, hatred; and of the conqueror, injury: Besides that, in taking up of arms they should highly gratify Solyman, who provoked with late injuries, had determined with a puissant army to invade HUNGARY, and at the same time to send Barbarussa with a great fleet against the Spaniards their common enemies: for the imparting of which his designs, he would shortly send unto them junusbeius his ambassador: As for the event of the war, they needed not to doubt, when as they of themselves were strong enough quickly to thrust the emperor out of the dukedom of MILAN, being generally hated of the people, feeding his soldiers with the spoil of the country, and on every side beset both by sea and land by two of the greatest monarches of the world. Whereunto the Senate delaying the time for certain days, that junusbeius might in the mean time come thither, The crafty answer of the Venetians to the French kings ambassador. gravely answered, That the amity they held with king Francis, aught to be unto them an ornament, but no burden: the like also they held with the emperor, whom they would in no case seem to cast off, although they had been by him over-raught: Wherefore the Senators and all the citizens generally were of opinion to preserve their peace, as they which in the hard times of war had endured great extremities, which would hardly be recovered with long peace: But if they did once see the ensigns displayed, and the wars begun, they would then take further advice, Whether it were good for them to thrust themselves into those wars or not, when as they were in league and friendship with three of the greatest princes of the world. Soliman's ambassadors cometh to Venice. In the mean time junusbeius arrived at VENICE, and was there honourably received. He requested, that the league before made at CONSTANTINOPLE by Badoerius their ambassador, might by the authority of the Senate be confirmed: & so commended the French kings cause to the Senate, that he requested no more, but that unto that amity which they already held with the French, they would join further courtesies, the rather for that Solyman had accounted him for his brother, and had undertaken to aid him against Charles king of SPAIN: but as to join in league with him, or in his quarrel to take up arms, he requested nothing. Which was quite beside the expectation of Polinus and Pellicerius, who by urging of the matter, and by telling of all, had thought easily to have persuaded the Senate to have granted what they requested, and therefore thought the Turk who had so coldly spoken in the cause, to be some way corrupted. But as it afterward appeared, Polinus coming to Constantinople, findeth not the Turk so rea●●e to send his fleet to aid the French king, a● he had hoped. there was such equity and modesty in Soliman's letters, who was otherwise of a proud and insolent nature, that he would not as then exact any thing of them, which should not stand with the good of their estate. Wherefore Polinus, having in vain stayed certain days at VENICE, was in one of their public galleys transported to RAGUSIUM, and from thence traveled by land to CONSTANTINOPLE, where he found all things more difficult than ever he dreamt of. For the great Bassas said, There could no fleet be set out that year, by reason that he was come too late to sue for such a matter, the Spring of the year being now past, of all other times most fit for to take in hand so long a voyage. So that Polinus was above measure vexed with care and grief, that he had so evil sped, and was come so out of season both to VENICE and CONSTANTINOPLE. Dixius also, one of the masters of the Rhodian galleys, was come to CONSTANTINOPLE, to carry news into FRANCE of the coming of the Turks fleet: who told Polinus, That the king's sons were with strong power far entered into the low countries, and had already invaded SPAIN, expecting nothing more than the coming of the Turks galleys. Wherefore Polinus (as it easily chanceth to men deceived by trust reposed in any other men's promises, and bewailing the evil success of their vain travel) wonderfully tormented himself, cursed the froward and unconstant manners of the Bassas, called upon the faith of Solyman; and besought the great Bassas one by one, that they would not contrary to their promise, forsake the king, who upon the hope of the coming of the Turks fleet, had now invaded both the low countries and the kingdom of SPAIN: for as much as by that delay, which was unto them neither honourable nor profitable, was (as he said) betrayed the majesty of his king, and a most assured victory now as good as gotten, quite marred. In which his obtestations, he was so importunate and tedious, that he became unto those proud Bassas rather loathsome than gracious; insomuch that to end his suit, they thought it best sharply to take him up, and so for that time to shake him off. And therefore sending for him and the other French gentlemen which followed him to the court, the great Bassas then sitting in counsel, and Barbarussa with them for the honour of his place: as soon as they were come into the counsel chamber, Solyman Bassa the eunuch, turning himself about, spoke unto them in this sort. Frenchmen (said he) this place for d●spatch of most weighty affairs, The sharp oration of Solyman the eunuch bassa to Polinus the French ambassador. appointed by the grave judgement of our most mighty emperor to us his faithful servants, doth (as it best beseemeth) receive us, daily coming unto it, void of love and hatred: and withal doth notably put us in remembrance, to speak our minds freely. Neither would I, that this frankness of speech (the messenger of truth, and therefore the faithful keeper of friendship) should be unto your ears unpleasing or troublesome: for since your king hath been called the friend and fellow of the Ottoman name, we may not now either forget the duties of love, or loath your friendship: seeing that our emperor doth marvelously affect you, and is not a little desirous to strengthen you with his power, and by overcoming your enemies to increase your power and honour. But in your demands is no equity, no modesty, so that we term you unmodest and importunate: and others which favour you not so well, call you plainly by your right names, unreasonable and shameless men; who as too too forgetful of your duties, do most fond trouble the laws of amity and friendship. For leagues are confirmed by like profit, by making even the charge and mutual dangers: but if neglecting your friend's kindness and courtesy, you will make no requital, they will quickly grow weary of you. So happeneth it unto you Frenchmen, who ever forgetful and negligent in our dangers, but in your own always mindful and diligent, have showed yourselves friends unto us when need was, not in deeds and certain aid, but only in bare let●ers and embassages. Tell me I pray you, where ever you showed any sign or token of your good will or aid? whereby the minds of our enemies might at the least wise have but been kept in suspense of some doubtful fear, when as Charles with all the power of the West came into HUNGARY; and CORONE and PATRAS were in the mean time shaken in GRaeCE with the enemy's fleet; and last of all TUNES taken with so great a fleet? But all this we pardon you: yet this it is which is hardly to be endured, that you did not so much as once grieve at our so great injuries, as you ought to have done; but sent your gratulatory ambassadors unto the bloody common enemy, who had but even then slain so many of our people. At length our emperor came to AULONA to your great profit, about to pass over into ITALY: but neither then in the arrival of your fleet appeared the good wills of the Apulians towards you, which were of you so vainly promised, neither did you so much as once move to invade the upper part of ITALY: so neither serving our turn, nor well fitting your own, you have always lost the occasion of the good success of your affairs. But neither then, neither at any time afterwards needed we your counsel or united forces: for the Venetians to their pain felt both our forces and our faith: as for the rest, war, the notable revenger of our wrongs, most happily brought to pass, at such time as you of your own voluntary made peace with the common enemy, to invade us; and did as unkindly as impudently as it were blow wind in his sails. But we, without your help, have notably repressed so great assaults of our enemies: when as this same Hariaden Barbarussa put to flight their fleet at AMERACIA, and happily slew the spanish pirates of CASTRUM, and having again recovered our own cities, took also from them some of theirs: wherefore we are bound unto you for no desert, but we had rather forget these unkindnesses, than to fail you whom we have once received into our friendship. For we perform our fidelity in deeds: but it is his part to regard the time, to way the danger, to wait occasion; which will not rashly commit his actions to the hazard of fortune. You are come later than you should have done for the setting forth of our fleet: for Summer now well spent, followeth the pestilent time of Autumn, so that mariners cannot in convenient time be taken up, or safely thrust into the galleys: for in long sailing, who would not think, but that such a company of sailors usually sick at the change of an unacquainted air, would be in danger of their lives? who would not fear shipwreck in their return, when as this same Hariaden so great a master at sea, driven upon the Acroceraunian rocks in the month of August, lost so many galleys? A fleet would be rigged in Winter, furnished and set forward in the Spring; in Summer is safe sailing and making war. Which that it may be so done, we will for the common wealth sake persuade the emperor: for the navy once lost, cannot upon the sudden be again restored for much gold, whereof the Ottoman emperor wanteth no store, heaped up by many ages. If thou be wise take these things in good part as friendly spoken: but whether the emperor will pardon thy boldness or not, let himself consider, truly we have satisfied both him and ourselves in speaking to thee so plainly. These things severely spoken by the eunuch Bassa, did so much the more trouble Polinus, for that they seemed to have been sent from the mouth of Solyman himself, who was thought to have heard all that was said. For behind the Bassas as they sat in counsel, was a window with a brazen grate, and a curtain drawn before it, that the emperor when he pleased, might unperceived hear the complaints and suits of all nations, and note the manners of his great counsellors; whose care for the administration of justice was so much the greater, for fear of his presence. Yet did not Polinus for this repulse, Polinus by the means of the Capiaga it 〈…〉 to the 〈◊〉 of Solyman himself. detesting the double dealing of the Bassas, so give over his suit; but winning by gifts the favour of the Capiaga or chief porter, a man ever of great authority in the Turks court, laboured by him to be brought to the speech of Solyman himself: who faithfully performed what he had undertaken. So the French ambassador brought by him into the secretest place of the court, which few Christians had ever been, and so unto the presence of Solyman, recounted unto him how all matters had before passed, and most earnestly besought him not to fail the king's expectation of the fleet he had before promised, who at that present was invading his enemies in three places. Whereunto Solyman courteously and expressly answered, That the opportunity of sending out of his fleet was passed; Soliman's answer to Polinus. not by his will, which was always immutable and firm, but by his late coming, and the time of the year half spent: but promised, the next Spring without doubt to send unto the king his friend and brother, twice so great a fleet as he had desired against Charles their enemy. With which answer, the ambassador dispatched away Dixius into FRANCE, upon whose arrival, king Francis called back again Henry his eldest son with his army, from the siege of PER●ENNA in SPAIN. The Princes of Germany join their forces with king Ferdinand against the Turk in Hungary. The princes and States of GERMANY, at the request of king Ferdinand and the nobility of HUNGARY, about this time decreed with one consent, to take up arms against the Turks, for the recovering again of BUDA, and other the lost parts of HUNGARY. For besides the dishonour done to their nation at EXEK under the leading of Cazzianer, and again at BUDA under the leading of the Lo. Rogendorff; they well saw, that if they did not speedily relieve the Hungarians overwhelmed with the calamities of the Turks forces, they should in short time be enforced to fight for their religion, children, wives, and lives against the same mighty enemy, at their own doors. For preventing whereof▪ the princes and free cities of GERMANY, set out thirty thousand footmen, and seven thousand horsemen▪ amongst whom was Mauritius, afterwards duke of SAXONY, than a young gentleman about twenty years old▪ But the General of these Germane forces, was joachimus marquess of BRANDENBURG, a man more for the honour of his house than the valour of himself preferred to that place: yet so, that unto him was joined eight others, men of great years and experience; by whose counsel he was to be directed. When they were come to VIENNA, king Ferdinand's power met them: where beside such as were taken up in AUSTRIA, Huganot Governor of STIRJA came in with ten thousand horsemen. Unto these the noble men of HUNGARY, Gasper Seredius, Andrea's Bathor, and Petrus Perenus, a man of the greatest authority power and experience amongst the Hungarians, joined themselves, with fifteen thousand horsemen; whither also Paulus the third of that name then bishop of ROME, sent three thousand chosen footmen out of ITALY, conducted to VIENNA by Alexander Vitellius, a most famous captain. The marquess with this great army marched from VIENNA alongst the river Danubius, but so softly, that the Hungarian and Italian captains said plainly, That the best part of the Summer, and fittest time for wars, was passed over in loitering and dallying out the time to no purpose: especially jacobus Medici's, who had long before persuaded the king, to be ready to set forward his forces with the first of the Spring, before the Turks could either augment their garrisons, or put in any new forces; for that by such resolute and speedy invasion, it was like enough he might recover both PESTH and BUDA. Which politic and wholesome counsel so well given, king Ferdinand too much crediting the great men of his court (liking nothing but what proceeded of themselves) rejected, expecting the full assembly of all his forces, before the setting forth of his army. At length the marquess was by soft marches come to STRIGONIUM (king Ferdinand himself staying behind at VIENNA) where it was commonly reported, That Solyman fearing to lose BUDA, was either in person himself coming into HUNGARY, or else sending down the General of his Europeian horsemen, who might never set foot forward to war without sixty thousand horsemen. Which news so troubled the Germans, that they made no great haste forward, doubting how they should return again if they chanced not to get the victory: Beside that, it was thought, that the marquess never purposed to fight a battle, or endanger himself or his army for the kingdom of HUNGARY, but only to defend the bounds of AUSTRIA, and by showing the strength of GERMANY, to terrify (if he could) the Turks, if they not contented with HUNGARY, should also provoke the Germans. But after it was by certain espials from SAMANDRIA, known that all that report of the coming of the Turks great army was but vain, and that there was scarce a thousand janissaries and twice so many horsemen come to BUDA, and that the Turks fleet was both for number and strength far inferior to the kings, they set forward again with more cheerfulness, much encouraged by the forwardness of the Hungarians, especially of Perenus; assuring them, that if they would without delay march on, and spend no more time in vain, they should not find at BUDA any such number of Turks as was worth the name of an army: for that Solyman using but every second year to make war, did that year take his rest, and was not like to undertake any great expedition. For these reasons all men being ready cheerfully to set forward, the marquess appointed to pass over Danubius: which this Perenus, Huganot and Medici's, all expert captains, liked not of; wishing him rather to hold on his way directly still on that side the river to BUDA, the chief city of the kingdom. But it was the mind of the General and all his counsellors, first to besiege PESTH, which might be done with less labour and danger, and there having made proof of the enemy's strength and purpose, to come to the siege of BUDA: for than would the soldiers with much more courage and cheerfulness endure the siege of BUDA, if they had by good fortune first beaten them out of PESTH: Which counsel was both best liked and followed, and the army by two bridges with great and painful labour made over Danubius (which was in that place divided into two parts) transported. At the same time Medici's an Italian captain, Admiral of the king's fleet, came down the river, and in despite of the Turks took the island of Saint Margaret, lying in the river a little above BUDA, and by force repulsed the Turks fleet unto the suburbs of the city. The marquess to avoid the danger of the great shot from BUDA, after he was passed the river, The marquess of Brandenburg cometh to Pesth, with hi● army. fet a great compass about, and so came to the North side of PESTH▪ for on the South it was defended with the river Danubius, running betwixt it and BUDA▪ and on the East and West the great ordinance on the one side from the castle of BUDA, and on the other from mount S. Gerrard, did so scour all alongst the walls, that no man could without most manifest danger there abide. For BUDA standing upon the hill, and divided from PESTH only with the river, so overlooketh and commandeth all the plain country about PESTH, that without peril no man can stir on any side of the city, but Northward towards AGRIA▪ covered by the city from the shot out of BUDA. As the marquess was coming thither, he was told by certain fugitives, that Balis Governor of BUDA (who in that place succeeded Solyman the Hungarian renegade, lately before dead of the plague) had in garrison in BUDA two thousand horsemen: and that Vlames the Persian Governor of BOSNA, was come unto him with three thousand more: whereunto Amurathes had also joined another thousand which he brought out of DALMATIA: and that Segemenes was come thither also with a thousand janissaries from CONSTANTINOPLE: as for the rest of the footmen, that they were but wild country people, fitter for labour than for service in wars. They told him also, that the enemies fleet consisted of sixty small pinnaces, ten galleys, and a few other great boats: and that Solyman had commanded his captains in any case to defend BUDA and PESTH to the last man, without regard of any other place. And had proposed unto the valiant, great rewards; and to the cowardly, extreme punishment: charging them further, that if need were, they should in time send for Achomates the General of his Europeian horsemen to SOPHIA, to aid them. The Turks upon the approach of the Christians, issued out at one of the gates of the city, and skirmished with the Hungarians: but after they had sufficiently proved one another's strength, and some few were on both sides slain, they retired into the city, and the Hungarians to the camp. The Turks sally out of Pes●h, and put the Christians to the worse. The next day after, Vitellius going out of the camp near the city with five companies, to choose a place for planting the battery; the Turks at one instant sallying out at two gates of the city, gave him a hot skirmish, where at the first, the fight was begun with like courage and force: but the Turks still sending forth new supplies both of horse and foot, first the Christian footmen, and after that the horsemen, not able longer to endure the force of the janissaries, were constrained disorderly to retire, having lost in that retreat four of their captains and two ensigns: and had not Vitellius with one company of horsemen serred together, valiantly repulsed the insolent janissaries, the loss had been much greater. Vitellius exceedingly grieved with this loss, and perceiving the manner of the enemies fight, encouraged his soldiers, purposing if he could to be fully revenged: and above all others, requested Perenus to be ready to join with him as occasion should require. Vitellius lay encamped in the king's orchards, walled about as it were a mile, equally distant both from the great camp and from the city; out of these orchards he went with twelve companies under their ensigns, commanding the rest to stand still within the walls, in readiness at all assays: and so fetching a great compass about, The Turks sallying out again are discomfited by Vitell●us and Perenus. marched alongst the river side towards the city: Neither did the proud enemy (brag of the former days victory) make any delay, but bravely sallied out at the east side of the city, and courageously charged them. But Vitellius warned of his former harm, and seeing his enemies come on as he desired, covered his shot with his pikes, and standing close, received the enemy's charge: his shot still playing under the pikes, oftentimes upon their knees: many of the Turks were there laid on ground, whilst they desperately sought to have broken the order of the Christians. In the mean time, when many of the Turks horsemen and janissaries coming out of the gates, and divers others beholding the fight were come over the river from BUDA, to be partakers of the victory, had filled the hithermost bank; Vitellius in good time, of purpose by little and little retired, as if he had been overcharged: Then began the enemy to give a great shout, and more fiercely to assail the Christians: their horsemen also clapped behind them, to have there charged them. Which thing Perenus diligently noting, and that the Turks in following of Vitellius were drawn a great way from the gates, he suddenly with his light horsemen clapped in betwixt the city and the Turks at their backs, after whom followed also Mauritius (afterwards duke of SAXONY) with a strong troop of Germane horsemen, of purpose to have shut them in for retiring back again into the city. But then the Turks perceiving the danger, and finding themselves shut in, stood as men more than half dismayed, bethinking themselves which way to take, and so began to retire. When Vitellius coming on courageously with his pikemen and his arquebusiers, divided into two wings, charged them fiercely; and the Hungarian and Germane horsemen breaking in amongst them on the other side, made great slaughter of them, and struck such a fear amongst the flying Turks, that many of them in running to the gate, thrust one another thorough with their pikes: divers other were also by the horsemen driven into the river, and there drowned. That day Segemenes lost above an hundred of his janissaries, and four hundred others. The chiefest commendation for this piece of service was given to Vitellius, who had so well and so quickly revenged himself of the Turks: and next him to Perenus, who as a skilful captain had so well awaited the time to entrap the enemy: neither is Mauritius the young Saxon prince unworthy his due praise, Mauritius in danger to be slain. who valiantly charging the Turks, and having his horse slain under him, was in danger to have been there lost himself, had not Nicholas Ribische one of his followers, covered him with his own body, until such time as that he was rescued by others, Ribische himself presently dying of his wounds. This little victory so encouraged the Germans, that the marquess commanded the great ordinance to be presently brought forth, and the battery planted, which was at the first placed so far off, that it did little harm, although the wall were both old and thin, not above five foot thick: A breach made in the walls of Pes●h. and the ordinance laid either a little too low, or mounted too high, either shot short, or quite over the city into BUDA: which fault once perceived, the battery was removed nearer, and a fair breach soon made in the wall, with the continual beating of forty great pieces of artillery. Vitellius was the first that offered to assault the breach, so that the Germans would presently second him, which thing they all by holding up of their hands promised courageously, but cowardly about by and by to break that promise: for oftentimes it chanceth, That they which before the danger are readiest to promise their help, are in the very danger itself of all others most slack. The Hungarians also for their parts promised not to be behind. The silence of the enemy at the breach and in the city, was wonderful, so that many thought he had been fled back over the river to BUDA: for Segemenes captain of the janissaries, an old beaten soldier, ordered all things with as little stir as was possible: He had received new supplies from Vlamas, and had cast a deep countermure within the wall against the breach, and on the inner side of the same had made a strong barricado, with gabions and wine vessels filled with sand and earth: behind which stood the janissaries, & next unto them the Turkish archers, and last of all the horsemen who had left their horses to serve on foot. The breach assaulted by the Italians. The signal for the assault once given, four Italian captains ran desperately with their companies by the ruins of the wall to the breach: but whilst they there set up their ensigns, and wondering at the enemy's fortification, were ready betwixt hope and fear to leap down, they were suddenly overwhelmed with a shower of arrows and bullets. Yet Vitellius still encouraging them, brought them still on, who did what they might to have entered: The Germans stand still as lookers on, whilst the Italians give the assault. but the German footmen with their General stood still under the walls, looking on, as men nothing moved either with the hope of victory or danger of their friends: and the Hungarians not so much as once looking upon the enemy, retired: two of the Italian captains, Rufus and ●●olla were there slain, and Carolus, Vitellius his nephew, shot in the shoulder. The Turks with shot and stones still repulsed and beat down the Italians, whereof the Germans also standing still, felt part, and were more gauled than a man would have thought men could have been, that did nothing: for there they still stood for shame, lest if they should have also first retired, they should have incurred a second infamy as bad as the first. Which thing Vitellius perceiving, would in no case depart from the breach, but wished rather to lose his men by whole companies, than to leave the least colour of excuse to the Germans, or that they should say they stayed longest, of whom he with greater anger than grief complained, that he was forsaken and cowardly betrayed. In time of this assault one of the Turks was heard to speak aloud in the Italian tongue, Why do not you valiant Italians spare yourselves, and give place to those lazy Germans. The contumelious speech of a Turk against the Germans. We all wish to spare you, and to beat the drunkenness out of their most cowardly heads, that they should no more hereafter provoke us. At length the Germans weary of their hot standing and nought doing, got them farther off, after whom the Italians forthwith retired: but so disorderly, The Germans and the Italians retire with loss. to be quickly out of the danger of the enemies shot, that if the Turks had at the same time sallied out at all the gates, it was thought that the whole camp had been greatly endangered. In this attempt rather than assault, seven hundred Christians were slain outright, and many more hurt, who died afterwards of their wounds. All this while the marquess and Huguenot the great commanders of the army, kept themselves so far from gunshot, that they were no where to be seen, until that Torniellus and Fotiscu, two valiant captains, finding them out, wished them for shame to show themselves for the comforting of the army. A little before night they consulted with the other captains, Whether they should forsake the siege, or continue it still: whereof most of the Germans best liked to be gone, as the safest way: though Vitellius & some others spoke earnestly to the contrary. At which time a spy coming in, brought news that Achomates, Soliman's lieutenant of the Europeian horsemen, had passed over the river Saws at BELGRADE, and was coming to Dranus: whose coming either cunningly feigned, or vainly believed, caused the Germans to make a short conclusion, and to resolve flatly to return to VIENNA, fearing that if they should longer continue the siege, they should be stayed against their wills by Achomates. Which thing made many of the old German soldiers to hang their heads for shame, and the Hungarians to curse both the Germans and the hard fortune of their nation, vainly wishing for a General in courage answerable to the strength of that great army. Segemenes perceiving how much the Christian army was discouraged by the last days evil success, early in the morning courageously sent out all the horsemen, and after them certain companies of footmen, to relieve them in their retire; who in many places skirmished with the Hungarians, being nothing inferior unto them either in courage or skill: and the matter was brought to that pass, as if it had been so agreed upon, that many of the most notable and expert soldiers on either side encountered together hand to hand in the sight of the Italians and Germans, A notable skirmish betwixt the Turke● and the Hungarians. the Hungarians mixed with the Turks, and the Turks with the Hungarians, with such fidelity, that they regarded no other enemy but him whom every one had singled out for himself, as if it had been in a triumph for exercise hand to hand. It happened, that a notable captain of the Turks, desired to see Vitellius, who being showed unto him (for he was easy to be known by his armour) the Turk ran unto him to embrace him for his honour, The Christians removing from Pesth, are assailed by the Turks. and so departed. About five hundred horsemen so encountered one another hand to hand that day, of whom many were slain or hurt. The night following the battery was removed, and the army marched towards the river to the fleet. The Turks perceiving the Christians to be departed, sallied out of the city on all hands, and with a great cry upbraiding them of cowardice, hardly pursued the rearward of the army. Vlamas was come over himself from BUDA, and so eagerly followed the army, that it could hardly have escaped without great danger, had not Vitellius with his Italians made a stand, and requested the Hungarian & Germane horsemen to turn back upon the enemy: which they at his request did, and not only repulsed the enemy, but also put him to flight, and in the chase slew many. After which time the army passed on quietly; yet seven hundred Germans which were sick and straggled behind the army, were by the Turks horsemen miserably slain in the sight of their fellows. The Germans thrice foiled by the Turks, first at EXEK, then at BUDA, and now at PESTH, returned full of heaviness and grief, as they which were now to forget the subduing of HUNGARY, and to become careful of GERMANY itself. The Christian army broken up at V●●nna. The army coming to VIENNA, was there broken up, and the Italians sent home into their country, who for most part died by the way, of infection taken in the camp in strange air, and a most queasy time of the year. But to cover the shame of this unfortunate expedition, and to turn men's talk another way by some notable accident: P●●enu● the noble Hungarian apprehended upon suspicion of treason. Petrus Perenus the noble Hungarian was the man picked out for the purpose to fill men's mouths. He, belayed with the envy of the court, was for suspicion of aspiring to the kingdom of HUNGARY, by the commandment of king Ferdinand apprehended by Liscanus, a Spanish captain, in the castle of STRIGONIUM as a traitor, and presently delivered to Medici's the Admiral, The uncourtesy of Liscanus the Spaniard in the apprehension of Perenus. to be conveyed up the river to VIENNA. Liscanus at the time of his apprehension most covetously and uncourteously took from him his chain, and a rich cloak lined with sables: which indignity done to so noble a gentleman, so much offended the minds of the rest of the Hungarians, that above twelve thousand of them thereupon presently returned home to their own dwellings, cursing the Germans to the devil. This Perenus was one of the greatest peers of HUNGARY, but of a most haughty and magnificent mind, so that he would sometime have almost an hundred goodly spare horses fit for service led before him without their riders; & would sometime speak too liberally against the bareness of king Ferdinand's court, who polled by his courtiers, hardly maintained his state: which his surpassing magnificence and princely port was cause enough for the other great courtiers to envy at his estate, and to seek his overthrow; who as men overcharged with the burden of another man's virtue, whereof they never bore the least part, and always gaining by the depraving of other men's perfection, conspired together his overthrow, and oftentimes pointing at him with their fingers, would say, That he savoured of a crown. This notable man, as he had many worthy virtues, so was he not without cause noted of ambition and unconstancy: For after that king Lewes was lost; he disdaining the preferment of john the Vayvod to the kingdom of HUNGARY, took part with king Ferdinand against him, in hope as it was thought to be next in honour unto himself: but after he saw king john again restored, and his state strongly supported by Solyman, and that all things stood doubtful and tickle with Ferdinand, he with like levity sought means by Abraham the great Bassa to be reconciled to king john; which was hardly obtained of him by the intercession of Solyman himself (as is before declared) to whom he gave his son as pledge of his fidelity. After which time he lived in great honour and loyalty all the reign of king john: but after he was dead, and saw George the bishop the king's tutor, doing what he list to reign like a king, Matters surmised against Perenus. he disdained his government; and solicited by king Ferdinand, revolted again unto him, and furthered him in what he could for the obtaining of the kingdom. But now falling into the envy of the court, malice found out matter enough to work his confusion. First it was given out, That his son, who had many years been detained in Soliman's court, as pledge of his father's faith, was even then under the colour of a feigned escape come into TRANSILVANIA; when as he had secretly agreed with Solyman, that his father being a man much favoured of the people, should by promising them all possible freedom, allure them to the Turkish subjection: in reward of which good service he should be made governor of the kingdom of HUNGARY, and put in hope also to be made the tributary king thereof, if it should fortune the young king to die: Besides that, it was accounted a thing very suspicious, that he had the Winter before used great kindness and friendship toward the Turkish captains; by sending them great presents, and receiving the like again: And last of all, his letters directed to certain Hungarian captains were produced, wherein he seemed to promise them, as his friends and followers, greater entertainment than agreed with his present estate: All which things king Ferdinand (of his own disposition, not easily to be persuaded to conceive evil of the Germans his countrymen, were it never so apparent or true, but of strangers any thing) quickly believed, and therefore caused him (as is beforesaid) to be apprehended. But Perenus as he was brought by Medici's the Admiral to VIENNA, when he was come near unto the gate of the city, and heard that Phillippus Torniellus, with certain other brave captains of his acquaintance, were come to meet the Admiral; he requested that the close coach wherein he rid might be opened, and that he might have leave to speak to those noble and valiant gentlemen. Which thing was easily granted, for that the nobility and approved valour of the man seemed unto them which had the charge of him, unworthy of such restraint of liberty or imprisonment, yea or of the least suspicion thereof. So he turning himself towards them, spoke unto them in this sort. Wretched I, noble gentlemen (said he) whom despiteful envy hath circumvented guiltless: but much more miserable king Ferdinand, The lamentable speech of Perenus to Torniellus and the other captains, concerning his apprehension. whom domestical thieves bereaves of substance, friends, and honour all at once. For so it cometh to pass, that by this inconsider at wrong done unto me, he shall utterly lose the love and fidelity of the Hungarian nation, and may therefore for ever not without cause despair for the obtaining of the kingdom of HUNGARY, sithence that it is not lawful for me (inferior to none of my nation in birth, and having for my good and faithful service well deserved reward of a just king) so much as to rejoice for the deliverance of my son from the captivity of the Turks, but that by my sinister fortune, dreadful death in stead of incomparable joy must be presented to mine eyes. For will these malicious pickthanks, guilty of their own cowardice, the wicked contrivers and witnesses of my wrongful accusation, spare me, being laid fast and in durance, which never spared the king's honour? For every man of what nobility soever, be he never so guiltless, when he is once in hold, must be content to endure, not what he hath deserved, but what his hard fortune assigneth. Yet my upright mind and clear conscience, which only thing God the most just judge leaveth as a comfort to men in misery wrongfully accused, delivereth me of this care: and so will the marquess our General, to whom I before upon a mistrust foretold, that such a danger would shortly befall me, and that I had rather be slain guiltless▪ than to withdraw myself from trial▪ which thing I told him at such time as I was so guarded with mine own strength, that I feared no man's force. Perenu● his request of the Admiral and the rest of the captains. I beseech you, do me this honourable favour, as to request king Ferdinand in my behalf quickly and honourably to proceed to the trial of my cause, and according to his own princely disposition, and not the will of others, to discern betwixt his faithful friends and feigned flatterers. Truly we are too too unfortunate captains, if for a little evil success we shall be so adjudged as men that had overthrown their fortune. Cazzianer peradventure received the just punishment he had deserved for the shameful forsaking and losing of the army at EXEK, when as he possessed with an uncouth fear forgot the duty of a General, more afraid of death than dishonour: for when he had voluntarily committed himself to safe custody, be was so generally condemned of cowardice, that despairing to defend his cause, he broke prison, and as wickedly as unfortunately revolted to the Turks: But neither was I of late the General, neither were we vanquished, although we prevailed not, but honourably retiring, valiantly repressed the insolency of the pursuing enemy. As for the kingdom of HUNGARY, I might then well have affected the same, and easily have deserved it at Soliman's hands, when as king Ferdinand, after the death of king john, was making his preparation for that war: at which time my friends and followers at my devotion, with the love of the Hungarians towards me, seeming of no small importance for the obtaining of the victory, might have ministered no unreasonable or unseasonable hope to have drawn a man into courses not altogether beseeming a Christian. Wherefore I have, and will so long as I live, fight against the Turks, if king Ferdinand shall show himself an indifferent judge in this accusation, falsely surmised against me by the malice of mine enemies. When he had made an end of speaking, the Admiral courteously persuaded him to have good hope in the clemency of the most just king; and shortly after performed his request: for he and Torniellus taking the king as he was hunting, entreated him to deal favourably with Perenus. For all that, Perenus could not obtain that his cause might be openly heard; but was committed to safe keeping, there to remain in perpetual prison: but whether it was for the misprission of new treason, Perenus, Valentinus, and Maylat, three of the greatest nobility in Hungary kept in perpetutuall prison. or for revenge of his old inconstancy, is uncertain. Thus, three the only great princes left of the Hungarian blood, equally worthy of the kingdom, Valentine, Maylat, and Perenus, snarled almost in like snares of envy, cut off all hope of raising a king to their seditious and therefore miserable countrymen: when as Perenus lay too late bewailing his unconstancy in perpetual prison; and the other two fast in chains near unto the Euxine sea, expected death the end of their miseries. This end had the wars, taken in hand against the Turks by the general consent of the Germans in the year 1542; which many thought, might worthily be compared with the greatest losses of those times: When as king Ferdinand, having in vain spent a great mass of treasure, the fittest stay for the imminent war; and lost the opinion before conceived of the strength of GERMANY; had now as a weak prince, and subject to injury, provoked against him the Turks, bold enough otherwise, but as then insolent for their late victories. 1543 Polinus the French kings ambassador still following the Turks court, ceased not by all means to solicit Solyman, with his galleys to aid the king his master in the invasion of the dominions of Charles the emperor, in ITALY, SICILY, and SPAIN. In which suit, he was so crossed by Solyman the eunuch Bassa, than Vesier, that he was almost in despair of speed: for the malicious eunuch, being himself a great sea man, and envying the honour of Barbarussa (who was to be employed in that service) sought by keeping him out of all honourable actions, to diminish his former glory; and concerning the present, protested openly as he sat in counsel, that he saw no other cause why the Turkish emperor should to his great charge and the common danger, send out such a fleet, but to serve Barbarussa his own turn. But Solyman having diligently heard, and deeply considered of that the Bassas had said; rejected their opinions, who would not he should have given the French king aid▪ and honourably decreed, according to his promise, whatsoever should ensue thereof, Solyman granteth to send his fleet by Barbarussa to aid the French king against the emperour● to send his fleet unto the king by Barbarussa. Two days after, the French ambassador before in despair, but now revived with that decree, was solemnly feasted by Rustan Bassa, Soliman's son in law, and by Solyman the eunuch Bassa: for so it was their Great master's pleasure, both of them joying of him for the friendship confirmed betwixt the two princes by sending this fleet. After which, divers gifts were bestowed upon the ambassador and his chief followers; and at such time as he was to take his leave, Solyman gave him great charge of his navy, that it might be safely kept, and so after the service done, again returned: and withal, delivered him letters unto king Francis, wherein after the glorious rehearsal of his proud titles, he writ unto him as followeth: Soliman's letters to the French king. We have upon a brotherly bounty, granted unto Polinus your ambassador, such and so great a fleet as you have desired, thoroughly furnished for all assays: whose direction we have commanded Hariaden our Admiral to follow, and by your appointment to proceed against the enemy. But you shall do well and friendly, the wars once happily ended, to send back again my fleet to CONSTANTINOPLE. All things shall undoubtedly fall out according to your own desire and mine, if you shall carefully take heed, that Charles the Spanish king, your perpetual enemy, do not again deceive you with the motion of a deceitful peace. For than shall you bring him to a most indifferent peace, when you have before brought upon his countries all the calamities of war. Polinus taking his leave of Solyman then lying at HADRIANOPLE, returned to CONSTANTINOPLE, where he found Barbarussa with an hundred and ten galleys, and forty galliots ready to put to sea, which he had with incredible celerity rigged up and furnished. And so setting forward the eight and twentieth of April, in the year 1543, and passing the straits of HELESPONTUS, he arrived first at CARISTIUS in EV●oeA; and from thence to MALEA, where he was by contrary winds cast into the bay of LACEDAEMON, and there stayed nine days before he could double the cape of METAPANIUM, called in ancient time TENARUS: After that he came to METHON, and from thence crossing the Ionian, came to the straight of MESSANA; where the Turkish pirates being come with their galliots within the sight of RHEGIUM, began to land their men. They of RHEGIUM seeing so great a fleet, and the Turks already landing, fled out of the city for fear: but the castle was still kept by Didacus' Gaietanus a Spaniard, who refused to have any parley with Polinus the French ambassador, and with shot out of the castle slew certain of the Turks: wherewith the rest being enraged, broke into the city, and finding it desolate, set it on fire; sore against the will of Polinus and Barbarussa, who sought to have found out the authors thereof, and to have punished them accordingly. After that, certain pieces of great ordinance were landed and planted against the castle, which with a few shot so terrified the captain, already troubled with the crying out of his wife, that he without any more ado yielded himself and the castle with all therein, into the hands of the enemy: unto whom with his wife and children, Barbarussa at the request of the French ambassador, granted both life and liberty: the rest he shut up in a church, and gave the spoil of the castle to his soldiers. There was in the garrison of the castle about seventy Spaniards, but many more citizens, which were all carried away prisoners. One of the captains daughters, a young gentlewoman of exceeding beauty, had with her good grace so warmed the withered affection of the old pirate Barbarussa, Barbarussa amorous of the captain of Rhegium his daughter. that he now fitter for the grave than for marriage, became amorous of her person: so that taking her from her father, and entering her into the Mahometan superstition, he made of her as of his wife: Insomuch, that certain months after, he welcomed and bountifully entertained the captain as his father in law, coming to see his daughter at the port called PORTUS HERCULIS in TUSCANIE, where the Turks fleet then lay. Barbarussa sailing alongst the coast of ITALY, came to OSTIA, in the mouth of the river Tibur, and brought such a fear upon the city of ROME, that the citizens were ready generally to have forsaken the city; had not Polinus by his letters to Rodolphus the cardinal, than the great bishop Paulus his legate in the city, in part stayed the sudden tumult. The bishop himself was then at BUXETUM, a town betwixt CREMONA and PLACENTIA, traveling (in show) with the emperor, to have made a peace betwixt him and the French king: but labouring in secret to have bought of him the dukedom of MILAN, for Octavius his kinsman, the emperors son in law. Polinus his letters written to the cardinal at ROME, and sent by the Governor of TARRACINA, were to this effect. The fleet which is by Solyman sent for the defence of FRANCE by Barbarussa his Admiral, The French ambassadors letters to comfort Rodolph the cardinal, the Pope's legate in Rome. is by his appointment at my command: so that it is not to hurt any but our enemies. Wherefore make it known to the Romans, and others dwelling alongst the coast of the Pope's territory, that they fear of us no hostility. For the Turks will never violate the faith of their emperor solemnly given unto me: and you know most assuredly, that the French king desireth nothing more, than that the estate of ROME might not only be kept in safety, but also flourish most gloriously, and be therefore preserved from all injury. Fare you well. In like manner he also comforted up them of NEPTUNIANUM and OSTIA, so that they brought unto the Turks all manner of victual; and sometimes for four sheep or a couple of oxen, redeemed a good prisoner taken in some place of the kingdom of NAPLES. Yet for all this, the Romans did not so much credit the ambassadors promise in the behalf of the Turks good dealing, but that many of the weaker sort fled out of the city into the country by night, although the chief magistrates did what they might to have stayed them. When Barbarussa had thus lie● three days in the mouth of the river of Tiber, and there watered, he passed alongst the coast of ETRURIA and LIGURIA, without doing any harm; and so sailed directly to MAR●●ILL●S. Where leaving him with his fleet for a while, expecting the French kings farther pleasure; we will again return unto Solyman, who at the same time that Barbarussa was spoiling the frontiers of the emperors dominions in ITALY, Solyman cometh with a great army into Hungary. came with a great army into HUNGARY, for the more assured possession of that kingdom, whereafter he saw king Ferdinand so much longed. And because he would make all sure before him, he sent Amurathes Governor of DALMATIA, and Vlamas the Persian governor of BOSNA, to besiege WALPO; a strong town scitua● upon the river Dranus, not far from EXEK, famous for the overthrow of the Christian army under Cazzianer: after whom followed also Achomates the great commander of his Europeian horsemen. This town (part of Perenus his possessions) was against all these forces kept and worthily defended by Perenus his wife (her husband then lying in prison at VIENNA) and her friends, by the space of three months: but was at last by the treacherous soldiers delivered to the enemy, together with their General; whom when they could by no means persuade to consent to the yielding up thereof, but that he would needs hold it out to the last, they took him perforce, and so delivered him with the town to the Turks: who received him with all courtesy, The castle of Wa●po treacherously yielded, & the traitors justly rewarded. and used him honourably: but those traitorous soldiers, whether it were in detestation of their treachery, or for the spoil of them, were all put to the sword; the just reward of their treason. The rest of the citizens were by the Turks taken to mercy, and well used. The bishop and chief men of QVINQVE ECLESIE, a famous city not far off on the other side of Dranus, hearing of the loss of WALPO, and terrified with the greatness of the Turks army, fled for fear, leaving none but the meaner sort of the people in the city, who willingly yielded the same unto the Turks. The next town of any strength was SOCTOSIA, belonging also to Perenus, which for a while held out against the Turks, for that divers gentlemen of the country which were fled into the city, encouraged the citizens to stand upon their defence. But after much harm done on both sides, when they were no longer able to hold out, they retired into the castle in hope to have so saved their lives and liberty by yielding: but Amurathes was so offended with them, that he would come to no reasonable composition, or promise them any thing more than that they should at their pleasure come forth: and so as they came out at the gate, slew them every mother's son, thereby to terrify others from making like resistance. Solyman understanding all these things, gave those towns which were taken, to Amurathes the General: Solyman cometh with his army to Strigonium. and having put all things in readiness, departed from BUDA with all his army to besiege STRIGONIUM; which was then kept by Liscanus and Salamanca, two proud covetous Spaniards, with a garrison of thirteen hundred soldiers, whereof some few were Spaniards and Italians, and the rest Germans. Paulus bishop of STRIGONIUM, got himself out of the city betimes, despairing of all mercy if he should have fallen into the power of Solyman, by whose intermission he had been once before reconciled to king john, and had again reuolte● from him to king Ferdinand. The castle of STRIGONIUM was scituat upon a high hill, overlooking Danubius' running underneath it, the walls were built even without any flankers, after the old manner of building before the invention of guns: For which cause, Vitellius and T●●niellus, two expert captains (the year before sent from the king to view the place, and the manner of the fortification) were of opinion, that the city could hardly be defended, if it were besieged by any strong enemy: being subject also unto a hill not far from the gates of the city. ●gainst which inconveniences, the old garrison soldiers which wintered in STRIGONIUM, cast up new bulwarks and fortifications, and after the manner of windy headed men, making great boast before the danger, what they would do, seemed to wish for the coming of Solyman. But after that the barbarous enemy had with his tents covered the fields and mountains round about the city, and withal brought a gallant fleet up the river, all those brags were laid in the dust, & every man began to grow doubtful of his own safety: for that they being but few (although men of good worth) were to withstand the infinite number of such enemies, as oftentimes used ●●ost desperately to expose their lives to all manner of dangers. This their fear was also increased by the coming of certain messengers from Solyman, who understanding of what nations the garrison consisted, sent unto the city three of his own guard, one a Spaniard, another an Italian, and the third a Germane, all renegade Christians; that every one of them might without an interpreter, speak unto their countrymen in their own language: These men admitted into the city, offered great rewards and large entertainment in the name of Solyman, to such as would in time yield; denouncing all torture and extremities unto them which should endure the summons of the cannon. Whereunto it was answered by the captains, That those faithful and valiant soldiers, who had reposed their last hope in their arms, The s●●ut answer of the captains. were neither to be won by gifts, nor terrified with threats. With which answer the messenger returned, and the same day the Turks great ordinance was planted upon the hill before the gate of the city, and the weakest parts of the walls round about the city, so well picked out by the Turks to be assaulted; as that they could not more skilfully or commodiously have been chosen out of them which had within most diligently viewed every thing: so that it is to be thought, that the Christians wanted not only fortune against the Turks, but also faith amongst themselves. Salamanca distrusting the fortifications of the suburbs, retired into the city, contrary to that he had before vainly boasted. Achomates General of the Europeian horsemen, laid siege to that part of the wall which was next to the bishop's gardens: Vlamas the Persian besieged the tower near unto the gate towards BUDA: The Asapi or common soldiers were by their captains brought on to dig trenches and cast up mounts, as was thought most convenient. It is incredible to be spoken with what fury the great ordinance was discharged, without ceasing; insomuch that the tower with a great part of the wall near unto it, shaken with continual battery, fell down with such violence, as if all had been shaken with a most terrible earthquake: neither was any man able to stand upon the walls, but that the janissaries with their arquebusiers out of their trenches and from their mounts, The terrible battery of the Turks at S●rigonium. would most certainly fetch him off: and many which stood within farther off, were with the Turks arrows falling from high, as if it had been out of the air, grievously wounded. But that which most troubled the defendants, and did them greatest harm, was the stones, which beaten in sunder with the great shot, and not to be avoided, did with their pieces kill or maim the soldiers near hand: With which dangers they were enforced to forsake the uttermost wall, and to cast up new fortifications within, that they might with less danger defend the place. The Turks repulsed thrice at the assault of th● breach. Neither in the enemy wanted courage to assail the breach: thrice they desperately attempted to have entered, and were always with loss repulsed. In which assaults amongst others, Bultaces Sanzacke of SELYMBRIA, a man of great account among the Turks, was lost. Whilst the defendants were thus busied, many of the soldiers and mariners which came up the river, with all things necessary for the army from BUDA, went on shore and lay in the suburbs of the city, in such security, as if there had been no enemy nigh: which thing they in the city perceiving, suddenly sallied out upon them fearing no such matter, and slew many of them before they could arm themselves, and drove the rest to their fleet: so that betwixt fight and flying there was about two hundred of them slain. Zymar a Persian, Admiral of the fleet, in rescuing of them which to save their lives fled unto the river, was shot thorough with a small shot, and slain. Whilst these things were in doing, and the Turks having in many places sore shaken the wall, did with greater force daily assail the city, and the defendants with their continual losses and out of hope of all relief were more and more discouraged: an old Portuguese engineer, which had long time served king Ferdinand, A fugitive Christian discovereth the strength and state of the citi● to the Turks. fled out of the city to the Turks, who being courteously entertained by Solyman, and examined by the Bassas of many things concerning the strength and state of the city, satisfied them in all that they desired; and farther, directed them in planting their batteries in places most convenient for the speedy taking of the town. In the mean time, whilst the Turks were with restless labour battering the walls, and working in their mines, it fortuned that a gilt brazen cross which stood upon the top of the steeple of the Cathedral church, was by the continual shooting of the Turks thereat, at length beaten down: at the sight whereof, it is reported that Solyman after the superstitious manner of that nation, taking the chance as a token of his good luck, cried out presently, STRIGONIUM is won. Liscanus and Salamanca fearfully consulting of the event of the siege, and secretly conferring together, resolved to save themselves, and to give up the town. Liscanus was no great soldier, and yet by continual spoil grown exceeding rich, and therefore thought it but folly to buy the name of a resolute captain at too dear a price, with the loss of his life and wealth. The like feeling was also in Salamanca, who preferred the safety of himself and of that which he had got in long service, before all credit and honour, were it never so great. This their purpose was not kept so secret, but that it was noised abroad amongst the common soldiers, of whom almost the third part was now either slain, or with wounds or sickness grown weak: yet were they all of opinion generally, That they were still strong enough to defend the town. But the under captains and ancients using to flatter their Generals, liked well of the motion, to yield unto Solyman upon reasonable conditions, rather than to expose themselves to most certain death, which should nothing better king Ferdinand's cause. Not long after, an Ancient was by night let down over the wall: and having by an interpreter received the Turks faith, called forth Salamanca, that he might upon better conditions go thorough with them for the yielding up of the town. ●alamanca goeth 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 parley with the Turks about the yielding up of the same. Who without further delay coming out, went to Achomates; commanding before he went them which defended the water tower next unto the river side, a place of great danger, for safeguard of their lives to get themselves into the city: who terrified with that news, and hastily retiring, were by the vigilant Turks which lay at the siege thereof, perceived, who suddenly breaking in, slew such as were not yet gone, & possessed the castle. But Salamanca being brought before the great Bassas, when he had stood upon many nice terms, and required many things to have been granted him, obtained no more, but that they should without delay yield up the city, and put themselves wholly to the mercy of Solyman. So the Spaniard being there stayed, himself writ to Liscanus, how he had sped; willing him forthwith, if he loved his own safety, to yield the city, without standing upon further terms. Liscanus upon receipt of these letters coming forth to the soldiers, declared unto them the necessity of yielding up of the town, and what hope there was to escape with life and liberty. But whilst the soldiers filled with indignation, stood as men in doubt what to do, Halis commander of the janissaries came unto the gate, and with cheerful rather than stern countenance required to have it opened unto him according to the agreement made by Salamanca in the camp; Strigonium yielded to the Turks by Liscanus the Spaniard. which was forthwith opened by Liscanus, and the keys delivered unto him: the janissaries entering peaceably into the city, possessed themselves of the walls and fortresses round about, commanding the Christian soldiers to give place, out of whom they chose all the beardless youths, and commanded the rest to cast down their arquebusiers and other weapons in a place appointed, which they all for fear did, expecting nothing but some cruel execution to be done upon them by the barbarous enemy. Which their fear was the more increased by a strange accident, then unluckily chancing: For whilst the soldiers did as they were commanded, with their arquebusiers cast their flasks full of powder also, one of them suddenly took fire of a match, which was by chance cast in amongst them with fire in it, which firing the rest, blew abroad all that heap of weapons amongst the Turks, which so filled them with anger and fear of some sudden treachery, that they fell upon the Christians, & slew divers of them: until such time as Halis persuaded that it was a thing happened rather by chance than malice, commanded his janissaries to stay their fury. This tumult appeased, Halis caused proclamation to be made, That all such Christian soldiers as would serve Solyman in his wars, should have such place in his army as their quality required, with bountiful entertainment: yet of all the Christian soldiers were found only seventy, which careful of their lives, accepted the offer; fearing that the Turks would upon such as refused exercise their wont cruelty. Halis entertaining them courteously, sent them away with the other youths whom he had before culled out, down the river to BUDA: the other soldiers he took into his protection, and used their labour to help the Turks to make clean the castle. But Liscanus, who to save his gold, had made shipwreck of his honour and reputation, was glad to give unto Halis the fair chain of gold, which he had most covetously and insolently before taken from Perenus; when as Halis, who would otherwise have taken it from him by force, by way of military courtesy, now craved it of him, as a strange kind of ornament amongst the Turks: with which gift he was in hope to have saved the rest of his coin. Liscanus the covetous Spaniard merrily stripped of all his wealth by Halis, captain of the janissaries. But fortune favoured not so much the covetous coward: For when he was about to depart away with his horses of service, which he kept very good, and had cunningly stuffed the saddles full of gold, thinking so slily to have conveyed it; the Turk laughing at him, took from him his horses furnished as they were, saying, That he which was to go by water, needed no horses. So was the covetous wretch at once quit of the great wealth which he had in long time evil gotten. The captains, with the rest of the soldiers despoiled of their arms, were conveyed over the river of Danubius, and so traveled on foot to POSSONIUM: where the county Salme by the commandment of the king apprehended Liscanus, Salamanca, and some other of the captains for suspicion of treason, and committed them to safe custody, there to answer for their cowardly yielding up of the city. Solyman entereth into Strigonium, and there setteth up the Mahometan superstition. Solyman entered into STRIGONIUM the tenth of August in the year 1543, and there converting the Christian churches into temples for the Mahometan superstition, first sacrificed for his victory, as he had before done in BUDA: and after with all speed so strongly fortified the city, as if he would thereby for ever have taken from the Christians all hope of recovering the same again; deriding the slothful negligence of the Germans, who possessed of it fourteen years, had neglected all that time to fortify it. Not long after, Solyman leaving Ossainus a valiant captain governor of STRIGONIUM, and sending his Tartarian horsemen to spoil the country on the left hand, as far as ALBA REGALIS; went himself to besiege the castle of TATTA, called in ancient time THEODATA. The garrison soldiers terrified with the loss of STRIGONIUM, and the sight of the Turks army, upon the first summons yielded the castle without resistance, and were so suffered quietly to depart. That castle after the manner of the Turkish discipline (who with few and those very strong holds keep their provinces in subjection) was by Soliman's commandment presently razed down to the ground. Torniellus' General of the Italians, caused Hannibal, A cowardly captain worthily rewarded. captain of the castle, to have his head struck off for his cowardly yielding up of the piece he had taken charge of: thereby to admonish others, which had the charge of strong places, not to refuse an honourable death in defence of their country, for fear of an ignominious death attending their cowardice. TATTA thus laid in the dust, Solyman goeth to Alba Regali●. Solyman marched with his army towards ALBA, surnamed REGALIS, for that the kings of HUNGARY by an ancient custom used to be there crowned, and also buried. BUDA, STRIGONIUM, and ALBA REGALIS, three principal cities of the kingdom of HUNGARY stand in manner of a triangle, almost equally distant one from another, about a hundred miles in compass. BUDA and STRIGONIUM are situate upon the river of Danubius: but ALBA standeth more into the land, strongly seated in the midst of a great lake, but not so wholesomely, especially in the Summer time, the Winter waters then decreasing, and gross vapours arising with the heat of the Sun. The description of Alba Regal●●▪ From the city thorough the marish or lake unto the firm land, lie three broad and high causeyes (in manner of the strakes of a cart wheel) well built with fair houses and gardens on either side, and a broad way in the middle whereby men pass in and out of the city. At the end of every causey towards the land were cast up strong bulwarks, which the citizens used not to watch but in dangerous times of war: so that by these bulwarks, the houses of the suburbs standing upon these causies, were safe from the danger of the enemy, the lake filling up all the spaces betwixt the causies: which, what for the depth, what for mud, flags, and bulrushes growing in it, was not by horse or man to be passed thorough. And the city itself standing in the midst of the lake, compassed round about with a strong wall, and a deep ditch always full of water, was hardly to be besieged: for which causes a great number of the country people upon the coming of Solyman, fled into it with their cattle, as unto a most sure hold. In the city lay in garrison two companies of Germans, and two hundred horsemen, unto whom were joined five hundred Hungarian horsemen, such as in time of peace lived by robbing, and are by an infamous name called Vsarous: unto these, the Italian county Torniellus, who with his Italians was come as far as JAVARINUM, or RAB, sent four captains with their companies, such as were most forward in that service: after whom followed Barcocius, captain of the king's guard, with a company of horsemen, appointed by the king for General. Who was no sooner come into the city, but news was brought of Soliman's approach. Whereupon he in hast called together the other captains, with Birrous then mayor of the city, and other the chief citizens, to consult with them, What was best to be done for the defence of the city, but especially, Whether the suburbs of the city, standing upon those three broad causies, were to be destroyed or not? that so the city standing in the midst of the great marish, might both with less labour and danger be defended. This question was seriously debated, and great reasons alleged on both sides: The citizens of Alba will not suffer the city 〈◊〉 be destroyed. at last the citizens cried out with one voice against the matter, and said, That they would never suffer those goodly suburbs, wherein were so many churches and fair buildings as might compare with the city itself, to be so shamefully destroyed, to the utter undoing of so many rich citizens: for what could be (said they) more dishonourable or lamentable, than to the encouraging of the barbarous enemy, to show such a token of extreme fear; and with their own hands to burn and destroy those stately buildings, which might by strong hand be well enough defended against the enemy, if they did not play the shameful cowards. Of which opinion with the citizens was also Octavianus Serosactus an Italian captain, alleging that both the city and the suburbs might both with like danger be defended: forasmuch as they were equally fortified with the benefit of the marish; and if the worst should happen, the defendants might yet safely enough retire into the city. At last standing up as one thrust forward, both with the public hard fortune and his own, said, Valiant gentlemen, what show will you give of your valour, or what honour shall you have of your service? If you shall defend so famous a city, by deforming of it yourselves, and cutting off the suburbs, as it were the arms thereof, before the danger, upon too hasty desperation? Verily you shall do nothing, either in the service of the king or the honour of yourselves, except this city (if God so please) be of you whole and sound valiantly defended. Upon this speech they all arise, the wiser sort and of greatest experience giving place to the importunity of the ignorant and simple. Barcotius himself full of care, and overcome with the vain opinion of the greater part, yielded also unto that fatal resolution of saving the suburbs. For it often falleth out, that they who wisely weighing dangers in the balance of reason, and do therefore fearfully resolve of the event of things, and do thereupon oftentimes give more hard and resolute judgement of things than men of greater courage; yield nevertheless to be partakers of other men's follies, yea even to most assured death, rather than by maintaining their fearful opinion to be deemed cowards. So fell it out with Barcotius the General, who setting a good countenance on the matter which nothing liked him, went out to the soldiers, declaring unto them the reasons why the suburbs were to be defended: exhorting them with like valour on their parts to answer that honourable resolution, promising to provide whatsoever should be necessary for the obtaining of the victory; assuring them of great rewards and preferment, which should by their good service deserve the same. Hereupon the suburbs were by the common labour of the soldiers and the citizens quickly fortified, the great ordinance in places convenient orderly planted, and watch and ward kept by the captains and their companies by their turns day and night. But the Turks drawing near to the city, bend their forces only against the suburbs of the gate leading towards BUDA: for that they perceived the marish was in that place drier than in the other, and the sandy ground more unfit for the making of bulwarks and other fortifications for the safety of the defendants, than in the other places where the ground yielded better turf. Barcotius perceiving the enemy's purpose, drew all the Italians and Germans from the other gates into the suburbs of the gate of BUDA, leaving the country people which were fled into the city, and the citizens, in their places. At the first coming of the Turks, the Hungarian and German horsemen, with the Italian footmen, sallied out of the suburbs, and after certain light skirmishes retired. Which manner of fight was continued by the space of three days without any great harm done on either side: for the captains had warily commanded, That the soldiers should not adventure out too far. But after that Solyman himself was come, and had with the multitude of his tents beset the city far and near, to the terror of the beholders; the Christians shut up all the gates, and sallied out no more. Which thing caused the wild Hungarian Vsarous, used to open skirmishes, to provide for themselves in time, and not to suffer themselves to be cooped up (as they termed) within the walls of the city: So for fashion sake, ask leave to be gone (who were not against their wills to be stayed) they by night departed, being not to be entreated by the General or citizens to stay, and by known ways escaped thorough the woods from the enemy. In the mean time the Turks were come with their winding trenches within shot, and with their arrows and small shot so scoured the top of the bulwark, that no man could there possibly appear but he was strait wounded: and such was the fury of the great artillery, that it had in short time battered in sunder the planks and timber which kept in the sandy mould, whereof the fortress was made, more for show than for strength; in such sort, that the great shot flying quite thorough all, slew and wounded many that were a far off: in which distress of the defendants, The Turks with incredible labour fill up the ditches and lake, and by plain force assault the bulwark of the sub●rbes towards 〈◊〉. the Turks Asapi with small danger filled up the ditches of the bulwark, and divers places of the marish with earth and wood, which they brought continually from a wood thereby with six hundred wagons, so that in the space of twelve days they had made a firm way for them to pass over upon, both to the bulwark and the suburbs; a work before thought impossible to have been performed. The ditches thus filled up, the Turks valiantly came on, seeking by plain force to enter the bulwark. First came on the Asapi, whom as men of least worth the Turks captains use to thrust to the first danger: After whom followed the horsemen, now on foot, with swords and targuets, or else their horsemen's staves, covering the janissaries, who upon their knees with their arquebusiers sore gauled the defendants. This hot fight endured above three hours with equal hope and courage: but the Turks still relieved with fresh soldiers, repulsed the Christians, and gained the uttermost bulwark: nevertheless, the Italian fort was that day valiantly defended, the very women and religious helping to defend it: A notable act of an Hungarian woman. in which assault a tall Hungarian woman, whose courage far exceeded the weakness of her sex, thrusting in amongst the soldiers upon the top of the fort, with a great sith in her hand, at one blow struck off two of the Turks heads, as they were climbing up the rampire. This assault was given the nine and twentieth of August, on which day the Turks had before taken B●LGRADE, and also slain king Lewes at the battle of MOHACHZ; and were therefore after their superstitious manner in observation of their fortunate and unfortunate days, in good hope to have then taken the city: wherein they were much deceived, being not able at that time further to enter, but enforced again to retire. Wherewith Solyman offended, sent for Abraham, Achomates, and Halis (the chief captains in that assault) into his tent, and reproved them sharply, for that the bulwark being so valiantly and fortunately won, they had not with more courage prosecuted the victory, but cowardly (as he thought) given it over, being in a manner already won: and therefore with stern countenance commanded them to prepare all things ready within three days for a fresh assault, and never to return unto him, except they did win the city. Whereunto the captains answered no more (for were they never so guiltless, they might not before him stand to excuse themselves) but that they would in short time accomplish his desire. Wherefore having made all ready, and encouraged the soldiers to this last assault, they terribly assailed the rampires, and brought a great fear upon the defendants: for taking the benefit of a thick mist (as it oftentimes chanceth in marish grounds) they were with great silence (contrary to their manner) got up to the top of the rampires, The suburbs of Alba Regal●● w●on by the Turks. and come to handy blows, before they were well discovered. The fight was for the time fierce and terrible: but the janissaries prevailing, at length put the Germans to flight, and after them the Italians also, so that now well was he that could run fastest towards the city. But that their hasty flight little availed, when as they were to pass out by a little narrow gate in manner of a wicket: and they in the city, without regard of them that fled, had plucked up the draw bridge over the ditch. For naturally it cometh oftentimes to pass, that the fear of the present danger, without blushing excuseth our foul dealing. So the barbarous and fierce enemy pursuing the flying Christians at the heels all the length of those suburbs with most cruel execution, many notable men, some fight, some flying, were there slain: amongst whom was Octavianus Serosactus, author of the evil counsel whereof ensued that calamity. Barcotius the General flying on horseback to the little gate▪ which was not to be passed thorough, and crying in vain to them that fled, to have the great gate opened, was by the coming in of janissaries slain: whose head and right hand full of rich rings▪ The miserable slaughter of the flying Christian●▪ was by the barbarous enemy carried about in derision upon a lance. The rest of the flying multitude finding the little gate shut up with the bodies of the dead, and the bridge maliciously drawn up, desperately threw themselves into the deep ditch; where some of them labouring to swim out, were caught by the legs and arms by other that could not swim, and both together drowned. Some hardly crawling over, were shot in the head or back with the Turks arrows: othersome sticking fast in the mud, were as if it had been in sport shot to death by the Turks: some few there was which got over, and were saved. There was yet left in the city the General of the Germane horsemen, and Vscasades of CR●MONA, an Italian captain; these two gathering the remainder of the soldiers which were left, placed them upon the walls: but the citizens were struck with such a fear, that they could not tell which way to turn themselves. For now Birrous the mayor, with the aldermen and other chief citizens, seeing the slaughter of the Italians and Germans, were so overcome with despair, that they thought no hope of their well doing was to be reposed in making of any farther resistance, but only in the mercy of Solyman. Wherefore Birrous spoke unto the Turks from the wall, Ambassadors' sen● to Solyman, to entreat upon conditions for the yielding of the city. That he might safely send ambassadors to Solyman, to entreat with him upon reasonable conditions, for the yielding up of the city: which thing Achomates easily granted. With these ambassadors for the citizens, went also the generals of the Germane horsemen, and Carolus Rufus an Italian captain (who of all others had borne himself most valiantly in all the assaults, to the great admiration of the Turks) to entreat for the safety and liberty of the soldiers. The ambassadors being brought before the great Bassas, requested, That yielding the city, the citizens might enjoy their lives and liberty: whereunto they were so answered, as that it seemed they should not all be pardoned; yet was the general fear well diminished, for that the punishment respected but some few. Rufus was courteously entertained▪ and easily obtained, that the Italians might in safety depart with bag and baggage to VIENNA: the like grace also obtained the General of the Germans for his soldiers. Solyman the eunuch Bassa, offered unto Rufus honourable entertainment, if he would have served Solyman: which when he refused as bound to king Ferdinand by oath, in honour of his valour he gave him a rich cloak wrought with flowers of gold. The ambassadors returning into the city, and telling how they had sped, delivered the citizens of a great fear. Shortly after the city being yielded, Achomates by open proclamation in the market place, commanded the Italians and Germans to make themselves ready against the next day to depart, and to take good heed that no Hungarian went with them: he also straightly charged the citizens to keep their houses, until the strange soldiers were departed. At the time appointed, the Italians and Germans set forward, conducted by Homares with a company of the Turks horsemen, who faithfully defended them against the Tartars, running up and down the country after spoil: neither was any thing taken from them but their dags, which the Germane horsemen after a new fashion carried at their saddle bows; these the Turks greatly desired, delighted with the novelty of the invention, to see them shot off with a firelocke without a match. But after the departure of Homares, they were in their travel set upon by the Hungarians, with whom they had many hot skirmishes, and had hardly escaped unspoiled, had they not been rescued by the king's soldiers lying in garrison in the castles as they passed alongst the country. The few which remained, after many troubles came at last to VIENNA, more like ghosts than men. Solyman entering quietly into the city, first visited the sepulchres of the Hungarian kings, and gave out proclamation, Solyman entereth into Alba Regalis. That the Hungarians should fear of him no harm; for that he was not come to conquer them, but to deliver them from the bondage of the Germans, and so to restore again that entire kingdom unto Stephen the right heir of king john. Solyman causeth the chief citizens of Alba Regalis to be slain. But within three or four days after, he called out the chief citizens into a field not far off, wherein the bodies of condemned men were wont to be buried, as if he would have there taken an oath of them for their fidelity: whither, after they were all assembled in the best manner they could, as to some solemn feast, the cruel tyrant (without regard of his faith or promise) caused them all to be slain. Howbeit some report, that he caused them only to be put to death which bare office in the city, at such time as they revolted from the obedience of the queen and the infant king, unto Ferdinand, and had then brought in Germane soldiers; and that he sent the rest into exile to BUDA and BELGRADE. So Solyman leaving Ba●ibeius governor of ALBA REGALIS; and Mahomates sometime governor of BELGRADE, Solyman returneth to Constantinople. his lieutenant general for the whole government of that kingdom, returned again toward CONSTANTINOPLE, Winter now beginning to approach: after he had that Summer won S●IGONIVM and ALBA REGALIS, two of the chiefest cities of HUNGARY. All this while king Ferdinand had raised no power worth the speaking of, to withstand so mighty an enemy; only at VIENNA lay seven thousand Germans and four thousand Italians, at such time as Solyman departed from ALBA REGALIS, which were shortly after discharged. Whilst Solyman thus lay at the siege of ALBA REGALIS, he sent his Tartarian horsemen which served him to small purpose in the siege, to spoil the country round about: these savage people doing much harm, were in divers places circumvented by the Hungarians, and about three thousand of them slain: one of them being taken prisoner, had found in his knapsack half a child, of about two years old, the loathsome remainder of his barbarous feeding. Barbarussa all this while lying with his fleet (as we have before said) at MARSEIL●ES fretted exceedingly, that he had to his dishonour undertaken so long a voyage by sea, to pleasure him which was not able (as he said) to direct his own designs to any certain resolution▪ but shamefully suffered the best time of the year for service, negligently to pass away without any thing doing▪ the blame whereof would (as he said) be imputed to him at CONSTANTINOPLE: and that Solyman, who desired to aid the king his friend and confederate, and by all ●eanes to annoy his enemies, would take in evil part to have it reported, that he had with so great charge set out so great a fleet, and so far off, to help his friend hardly beset with his enemies, and 〈◊〉 done nothing: besides that, he took on like a Turk, that he, who in time of service, never used negligently to let slip the least opportunity, should now blemish his former credit and esti●ation, by lying still all that Summer in the harbour of MARSEILLES, where his soldiers grew lazy with doing nothing. Wherefore Polinus going to the king, told him of the proud Turk's great discontentment for lack of employment and returning to Barbarussa, brought o●der from the king, that he should lay siege to NICE a city of PROVINCE, then holden by the Duke of SAVOY. This city standing upon the sea, was by one of the French kings for a great sum of money pawned unto the duke: which money king Francis had many times offered to have repaid, but could never get the city out of the duke's hands. Unto which service, the French king sent also his fleet of two and twenty galleys and eighteen ships, wherein were embarked eight thousand footmen, and victual for many days. This fleet departing from MARSEILLIS, keeping close by the shore, came to the port called MONOC; whither two days after came Barbarussa also with an hundred and fifty galleys. From thence Polinus by commandment from the king, writ unto the State of GENVA, That they should not fear of that great fleet any hostility, which was not to hurt any but them of NICE, and not them neither if they would yield themselves. For more assurance whereof, he obtained of the Turks divers GENVA captives, which had long time been chained in their galleys, and courteously set them at liberty, and sent them home without ransom. After that, he friendly exhorted the citizens of NICE, to yield themselves again unto their ancient and lawful prince, renowned for his bounty and power; rather than to adventure their state to all extremities for that poor and distressed duke, who between the emperor and the French king, despoiled of the greatest part of his dominions, saw no other end of his miseries, but to leave that little which yet remained, as a prey to the one or the other that should first lay hand thereon. Whereunto the magistrates of the town answered, That they knew no other prince or sovereign, but Charles their duke: wherefore he should desist farther to solicit them by letters or messengers, whom they would make no other account of but as of their enemies. Nice in Province besieged by the French and the Turks. Wherefore the Frenchmen and Turks landing their forces, laid siege to the town in three places. The citizens had but a little before newly fortified their walls, by the direction of Paulus Simeon, captain of the castle, and one of the knights of the RHODES, a man of great experience; who long before taken at sea by pirates, had sometime served Barbarussa, and therefore persuaded the citizens as resolute men to withstand the Turks. Which, that they should more constantly perform, he took their wives and children, and weaker sort of the people into the castle; and from thence furnished the citizens with all things necessary for their defence. The city was at once in divers places battered by the Turks and French, both by sea and land: so that at last the Turks had beaten down one of the new built bulwarks, and made so fair a breach, that with their ensigns displayed, they attempted to have entered: whose forwardness Leo Strozza (then serving the French king with a band of Italians) imitating, sought to have entered also: but the citizens standing valiantly upon their defence, manfully repulsed both the Turks and Italians, and caused them with loss to retire. In this assault were slain about an hundred Turks; and of Strozza his soldiers two and twenty. Presently after, Barbarussa with all his force began a fresh battery, in such terrible manner, that the citizens seeing their walls in divers places opened, and the few soldiers they had, sore wounded, and no hope to be in convenient time relieved; began to parley with the French General from the wall, The citizens crave parley, and a●ter yield the city. concerning the yielding up of the city; upon condition, that they might in all respects live under the French king as they had done under the duke: for performance whereof, the General gave them his faith. But Polinus fearing lest the Turks should violate this composition, and for grief of the loss of their fellows, or for hope of the spoil break into the city, entreated Barbarussa to recall his soldiers, and to cause them to go aboard his galleys. For which cause not long after, the janissaries, as men deceived of their hoped prey, were about to have slain both Polinus and Strozza, as they came from talking with Barbarussa. The city thus yielded, The castle besieged. they began to consult for the taking of the castle: the performance whereof consisted first in the assailing of the castle itself, and then in defending of the city from the sudden sallies of them in the castle; and likewise in defending of them which besieged the castle, so that no enemy should come to raise the siege: of which two things, Barbarussa put the French to choice which they would take, showing himself ready either to besiege the castle, or to keep the field. The French standing in doubt of which to make choice, the proud old Turk scorning their slow resolution, and them also, as men unfit for the ready accomplishment of any martial exploit; caused seven pieces of battery, whereof two were of wonderful greatness, to be placed in a trice in place most convenient, and the same quickly entrenched and fortified, to the great admiration of the French: with which pieces he had quickly beaten down the battlements of the walls, and sentinel houses, so that no man was able to show himself upon the walls. The Frenchmen likewise on the other side did with their great ordinance continually batter the castle: but with long shooting they came to such want of shot and powder, that Polinus was glad to request, that he might either borrow or buy some of Barbarussa: whereat the Turk fretted and fumed exceedingly, That they should in their own country stand in need of his provision, who at MARSEILLES had better fraughted their ships with wine, than with necessaries for the wars. For the rough and severe old Turk could not forbear to taunt them, and oftentimes complained, that he was deluded with the hope of great matters which Polinus had promised at CONSTANTINOPLE; and that in such a rage, that he would threaten to lay hands upon Polinus, who had brought him from CONSTANTINOPLE thither, whereas he must either lose his honour, or having spent his shot and powder, expose himself and his fleet to all dangers. Wherefore being exceeding angry with the French, Barbarussa in his rage threateneth to lay hand● on Polinus, and to return forthwith to Constantinople. he suddenly called a counsel of his captains & other chief officers, giving it out, That he would presently return toward CONSTANTINOPLE, seeing that among these cowardly and unskilful men (as it pleased him to term them) he found nothing ready or according to promise. Yet for all that, when he had chafed his fill, by the fair entreatance and large promises of the French General and Polinus together, the wayward old man was persuaded to change his mind, and to continue the siege. But he was yet scarcely well pacified, and his mind set again upon the siege, but letters were intercepted from the great captain Alphon sus Vastius, to Paulus captain of the castle, wherein he requested him to hold out a while against the enemy, until that he, who had already sent before his light horsemen, might come also himself with his men at arms, who were upon the way alongst the Alps by the sea side, and would in two days with the slaughter of the Turks put him and his castle out of all fear and danger. Which thing once bruited in the camp, such a great and sudden fear came upon the Turks and Frenchmen, the night following (the more to terrify them) proving by chance very rainy and tempestuous; that they all forsook their trenches and great ordinance, and laying down their weapons, by narrow paths climbing over the top of the high mountain, came down headlong to the sea side to the fleet. But the day appearing, and no enemy to be seen, they were ashamed of that they had done, and came again to the siege. Not long after, The Turks and French give over the sieg● of the castle of Nice, and set ●ire on the city. when as the castle in all men's judgement was hardly to be battered, and standing upon a firm rock, was not but in long time with hard labour and doubtful success to be undermined, it was generally thought good to raise the siege. The Turks upon their departure broke into the city, and when they had taken the spoil thereof, set it on fire. Barbarussa retiring with his fleet to ANTIPOLIS, came to anchor at the Island L●RINA, called of the mariners MARGARITA; at which time Vastius and the duke of SAVOY, with Auria his fleet arrived at VILLA FRANCA: in the entrance of which haven, the galley wherein Vastius went, was like to have been lost. Four other galleys by force of sudden tempest were driven upon the rocks, and so suddenly beaten in pieces with the surge of the sea, that the galleyslaves had not leisure to strike off their irons, but were there all drowned, and all the ordinance lost. Polinus understanding this distress of the enemy, sent one Petrus Angelus to Barbarussa, to show him the occasion offered, and to persuade him with all speed to haste thither with his fleet, as to a most assured victory. Barbarussa seemed to like well of the motion, and promised to go, yet he moved not, letted as it was thought with the contrary wind, which then blew hard at East, and with the roughness of the sea. But the wind being fallen, and the sea become calm, and he contrary to his wont manner making no haste, set slowly forward, and being a little on his way, came again to an anchor, and went no further; the Sanzackes and other captains first marveling, Barbarussa derided by the Turks captains. and afterward laughing thereat, scoffingly said, That Barbarussa did but reason to deal kindly with Auria, as his brother and friend of his own profession, for that he had some years before received the like friendship at his hands, in letting him escape at HIPPONA, which he now honestly paid him again. Whereunto Barbarussa both then and afterwards at CONSTANTINOPLE answered no otherwise, His answer to their ●aun●s. but, That he being an old commander, and half blind, saw more in the matter than all those green captains with their sharp sight. Not long after, he returned again towards MARSEILLES, and put into the haven of TOLON, called in ancient time TAURENTA. Vastius and the duke coming to NICE, commended the captain of the castle, and wondering at the cunning manner of the Turks fortifications, preferred them in that point before the Christians. Barbarussa lying with his fleet at TOLON, and by the king's officers entertained with all possible courtesy, delivered five and twenty galleys to Salec the famous pirate, and Assanes his nigh kinsman, who passing the bay of NAR●ONA, rifled certain towns in SPAIN, standing upon the sea coast, and about the promontory of Venus, called of the mariners CREUM, took great prize, and in the haven of PALAMOS took one merchant ship and a galley: with which prey they passed over to ALGIERS, as they were commanded, there to winter, and with the first of the Spring to return again to Barbarussa in PROVINCE. That Winter Barbarussa repairing his fleet; was furnished with many necessaries by the Genoese, and especially by Auria himself, who under the colour of redeeming of prisoners, willingly furnished the Turk with such things as he wanted: for although he professed himself one of the emperors captains, yet would he not show an enemy's mind by the unseasonable denial of a little sea furniture, lest in so doing he should have hurt his native country of GENVA▪ which he saw then subject to the injury of so great a fleet so nigh at hand. But leave we now Barbarussa to Winter in PROVINCE, and with the course of time turn a little out of the way, to see in Muleasses king of TUNES the small assurance the greatest have in highest place of worldly honour. This Mahometan king once before thrust out of his kingdom by Barbarussa, and restored again by Charles the emperor (as is before declared) hearing of his coming with this great fleet, and imagining nothing less than that he should come to the aid of the most Christian king, doubted (not without cause) lest it was prepared against himself. Besides that, divers great cities of his kingdom, namely CONSTANTINA, MAHEMEDIA, and MAHOMETA (called in ancient time CYRTHA) LEPTIS, and ADRUMENTUM, were then holden by the Turks; Barbarussa his fauourits: Muleasses fearing the coming of Barbarussa, departeth from Tunes into Italy to crave aid of Charles the emperor. wherefore fearing the worst, about the same time that Barbarussa: was sailing alongst the coast of ITALY, he passed over into SICILY, to have met the emperor at GENVA, and to have obtained of him greater aid against the Turks. At his departure out of AFFRICK●, he committed the tuition of his kingdom to such valiant men as he supposed would have been unto him most faithful: First he appointed Mahomates, than Maniphaet, to govern the city; and Corsus otherwise called Fares, his old servant, to keep the castle; leaving Mahomates his brother and Fares his son, with Tovarres a Spaniard (captain of the castle of GULETTA) as pledges, the one of his brothers, the other of his father's faith: but unto Amida (his son) he committed the leading of his men of war for the defence of his kingdom against the Turks and Numidians. As he was passing out of SICILIA to have met the emperor at GENVA, he was by contrary winds driven first to CAIETA, and afterwards to NAPLES, where he was by the viceroy honourably entertained, and a house appointed for him richly furnished. The Neapolitans wondering at the strange attire of the people, with the manner of their feeding, and curious plenty of all manner of sweet perfumes: for into every dish they put in odours of exceeding price; so that it was well known, that a peacock and two feisants, dressed after the manner of the king's kitchen, Costly dishes. cost above an hundred ducats: so that not only the dining chamber, when they were carved up, but all the house was so filled with the strange and fragrant smell, that all they that dwelled near thereabouts, were partakers of the pleasure of that unusual and delicate perfume. From NAPLES he was about to have traveled by land to the emperor, being then in conference with the Pope at BUXETUM (fearing to adventure the sea, possessed by his enemy's fleet) had not the emperor by his letters willed him to stay still where he was▪ But whilst he made his abode at NAPLES, and carefully attended what course Barbarussa would take, who furnished with so great a fleet was departed from NICE, disappointed of his purpose, he was by certain messengers advertised out of AFRICA, Amida riseth against Muleasses his father, and usurpeth the kingdom of Tunes. That Amida his son was risen up against him, and possessing himself of the kingdom, had slain his captains, polluted his wives, and taken the castle of TUNES. With which news he being exceedingly troubled, determined without delay to pass over into AFRICA, and though late, yet as he might to remedy his domestical troubles, in hope to oppress that rebellion in the beginning, and his son also, before he could gather any strength to rest upon. Wherefore he with all the hast he could opened his coffers, and entertained soldiers, the viceroy giving leave to all such banished men as would to come and give their names, to pass over as soldiers into AFRICA: upon report whereof, such a number of malefactors & condemned persons came flocking to NAPLES, that it was thought a sufficient army might have been made of such kind of men; every one of them choosing rather to enter into pay, and blot out the infamy of banishment, and prove the fortune of wars, than to live wandering up and down in the woods, and in danger every hour to be hanged. Of these infamous men, one joannes Baptista Lofredius (a man well borne, but of a fierce and covetous disposition) undertook the leading: he covenanting with Muleasses to have three months pay before hand, Muleasses returneth into Africa to Guletta. levied eighteen hundred men, which he presently shipped; and keeping the greatest part of their pay to himself, passed over with the king into AFRICA, and landed at GULETTA. But how Amida rise up against his father, and what was the end of that bloody rebellion, shall not be amiss briefly to rehearse. There were certain noble men of great authority about Amida when Muleasses departed, which at their pleasure ruled the young prince, who easily hearkened unto their counsel, and followed the same: the chief of these was one Mahomates, son of Bohamer, who in the reign of Mahomates, Muleasses his father, was Maniphet, whom Muleasses (possessed of the kingdom) put shamefully to death by cutting off his privities, because he had by hasty marriage deceived him of Rhahamana, a maiden of incomparable beauty, the daughter of Abderomen captain of the castle, whom he most passionately loved: for which cruel fact, Mahomates his son had of long time conceived a deadly hatred against Muleasses, which he had many years dissembled, that he might as occasion served be the more cruelly revenged. Next unto him was another Mahomates surnamed Adulzes, whom Muleasses was wont commonly to call his worst servant. These two with a few others conspiring together, gave it out, that Muleasses was dead at NAPLES, and before his death had most irreligiously (as they accounted it) revolted to the Christian religion. With which report they perceiving Amida moved, came unto him and persuaded him quickly to enter into his father's seat, lest Mahomates his younger brother than lying in hostage with the Christians at GULETTA, should by the favour and help of Tovarres, whose garrison was ever ready, be preferred before him. For Mahomates was eighteen years old, resembling his grandfather in name, favour, and disposition, and therefore of the citizens of TUNES' best beloved: wherefore Amida came in post hast out of the camp to TUNES, to lay first hand upon his father's kingdom. The people which as yet had heard nothing of the king's death, received him with doubtful countenance: and as many stood marveling that he was so rashly come into the city without his father's commandment, Mahomates (appointed by Muleasses to govern the city) came out and sharply reproved him as guilty of high treason, persuading him to return again unto the camp: Amida thru●● out of Tunes. and seeing him stay, by force of the multitude thrust him out of the city. Amida deceived of his expectation, got him out of the way into the pleasant country of MARTIA, between UTICA and the ruins of old CARTHAGE. But Mahomates Governor of the city, after he had repulsed Amida, got him with all speed by water to Tovarres at GULETTA, to know of him more assuredly, if any such evil news were brought from SICILY of the death of the king; and to complain of the rashness and intolerable presumption of Amida. Where staying somewhat long in discoursing with the captain, and afterwards returning to the city, he was suspected to have practised with the captain, to make Mahomates (the pledge in GULETTA) king in his father's steed; for so the common voice went. The Moors are by nature a faithless people, unconstant, hasty, suspicious, desirous of news, which true or false, they for the time interpret as serveth best their factions, whereunto they are exceedingly given: So at the first there rise in the city a doubtful rumour of the making of a new king; the suspicion whereof more and more increasing, set all the city on an uproar. By occasion whereof, certain of the citizens to whom the very name of Muleasses was odious, speedily certified Amida (then in the gardens of MARTIA, sighing and grieving at his hard fortune) how all stood, and that now was the time to do himself good. He revived with that unexpected news, and encouraged by the persuasion of Bohamar and Adulzes, and other his followers; resolved to take hold upon that good offer of fortune which would not always frown, and to follow his good hap. So in haste returning to TUNES', Amida returneth, and possesseth the kingdom. and entering in at the gate which he then found open, ran presently to the governors house; and finding him not at home, cruelly slew all his household, and with his bloody company went presently to the castle: where Fares the captain seeking to have kept him out, and boldly laying hands upon his horses bridle to have thrust him back, was by a desperate Ethiopian, one of Amida his followers, thrust thorough with a sword and slain: over whose body yet sprawling, Amida forcing his horse, broke into the castle with his friends; and finding Mahomates governor of the city, presently slew him also. And so by this means Amida in the space of an hour (a little before, a man in despair) obtained the city, the castle, and the kingdom together. After that, he murdered his younger brethren; and imbrued with blood, without shame polluted his father's concubines. Muleasses landed (as we have before said) at GULETTA, with such forces as he had brought with him out of ITALY, was advised by Tovarres the Spaniard, not to adventure with such a handful of men to go to TUNES, before he were well assured of the good disposition of the citizens towards him. And was the more earnest with Lofredius not to go, because the Viceroy had expressly written, that he should in no case go any further than GULETTA, except the king according to his promise, had a good strength of Numidians to join with him. But certain of the noble men amongst the Moors, which under the colour of friendship were fled out of the city, and had after the solemn manner of their nation put their swords unto their throats, and sworn to be faithful unto him; wonderfully pricked forward both the king and Lofredius, too hasty of themselves to their own destiny, bearing them in hand, That Amida upon the first sight of his father, would forsake the city, and betake himself to flight: so without more staying, Muleasses with ensign displayed set forward towards TUNES, Lofredius cheerfully following him, Tovarres requesting them in vain to beware of the Moors treachery. Muleasses going to Tune●, by the way overthrown Muleasses marching still forward, was come so nigh the city, that they might from the walls descry him: when suddenly a strong troop of Moors sallied out of the gate with a terrible cry, and fiercely assailed him, whom the king's horsemen valiantly received: many falling on both sides. Muleasses in this hot skirmish, fight courageously against his enemies, was wounded in the face and bled exceedingly; which discouraged them about him, that they doubting of his life, turned their backs and fled: when presently a wonderful number of horse and foot, suddenly issuing out of the olive gardens, had beset Lofredius and his soldiers round: upon whom the Italians discharged certain field pieces, but after they had once discharged them, they had no leisure to charge again; for the barbarous enemy came on so thick and so fast, that the Italians seeing themselves too weak, and compassed in round, let fall their weapons as men discouraged, and cast themselves into the lake, so by swimming and taking hold of the little boats to save themselves from the enemy's sword: which boats stood those distressed men in great steed, for being furnished with small pieces, they did beat back the Moors, Lofredius slain. who eagerly pursued them even into the lake with their horses. Lofredius as a man amazed with the sudden coming of the enemy, took the lake with his horse, and was there unhorsed by the enemy and slain, as were divers with him. Some few there were that fought courageously, choosing rather honourably to die in the midst of their enemies, than shamefully to be strangled in the stinking lake. Muleasses soiled with his own blood and with the dust, flying amongst the rest, Muleasses taken. was known and taken: nothing more bewraying him than his odoriferous perfumes. In this conflict thirteen hundred Italians were lost; the rest which escaped Tovarres relieved, and shortly after shipped them over into SICILY, from whence they traveled home to NAPLES, but so poor, as well showed the misery of their fortune. Amida having thus obtained the victory, Amida put out his fathers and brethren's eyes. was more careful of nothing than to make his father unfit for government, which he did by cutting the sight of both his eyes with a hot penknife: the like cruelty he used upon Nahasar and Abdallas his brethren, then taken with his father. After that, he certified Tovarres captain of GULETTA, That he had taken a few youth's prisoners, which he would deliver unto him; and that he had bereft his father of his sight, who had deserved a worse punishment, as he that had long before done the like to his brethren; but had yet left him his life, as an example to other tyrants, and to show that he dealt not altogether unmercifully with so perfidious a father: Last of all, he confirmed (upon certain conditions) the same league which his father had with him: which he well saw was to great purpose, especially in that newness of his kingdom. Neither did Tovarres refuse the same, as standing with his present profit: for upon this agreement, Amida was to give him certain money to pay his soldiers, and to deliver him the prisoners he had taken, with the ensigns and body of Lofredius: For more assurance whereof, he gave Sehites his son, than nine years old in hostage; yet upon condition, that if an assured peace could not be agreed upon, but that they must needs enter into war, than Tovarres should forthwith restore him his son Schites in safety. These capitulations, although they seemed not unreasonable, and were of them well liked; yet Tovarres thought it not altogether agreeing with the honour of the emperor, that he should enjoy the kingdom who by most horrible treason and detestable villainy had thrust himself thereinto without the emperors leave. Wherefore he entered into a new devise, to call in the rightful heir, who might at the emperors pleasure (offended with the injury done by Amida) reign in TUNES. There was in exile amongst the Numidians one Abdamaelech, ever since the time that Roscetes fled to Barbarussa. Tovarres sen●●●h for Abdam●●●ch, Amida his elder brother. Him, because he was Muleasses natural brother, Tovarres sent for, putting him in hope of the kingdom, supported by Anemseha, a great prince amongst the Numidians, who had all that long time courteously entertained him. Neither was Abdamaelech slow to accept the occasion presented, especially encouraged thereunto by the Numidian prince his good friend, and the predictions of the Astrologers, who had foretold him, That he should die king of TUNES. Which vain kind of divination having in it no manner of assurance, yet causeth great minds oftentimes to undertake great attempts beyond reason, which falling out with more hap than they were with reason foretold, giveth some credit to that vanity, and causeth those cold prophets to be of some accounted as great wizards. And to work this feat, such a time was offered, as a better could not be wished: for Amida having set all things in order as he pleased in the city, and casting no peril, was gone to BISERTA, to take order for his customs, which was there great upon fishing. Wherefore▪ Tovarres to keep his promise, sent back S●hites, Amida his son, in a boat to TUNES, and received Abdamaelech: who traveling most part by night, was secretly come to GULETTA, and there resting himself and his horses a few hours; to prevent the fame of his coming, posted in haste with a troop of his Numidian followers to TUNES, Abdamelech by policy obtaineth the kingdom of Tunes. and passing thorough the city, went directly to the castle, which he entered without resistance of the warders, supposing him to have been Amida come from BISERTA: for Abdamaelech had after the manner of the Moors covered his face with a scarf, as if it had been to have kept him from the Sun and the dust, and by that happy sleight got into the castle, before it was known who he was. The warders perceiving their error, began as men amazed now too late to betake themselves to their weapons, for in making resistance, they were quickly slain by the Numidians which came in with Abdamaelech: who thus possessed of the castle (the chief strength of that kingdom) let in his friends, which were many in the city, by whom he was presently saluted king, the rest of the citizens either well liking of the matter, or at least not daring for fear to stir. Abdamelech dieth, and Mahomates his son is chosen king in his place. But as in these worldly things, for which men so vainly toil, is no assurance: so this new king shortly after fell sick and died, when he had reigned but six and thirty days, and was afterwards royally interred. After whose death, his mighty friends, with the chief of the citizens (persuaded and encouraged by Tovarres the Spaniard) chose Mahomates his son, a child scarce twelve years old, to reign in his father's place: appointing Abdalages Maniphaet (brother to him whom Amida slew) Abdelchirinus Mesuar, Schyriffus (a great man in their Mahometan superstition) & Perellus a Christian knight, to be his directors and governors: which four swayed all at their pleasure. But Abdelchirinus tendering the welfare of his country, and devising out of season how to set up one of the royal blood, that were of himself able to govern the kingdom, saying, That it was not for the common good to be ruled by a child: was for his labour by his other three fellows suddenly slain, with all his kindred and known friends. After whose death the other three erected a manner of Triumvirate government, every one of them laying hand upon one part of the state or other, as liked him best. Amida thus shut out of TUNES, and having lost his kingdom, wandered up and down to LEPTIS, CYRAPOLIS, and many other places, craving aid of every man to recover his kingdom, miserably rend in sunder (as he said) by most wicked men, who insolently triumphed over the boy king. Which they of TUNES knew well to be true, and daily complained of the death of Abdelchirinus, whom they called the faithful counsellor and father of his country. Whilst Amida is thus trudging up and down, craving help of this and that prince, proving his friends, and sounding his subject's affection towards him; Muleasses grown miserable with long imprisonment and the calamity of his disaster fortune, obtained of the young king his nephew so much favour, as that he might sometime go out of the castle to the church: under colour whereof he took sanctuary, a place in TUNES holden in such reverence amongst the Moors, as that it was a most inviolate refuge to all such as fled thereunto. Not long after, at such time as Bernardinus Mendoza, the Admiral of SPAIN, came to GULETTA with the Spanish fleet, Muleasses at the request of Touarr●● is sent to Guletta. Muleasses at the request of Tovarres was conveyed out of the Sanctuary to the lake, and so by water to GULETTA, there to be present at the consultation there holden for the utter subversion of Amida, and the driving out of the Turks out of such cities as they yet held alongst the sea coast in AFRICA. Muleasses had hardly before escaped the hands of certain of his enemies in TUNES, who sought after his life, preserved by an old woman, who moved with pity, hid him from their fury under a great heap of garlic: and had he not now in good time escaped to GULETTA, he had again fallen into the hands of his merciless son Amida, who shortly after recovered again his kingdom, and would not as he said himself have spared him for the reverence of any sanctuary. For the citizens of TUNES', weary of the evil government of such as were in authority about the young king, and not a little offended with the king himself, for espousing Melucca his cousin, one of Muleasses his daughters, secretly encouraged Amida by letters to repair to the city, promising to aid him in recovering his kingdom. Whereupon he came in such haste, that the young king had scarce time to get out of the city: Amida recovereth the kingdom of Tunes, and taketh sharp revenge upon his enemies. and Amida entering without resistance, and holpen by his friends, easily obtained again the kingdom, and exercised most exquisite cruelty upon his enemies: of whom he caused some to be torn in pieces, and devoured of fierce mastiffs, kept hungry for that purpose. Perellus he caused to be tortured, his secrets to be cut off, and himself afterwards burnt to ashes in the market place. But Muleasses stayed not long at GULETTA, offended with the covetousness of Tovarres, who (as he said) had not faithfully restored such things as he had before put him in trust withal, but had avaritiously in his misery deceived him of part of his rich household stuff, with certain notable precious stones, & some of his treasure: whereof the blind king so grievously complained to Charles the emperor, that for deciding the matter, they were both commanded to repair unto him into GERMANY: where in conclusion to end the strife, Tovarres was discharged of his government, and Muleasses sent into SICILY there to be kept of the common charge of that rich island. Muleasses by the way coming to ROME, was honourably feasted by Cardinal Fernesius: at which time he showed himself both in his apparel and behaviour not forgetful of his better fortune: and being brought unto the presence of Paulus the great bishop, would do him no greater honour but to kiss his knee, Muleasses disdaineth to kiss the Pope's foot. accounting it too great an indignity to have kissed his foot. He was of stature tall, and of a princely disposition, unworthy of so hard a fortune, had he not in like manner before unmercifully dealt with his own brethren. Barbarussa weary of his long lying to so small purpose in PROVINCE, 1544 requested the French king either thoroughly to employ him, or else to give him leave to depart: offering if he so pleased, to spoil all alongst the coast of SPAIN, from the mountain PYRaeNEI to CADIZ. But he not ignorant what hard speeches ran of him already in all parts of Christendom, for bringing in the Turks, was loath to leave unto the memory of all posterity the foul remembrance of so woeful a slaughter: besides that, he was advised to disburden his country of such troublesome guests, who roving about, did much harm in the province where they lay, and as it was reported, now and then snatched up one country peisant or other, and chained them for slaves in their galleys. Wherefore in supply of the Turks that were dead, the king gave unto Barbarussa all the Mahometan slaves in his galleys, to the number of about four hundred, and furnishing him with all kind of provision, and bestowing great gifts upon him and his captains, sent him away: and with him Strozza with certain galleys, his ambassador to Solyman. So the Turks departing out of PROVINCE, kept alongst the coast, until they came near unto SAVONA, whither the Germans sent divers presents and fresh victuals to Barbarussa, which he took so thankfully, that he protested not to hurt any of their territory. From thence he kept a right course to the island of ELBA, belonging to the duke of FLORENCE, overagainst POPULONA; where understanding that one of the sons of Sinan his old friend was there kept prisoner, he writ unto Appianus governor of the island for his deliverance to this effect. I know, Barbarussa his letters to Apolanus, Governor of Elba. that a young man a Turk serveth thee, the son of Sinan surnamed the jew, a famous captain, taken of late at TUNES: him I would have thee friendly to restore: which gift I will make thee understand to be unto me most acceptable; for this our great fleet in passing by you, shall faithfully forbear to use any hostility. But if thou shalt in this so small a matter refuse to gratify me, expect upon the coast of thy country all the harms which an angry enemy can do. Whereunto Appianus showing his men upon the walls, in token that he was not afraid, answered, That the young man was become a Christian, and therefore might not in any case be delivered to the Turks: but that he would in any other thing gratify him in what he could, and for his sake use the young man as his son. And to mollify the unkindness of his answer, he sent him fresh victual with other presents. But Barbarussa offended with the answer, landed his men round about the island, and commanded them to make what spoil they could: which they performed accordingly, hunting the island people up and down the rocks and mountains like Hares, Appianus glad to deliver the captive whom Barbarussa required. until that Appianus not without cause doubting the utter spoil of the island, redeemed his peace by delivering the young man to Salec the pirate, who brought him to Barbarussa gallantly appareled after the Italian manner, of whom he was joyfully received, as the son of a most valiant captain, his old friend: and thereupon Barbarussa stayed his soldiers from doing any further harm upon the island, and gave Appianus great thanks for him. This young man Barbarussa honoured with the command of seven galleys, and afterwards sent him to his father then lying at SVETIA, a port of the red sea, Admiral for Solyman against the Portugeses, who greatly troubled those seas. But the old jew, overjoyed with the sudden and unexpected return of his son, whom he had for many years before given as lost, in embracing of him fainted, and so presently for joy died. Sinan the jew dieth for joy. This man for valour was accounted little inferior to Barbarussa, but for discretion and just dealing far beyond him, nothing of so furious and wayward a disposition as was he. Barbarussa departing from ELBA, came into the bay of TELAMONIUS in TUSCUNIE, and in short time took the city, Barbarussa in his return toward Constantinople, d●th much harm upon the coast of Italy. which he spoiled and burnt, but especially the house of Bartholomeus Telamonius; whose dead body but a little before buried, he caused to be plucked out of the grave, & his bones to be scattered abroad, because he being Admiral of the bishop of ROME his galleys, had in the island of LESBOS wasted Barbarussa his father's poor possession: and marching by night eight miles further into the land, surprised MONTENUM, and carried almost all the inhabitants away with him into captivity. The like mischief he did at the port called PORTUS HERCULIS, but purposing to have taken ORHATELLO, and there to have fortified, he was by Luna and Vitellius (two valiant captains before sent thither, the one by the State of SIENNA, and the other by the duke of FLORENCE) repulsed. So though disappointed of his purpose, yet having done great harm, and put the whole country of TUSCANIE in exceeding fear, he departed thence and landed again at IGILIUM, now called GIGIO, an island about twelve miles distant from PORTUS HERCULIS, where he quickly battered the town, and carried a wonderful number of all sorts into miserable captivity: keeping on his course, he passing the cape LINAR, & coming overagainst CANTUMCELLE, had burnt that city for the same reason he did TELAMONIUS, had he not been otherwise persuaded by Strozza the French ambassador, fearing to draw the French king into further obloquy. From thence he came with a direct course to the island of ISCHIA; where landing in the night, he intercepted most part of the inhabitants of the island, as they were flying into the mountains: and in revenge of the hatred he had conceived against Vastius at the siege of NICE, he burned FORINO, PANSA, and VARRANIUM, three chief towns of that island: but PITHACUSA, the dwelling place of Vastius, standing upon a broken rock, somewhat distant from the sea, he durst not adventure upon. Then scraping along the island PROCHITA with less hurt, because most part of the inhabitants were before fled to PITHACUSA, he put into the bay of PUTEOLI, and sent Salec the pirate with part of his fleet to make proof if the city of PUTEOLI, might from sea be battered. Salec drawing near the city, shot into it with his great ordinance, and by chance slew one Saiavedra, a valiant Spaniard, upon the walls, and put the citizens in a great fear lest the whole fleet should have landed, they themselves as then unprovided: but the viceroy came presently with a power both of horse and foot from NAPLES, which Barbarussa discovering from sea as they came down the mountains, called back Salec: and leaving the Island of CAPRI, and passing by the promontory ATHENEUM, was about to have seized upon SALERNUM, when a tempest suddenly arising, dispersed his fleet, and drive him beyond the promontory PALINURUS upon the coast of CALABRIA, where he did exceeding much harm, especially at CARREATO. From thence he departed to the island of LIPARI, betwixt ITALY and SICILY, which island he miserably spoiled, and with forty great pieces so battered the city, that the citizens were constrained for fear to yield, whom he carried away all prisoners about the number of seven thousand, of one sort of people and other, and burned the city. So loaded with the rich spoil of ITALY and the islands upon the coast, he returned towards CONSTANTINOPLE with such a multitude of poor Christian captives, shut up so close under hatches amongst the excrements of Nature, that all the way as he went almost every hour some of them were cast dead over board: every man detesting the endless hatred betwixt the emperor and the French king, the very ground of all this and many thousand other most woeful and undeserved calamities of their poor subjects. With this rich prey and an infinite number of captives, Barbarussa arriveth at Constantinople. Barbarussa arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE in the beginning of Autumn, in the year 1544: where he was honourably received of Solyman, and highly commended for his good service both by sea and land. Solyman triumphing at CONSTANTINOPLE of the good success he had in HUNGARY, Mahomet Soliman's eldest son dieth. in the midst of all his glory, was advertised of the death of Mahomet his eldest son, whom of all his children he held dearest: whose dead body was shortly after brought from MAGNESIA, and with wonderful solemnity, and no less mourning, buried at CONSTANTINOPLE. How entirely Solyman loved this his son, well appeared by the great sorrow he conceived of his death; and not contented to have built him a stately tomb, erected also in memorial of him a Mahometan church, called the church of Mahomet the lesser: for the difference of Mahomet the great, who won CONSTANTINOPLE. Whereunto he also annexed a monastery and a college, with many things more after the gross manner of their superstition, for the health of his soul, as he vainly supposed. After that, Solyman according to his wont manner, which was but every second or third year to take in hand some notable expedition, ceased from wars by the space of two years: in which time many of the great princes and worthy men of that age died; amongst whom was Francis the French king. Hariadenus Barbarussa that famous Turk of whom we have so often spoken, who being of great years and no less fame, left this life in the year 1547, and was buried at a house of his own called Besictas, near unto BOSPHORUS THRACIUS on EUROPE side, The death of th● famous pira● Barbarussa. not far from the mouth of Euxinum, about four miles from PERA, where he had but few years before at one time sold about sixteen thousand Christian captives, taken out of CORCYRA: and to make famous that place appointed for his burial, he of his own cost built there a Mahometan temple, there yet with his sepulchre to be seen: that place was in ancient time called JASONIUM. About which time also, died of conceit that famous captain Alphonsus Davalus Vastius, taken away by untimely death when he had lived but forty five years. Vastius dieth. At which time, Charles the emperor by his ambassador Gerardus Veltunich, concluded a peace with Solyman for five years, wherein king Ferdinand was also included: which peace was afterwards before the expiration thereof, 1548 by Solyman (at the request of Henry the French king) broken. Solyman had now almost three years taken his rest, 1549 when it fortuned that Ercases Imirza king of SIRVAN, moved with the often injuries of Tamas his brother the great Persian king, fled to Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE, to crave aid of him against his brother. Solyman glad of such an occasion to work upon, entertained him with all courtesy, and promised to take upon him his quarrel, and to protect him against his unnatural brother. And when he had made all things ready for so great an expedition, passed over into ASIA; and after long and painful travel entered at last with a puissant army into ARMENIA, and there in the borders of the Persian kingdom, first besieged the city of VAN, which after ten days siege was yielded unto him, upon condition, that the Persian soldiers there in garrison, might with life and liberty depart with their arms as soldiers: which was at the first by Solyman granted, and so the city surrendered. From thence Solyman sent his chief commanders with a great part of his army, Van yielded to the Turks. to burn and spoil the enemy's country, which they for a time cheerfully performed; and running far into the country, strive as it were amongst themselves who should do most harm: where Imirza amongst the rest, for whose sake Solyman had undertaken this war, was as forward as the best to waste and spoil his brother's kingdom, sparing nothing that came to hand; the best and richest things he got, he presented to Solyman, to draw him on still in that war. But that served not his turn to recover again his kingdom of SIRVAN: for Tamas, without showing any power to withstand the Turks, had after his wont manner, caused his people to withdraw themselves far into the mountain country, leaving nothing behind them in that waste country to relieve them, but the bare ground: so that the farther the Turks went, the more they wanted, without hope of better success than such as they had before to their loss made proof of, in their former expeditions into that great kingdom. The conceit whereof so much pierced not the common soldiers only, but even the captains themselves; that to make an end of that long and unprofitable war, taken in hand for another man's good, they consulted amongst themselves, either to kill Imirza, or else to disgrace him with Solyman: Which they so cunningly wrought; some suggesting false suspicions of his treacherous dealing in the proceeding of that war; and others with like craft, under colour of friendship giving him warning in secret of the danger he was in: the one filling Soliman's head with distrust, and the other Imirzas with fear: briefly to shut the matter up in their own terms, They persuaded the hare to fly, and the hounds to follow. Imirza doubting some sudden mischief, fled for succour to an old acquaintance of his, one of the princes of CHALDEA, who most treacherously sent him in bonds to Tamas his brother, his most cruel enemy, who glad to have the author of all his troubles with the Turks, delivered into his hands, Imirza murdered in prison. cast him in prison: and that Solyman nor any other should in his behalf further prosecute the war, or by his means hope for victory, caused him to be in prison murdered. In this expedition against the Persian king, Solyman was occupied a year and nine months; all which time the Turks endured great troubles, and were oftentimes hardly distressed by the Persians: until at last Solyman himself weary of that tedious war, wherein he had got neither honour nor profit, Solyman returneth to Constantinople. thought it best so to make an end; and thereupon returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE in the year 1549. 1550 In the mean time it fortuned, that one Dragut Raises a notable pirate of the Turks, had craftily surprised the city of AFRICA in the kingdom of TUNES (called in ancient time APHRODISEUM) and also LEPTIS PARVA (and now of the Moors called MAHAMEDIA) and there settling himself, Dragut a famous pirate of the Turk●, possesseth certain cities in Africa. as in a place both commodious and of good assurance, exceedingly troubled the Christians both by sea and land, especially such as traded in the Mediterranean. So that the emperor, moved as well with the manifold injuries done by that arch-pirat upon the frontiers of his dominions, as by the daily complaint of his poor subjects, commanded the Viceroy of SICILY, and Auria his Admiral, to levy a sufficient power in time to repress that pirate, before he grew to farther strength. Whereupon, they with a strong fleet well manned and thoroughly appointed for that purpose, and aided by the knights of MALTA, passed over into AFRICA; and landing their forces, by the space of three months besieged the city before possessed by the pirate, which with continual battery they had at length made saultable. And hearing that Dragut was coming with a new supply to relieve it, they with all sceleritie assailed it both by sea and land, and in the space of a few hours took it by force the tenth day of September in the year 1550: in which assault many of the enemies were slain, and the rest taken. Auria having thus dispossessed the pirate, and advisedly considering that the city was not without an infinite charge to be holden by the Christians, among so many of the infidels, razed it down to the ground, carrying away with him seven thousand captives and all the spoil of the city. And not so contented, did all the harm he could with fire and sword all alongst that coast of AFRICA, to the intent that the Turks should there find no relief; and took 12 prisoners out of MONASTERIUM, a town not far from the city of AFRICA: and so having done that he came for, returned again into SICILY. Dragut thus at once thrust out of all he had, with a few of his friends fled to Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE, and so incensed him with the grievous complaint of the wrong done unto him by the Christians; that in revenge thereof, he resolved to make war both upon the emperor and king Ferdinand, notwithstanding that the five years league he had before taken with him at his going into PERSIA, was not yet expired. So with cheerful words and courteous entertainment comforting up the desperate pirate, the Spring following (which was in the year 1551) he furnished him with a great fleet in most warlike manner appointed, 1551 to revenge the injury done to him by Auria in AFRICA. With this fleet in number one hundred and forty sail, Sinan one of the Turks great Bassas, accompanied with Dragut the pirate, by the appointment of Solyman, departed from CONSTANTINOPLE: and cutting thorough the seas, arrived at length in SICILY, where they suddenly surprised the town and castle of AUGUSTA, which they presently sacked. Departing thence, they came to the island of MALTA, and there landed their men in the port of MARZA, otherwise called MOXET, near unto the castle, which they battered with certain pieces of great ordinance, but so as was to no great purpose. At which time divers companies of the Turks running farther into the island, made havoc of whatsoever came in their way. Malta attempted by the Turks. After they had thus few days in vain battered the castle, and saw themselves both there valiantly repulsed, and in other places by ambushes and such like means cut off by the soldiers and inhabitants of the island, they removed thence to the road of S. Paul, where they landed their ordinance, with purpose to have besieged the city: but perceiving by a little, what small hope there was to prevail, and seeing divers of their men dying thorough the extremity of the heat, they forsook the island and went to GAULES now called GOZA, a little island about thirty miles in compass, five miles distant from MALTA Westward, subject unto the knights of the religion: and there landing their men, miserably spoiled the island and whatsoever they light upon, and carried away with them of one sort of people and other six thousand and three hundred captives into most woeful bondage. With which booty they put again to sea, The Turks fleet arriveth at Tripoli in Barbaris. and sailed directly to TRIPOLI in BAR●A●IE, called of old LEPTIS MAGNA: which city Charles the emperor had before given to the knights of MALTA, and was at that time by them kept. This city was the mark whereat the Bassa and the pirate shot; for taking whereof they landed their forces, and by long and winding trenches approached as near the same as they could: which they did not without great loss of their people; for they of the castle having good store of great ordinance, and most expert canoneers did with continual shot so annoy the Turks, that they were oftentimes enforced to retire; yet with much troublesome labour and no less peril they came at last within eight hundred paces of the walls: where the Bassa caused his gabions made of thick planks, to be placed in the night, and his battery planted. Tripoli battered by the Turks. And the next day (which was the eighth of August) the cannon began to play, which was again answered from the castle with like, and every hour some of the Turks slain, the great shot still flying into their trenches, so as that day four of the best canoneers in the army were slain, with certain other men of good account also: and the clerk general of the army, a man of great estimation and well-beloved of the Bassa, had his hand shot off, and many other of the janissaries and common soldiers either slain or hurt▪ moreover they broke one of their best pieces, and dismounted four others, which for that day made them to leave the battery. The next night the Turks approached yet nearer unto the castle, upon whom the Christians in the break of the day sallied out even unto their very trenches, and afterwards retired. With the rising of the sun (which the Turks have in great reverence) they renewed their battery with greater force than before; yet with such evil success, that the Bassa was almost mad for anger: for about the evening the fire by mischance got into their powder, wherewith thirty of the Turks were burnt, many hurt, and one piece broken. At length the Turks were come so near, that they had planted their battery within an hundred and fifty paces of the wall; which they continued with such fury, that they had made a fair breach even with the ditch: but what was beaten down in the day time, the defendants repaired again by night, in such sort, as that it was not to be assaulted. Yet in conclusion, a traitorous soldier of PROVINCE, before corrupted by the Turks, found means to fly out of the castle into the camp, where he declared unto the Bassa the weakest places of the castle, by which it might be most conveniently battered and soon taken: and especially one place above the rest which was against the governors lodging, which standing towards the ditch, and having underneath it sellars to retire the munition into, could not if it were once battered well be repaired again or fortified. Which the Bassa understanding, caused the battery there to be planted, laying the pieces so low, that they did easily beat the sellars and vaults in such sort, that in short time the walls were so shaken, that the rampires above thorough the continual battery, began greatly to sink: which so amazed the soldiers, seeing no convenient means to repair the same, that setting all honour aside, they requested the Governor, That since the matter began now to grow desperate, and that the place was not longer to be holden, he would in time take some good order with the enemy for their safety, before the walls were farther endamaged. With which motion, Vallter the Governor (an ancient knight of DAULPHINIE, and one of the order) was exceedingly troubled: which Peisieu another of the knights perceiving, he as a man of great courage, and of all others there present most ancient, in the name of the other knights declared unto them, That the breach was neither so great nor so profitable for the enemy, but that it was defensible enough, if they would as men of courage repair the same; saying, That it was more honourable for worthy knights and lusty soldiers, to die valiantly with their weapons in their hands, fight against the infidels for the maintenance of their law and Christian religion, than so cowardly to yield themselves to the mercy of those, at whose hands nothing was to be looked for but most miserable servitude, with all kind of cruelty: and therefore persuaded the Governor to hold it out to the last. For all that, he overcome with the importunity of such as would needs yield, who with all vehemency urged the imminent danger wherewith they were all like to be overwhelmed, and finding himself bereft both of heart and fortune, and forsaken of his soldiers; without farther consideration, consented that a white ensign should be displayed upon the walls, in token that they desired parley: when a Turk presenting himself, they requested him to understand of the Bassa, if he could be contented that some of them might come to intr●●t with him of some good order to be taken for the yielding up of the castle. Whereunto the Bassa willingly consenting, two of the knights were forthwith sent out, to offer unto him the castle with the artillery and munition, so as he would furnish them with ships to bring them with bag and baggage safely to MALTA. Whereunto the Bassa briefly answered, That (forasmuch as they had as yet deserved no grace, presuming to keep so small a place against the army of the greatest prince on earth) if they would pay the whole charges of the army, Hard conditions offered by the Bassa in the besieged. he would condescend to their request; or if they would not thereunto consent, that for recompense all they within the castle should continue his slaves and prisoners: notwithstanding if they incontinently and without delay did surrender the place, he would exempt out of them two hundred. Whereupon the messengers returning in despair, were stayed by Dragut and Salla Raise, with flattering words and fair promises, That they would so much as lay in them, persuade the Bassa to condescend to a more gracious composition: fearing indeed that the besieged through despair would resolve (as their extreme refuge) to defend the place even to the last man. Wherefore they went presently to the Bassa, to declare unto him his oversight in refusing them who voluntarily would have put themselves into his hands, whom reason would he should with all courtesy have received: for that after he had the castle and the men in his power, he might dispose of them as he should think good. The Bassa liking well of his counsel, caused the messengers to be called again, and with feigned and dissembling words told them, More easy conditions offered by the Bassa, which he consumeth by hi●oath. That at the instance of Dragut and Salla Raise there present, he did discharge them of all the costs and charges of the army, swearing unto them (the better to deceive them) by the head of his lord and his own, inviolably to observe all that he had promised unto them: which they (too easily) believed, and forthwith went to declare the same unto the Governor and others within the castle. The Bassa, the better to come to the effect of his desire, after these messengers sent a crafty Turk, whom he charged expressly to persuade the Governor to come with him into the camp, for the full conclusion of the giving up of the castle, and for the appointing of such vessels as should be needful for their safe conduct to MALTA; and that if he made any doubt to come, he should make show as if he would there remain in hostage for him: but above all things, to consider of the strength and assurance of the besieged, and of the disposition of all things there. Which the subtle Turk so finely handled, that the Governor by the counsel of those who had persuaded him to yield, notwithstanding the reasons of wars and duty of his office forbade him in such manner to abandon the place of his charge, resolved upon so small an assurance of the Bassa, and gave ear to the miserable end of his fortune. So taking with him a knight of his household (to send back unto those of the castle, to declare unto them how he sped in the camp) under the conduct of the Turk that was come to fetch him, he went strait to the tent of the Bassa: who by the Turk that went first in, was advertised of the small courage of the defendants, which he assured him to be no better, but that if he thought it good, he might bring them to such order and agreement as he would himself. Upon whose persuasion calling in the Governor Vallter, after he had rigorously reproved his rashness, said unto him, That forasmuch as he had once given his word, if he would pay the charges of the army, he was content to let them go with bag and baggage, otherwise he would discharge but two hundred. Whereat the Governor greatly moved, answered, That that was not according to his last promise unto the knights before sent. But when he saw it would be no better, he requested him that he might again return to the castle to know the minds of the rest: which the false Bassa would by no means grant, but only permitted him to send back the knight that he had brought with him, to make report of these hard news to the besieged: as for the Governor, he was sent to the galleys with irons on his heels. When they of the castle understood what had passed betwixt the Bassa and the Governor, they began exceedingly to fear the mischief then at hand: yet took no other resolution, but to return the said knight to the Bassa, to know whether they should expect from him no better answer. Who as soon as he was come before him, the captain of the castle was brought in, of whom the Bassa asked, Which of the two he would choose, either to pay the expenses of the army, or else both he and all the rest to remain his prisoners? The wary answer of the Governor to the Bassa. Whereunto the Governor answered, That a slave had no other authority than that which by his master was given him; and that having lost (besides his liberty) the power to command, if any thing were yet reserved in him, could not counsel him to command others to agree unto any thing, but that which was concluded with them which were before sent. Which thing the Bassa hearing, for fear that such a resolute answer should come to the knowledge of the besieged, and cause them to become desperate; having taken counsel with his other captains, he took the Governor by the hand, and with a smiling and dissembling countenance told him, The castle yielded. That he would without any doubt let them depart as he had promised; and that therefore without fearing any thing, he should cause them all to come out of the castle. But the Governor, because he had been before deceived, would not trust to his word, but said unto him, That he might command him that was come from the castle, for that he knew they would now do never a whit the more for him. So the Bassa turning towards the other knight, commanded him forthwith to go unto them in the castle, and to cause them to come forth, swearing again as before, by the head of his great lord, and his own, That they should all be delivered and set at liberty, according to the conventions first agreed upon. Which the knight believing, went to report to them this good news: which they received with such joy, that without further care or consideration of their mishap so near, they ran in press with their wives children and best movables, striving who should first get out. But they were no sooner issued, but they were by the enemies spoiled of all they had, and taken prisoners; part of the knights were sent to the galleys, and the rest to the Bassa. Who being by the Governor put in remembrance of his faith twice given, answered, That there was no faith to be kept with dogs, and that they had first violated their oath with his great lord, unto whom at the giving over of the RHODES, they had (as he said) sworn never more to bear arms against the Turks. The castle was forthwith taken and spoiled, and about two hundred Moors of that country that had served the knights, cut in pieces, and thereupon a great peal of ordinance discharged, with great cries and shouts in sign of their victory. Thus the strong castle and ancient city of TRIPOLI in BARBARY was delivered to the Turks the fifteenth day of August, in the year 1551. Whilst the Bassa lay at this siege, the lord of ARRAMONT, who had many years lain ambassador from Francis the French king at CONSTANTINOPLE, and was now sent again by Henry the second, came to the Turks camp, being requested so to do by the Great Master of the RHODES, to have dissuaded the Bassa from that siege: wherein he nothing prevailed. Yet now grieved to see how the faithless Turk, contrary to his oath, most villainously entreated the Governor and the other knights, lying at his feet as men half desperate, was so bold as to put him in mind of his promise, confirmed by his oath; which if he would not keep, The shameless answer of the faithless Bassa to the French ambassador. that yet at the least according to his own voluntary offer, he would release two hundred of them: but he excused himself as before, saying, That no faith was to be kept with dogs, which had first broken their own faith. Yet afterwards he condescended, that two hundred of the eldest and such as were most unfit for service (amongst whom was comprehended the Governor and certain other old knights) should be set at liberty, who were forthwith sent aboard the French ambassadors galleys, and by him transported to MALTA: where they were but hardly welcome, for that they had so cowardly surrendered a place, which they might much longer have defended. The next day after the castle was delivered, which was the 16 of August, the proud Bassa for joy of this victory made a solemn dinner, whereunto he invited the French ambassador, and Vallier the late Governor: which they refused not to come unto, in hope to recover some more prisoners. This great feast for the more magnificence was kept in the castle ditch against the breach, where were set up two stately pavilions, the one for the Bassa, and the other for the ambassador and his company, where he was honourably feasted with wonderful plenty both of flesh and fish and good wines, which they had found in the castle; which service was done with music of divers sorts, and officers in number above a hundred, appareled for most part in long gowns of fine cloth of gold, tuffed or fringed; and the other of velvet or damask. The Turks triumph for the winning of Tripoli. The Bassa was no sooner set down, but all the ordinance of the fleet was discharged with such a noise and thundering, that it seemed the heavens and skies did shake. The table being taken up, the ambassador and the late Governor Vallier, entered into the pavilion of the Bassa, and beside the two hundred men which he had promised, obtained twenty more▪ upon the ambassadors promise, That he should for them cause to be released thirty Turks taken at MALTA, at the landing of the army there. The Turks having in their hands an ancient gunner of the castle, called john de Chabas borne in DAULPHINE (to the end that this triumphant feast should not be unfurnished of some cruel sacrifice of the Christian blood) for that he had in time of the siege shot off the hand of the clerk general of the army, brought him into the town, A shameful cruelly of the Turks. and when they had cut off his hands and his nose, put him quick into the ground to the waist, and there for their pleasure shot at him with their arrows, and afterward to make an end of him cut his throat. The Bassa shortly after departing out of BARBARY, left Dragut the pirate Governor of TRIPOLI, honouring him with the title of the Sanzacke of that place: from whence he many years after grievously molested the Moors near unto him by land, and the Christians by sea. The same year 1551, Solyman notwithstanding the five years peace before taken with king Ferdinand at his going into PERSIA, sent Achomates his lieutenant in EUROPE with a great power into HUNGARY, who with Haly the Bassa of BUDA invaded the upper part of HUNGARY, Temesware and Zolnok taken by the Turks. and first took the city of TEMESWARE, and contrary to their faith given, slew the garrison soldiers: after that they took also the castle of ZOLNOK, forsaken by the Christians, and certain other small castles. But laying siege to ERSAM, they were partly by the valiantness of the defendants, and partly by the coming on of Winter enforced to forsake the siege, and to get themselves into their wintering places. Queen Isabella, king john his widow, seeing the Turks daily encroaching upon that little they had left her, and that she was not able by any means to defend TRANSILVANIA against them; by the advise of George bishop of VERADIUM her old counsellor, agreed with king Ferdinand to deliver unto him the government of the country, with all the royal dignity of HUNGARY, for which she was to have of him CASSOVIA, and a yearly pension of an hundred thousand ducats. Which agreement made and thoroughly concluded by Baptista Castallius (an Italian, whom Charles the emperor had but a little before sent to aid king Ferdinand) the queen returned into POLONIA, her native country: and so king Ferdinand by that means obtained almost all the province of TRANSILVANIA, and what else the queen had in HUNGARY. But the bishop, a little before made a cardinal, being suspected by Baptista the Italian, that he favoured the Turks faction more than king Ferdinand, and by that means sought to get the government to himself, George bishop of Veradium murdered in his own house. was by the Italians device suddenly murdered in his own house at VERADIUM: an end good enough for so troublesome a prelate. Haly the Bassa of BUDA proud of the good success he had the year before, understanding that divers of the chief Hungarians had withdrawn themselves into the castle of AGRIA, 1552 purposed in himself with all his power to besiege it, and there to take them. So aided by Achomates, Chasan, and other of the Turks Sanzackes and captains by Soliman's appointment ready at his call, he came with an army of five and thirty thousand Turks, and the 10 of September in the year 1552, Agria besieged by the Turks. encamped round about the castle: where after he had placed his artillery, he began a most furious battery. But doubting to prevail that way, he attempted also to undermine the castle, omitting nothing that could be devised for the taking thereof: but all in vain, for the Hungarians by the good direction of Stephanus Dobus their captain, courageously endured the siege, and very manfully repulsed the enemy. At length, the nine and twentieth of September the enemy with eight and twenty ensigns of select soldiers gave a fresh assault to the castle, and were by the defendants enforced shamefully to retire: at which time four and twenty barrels of gunpowder by mischance caught fire, and besides that it blew up divers captains and soldiers, did much harm in the castle, to the great dismaying of the defendants. After that, the Turks with incredible pertinacy the twelfth of October fiercely assaulted the castle from morning until night, and for desire of revenge and hope of spoil left nothing unattempted for the gaining of the place; but were by the greater valour of the Hungarians beaten back, and with great loss enforced at last to give over the assault. Thus the Bassa nothing prevailing by force, attempted by great promises and large offers to have bought them out: which he understanding to be nothing regarded, and his letters scornfully burnt, brought on his soldiers again, and gave unto them in the castle a most furious assault, The Turks give over the siege of Agria. but with no better success than before: for having lost many of his best soldiers, he was enforced to retire. So after he had in vain six weeks besieged the castle, he was glad to raise his siege, and to retire to PESTUM. After whose departure there was found twelve thousand great shot, wherewith he had battered the wall. In this siege six thousand Turks were slain, and of the Hungarians but three hundred. King Ferdinand glad of this victory, made Stephanus the worthy captain, Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA, and bountifully rewarded the other captains and soldiers as they had well deserved. 1553 Henry the French king, who together with his kingdom had as it seemed received the hereditary quarrels of Francis his father against Charles the emperor, had by his ambassador the lord of ARAMONT so wrought the matter with Solyman, that the more to trouble the emperor, he sent a great fleet into the Tyrrhenum or Tuscan sea, which in the year 1553 and the year following, did great harm upon the coasts of CALA●RIA, SICILIA, SARDINIA, as also in the islands of ELBA, CORSICA, GERBE, and MAIORCA, and such like places on the frontiers of the emperors dominions: yet were the Turks in most places notably again repulsed by the people of those countries. The same year Solyman seduced by Roxolana (sometime his fair concubine, but then his imperious wife) and Rustan Bassa his son in law, most unnaturally murdered his eldest son Mustapha, the mirror of the Ottoman family: Which tragical fact, the like whereof both for the treacherous contriving and in human execution hath seldom times been heard of, I have thought good here in due time to set down, in such sort as it is by most credible writers of that time reported. Solyman after the manner of the Ottoman kings, who to avoid the participation of their sovereignty, use not oftentimes to marry (but otherwise to satisfy their pleasure with such beautiful concubines as it pleaseth them to make choice of, out of the fairest captives of all nations, most daintily brought up for that purpose in the court) had by a Circassian bondwoman, a son called Mustapha; Mustapha, Solyman eldest son●e in great estimation with the people. who for his wonderful towardliness and rare perfection was amongst the Turks had in such expectation and admiration, as that they in nothing accounted themselves more happy, than in the hope laid up in him: whose noble carriage was such, as that thereby he so possessed the minds of all men in general, but especially of the men of war, that he was reputed the glory of the court, the flower of chivalry, the hope of the soldiers, and joy of the people. Whilst he thus grew, increasing both in years and favour: it fortuned with Solyman as it doth with men delighting in change, Solyman becometh amorous of Roxolana. that he became amorous of Roxolana, of some called Rosa (but more truly Hazathya) by condition a captive, but so graced with beauty and courtly behaviour, that in short time she became mistress of his thoughts, and commandress of him that all commanded: And that which more established her in possession of his love, she had in time made him father of four fair sons, Mahomet, Selimus, Bajazet, and Tzihanger, and one daughter called Chameria married to Rustan or Rustemes the great Bassa. In this height of worldly bliss nothing troubled her more than the exceeding credit of Mustapha, Soliman's eldest son by the Circassian woman; who honoured of the greatest, and beloved of the rest, stood only in her light, embarring her and hers (as she thought) of the hope of the empire, which she now above all things sought to bring to one of her own sons: which the better to compass, she under the colour of great good will and love, Mustaph● sent to govern Caramania. procured that Mustapha the young prince and his mother should as it were for their greater honour and state with a princely allowance be sent into CARAMANIA to govern that great country, far from the court. Which was no great matter for her to bring to pass: for that the Turkish emperors usually send their sons after they come to any years of discretion unto such provinces as are far from the court, attended upon with one great Bassa and some grave doctor of their law, so to acquaint them with the manner of government; the Bassa instructing them in matters of civil policy, and the doctor in matters concerning their superstition: and yet by sending them a far off, to keep them from aspiring to the empire by the favour of the court (a thing by the Turkish emperors not unworthily feared, even in their own and beloved children.) Roxolana having at once thus cunningly rid the court of the great competitors both of her love and of the empire (things of all others enduring no partners) rested not so, The malice of Roxolana against Mustapha. but began straightway to plot in her malicious head the utter destruction of him, to whom all others wished all happiness. This she saw was not to be brought to pass without some complices: wherefore after she had in her secret conceit discarded many, of whom at first she had reasonable good liking; at last she made choice of Rustan Bassa her son in law, upon whom she would set up her rest. This Rustan was a man basely borne in EPIRUS, altogether composed of dissimulation and flattery, ever serving his own turn, were it never so much to the hurt or grievance of others; by which means he, although none of the best soldiers, was yet by many degrees grown up to be the greatest man in the court, and Soliman's son in law: him she probably thought to wish the succession of the empire to one of her own sons, his wives full brethren, rather than to Mustapha her half brother. Beside that, she was not ignorant how that Rustan as one careful of the emperor's profit, the readiest way to preferment, had abridged the pensions and fees of the officers and servitors in court: which he perceiving to please the emperor, proceeded so far therein, that he attempted to have cut off, if it had been possible, some part of Mustapha his princely allowance: for which doing, she knew how odious he was to all the courtiers (whereof he made small reckoning) but especially to Mustapha, insomuch that it was thought he would not forget so notorious an injury, Roxolana conspireth with Rustan Bassa her son in law against Mustapha. if ever he should obtain the empire. Hereupon she broke with Rustan upon the matter, whom she found ready enough of himself, to do what in him lay to further her mischievous desire. To begin this intended tragedy, she upon the sudden became very devout, and being by the favour of Solyman grown exceeding rich, pretended as if it had been upon a devout zeal, for the health of her soul, Roxolana ●aineth herself religious. after the manner of the Turkish superstition to build an Abbey with an Hospital and a Church: which so godly a purpose she imparted to the Muphtis or chief Mahometan priest, demanding of him, If such works of charity were not acceptable unto God, and available for her soul's health. Whereunto the Muphtis answered, That those works were no doubt gracious in the sight of God, but nothing at all meritorious for her soul's health, being a bondwoman; yet very profitable for the soul of the great emperor Solyman, unto whom as unto her lord both she and all she had appertained. With which answer of the great priest she seemed to be exceedingly troubled, and thereupon became wonderful pensive and melancholy, her cheerful countenance was replete with sadness, and her fair eyes flowed with tears, her mirth was mourning, and her joy heaviness. Which thing Solyman perceiving, and sorry to see his love upon conceit so to languish, sent her word to be of good cheer, and to comfort herself, promising in short time to take such a course as should ease her of all her griefs: which he forthwith did, Solyman manumiseth Roxolana solemnly manumising her from her bond estate. So great a favour obtained, Roxolana with great cheerfulness began those meritorious works by her before intended, as if she had thought of nothing but heaven, whereas indeed her thoughts were in the depth of hell. When she had thus a good while busied herself in paving the way to heaven, as was supposed, Solyman not able longer to forbear the company of her, in whom his soul lived, after his wont manner sent for her by one of his eunuches, Solyman sendeth for Roxolana. who should have brought her to his bed chamber: to whom she with her eyes cast up to heaven, demurely answered, That her life and whatsoever else she had, She excuseth herself, and refuseth to come. was at her dread sovereigns' command, but again to yield her body unto his appetite, she might not in any case do, without the great offence of the high God, and manifest breach of his sacred laws, which permitted her not now voluntarily to yield him that, being free, which he before without offence might command of his bondwoman: and because she would not seem to use this as an excuse, she referred herself in all things to the grave judgement of the learned and reverend Muphtis, with whom she had before at full conferred. This she did, presuming of the sovereignty she had over that great Monarch, whom she right well knew she had so fast bound in the pleasing fetters of his affection towards her, as that she was sure enough of him without a keeper. Solyman ravished with her love, and well the more for her denial, sent for the Muphtis, requiring his judgement in the matter; who before instructed in all points, agreed with that Roxolana had said, agravating the heinousness of the fact, if he should proceed to enforce her as his slave, whom being now free, he might not without great offence touch unmarried. Whereupon Solyman more and more burning in his desires, became a fresh suitor to her for marriage, whom he had so often before commanded: Solyman marrieth Roxolana. which his suit easily obtained (as the mark she had all this while aimed at) he with all speed to the great admiration of all men, and contrary to the manner of the Mahometan emperors, solemnly married her; appointing for her yearly dowry five thousand Sultanyns. But here before we proceed any farther, stay a while and take the view of that fair face whereon this great Monarch so much doted, as it is by the skilful workman's hand most lively expressed. ROXOLANA, Solyman his best beloved wife. Frontis nulla fides, nulla est fiducia formae: Pectore dum saevo dira venena latent. Philtra viro miscet fallax, miserumque coegit Sanguine natorum commaculare manus. RICH. KNOLLEUS. To fairest looks trust not too far, nor yet to beauty brave: For hateful thoughts so finely masked, their deadly poisons have. loves charmed cups, the subtle dame doth to her husband fill: And causeth him with cruel hand, his children's blood to spill. This woman of late a slave, Roxolana plotteth the confusion of Mustapha. but now become the greatest empress of the East, flowing in all worldly felicity, attended upon with all the pleasures her heart could desire, wanted nothing she could wish, but how to find means that the Turkish empire might after the death of Solyman, be brought to some one of her own sons. This was it that had (as we have before said) long troubled her aspiring mind; and in the midst of all her bliss, suffered her yet to take no rest. Noble Mustapha, Soliman's eldest son, and heir apparent of the empire, although far absent, was yet still before her eyes present; his credit, his valour, his virtues, his perfections were all bars to her desires: he was the only cloud that kept the sun from shining on her; if 〈◊〉 any means might be taken away, then wanted nothing that she desired. Which to bring to pass, the wicked woman laboured cunningly by little and little to breed in Soliman's head no small suspicion of Mustapha, That he being a young man of a haughty spirit, desirous of sovereignty, generally beloved, and swelling with the immoderate favour of the men of war, which were all at his devotion, left nothing else to be expected of him, but when he should (as did his grandfather Selimus) lay hand upon the empire, and work his aged father's destruction. This mischievous plot by her devised, Rustan the great Bassa furthereth the devices of Roxolana. was not a little furthered by Rustan the great Bassa, by whom passed all great matters: who nothing omitted, that could be slily devised for the disgrace or confusion of the young prince. For he, as a great secret, craftily told all them that were sent governors into SYRIA, that Mustapha was secretly suspected by his father of aspiring to the kingdom; and therefore charged them particularly, carefully to observe all his actions, with the manner of his life and government, and by their letters diligently to advertise him of whatsoever they should see or hear; bearing them in hand, that the more suspiciously or odiously they should write of him, the more gracious and acceptable it would be unto the great Sultan. Wherefore he by these men, oftentimes certified of the princely disposition, courage, wisdom, valour, and bounty of Mustapha, whereby he had won all men's hearts; saw plainly, that he would at length be undoubtedly preferred to the empire: yet durst he not for all that, adventure to temper with Solyman about that detestable conspiracy against the innocent prince, but still delivering the letters to the malicious woman, left the rest by her ungracious head to be wrought. And she still as occasion best served her purpose, ceased not with pleasing allurements and flattery (wherein she was most excellent) to infect Soliman's mind, that whensoever he should chance to have any speech of Mustapha, she might take the fitter occasion to bring forth those letters. Neither was she in her drift deceived, but having found a fit opportunity, with tears trickling down her cheeks (which to serve their turns subtle women seldom want) she told the emperor in what danger he stood, recounting amongst other things, how Selimus his father had by such means deprived Bajazet his grandfather, both of his life and empire together: and therefore most instantly besought him, as if it had altogether proceeded of a careful love▪ by that example warned to look to himself. But these light arguments of suspicion, seemed as they were indeed unto Solyman scarce probable; so that she little prevailed thereby. Which thing she well perceiving, and inwardly grieved thereat, converted her cruel mind to other mischievous devices, and sought by all means how to poison the young prince: Mustapha in danger to have been poisoned by Roxolana. neither wanted there wicked men (as it were vowed to all kind of mischief and villainy) ready to have performed what she desired, had not God's providence withstood so horrible a practice. For whereas certain rich apparel was by her sent unto him in his father's name, he fearing the worst, would not touch it before he had caused it to be worn by one of his servants; by which curious wariness (as it was thought) he for that time prevented the treason of his wicked stepdame, and made her malicious practice manifest to the world. Yet rested she not so, but was still plotting new devices tending all to one purpose: for being grown to that height of honour and power as never was woman in the Ottoman court, and by the means of Trongilla a jew (as it was thought) having bewitched the mind of the Turkish emperor, she still grew more and more in favour, and obtained that her sons might by turns be still present in the court: of purpose, that by their daily presence and continual flattery, they should more and more procure their father's love; and if by chance Mustapha should come thither, she might have the better means to dispatch him: if not, to expect some other fit time, when she might by some one or other mean take him away. But Mustapha never coming (for why, the emperor's sons use not without their father's leave to go out of the provinces assigned unto them, or to come to CONSTANTINOPLE, but after the death of their father to receive the empire, attended upon with a number of soldiers) she easily devised another practice: that her sons should wait upon their father, not in the city only, but in the provinces also; so that Tzihanger surnamed Cro●chbacke, always followed his father in the camp. Certain years thus spent, and she still hammering her mischievous devices▪ at length fortune favouring her wicked desire, got from the Bassa which had the government of Mustapha and the province of AMASIA (for as we have said every one of the king's sons hath with him one Bassa, which is as it were his lieutenant in administration of justice and martial affairs) certain suspicious letters; wherein was contained, that there was a speech of a marriage to be made 〈◊〉 Mustapha and the Persian king's daughter: which thing he thought good to give knowledge of to the Counsel, that if any harm should ensue thereof, he might be out of all suspicion. These letters being brought to Rustan, he thought he had now as good as half brought to end the long desired ruin of Mustapha: so making no stay, he opened the matted to Roxolana, and afterwards both together went to the court, and declared all the matter to the emperor; in doing whereof, they forced both their ungracious wits to fill his head, yet doubtful with suspicion, and to possess his mind with the fear of his own most dutiful son: Roxolana and Rustan together put Solyman in fear of his son Mustapha. saying, That he as a proud and ambitious young man, ravished with the desire of so glorious an empire, sought against the laws both of God and nature, to take his father out of the way, that so he might with more speed satisfy his aspiring mind. And to give the more credit to this their most false suggestion, they warned him of the alliance by him purposed with the Persian king, the ancient enemy of the Ottoman emperors; wishing him to beware, lest Mustapha supported by the strength of PERSIA, and the favour of the Sanzacks' and janissaries, whose love he had by bounty purchased, should in short time when he feared least, together deprive him both of his life and empire. With these and such like accusations, they so prevailed with the aged man whom they never suffered to rest in quiet, that he at length resolved to work his safety (as he supposed) by the death of his own son, in this sort. In the year 1552 he caused proclamation to be made almost in all the provinces of his empire, That for as much as the Persians without resistance with a great army invaded SYRIA, burning and destroying the country before them, Solyman sendeth Rustan Bassa with an army to take Mustapha. he to repress that their outrageous insolence, was enforced to send thither Rustan Bassa with an army: which according to his appointment was in short time raised. Now when all things were in readiness, as if it had been for such a war as was pretended, he commanded Rustan, with as much secrecy and as little tumult as was possible, to lay hands upon Mustapha, and to bring him bound to CONSTANTINOPLE: which if he could not conveniently effect, then, by any other means to take him out of the way. With this wicked and cruel charge Rustan with a strong army marched towards SYRIA. Mustapha understanding of his coming, without delay with 7000 of the best horsemen in all Turkey made towards SYRIA also: whereof Rustan hearing, and perceiving that he could not (as he desired) conveniently execute the cruel command of the unnatural father, forthwith turned his back, and treading the same steps he came, returned with his army to CONSTANTINOPLE with such speed, that he endured not to behold the very dust raised by Mustapha his horsemen, much less his presence: giving it out, That he certainly understood, that the province was in quiet (as indeed it was) and that he thereupon returned. But unto Solyman he told another tale in secret, The malicious device of Rustan. which he maliciously had devised, That he by most apparent signs and manifest presumptions had perceived the whole army so inclined towards Mustapha, that if he should have attempted any thing against him by plain force, he should have been utterly forsaken, and had therefore in so dangerous a case left the matter as it was to his grave further direction. This tale suspiciously told, raised in the wicked and unnatural father (nothing degenerating from the natural cruelty of his ancestors) new and great suspicions, whereof to disburden his disquieted mind, he conceived with himself a most horrible device. Wherefore the year following, which was the year 1553, he raised a great army, giving it out, That the Persians had with greater power than before invaded SYRIA, and that therefore he for the love of his country and defence of his empire was determined to go thither with his army, and in person himself to repress the attempts of his enemies. Wherefore the army being assembled, and all things necessary orderly provided, Solyman goeth himself with an army to kill his son. he commanded to set forward, and in few days after followed himself: who coming at length into SYRIA, presently by trusty messengers commanded Mustapha to come unto him at ALEPPO, for there he lay encamped. And yet for all these shadows, the matter was not so closely by Solyman conveyed (although he was exceeding careful thereof) but that his mortal and deadly hatred against his son was perceived by the Bassas and other great men about him: He sendeth for Mustapha. insomuch, that Achmat Bassa by a secret and trusty messenger gave him warning thereof, that so he might in time the better provide for the safeguard of his life. Neither could Mustapha himself but marvel, that his aged father without any apparent reason should come so far with so great an army: Mustapha perplexed in mind. yet trusting to his own innocency, though wonderfully troubled and perplexed in mind, he resolved (although it were with the extreme danger of his life) to obey and yield to his father's command: for he thought it more commendable and honourable to incur the danger of death, than living, to fall into the foul suspicion of disloyalty. In so great a perplexity of mind, His talk with his doctor. after he had with himself much discoursed too and fro what course he were best to take, at length he boldly and resolutely asked the doctor whom (as we have before said) he had always with him in his court, Whether the empire of the world or a blessed life were of man more to be desired? to whom the doctor frankly answered, That the empire of the world, to him that would enter into the due consideration thereof, brought with it no felicity, more than a vain show and utter appearance of good, nothing being more frail or uncertain than worldly honour, bringing with it fear, vexation of mind, tribulation, suspicion, murder, wrong, wickedness, spoil, ruin and captivity, with infinite mischiefs of like nature not to be desired of him that would attain to true felicity, by which means the blessed life was to be lost and not gained: But they unto whom God had given the grace, rightly to consider and weigh the fragility and shortness of this our estate (which the common sort deemeth to be the only life) and to strive against the vanities of this world, and to embrace and follow an upright kind of life, had undoubtedly a place assigned for them in heaven, and prepared by the great God where they should at length enjoy life and bliss eternal. This answer of the great doctor wonderfully satisfied the troubled mind of the young prince, foreseeing as it were the approach of his own end: Mustapha cometh to his father's camp. and so staying not any longer discourse, forthwith set forward towards his father, and making great haste, came at length to his father's camp, and not far off pitched his tents in the open field. But this his so hasty coming the more increased the suspicion in the mind of his wicked father: neither spared Rustan in the mean time with his crafty and subtle devices to augment the same: for by a sign given he caused the janissaries and chief men in the army to go as if it had been for honour's sake to meet Mustapha; which they all without delay presently did at his command, and so all together set forward. In the mean time, he the most crafty varlet with troubled countenance (for he could notably dissemble) as a man half dismayed came in haste into Soliman's pavilion, The exceeding treachery of Rustan against Mustapha and falsely told him, That the janissaries and almost all the best soldiers of the army were of themselves without leave gone to meet Mustapha, and that he feared what would ensue thereof. Which news so troubled the old tyrant, that he became pale for fear, and going out of his tent, and finding them gone, easily believed all to be true that the false Bassa had told him. Neither wanted Mustapha strange warning of his end so near at hand, for the third day before his setting forwards towards his father, The melancholy dream of Musta●ha in coming to his father. falling asleep in the evening, he thought he saw his prophet Mahomet in bright apparel to take him by the hand and lead him into a most pleasant place, beautified with most glorious and stately palaces, and most delicate and pleasant gardens; and pointing to every thing with his finger, to say thus unto him, Here rest they for ever, which in this world have led an upright and godly life, following virtue and detesting vice: and after that turning his face to the other side, to have showed him two great and swift rivers, whereof the one boiled with water blacker than pitch, and in them appeared (as he thought) numbers of men wallowing and tumbling some up, some down, crying horribly for mercy; And there (said he) are punished all such as in this frail life have been the malicious workers of iniquity, the chief of whom (as he said) were emperors, kings, princes, and other great men of the world. Mustapha awaking, and troubled with this melancholy dream, called unto him his doctor: and having told him all the matter, asked him what the same might signify? who standing a great while in a muse (for the mahometans are exceeding superstitious, attributing much unto dreams) full of sorrow and grief, at length answered, That this vision (for so it pleased him to term it) was undoubtedly to be feared, as presaging unto him the extreme peril of his life, and therefore requested him to have great care both of his life and honour. But Mustapha as he was of a notable spirit and courage, regarding nothing that answer, stoutly replied: What, shall I suffer myself to be terrified and overcome with childish and vain fear? why rather hast I not courageously and resolutely to my father? and so much the more boldly, because I know assuredly I have always (as reason was) reverenced his majesty, that against his will I never turned mine eyes or foot against his most royal seat, much less affected his empire, except the most high God had called him to a better life, neither then without the general good liking & choice of the whole army, that so I might at length without murder, without blood, without tyranny, well and justly reign, and in love and peace inviolate live with my brethren: for I have set down with myself, and chosen, if it be my father's pleasure so, rather to die in his obedience, than reigning many years, to be reputed of all men, especially my competitors, a rebel or traitor. Having thus said, he came unto his father's camp, and pitching his tents (as we have before said) suited himself all in white, in token of his innocency, and writing certain letters (which the Turks when they are about to go to any place of danger, use to write, and always to carry with them, for they are wonderful foolish in their superstition) and putting them in his bosom, attended upon with a few of his most trusty followers, came with great reverence towards the tent of his father, Mustapha cometh to his father's tent. fully resolving to have kissed his hand, as their usual manner is. But when he was come to the entrance of the tent, remembering that he had yet his dagger girt to him, he entered not until he had put it off; because he would not come into his father's sight with any weapon, if happily so he might clear himself of his father's needless suspicion. So when he was come into the more inward rooms of the tent, he was with such honour as belonged to his state cheerfully received by his father's eunuches. But seeing nothing else provided but one seat whereon to sit himself alone, he perplexed in mind stood still a while musing, at length asked where the emperor his father was? Whereunto they answered, That he should by and by see him: and with that casting his eye aside, he saw seven Muts (these are strong men, bereft of their speech, whom the Turkish tyrants have always in readiness, the more secretly to execute their bloody butchery) coming from the other side of the tent towards him: at whose sight strucken with a sudden terror, said no more, but Lo my death; and with that, arising, was about to have fled: Mustapha most cruelly strangled in his father's sight. but in vain, for he was caught hold on by the eunuch and Muts, and by force drawn to the place appointed for his death: where without further stay the Muts cast a bow string about his neck, he poor wretch still striving, and requesting that he might speak but two words to his father before he died. All which the murderer (for no addition is sufficient significantly to express his unnatural villainy) both heard and saw by a travers from the other side of the tent: but was so far from being moved with compassion, that thinking it long till he were dispatched, with a most terrible and cruel voice he rated the villains enured to blood, saying, Will you never dispatch that I bid you? will you never make an end of this traitor, for whom I have not rested one night these ten years in quiet? Which horrible commanding speeches yet thundering in their ears, those butcherly Muts threw the poor innocent prince upon the ground, and with the help of the eunuches forcibly drawing the knotted bow string both ways, by the commandment of a most wicked father strangled him. With like barbarous cruelty, Mahomet Mustapha's son strangled also. he shortly after caused Mahomet his nephew (Mustapha his son) to be strangled also. This unnatural and strange murder committed, he presently commanded the Bassa of AMASIA Mustapha's lieutenant to be apprehended, and his head in his own presence to be struck off. Which done, he sent for Tzihanger the crooked, yet ignorant of all that was happened; and in sporting wise, as if he had done a thing worth commendations, bid him go meet his brother Mustapha: which thing Tzihanger with a merry and cheerful countenance hasted to do, as one glad of his brothers coming. But as soon as he came unto the place where he saw his brother lying dead upon the ground strangled, it is not to be spoken how he was in mind tormented. Solyman offereth to Tzihanger all Mustapha's treasure and wealth. He was scarcely come to the place where this detestable murder was committed, when his father sent unto him certain of his servants to offer unto him all Mustapha's treasure, horses, servants, jewels, tents, and withal the government of the province of AMASIA: but Tzihanger filled with extreme heaviness for the unmerciful death of his well-beloved brother, spoke unto them in this sort. Ah wicked and ungodly Cain, traitor (I may not say father) take thou now the treasures, the horses, the servants, the jewels and the province of Mustapha. How came it into thy wicked, cruel and savage breast, so ungraciously and contrary to all humanity, I will not say the reverence of thine own blood, to kill thy worthy, warlike and noble son, the mirror of courtesy, and prince of greatest hope, the like of whom, the Ottoman family never yet had, nor never shall? I will therefore myself provide that thou, nor none for thee shall ever hereafter in such sort shamefully triumph over a poor crooked wretch. And having thus much said, stabbed himself with his own dagger into the body, Tzihanger for sorrow killeth himself. whereof he in short time died: which so soon as it came to the old tigers ears, it is hard to say how much he grieved. His dead body was by his father's commandment carried from ALEPPO in SYRIA to CONSTANTINOPLE, and afterwards honourably buried on the other side of the haven at PERA. For all this bloody tragedy, his covetous mind was not so troubled but that he could forthwith command all Mustapha's treasures and riches to be brought to his tent: which his soldiers in hope to have the same given them for a prey, willingly hasted to perform. In the mean time, the soldiers which were in Mustapha's camp, not knowing what was become of their master, seeing such a multitude of soldiers thrusting into their camp without all order; to repress their tumultuous insolency, stepped out in their armour, and notably repulsed them, not without much bloodshed. At length, the noise of this stir was heard by the rest of the king's soldiers, who seeing the tumult to increase more and more, A bloody tumult betwixt the soldiers of Solyman and Mustapha. ran in to help their fellows; so that in short time there began a hot skirmish and cruel fight on both sides, insomuch that two thousand were slain and more wounded: neither had the broil so ended, had not Achomat bassa a grave captain, and for his long experience of no small authority amongst the soldiers, kept back the janissaries and stayed their fury; and turning likewise to Mustapha's soldiers, by gentle and mild words and courteous persuasions, The tumult appeased by Achomat bassa. in this manner appeased their rage. What my brethren (said he) will you now (degenerating from your ancient loyalty, for which you have been for so many ages commended) impugn the command of the great Sultan our dread sovereign? Truly I cannot sufficiently marvel what thing should move you, whom I have hitherto proved to have been most worthy and valiant soldiers, in this civil conflict to draw those weapons against your fellows and brethren, which you have most fortunately used against the enemies of the Ottoman kings: except you mean thereby to make yourselves a joyful spectacle unto your enemies, who grieving to see themselves overcome by your victorious weapons, may yet rejoice among themselves to see you turn the same one upon another. Wherefore my sons, for your ancient honour's sake, be careful that you do not by this your insolency lose the reputation of your wisdom loyalty and valour, for which you have hitherto been above all others commended: reserve these your weapons which you have now too too much used amongst your fellows, against your enemies, of whom you may get more praise and honour. This speech of the old Bassa, so mollified the stout soldiers, that they freely permitted all that was in Mustapha's tents to be carried to Soliman's: but as soon as the death of Mustapha was blown into the ears of the janissaries and the rest of the army in Soliman's camp, another tumult rise among them worse than the first. The janissaries up in a●m●● against Sol●man, ●or the unworthy death of Mustapha. They were quickly all up in arms again, and with a great noise confused with tears and lamentation, as they were in rage and fury, broke violently into Soliman's pavilion with their drawn swords: which struck the tyrant into such a fear, that destitute of all counsel in himself, he was about with the extreme peril of his life to have fled: but being holden of his friends, and making a virtue of necessity, upon the sudden adventured to do that which at better leisure he would scarcely have thought upon: for going forth out of his tent, but with a pale and wan countenance he spoke unto the enraged soldiers thus. What broil is this? The s●out speech of Solyman to the janissaries. what stir? what so great insolency? what mean your inflamed, fierce and angry looks? know you not your sovereign? and him that hath power▪ to command you? Have you so resolved to s●aine the ancient and invincible honour of yourselves and your ancestors, with the blood of your lord and emperor? The fierce answers of the janissaries to Solyman. Whilst he was yet thus speaking, the soldiers boldly answered, That they denied not, but that he was the man whom they many years before had chosen for their emperor: but in that they had by their own valour got for him a large and mighty empire, and in like manner preserved it; that was therefore of them done, that he should for the same govern them virtuously and justly, and not to lay his bloody hands without discretion upon every just man, and most wickedly imbrue himself with innocent blood: and that they came thither armed, they did it (as they said) moved with just cause, to revenge the unworthy death of guiltless Mustapha; and that for that matter, he had no just cause to be angry with them. Wherefore they required, that they might publicly clear themselves of the treason whereof they were accused by Mustapha's enemies, and that the accuser might be brought forth to justify his accusation: protesting, that they would never lay down their weapons, until the accuser made his appearance in judgement, and commenced his accusation judicially, upon pain to endure the like punishment if he failed in proof. Whilst these things were in doing, the heinousness of the late committed fact caused every man to shed tears, Solyman yieldeth unto the janissaries. so that Solyman himself seemed to be sorry for the murder so lately by himself committed: wherefore he promised unto the soldiers whatsoever they required, and did what he could to appease their angry minds. For all that, they in the mean time, lest he should craftily slip away and deceive them of that he had promised, and of the expectation of such things as they had required, witha marvelous care and diligence all kept watch and ward. Solyman to appease this fury of the janissaries, Rustan disgraced by Solyman, flieth to Constantinople. deprived Rustan Bassa of all his honours, and took from him his seal whereof he had the keeping, and delivered it to Achomates bassa: But Rustan worthily strucken with fear and horror, seeing himself now in no safety in his own tents, fled secretly to Achomates, ask his counsel what were best for him to do, and what course to take in so doubtful and dangerous a case? To whom the Bassa answered, That it were best for him to use the great emperors advise, and to do what he commanded. Which answer well satisfied Rustan: and so he which of late gave other men access unto the emperor at his pleasure, was now glad by his old acquaintance and friends to prefer this poor suit, To know his pleasure what he would have him to do. From whom he received this answer, That he should incontinently without farther delay get him out of his sight, and out of the camp: which the Bassa said he could not conveniently do, being by his displeasure and the soldiers rage disfurnished of all things necessary for his departure. Whereunto Solyman sent him answer again, That he could give him neither longer time nor delay, and that it were best for him without more ado to be gone for fear of farther harm. Whereupon Rustan, guilty in conscience of most horrible villainy & treachery, accompanied but with eight of his most faithful friends in steed of his late world of followers; posted in haste to CONSTANTINOPLE, and there (not without danger of his head) with Roxolana and other the complices and contrivers of the treason against Mustapha, in great fear expected the event of his fortune. This young prince Mustapha thus shamefully murdered by his own father, was for his rare virtues generally beloved of the Turks; but of the soldiers most for his martial disposition, and readiness for the effusion of Christian blood. The opinion they had conceived of him was such, and their love so great, that they never thought there was any in the Ottoman family, of whom they expected so much for the enlarging of their empire: insomuch, that ever since, when in their private or public actions they fail of any great hope, they use this proverb even at this day taken from him, Gietti Sultan Mustapha; Sultan Mustapha is dead: as who should say, our hope is all lost. Achomates bassa the great champion of the Turks, a man of exceeding courage, not ignorant of the small assurance of the great honours of that state, The miserable end of Achomates the great Bassa. at such time as he received the seal from Solyman, boldly told him, That as he did then frankly bestow it upon him, so he would at one time or other to his no less disgrace take it from him: to whom Solyman solemnly promised with an oath not to displace him so long as he lived. For all that, he had not long enjoyed that honour, but that Solyman falling in dislike with him, and willing again to promote Rustan bassa to that great honour, greater than which there is none in the Turks court, which by reason of his oath he could not do so long as Achomates lived: To save his oath, and to prefer his son in law (whom he had indeed displaced only to please the tumultuous janissaries) resolved to have Achomates put to death. Of which his purpose Achomates altogether ignorant, and one morning after his wont manner coming into the Divano in all his honour, upon the sudden received word from Solyman, that he must presently die, and forthwith was the hangman ready to have strangled him, as was given him in charge: whom the stout Bassa thrust from him with his hand, with countenance and cheer in show no more troubled than if the matter had nothing concerned him. And looking a good while round about him, espied at last an honest man whom he had before many times pleasured, whom he most earnestly requested for all the kindness showed unto him, to do him that last favour as to strangle him with his own hand, which should be unto him the greatest good turn that he could possibly devise, detesting nothing more than to die with the hand of the executioner. Which thing when he after much entreaty had undertaken to perform, Achomates willed him, that he should not at one twitch strangle him outright, but letting the bow string slake again, give him leave once to breath, and then to dispatch him: which his request was by his friend accordingly performed, and he in that sort strangled: wherein it seemeth that he was desirous, first to taste of death, and not to die all at once. Immediately after whose death, Rustan bas●a was again restored to his place of chief Visier, and had the great seal delivered unto him: which honour he enjoyed about six years after, and so at last died of the dropsy. This was the end of these two great Bassanes Achomates and Rustan, who in that time swayed that great empire under Solyman, and of whom we have so much spoken▪ It is reported, that Solyman having appointed Achomates to die, should say, It is better for his great heart once to die, than to die a thousand times, in seeing his honour taken from him and bestowed upon another. 1554 The Turks galleys by the solicitation of the French before brought down into the Tuscan sea, did much harm upon the coasts of CALABRIA and SICILIA in this year 1554, as they had the year before, and so did divers years after. At which time also Pandulphus Contarenus the Venetian Admiral scouring alongst the seas, carefully looking to the frontiers of the Venetian estate, chanced to meet with the Bassa of CALIPOLIS (who the year before had rifled certain Venetian merchants) in revenge of which injury he set upon him, and after a great spoil made both of the Turks and their galleys, he ransacked DIRRACHIUM, than one of the Turks port towns in DALMATIA. 1555 The next year 1555 the same Bassa recovered his strength, but not daring to be too busy with the Venetians, surprised the Islands of PLUMBIS and ELBA, subject to the duke of FLORENCE, and withal sent letters to Solyman, to persuade him to take up arms against the Venetians, as they which had broken the league. At the same time Haly the Bassa of BUDA by policy surprised the strong castle of BABOZA in HUNGARY: 1556 and was in good hope by the like fineness to have taken the town and castle of ZIGETH, Zigeth besieged by the Bassa of Buda. a place of great importance: but failing of his purpose, he came the next year 1556 with a great army, and the 13 day of june encamped before the town, wherein was Governor Marcus Horwath a valiant captain, with a garrison of notable soldiers. Shortly after he began a most terrible battery: during which time the Christians sallying divers times out, slew many of his men, who for all that used such diligence, that the twentieth of june they won the uttermost wall, and after five hot assaults were in hope at the sixth to have won the castle also: but the Christians perceiving the danger, resolutely sallied out, and having slain eight hundred of them, drove the rest again from the wall: yet the Turks gave it not so over, but with a great number of ca●ts laboured to have filled up the marish and ditches about the town: which their attempt was by the industry of the defendants also defeated. The Bassa perceiving how hardly the town would be won by force, attempted to have persuaded them to have yielded it up by composition: A terrible assault. but failing therein of his purpose, began again the twelfth of julie to assault the city, which assault he maintained five days together without intermission, still sending in fresh men in stead of them that were wearied or slain: yet was the city for all that by the valour of the Christians notably defended. 〈◊〉 notably defended. So when he had in vain proved the uttermost of his forces, he raised his siege the one and twentieth day of july, and departed: but within six days after he returned again from the city QVINQVE-ECLESIae, and assaulted the city afresh, but was at length glad to give over the siege and be gone, when he had lost of his best soldiers above two thousand, and of the defendants slain but a hundred and twenty. After his departure there was ten thousand great shot found, wherewith he had battered the town and the castle, which was for this time thus worthily defended. The Turks in the mean time after their wont manner ceased not to do what harm they could in the Tuscan sea, and had again miserably spoiled the Island of CORSICA: for withstanding of whom, the bishop of ROME exacted of his peopled a great subsidy, and finely stripped the jews of their money, and seized upon their rich merchants goods in his territory: at whose earnest suit Solyman in their behalf writ unto the bishop as followeth. Sultan Solyman most mighty Emperor of Emperors, the son of Selym, Emperor of Emperors, to whom God give eternal victory: to Pope Paulus the fourth, greeting. Most excellent and most mighty Lord of the professors of the Messias jesus, and lord of ROME, the Almighty keep thee. Solyman● letter to the Pope, in behalf of the jews merchants. At such time as thou shalt receive our ●eale, thou shalt understand by our letters, that certain Hebrews have come unto us, complaining that they are oppressed of thee with too grievous exactions, when they come to traffic at ANCONA▪ This burden I request thee to take from them, and to restore again unto them their goods, that thereby they may be able to pay unto us our tribute: which if thou (as I hope thou wilt) shall do, thou shalt feel our favour▪ Farewell from CONSTANTINOPLE the last of the blessed month * The ninth of Mar●h▪ An. 1556 Rambeluch, in the year of our great Prophet Mahomet nine hundred threescore and four. Haly Bassa besiegeth Zigeth again. Haly Bassa grieved with the late repulse he had received at ZIGETH, came again the next year, and besieged it, at which time king Ferdinand sent Nicholaus Polwiler and the county Serinus with a power raised in SVEVIA and AUSTRIA, to recover BABOZA, a castle betwixt ZIGETH and STIRIA, before surprised by the Turks: of whose coming the Bassa having intelligence, rise with his army and departed from ZIGETH, which he had for certain months hardly besieged, and not far from BABOZA met with Polwiler and Serinus; who joining battle with him, Haly Bassa overthrown. after a hard and sharp fight overthrew him and put him to flight. This victory with the coming down of young Ferdinand, king Ferdinand's son, Archduke of AUSTRIA with new supplies, so terrified the Turks in that part of HUNGARY alongst the river Dranus, that they for fear forsook BABOZA, SAMMARTIN, SAN-LAURENCE, and divers other small castles which they had before taken, and fled to QVINQVE ECLESIae. The Governor of ZIGETH encouraged herewith, sallying out with his garrison, slew many of the Turks in their flight towards QVINQVE ECLESIae, and meeting by chance with a troop of horsemen which were bringing the Turks pay, overthrew them, took the money, and so with an exceeding rich prey returned to his castle. At which time also Adam the Governor of RAB, otherwise called FAURINUM, having burnt the suburbs of ALBA REGALIS, and driven away many thousands of cattle, at a town called SIAN overthrew five hundred Turks, and as many fugitive Christians, and so with a great prey and little or no loss at all of his men returned. Henry the French king at the same time in wars with Philip king of SPAIN, Henry the French king soliciteth Solyman to invade the king of Spain his territories. and troubled with the loss of his army overthrown not far from S. QVINTAINS (at which time the duke Montmorencie constable of FRANCE and General of the army with his son and divers other of the nobility of FRANCE were taken prisoners) by his ambassador Michael Condignac solicited Solyman to have by sea invaded NAPLES and SICILIA, so to have withdrawn the Spanish forces out of FRANCE, to defend their own frontiers. Which thing Solyman, offended with the insolency of the ambassador, refused to do: yet nevertheless commanded his adventurers all alongst the coast of AFRICA, to infest those seas, and to do what harm they could upon the coast of ITALY and SICILIA; which they so diligently performed, that the viceroy of SICILIA was feign for defence of those countries to lie in readiness with his galleys in the ports of CAIETA and NAPLES. In the mean time the Guise, The Guise, lord Grand Prior in France, admiral of Malta, taketh certain of the Turks galleys. lord Grand Prior of the knights of S. john's in FRANCE (and brother of Francis the duke of Guise, General of the French kings army in ITALY, who upon the overthrow received at S. QVINTINS', called out of ITALY, shortly after took CALAIS) Admiral of the galleys of MALTA, went out toward the East with four galleys well appointed to lie in wait for the Turks, and by fortune met with two great ships laded with the Turks merchandise, which he took; and by and by after light upon four of the Turks galleys, with whom he had a great fight: yet at length having sunk one of them and burned another, he took the other two. After which victory returning towards MALTA to have repaired his galleys and cured his wounded men, he was met with four other great galleys of the Turks: who desirous to revenge the loss of their fellows, set upon him, and he seeing now no remedy, but that he must needs fight courageously, encountered them. But for as much as he had in the two fights before lost some of his men, and 72 of the knights in the galleys lay sore wounded, he by the counsel of the captains retired towards MALTA: but by the way one of his galleys was taken by the Turks, with 52 knights of the Order: yet with the rest and the prizes before taken, he recovered the island of MALTA, where he stayed that Winter, and the next Spring sailed into FRANCE to be partaker of those troubles, which beginning shortly after, have but of late taken end. The immoderate fortune of the great Sultan Solyman, Solyman in nothing more unfortunate than in the proof of his children. was not in any thing more contrary to his desire, than in the proof of those his children, of whom the world held the greatest expectation. Mustapha his eldest son, the mirror of courtesy and rare hope of the whole Turkish nation, the suspicious tyrant had most unnaturally caused to be murdered in his own presence, to the grief of all his subjects in general, as is before declared: poor Tzihanger was dead for sorrow: and Mahomates his eldest son by his best beloved the fair Roxolana, was departed this life also. So that now remained unto him only Selimus, the unworthy heir of so great an empire, and Bajazet his younger brother, the lively image of his father, both men grown, and the sons of the same Roxolana: but so far differing the one from the other both in feature of body and disposition of mind, as if they had not been of the same kindred and line. Selimus the elder brother most like unto his mother, was in the secret determination of the aged emperor his father appointed heir of that most mighty empire. Bajazet Solyman● younger son seeketh to aspire unto the empire. Bajazet much resembling his father, was on the other side strongly supported by the care and entire love of his mother: which whether it proceeded of a secret commiseration of his inevitable destiny, or that he had by loyalty or other means so won her favour, is not known; but every man saw, that if it had lain in her power, she would undoubtedly have preferred him before his elder brother Selimus, and have placed him in the empire: but she must needs give way to her old husbands will, firmly and irremovably set down, that the destinies so permitting, none should reign after him but his eldest son Selimus. Of which his purpose and resolution Bajazet being not ignorant, began most circumspectly to look about him, if he could by any means frustrate that forcible necessity, and exchange his certain destruction with an empire: in which his deep and dangerous cogitations he was not a little comforted by the favour and love of Roxolana his mother, and of Rustan the great Bassa his brother in law, who together had in any other matter been able to have overruled the aged emperor. Whereupon he resolutely set down himself, rather to end his days by making proof of his good or bad fortune, than upon the death of his father (which by course of nature could not now be far off) to be as a sacrifice basely butchered by some vile hangman of his brothers. Bajazet so resolved, and now already fallen out with his brother Selimus, took occasion upon the general discontentment of the people and others, for the unworthy death of Mustapha their late joy to begin those stirs which he had before with himself plotted, and so to make a head, whereunto he might afterward join the body also: for why that worthy Mustapha had left behind him so great a desire of himself, that now it wearied many to live after him, they had so placed all the hope of their good fortune in him; unto whom nothing was more desired than to revenge the wrong done unto him, or else to run the same hard fortune with him: Othersome guilty of the immoderate affection they had borne unto him yet living, and fearing to be called to give an account thereof, thought any state better & more assured than that wherein they presently stood, A counterfeit Mustapha set up to make a head of rebellion. and therefore sought all occasions of new stirs, and how to set all on a hurly burly: only a captain was wanting, Mustapha could not be again revived, yet might he be strongly supposed to live. This device pleased Bajazet, as best fitting his purpose, being not ignorant of this disposition of the people. Wherefore by certain of his most faithful and trusty followers he found out a certain obscure fellow of a notable audacity which should take upon him the name and person of Mustapha, whose stature also and countenance and proportion of body differed not much from Mustapha himself: He, as if he had by chance escaped, first began to show himself in that part of THRACIA which is above CONSTANTINOPLE, and lieth toward Danubius, not far from the countries of MOLDAVIA and VALACHIA, and was for that cause both fittest for rebellion, and also best stored with horsemen, who of all others most honoured Mustapha. The crafty dealing of the supposed Mustapha to deceive the people. Hither he comes as if it had been from a long journey, slenderly accompanied, and as if he had been desirous at the first not to have been known: his followers being demanded (as it chanced) who he was, did rather fearfully give them that asked occasion to guess, than plainly to tell them, that it was Mustapha: neither did he himself much deny it: whereby the people became more and more desirous to know him. Which beginning thus laid, he afterward began to rejoice of his fortunate coming thither, and to give God thanks for his safe arrival there amongst his friends: he tells them, That at such time as he was sent for by his father, he durst not come into his sight, or commit himself unto him in his fury, but by the counsel of his friends to have with great promises persuaded one that was marvelous like unto himself, to go in his stead; by whose danger he might make proof of his father's mind towards him: who before he was admitted to the speech of his father, was without hearing miserably strangled, and so cast out before his pavilion: at which time there was many (as he said) which perceived the deceit, but the greater part remained in error, deceived with the lineaments and countenance of the miserable dead man, who was much altered with the terrible pains of death, and supposing it to have been him indeed that was slain. Which thing as soon as he understood, he thought it not good longer to stay, but presently to fly and to provide for his own safety: and so flying with a few of his own followers, thereby the more secretly and safely to escape; and having passed above PONTUS by the people of BOSPHORUS, was now come thither, where as he was in good hope to find much help and comfort forth in the fidelity of his friends, whom he requested not now to forsake him, or to make less account of him disgraced by the malice of his stepmother, than they had before in time of his prosperity. For that he was aminded to revenge the injury done unto him, and by force of arms to defend himself: for what else had he now left? being by no other means preserved but by the death of another man: that he had sufficiently proved how his father stood affected towards him, and that he now lived by his mistaking, not by his kindness. The cause of all which his troubles was his stepdame, who (as he said) with her mischantments led the silly old man (now almost doting for age and mad for love) whither she would at her pleasure, and by her agent Rustan bassa forced him forward headlong into all kind of mischief: but that God be thanked he wanted not his friends, by whose help he would find a way out of these miseries, and take revenge of his enemies: for why, he had as yet courageous hearts, and the janissaries, with the greater part of his father's family on his side, & that great multitudes of people would flock unto him upon the brute of his name: so that they which did now mourn for him as dead (in number many) would by heaps run to help him being alive: so that they there present would only courteously receive him as a guest, and protect him now distressed, until such time as his well-willers & friends might repair unto him. And this at last he gave out, not in secret, but openly unto all men wheresoever he came. The same things did they also report, whom he made the people to believe to have been the companions of his flight: which was also confirmed by divers of good account and authority, whom Bajazet had before dealt withal to that purpose. So a great number of men altogether unknown to Bajazet, were by that means seduced: for this matter was so cunningly wrought, that many even of them that had known Mustapha alive, and seen him laid dead before his father's pavilion; yet listed not greatly to believe that which they knew, but easily suffered themselves to be persuaded, that this was the true Mustapha. But the companions and followers of Mustapha, in whose minds the lively countenance and remembrance of him was thoroughly engraven, nothing could deceive: yet blinded partly with fear, partly with grief and desire of revenge, and wishing rather to adventure any thing, than longer to live without Mustapha, were the first men that came to offer their service to this counterfeit Mustapha: and would not suffer other men to doubt but that this was the very Mustapha, which it was falsely reported to have been slain. As for the deceiver himself, he either kept with him, or entertained them that came, some with fair promises, some with courteous speeches, and many also with money and rewards, which he made them to believe he had reserved of the relics of his better fortune: for Bajazet had before notably provided, that nothing should in this behalf be wanting unto him for the countenancing of his credit. So within the space of a few days, such a multitude of men was resorted unto him, Solyman angry with the Sanzackes for not suppressing the supposed Mustapha, sendeth Partau the great Bassa against him. as might almost have made a whole army. When Solyman upon the sudden was advertised by the fearful messengers and letters of the Sanzacks' thereabouts, what a danger was like to ensue by the concourse of so great a multitude of people unto this counterfeit Mustapha: he presently suspecting (as the truth was) that this was not done without the privity of one of his sons, thought it not a thing to be neglected: and therefore by his letters reproved the Sanzacks' there by, that they had suffered the matter to run so far, and had not in the beginning as their duty was suppressed the same; grievously threatening them, if they did not with all speed send unto him in bonds that counterfeit companion with the rest of his complices. Which that it might be the easilier by them performed; he promised to send one of the chief Bassas, namely Partau Bassa (who had married the widow of Mahomates the eldest son of Roxolana of whom we have before remembered) and with him a strong power of the soldiers of the court: but if they would have themselves excused, that they should of themselves dispatch the matter before the coming of that aid. This Partau lead after him certain squadrons of soldiers, not so many in number, as notable for their fidelity: for Solyman had caused the most faithful of his colonels, captains, and corporals to be called out; wisely doubting lest his soldiers, either led with affection, or corrupted with reward, might take part with him against whom they were sent. For the common sort of the janissaries, standing in suspense at the fame of Mustapha, and the expectation of some great novelty, favoured that broil, and wished all on a hurly burly: neither was the matter in deed without danger. The Sanzacks' after they had received this strait charge from Solyman, considering how much it stood them upon to make a speedy dispatch, began now now to encourage one another to bestir themselves, to make all the speed possible, and with all their power on every side to oppose themselves against the attempts of this new found Mustapha: labouring to stay such as were coming unto him, and to disperse such as were ready come, by showing unto them the greatness of the danger, and threatening them with all extremities. In the mean time Partan Bassa came on with his army, and was not now far off: when (as in like case it oftentimes falleth out in things not yet sufficiently confirmed, and by celerity pretended) the soldiers of the counterfeit Mustapha seeing themselves beset on every side, began to fear, and at first some few to slip away; but afterwards, all, without regard of shame or of their promise to forsake their captain, and fly every man whither he thought best. The captain seeking likewise to have made shift for himself, was with the chief of his counsellors and followers taken by the Sanzacks' and delivered to the Bassa, who with a strong guard sent them all in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE: where Solyman by most exquisite torments drew from them all the secret devices of his young son Bajazet, and that he had purposed after such a head made by this supposed Mustapha as he thought convenient, to have upon the sudden joined himself with a great power, and so as should best serve for his purpose, to have gone directly to CONSTANTINOPLE, or else against his brother Selimus. But whilst he goeth somewhat too slowly about his business, Mustapha and his companions drowned by night. his unripe counsels were by his father's celerity oppressed. Of all which matter Solyman now thoroughly assured, caused the supposed Mustapha and his companions at midnight to be drowned in the sea; thinking it not good to have these things commonly known, and to have his domestical wounds yet bleeding, laid open to the view of his neighbour princes. Nevertheless being mightily offended with Bajazet for so great an insolency, he ceased not to cast in his mind how to be revenged upon him; which his wife Roxolana a woman of great wisdom was not ignorant of. Roxolana intrea●eth Solyman for Bajazet her younger son, and obtaineth his pardon. Who after a few days, at such time as the old man's fury was overpast, falling of purpose into talk with him about the matter, she laid together in her son's behalf, and alleged the undiscreetnesse of youth, the necessity of the fact, and the example of his ancestors in like case, that it was so provided for by nature, that every man should be careful of himself and his, and that all men did indifferently shun death, that young men were by evil counsel easily seduced and made to forget their duty. That it were reason he should forgive him this first fault; which if he amended, then was it a great gain for the father to have saved his son: but if he should again fall into relapse, there would not want time to punish him sufficiently for both faults. And that if so be he would not pardon him for his own sake: yet he would vouchsafe to pardon him for hers, entreating now for him for whom she had before groaned, and not to be cruel upon him one of the pledges of their love, in whom rested the blood of them both: for in what woeful case should she be, if of those two sons (all that God had left her) the father's severity should bereave her of the one? Wherefore she requested him to moderate his anger, and to prefer his clemency before his just indignation: forasmuch as God himself of all power and might, did not always deal with sinners in severity, but for most part in mercy; whereas otherwise all mankind would not suffice his wrath. And would mercy in any place be more fitting, than in the father towards his child? She promised further, that Bajazet should from thenceforth remain in most dutiful obedience towards his majesty; and upon his so great clemency, to convert the fear wherein he now lived into a world of duty and devotion. Honourable minds (she said) were retained with nothing more than with kindness and courtesy, that the remembrance of that his fatherly forgiveness, should be a stay unto him for ever doing the like again: at last that she would promise for him, and take upon her, that he should ever afterwards satisfy his fatherly expectation in all kind of duty and loyalty. Which words mingled with tears and other womanly gestures, so wrought with Solyman, being otherwise too much in her power, that he resolved to forgive the fault; yet so, that he should come and submit himself, and receive from him his charge. This careful mother foreslows no time, but by letters secretly advertised Bajazet, not to fear to come unto his father at such time as he should be sent for: Bajazet goeth to his father in fear. assuring him that there was no danger, for that his father was by her means appeased, and he again brought into his father. With which good news Bajazet well comforted, resolved to go at such time as he was sent for: yet full of fear, and oftentimes looking back unto his brother Mustapha, whose dreadful example sufficiently warned him what a danger he adventured himself unto. Yet he came to the place appointed for the parley, which was in a common Inn at a place called CARESTRAN, a few miles from CONSTANTINOPLE: for such is the suspicious manner of the Turkish tyrants of these times, not to suffer any of their sons that be men grown, to set their foot within the gates of CONSTANTINOPLE, as dangerous for soliciting the soldiers of the court, and so consequently for the altering of the state. Bajazet was no sooner lighted from his horse, but his father's guard were presently ready to receive him, commanding him to lay aside his sword and dagger: which thing although it be an usual matter in others that are admitted to the presence of the Turkish emperor; yet might it then in the mind of his guilty son raise a great fear. But his kind mother (who had before foreseen in what fear and perplexity he would come) had conveyed herself into a chamber fast by the entry of the same house as Bajazet was to pass, where out at at a little casement covered with a thin linen cloth▪ she called unto him in passing by in these few words: Corcoma oglan Corcoma (which is as much as to say) fear not my son, Roxolana comforteth her son Bajazet. fear not: with which short speech Bajazet was not a little both comforted and encouraged: But as soon as he was come into his father's presence and had done his duty, Solyman commanded him to sit down by him: Solyman reproveth Bajazet of disloyalty▪ and afterward par●●neth him. then began the grim ●ire grievously to reprove him of rashness and want of discretion in taking up arms, which he could not otherwise conceive of, but as taken up against himself▪ And admit they were as he would have it, and the best that he could make of it, taken up against his elder brother; yet was it nevertheless a great presumption and most wicked fact. Neither was there any want in him, but that the whole state of the Mahometan religion (which at this day resteth upon the Ottoman family) had by his domestical discord been sore shaken, and brought in peril of utter ruin, to the great injury reproach and contempt of his majesty, a most detestable and horrible crime, which could not with condign punishment be revenged. Yet for all that, he had determined to pardon him, and to show himself rather a kind father than a severe judge; so that he would from thenceforth leave the care of future things to God: forasmuch as none of these things are done by our appointment, but that kingdoms and monarchies are bestowed as pleaseth him: So that if it were his destiny to enjoy the empire after his death, he should be most sure thereof as of a thing that would of itself come unto him, and was not by any man's power to be kept from him, as that which was by God ordained for him: but if it were otherwise appointed by God, then were it a mad thing for him to labour in vain to strive against the will of God, and as it were to fight with God. Wherefore he should now as one well warned, cease to rage and storm, and not to molest his quiet brother, or trouble him his aged father: for that if he should again fall, and raise new stirs, it would assuredly fall upon his own head, neither would any place of mercy be found for his second offence, and that he should then find him not as now his gentle father, but a most severe and revenging judge. Which when he had said, and Bajazet had thereunto briefly answered as the time would permit, rather craving pardon for his trespass than excusing that was not to be excused, and promising from thenceforth to live most loyally at his command: Solyman according to the manner of that nation called for drink, which he commanded to be given to Bajazet, who not daring to refuse it although he had rather have so done, drank thereof what he thought good, doubting lest that should have been his last: of which fear his father forthwith delivered him by drinking a good draft of the same cup. Bajazet returneth to his charge. So Bajazet though guilty, having with better success spoken with his father than had his brother Mustapha, returned again to the former place of his charge. This happened in the year 1555, from which time Bajazet so long as Roxolana his mother lived, behaved himself with all dutiful and brotherly kindness both towards his father and his brother; and that rather for to keep her favour, and not to cut off the hope which he had only in her affection towards him, than for any confidence he had in his father's kindness, or for any love he bore to his brother; the regard of her being the only thing that kept his fierce nature in quiet. But she dead about two years after, he as a man bereft of all hope of long life, and discharged of all bonds of duty, fell to his former course, and began more grievously than before to revive the old grudges betwixt him and his brother, sometime seeking by secret practices to have him made away, and othersome times by open force entering into his province which was not far off, there evil entreated such of his brother's followers as he light upon, for their master's sake, omitting nothing which he thought might tend to the disgrace of him whom of all other he wished dead. He had also certain of his favourites at CONSTANTINOPLE, by whom he cunningly wrought by all means to gain the love of the soldiers of the court, and doubted not as occasion served to pass over thither himself, and there to lurk in secret with such as were of his faction, and privy to his designments. Of all which things Solyman had knowledge, but especially by letters from Selimus, wherein he was also advised to have care of his own safety; for that he was far deceived, if he perceived not, that these preambles of Bajazet his wicked intentions, would at last turn upon his head, who regarded neither God nor man, so that he might alone reign: unto whose unruly desires his father's welfare was no less a bar than was his brothers, and that therefore through his sides was his life shot at: which treason ●nd (as he said) been of long time plotted, and now occasion sought to have the same performed: wherefore he should take heed that he were not by such treachery overwhelmed before he were aware thereof: That for himself he could easily bear with the injuries of his brother Bajazet, yet could not choose but be moved with the greatness of his father's dangers. By which means Soliman's hatred against Bajazet was still more and more increased. Solyman admonisheth Bajazet of his duty. Wherefore he by letters put him in remembrance of his duty, how courteously he had used him, and again what he had on his part promised; that there would not always be place for forgiveness; that he should therefore cease to wrong his brother and trouble his father; that he had but a short time to live; and that after his death God would assign unto each of them their fortunes. But all this was to no purpose with Bajazet, fully set down to hazard whatsoever, rather than as a beast to have his throat cut by his brother: which thing he as plainly saw would betide him in the reign of Selimus, as if it had been even then in execution. Yet he answered to his fathers commands not impertinently, but his deeds agreed not with his sayings; neither did he alter any thing of his intended purpose. Which thing as soon as Solyman perceived, Solyman removeth his two sons further asunder. he thought it best to take another course, and to remove his sons both further from himself, and also further the one from the other. Wherefore he gave them to understand, That it was his pleasure, that both of them within a certain prefixed time should depart out of their governments (Bajazet being then Governor of CUTAI, and Selimus of MAGNESIA) and that now Bajazet should remove to AMASIA, and Selimus to ICONIUM. Selimus was without imputation and altogether in favour with his father: yet because no occasion should be given Bajazet to fall into extremities, if he should have been removed alone, Solyman to seem indifferent, commanded them both to remove: unto which command it was adjoined, that the farther they were off one from another, they should be so much the nearer in mind and brotherly love: for as much as nearness of dwelling of the Great, did many times hinder their good agreement, whilst by frowardness of officers and servants many things are on both sides done to the grieving of their masters: and that they should in any case do as they were commanded, and that he which stayed longest, should not be free from the suspicion of contempt. Selimus made no long stay, as he that knew a great part of all this to be done for his sake: Bajazet unwilling to go to Amasia, seeketh delays. but Bajazet hung back, and being gone a little on his way, stayed, complaining the unlucky province of AMASIA, stained with the blood of his late brother the noble Mustapha, to be assigned unto him as ominous, and that he could be better contented with any province whatsoever than that, where the deadly remembrance of the miserable end of the nearest to him in blood, should be ever before his eyes, to the wounding of his heart: Wherefore he requested, that he might at least Winter in those places, or else there from whence his brother was now departed: but Solyman would in no wise hearken unto him. Now Selimus gone before certain days journeys with such troops as his father had sent him beside his own, for fear of Bajazet, who yet stayed loitering and trifling on the time, suddenly returning and fetching a compass about, showed himself at his brother's back, marching towards PRUSA in BITHYNIA, the ancient seat of the Turkish kings; which he did not without the privity of his father, who liked not of the linger of Bajazet: for what if he having gained the good will of the janissaries, should have gone either to PRUSA, or directly to CONSTANTINOPLE? what a danger might have grown thereby to Selimus, yea unto the whole state in general? In this common fear Solyman thought it best for Selimus there to stay, from whence they might most conveniently help one another, if Bajazet should (as was feared) turn himself upon either of them. Yet was not Selimus so strong as to adventure to join battle with his brother, whom he knew ready to put all to the hazard of one day. But when Bajazet (contrary to his expectation) saw Selimus behind him, and that he had got nothing by his long delay, but that his brother should be the undoubted heir of the empire, if his father should die, which was then by reason of his sickly constitution of body daily more and more feared: he writ unto his father, accusing his brother that he could not more manifestly in any thing declare how maliciously he was affected towards him, than by taking that indirect course, to no other purpose but to aspire unto the empire, and to have a short cut over to CONSTANTINOPLE, if he should have any news of his father's death, which he still gaped after: which his longing, if his father's longer life should delay, then by the secret ministers of his treason to dispatch him, and by the murdering of him to possess himself of the empire; and yet nevertheless, this man as a most dutiful and obedient son, to be of him much made of, and as it were put in his bosom: Whereas he on the contrary part meaning well, into whose conceit never any such thought came; but was ever at command, was not had in any regard, but cast off and contemned, whose greatest request was but to shun an unfortunate ominous province. After that, he converted his style to prayers, requesting again of his father to gratify him with some other province, if it were but that from which his brother was departed, or with any other whatsoever, so that it were more lucky than that of AMASIA: for answer whereof he said he would stay where he was, to the end that finding favour in his request, he should not have need further to retire: but if he should not obtain his request, that then he was ready to go whether soever his father should command. It was not altogether for nought that Bajazet found fault with AMASIA; being the manner of the Turks, of the smallest things of all to divine upon the greatest. But Solyman understood the matter otherwise: who not ignorant of his sons tears, knew right well, that he in them sought for nothing else but a more commodious place for him to raise new stirs in, than was AMASIA, so far distant from CONSTANTINOPLE. So Bajazet by many delays did what he could to frustate his father's appointment, ceasing not in the mean time to augment his strength with new soldiers, to provide armour, money, and whatsoever else, serving for defence of himself and the impugning of his brother. Which Solyman took in no other part, than as intended against his own person: yet would he seem as not to have any such understanding of the matter: for why the wary old sire would not by taking knowledge thereof, drive headlong his son, who was already running too fast of himself. Besides that, he was not ignorant that the eyes of all nations were bend upon this discord of his two sons: and therefore he desired by all means, that these grudges might be with as little stir as was possible appeased. Wherefore he answered Bajazet courteously, That concerning his government of AMASIA, he could not alter it, as resolutely set down as well for his brother as himself, and that therefore they should do well to go● both to their appointed places, as he had before commanded. As for the rest, they should be of good comfort, for that he would take such order, Solyman to be sure that his two sons should go to their appointed provinces, sendeth Partau and Mehemet, two of the Visi●● Bassa's to see them brought thither. as that neither of them should have just cause to complain. Partau Bassa the fourth of the great Bassas of the court was appointed to go with this message to Bajazet, and Mehemet third of the same great Bassas with like charge to Selimus, because the matter should seem to be done with all indifferency: and both of these great men commanded not to depart from them they were sent unto, before they were both come unto the places of their government, whereunto they were assigned. Which Solyman wisely did, to keep them both within the compass of duty by the presence of such two grave counsellors. Which thing Selimus took in good part, but Bajazet not so: who having resolved with himself to set all on a hurly burly, thought nothing more unfit for his designs, than to have one of his father's greatest counsellors still at his elbow as Censor of all his speeches and doings: wherefore having courteously entertained him & rewarded him according to his ability, he dismissed him (though unwilling to depart) making this excuse, Baiaze● sendeth Partau Bassa back again to his father. That he would use him as his patron and defender with his father, for as much as he had no other in court to defend his cause, promising not to be unto him an unworthy or unthankful client: and to carry word back again unto his father, That he would above all things have care of his command, if he might so do for his brother Selimus, whose injuries and treacheries he had much ado to brook. Partau the great Bassa so sent away, assured Solyman what the very mind and purpose of his younger son was. And albeit, that Bajazet to make it seem as if something had been done by that embassage, made show as if he would have presently gone towards AMASIA: Solyman maketh preparation against Baiazes; and sendeth aid to Selimus. yet Solyman nevertheless fearing the worst, made all the preparation he could against him, commanding the Beglerbeg of GREECE, although then sick of the gout, to make haste and with his horsemen to pass over with all speed to aid Selimus: and Mehemet Bassa but lately returned, he sent forthwith back again for the same purpose to Selimus, with certain of the most trusty companies of the janissaries: and the old man in readiness made semblant as if he would himself in person have gone over also. The janissaries unwilling to go● against Bajazet. But the janissaries and other soldiers of the court came with evil will together, detesting that war between the brethren, as altogether abominable: for against whom should they draw their swords? was it not against the emperors son, and happily the heir of the empire? Wherefore this war might (as they said) well enough be let alone, as altogether unnecessary, and not they to be enforced to imbrue their hands one in another's blood, and to pollute themselves with such impiety: as for that which Bajazet did, was to be holden excused, as proceeding from necessity. Which speeches of the janissaries being brought to Soliman's ears, he forthwith declared them to the Muphtis (whom in all matters of doubt they fly unto, as unto a most sacred Oracle) demanding of him, How he was to be entreated who of himself presumed whiles he yet lived, to levy soldiers, raise an army, ransack towns, and trouble the state of the whole empire? and what also he deemed of them that were his followers and took part with him? and last of all of them also that refused to bear arms against him, and said that he had in so doing nothing offended? Whereunto the Muphtis answered, That both the man and his partakers were all worthy of death; and that such as refused to take up arms against him, were as profane and irreligious men, to be accounted intestable. Which the great priests answer, was published unto the people: and by the chief Chiaus sent to Bajazet, to see if he might be therewith moved. Within a few days after there came to CONSTANTINOPLE one of the Chiaus (whom Bajazet had intercepted, Bajazet his message to his father requesting him not to intermeddle betwixt him and his brother. being sent from Solyman to Selimus) by whom Bajazet gave his father to understand, That he was in all duty his, and that he had not taken up arms against him, neither refused to be unto him in all things obedient: but that he had only to do with his brother and with him to fight for his life, by whose sword he must needs die, or else he by his, for that a mischief was to be by one of them performed; which quarrel he was resolved to try whiles he yet lived, and that therefore he should do best not to meddle in their quarrel, or give aid to either: But if so be he would needs (as the report was) pass over the sea to aid Selimus, he should not think easily to get him into his hands, for that he knew right well, if the worst came, how to escape and save himself; and would (before he could get over into ASIA) make such spoil with fire and sword, as never had Tamerlane or other the cruelest enemy of the Turks that ever was. Which message did not a little trouble Solyman. And withal it was reported, that the town of AXVAR, where one of Selimus his sons ruled as Sanzacke, was already taken by Bajazet, and shamefully sacked. Selym●● departeth toward Iconium. But Selimus hearing that his brother was gone toward AMASIA, and now on his way as far as ANCYRA, being out of all suspicion of danger which he feared upon the way, so long as his brother was yet linger in those quarters, hasted now towards ICONIUM, which was with a strong garrison kept for him: for amongst other cares wherewith Solyman was vexed, it was not the least, That Bajazet intercepting ICONIUM, should get into SYRIA, and from thence into EGYPT, an open country, and not yet thoroughly established under the Turkish government, neither forgetful of the old government of the Mamalukes, and therefore desirous of change; from whence it would have been an hard matter to have driven Bajazet, especially the Arabians being always ready and at hand at every light stir, where any hope of prey was: out of which province also in case of extremity he might easily transport himself into any of the Christian kingdoms. Solyman therefore took great care, that this passage, which might seem the last refuge of Bajazet his devices, might be stopped: and concerning the same had given commandment unto most of his commanders in ASIA to be always in readiness to aid Selimus whensoever he should call. With them Selimus lay encamped under the walls of ICONIUM, attending every stirring of Bajazet, resolved there to expect farther aid from his father, and not by untimely fight to commit his safety to the hazard of one doubtful battle. But Bajazet on the other side, not unmindful what a matter he had taken in hand, slept not thereupon, but first entertained a valiant sort of horsemen which the Turks call Chiurts, and are supposed to be of that people which were sometimes called Gordij, men for their known valour famous. He yet lay in the plain and open fields by ANCYRA, Bajazet s●aieth at Ancyra, and there raiseth his forces. of the commodities of which city (which were indeed great) he made great use: In the castle thereof he bestowed his concubines and children; of the rich merchants he took up money, to be repaid with the use upon the good success of the war; and from thence he took whatsoever was needful for the arming and furnishing of his men. Besides his own family, which was very great, and those Chiurts which we spoke of, many repaired unto him, which had been in former time beholden to his mother, his sister, and Rustan the great Bassa; many also of the relics of the valiant Mustapha, and Achomates the great Bassa, valiant men and expert soldiers, who desired to revenge the unworthy death of their lords and masters, even with their own. Neither was there wanting an exceeding rabblement of such as weary of the present state, desired some new innovation and change. The commiseration also of the state of the unfortunate Bajazet, easily drew many to take part with him, whose whole trust was in his valour: they favoured the young prince, lively resembling his father: The description of Selimus. when as in Selimus appeared no likeness of himself, but the express lineaments of his mother's face and body, a woman whilst she lived generally hated of all the people: he went heavily as overcharged with his greasy paunch, blub cheeked, and exceeding red faced; so that the soldiers in sport would say, he was fed with green malt: he was altogether given to his ease, and spent his time in drunkenness and sleep, neither was he courteous of speech, nor willing to deserve well of any man; for he would not (as he said) offend his father by being popular, so was he only of his father beloved, and of all other men hated: of all kind of men, he most misliked of them that set all their hope in a bountiful and courageous prince. The same soldiers were also wont to call Bajazet, Bajazet and his quarrel generally favoured of the soldiers. Softie (that is to say) a man given to quietness and study: but after that they saw him take up arms, and for the safeguard of himself and his children ready to adventure any thing, they began to admire him as a man of valour and courage: and to ask among themselves, Why his father should reject him of such worth, the express image of himself, and prefer before him that gorbellied sluggard in whom no spark of his father's valour was to be seen? That his entering into arms was no fault, being thereunto by necessity enforced, for, had not Selimus their grandfather done the like? where of no better example could be found; whom the force of necessity constrained not only to take up arms against his brother, but also to hasten the death of his father; and by so doing, purchased unto himself and his posterity the empire: which so gotten, if Solyman did not unjustly possess, why might not his son use the same course? why should he so rigorously revenge that in his son, that was so lawful in the grandfather? Although there was (as they said) great difference between that Selimus and this Bajazet; for that this man intended no harm against his father, but wished him long to live; neither yet against his brother, if he might by his leave but live, if he would but once cease to do him wrong: that it was always accounted lawful to repel force by force, and to shun present death, Bajazet hi● purpose. if the destinies would so permit. By such affections and motives, Bajazet his power increased daily: which being now grown almost to the greatness of a full army, he thought it not best to use longer delay, but to march forthwith against his brother to fight with him one battle for his life, state, and empire: accounting it some commendation (although in vain) to have attempted so great an enterprise. His purpose was (as Solyman feared) to get into SYRIA, which if he could bring to pass, he then doubted not of the rest. Selimus strengthened with his father's power, lay waiting for his coming before ICONIUM, well appointed of all warlike provision: his army was exceeding strong, and in it many notable commanders, martial men of great experience, whom his father had joined unto him; who all lay covered with their great ordinance planted in places most convenient. Bajazet goeth against his brother. But Bajazet nothing terrified therewith, as soon as he came within sight of his brother's army, exhorted his soldiers in few words to play the men, for that now was come the time they wished for, and place for them to show their valour in: wherefore they should show themselves courageous and valiant, and he would make them all rich and fortunate: He told them, that their fortune was now in their own hands, to frame it every man as he would himself; so that if any of them were weary of their present state, there was the field wherein they might exchange it with better, and therein lay down the miseries of their former lives: that of him they should if they overcame, expect riches, promotions, honours, and whatsoever else, the rewards of valiant men: That with the victory of one battle, all their desires should be satisfied, were they never so great: which victory was by the valour which rested in them to be gotten, and his brother's army, the heartless followers of a heartless captain, overthrown; for as for his father's soldiers that were with his brother, they were in body present, but in mind altogether on his side: That it was only Selimus that withstood his welfare and their felicity, whom they should therefore valiantly seek for in field as their common enemy; and not to be afraid of his multitude, forasmuch as victory was to be gained, not by number but by valour: and the most mighty God of heaven and earth was still present, not with the most, but with the best: Besides that, he willed them to remember with what a cruel enemy they were to fight, who thirsted after nothing more than their blood: And to conclude, he willed them all, not to look upon his words but his deeds; and said, If as you shall see me fight for your profit, you shall likewise fight for mine honour, I dare then assure you of the victory. The battle between Bajazet and Selimus. Which said, he with great courage charged the enemy, and fight himself long time amongst the foremost, and there performing all the parts of a valiant soldier and worthy captain, was for his notable valour no less commended of his enemies than of his own soldiers. The battle was bloody and terrible, and many fell on both sides. But after that they with wonderful obstinacy had a great while fought with doubtful victory, so that forty thousand Turks lay there dead upon the ground; Forty thousand Turks slain. at length the victory began to incline to that side whereon stood the greater strength, the juster cause, and better counsel. Many of the enemies being slain, and many of his own people also lost, Bajazet was enforced to retire; which he did so leisurely, and without show of any fear, that it seemed to the beholders, he had well near as well gained as lost the field: neither durst Selimus pursue him, but stood still fast in the same place, never more glad of any thing than to see his brother's back. But Bajazet after he had in contempt of his father's command thus run his own course, and satisfied his own desire, though disappointed of his purpose, and not able to perform the journey by him intended into SYRIA; Bajazet goeth to Amasia. turned now his course, and began in good earnest to go to AMASIA his appointed province. Solyman speedily advertised of the event of this battle, forthwith passed over into ASIA: for as the great Bassas his counsellors thought it not convenient for him to go over the straight before the victory: so after it was certainly known, they thought it not good longer to stay, lest the overthrow of Bajazet might give occasion to such as secretly favoured his quarrel to show themselves and so to raise greater troubles. Besides that, the fame of his passage over, would (as they said) much avail both to the discouragement of Bajazet, and the terrifying of his friends: and therefore it was by them thought good, hastily to pursue him, now overthrown, and not to suffer him to gather courage by the example of his grandfather Selimus, Soliman's father; who had been more terribly vanquished then when he stood in his whole strength, and might seem by that means to have especially prevailed, for that he was at first unfortunately overthrown. Neither were these things without reason foreseen: for it is almost incredible what admiration and love, this battle (although unfortunate) did get to Bajazet; men wondered that he durst with so small a power, and as it were but a handful of men, encounter with his brother far better appointed, and also supported by his father's strength: not fearing either the disadvantage of the place, or the fury of the great artillery; and to have behaved himself in the battle not like a young soldier, but like an old and expert commander. Selimus' might at his pleasure boast of himself as they said (to his father) for the victory: but Bajazet was the man that deserved to have overcome: and that Selimus might to any thing ascribe the victory, rather than to his own valour. These and such like speeches, as they made Bajazet gracious amongst the people generally; so doubled they his father's cares, and increased his hatred, to wish him the rather dead. For why, he was resolutely set down, not to leave any other heir of his empire than Selimus his eldest son, always loyal and obedient unto him: whereas the other he abhorred as stubborn and rebellious, gaping after the empire whilst he yet lived; of whom he was therefore so much the more to stand in dread, by how much he was reputed to be of more valour; and for the aid he had now so openly given to Selimus. For these causes he passed over the straight into ASIA, with purpose not to go far from the sea coast, but as it were a far off with his favourable aspect to countenance Selimus his proceedings: doubting by coming too near with his army, to endanger himself by the sudden revolt of the janissaries, which he above all things feared. Augerius Busbequius epist. 3. legationis Tur●●●ae. I myself (saith the author of this history) saw him departing out of CONSTANTINOPLE the first of june in the year 1559, when as within a few days after I myself was also sent for thither: for the Bassas thought it not amiss to have me in the camp, and to use me courteously as their friend, for which cause I was assigned to lodge in an Inn in a village near unto the camp, where I lay very well. The Turks lay in the fields round about: but lying there three months, I had good leisure and opportunity to see the manner of their camp, and in part to know the order of their martial discipline. So I attiring myself in such apparel as the Christians commonly use in those places, went up and down with one or two companions at my pleasure unknown. First I saw the soldiers of all sorts most orderly placed, and that, which he would scarce believe that knoweth the manner of our wars, The order of the Turks camp. there was in every place great silence, and as a man may say, dumb quietness, no brawling, no insolency, no not so much as a word or laughter passing in sport or drunkenness. Besides that wonderful cleanliness, no dunghills, no excrements that might offend either the eyes or nose, for all such things the Turks do either bury or carry them far out of sight. They themselves so often as they are enforced to discharge the burden of nature, dig an hole with a spade and bury it, so is all their camp without filth. There was not to be seen any drinking or feasting, no dicing (the great shame of our wars) the loss of money or time at cards or dice, the Turks know not. I met only with a rough Hungarian and his companions, a soldier, who heavy himself, to the Lute rather houled than sung a doleful ditty, containing the last words of a fellow of his, dying of his wounds upon the green bank of Danubius, wherein he requesteth the river, because it ran to the place where he was borne, to carry news to his friends and countrymen, that he died an honourable death and not unrevenged, The opinion ●he Turks have of them that di● in their wars. for the increase of his religion, and honour of his country: whereunto his fellows sighing bare a foot: O happy and thrice happy wight, would fortune with thee change we might. For the Turks are of opinion, That no men's souls go more speedily to heaven, than of such valiant men as die in battle, for whose welfare their maidens daily make prayers and vows. I would also needs go through their butchery, where their beasts were killed, to see what flesh was to be sold; where I saw but four, or at most five weathers hanging ready dressed, and that was the butchery for the janissaries, which I deemed to be in that camp not fewer than four thousand. I marveled that so little flesh should suffice so many men: but I was answered, That few of them did eat flesh, The spare dies of the janissaries. for that most part of them had their victuals transported from CONSTANTINOPLE. Then I demanding what it was, they showed me a janissary sitting by, who in an earthen dish had killed a turnip, an onion, a head of garlic, a parsenep, and a cucumber, all sauced with salt and vinegar, or more truly to say with hunger, whereon he fed as savourly, as if they had been feisants or partridges: his drink was the common drink of all living creatures, even ●aire water. By which frugal kind of diet they provide both for the health of their bodies, and the sparing of their purse: and that I marveled the more at, it was the time that their great fast, or to speak after our fashion, their Lent was at hand: at which time with us Christians, even in well ordered cities, much more in camps, all rings with playing, dancing, singing, crying, quaffing, carousing, and in brief, with madding and frenzy. So that it is not vainly reported, That a Turk sent about that time ambassador into GERMANY, coming home, reported, That the Christians on certain days did riot and became mad, until they, besprinkled with a certain kind of ashes in the church, came to themselves again, and so recovered; and that it was a wonderful thing to see, how much they were changed by the efficacy of that remedy, that they seemed not to be the same men: meaning indeed the disordered manners of the Christians at Shrovetide, and the ceremonies used on Ash-wednesday: which thing they to whom it was told, so much the more marveled at, for that the Turks have many medicines which cause madness, but few or none which presently easeth the same. The precise manner of the Turks in their fas●●. And they upon those days that go before their great fasts, change nothing of their wont manner of life to the worse: but rather chose prepare themselves to abstinence, by taking somewhat from their usual fare, the better to endure the sudden change of their fast: which they so precisely observe, that upon their fasting days they will not so much as taste a cup of water, or wash their mouths with water all the day long, before the stars appear in the sky: which maketh their fasts, especially in Summer when the days be long and hot, to be unto them very tedious. Whiles I thus lay in the camp, Presents sent from the emperor Ferdinand to Solyman. there came unto me one Albertus a learned man with certain presents from the emperor to Solyman, which were, certain gilt plate; and a most curious clock, which was carried upon an Elephant like a castle; and some crowns to be dispersed a-among the Bassas: which Solyman would needs have presented unto him in the camp in the sight of the whole army, to make it the better known what friendship was between him and the emperor, and that he needed not to fear any danger from the Christian princes. But to return again to Bajazet, Bajazet goeth t● Amasia, and seeketh for his father's favour. from whom we have a while digressed: he after the battle at ICONIUM had retired himself to AMASIA, the place of his government, as though he would have now there quietly lived, if his father would so give him leave. He had now satisfied his youthful desires and grief, and seemed willing from thenceforth to satisfy his father's better expectation: and therefore ceased not by letters and fit men to prove his father's mind. Neither did Solyman show himself strange from such a reconciliation: at first he easily gave the messenger's audience, read his sons letters, and courteously returned answer; so that it was commonly reported in the camp, that the father and the son would agree, and that the old man would pardon the youthful prank already past, so that he would from thenceforth remain dutiful. But all this way by the counsel of the Bassas nothing but deep dissimulation in the crafty old sire, Solyman dissembleth with Bajazet. until he had shut up Bajazet, and so got him alive into his hand: for it was feared, lest he despairing of pardon, should with such a power break into the borders of PERSIA▪ (now the only place left for his refuge) as might prevent the watchful diligence of his lieutenan●● upon those frontiers: whom Solyman charged by continual letters so to stop all the passages 〈◊〉 PERSIA, as that there should not be any cranny for Bajazet to fly out by. In the mean time, if any came within his reach that were suspected to have taken part with Bajazet, or favoured his proceedings, those he caused to be tortured and secretly made away, and amongst them some whom Bajazet had of purpose sent to excuse themselves. For Solyman fearing lest Tamas the Persian king (more mindful of his old quarrels than of the late enforced peace) should hardly with much ado suffer his son to be got out of his hands if he should fly thither, and so again raise along and dangerous war; did therefore what he possibly might to oppress him before he should come thither. Which his purpose although it was covered with all secrecy, yet was it not hidden from some of Bajazet his friends, by whom he was oftentimes warned not to trust his father, but to beware of treason, and in any case speedily to provide for his own safety. But Solyman thinking he had now so provided as that he could by no means escape, and happily the more to deceive his son, appointed to return with his army to CONSTANTINOPLE the day after their Easter day. But Bajazet upon the very feast day having performed the solemnities thereof, commanded all his things to be trussed up at AMASIA, Bajazet departeth from Amasia, with purpose to fly into Persia. and so set forward upon his unfortunate journey towards PERSIA, knowing right well, that he went to the ancient enemy of the Ottoman family, but yet fully resolved to make proof of any man's mercy, rather than to fall into the hands of his angry father. Now were they all set forward, except such weak souls as were not thought able to endure the labour of so long a journey, amongst whom was left Solyman, Bajazet his youngest son, but then newly borne: which guiltless babe, with his mother, Bajazet thought better to leave unto the mercy of his grandfather, than to take him with him, a poor companion of his woeful and miserable flight: whom Solyman as yet uncertain of his father's fortune, commanded to be nursed at PRUSA. Bajazet so gone from AMASIA, used such celerity in his travel, that almost in every place he prevented the fame of his coming, and light upon many that were appointed to have stayed his passage, before they were ready or aware of his coming. Bajazet deceiveth the Bassa of Sebastia. The Bassa of SEBASTIA he thus deceived: There was two ways, whereof the one of them being intercepted, would greatly hinder his journey, and that the Bassa had already taken: wherefore he sent certain, as if they had been fugitives, to tell the Bassa that he was already gone the other way. Which the Bassa believing, left the place he had before taken, and rising with all his power to pursue him the other way, whereby it was told him he was gone, left that way free and open for him to pass by. The Bassa of Erzirum deceived by Bajazet. The Bassa of ERZIRUM he deceived also by another not much unlike shift: from whom when he was not far distant, and knowing that in passing through his country, he was to endure great danger, he set upon him with a wile, sending unto him certain of his followers with commendations: who afterwards lamentably complaining of the young prince's calamity, to move the Bassa to pity, at last requested that he would give him leave to shoe his horses in his territory, telling him, That he came unprovided of all things, and therefore desirous in that fruitful country to refresh his horses a day or two, and to new shoe them. Whereunto the Bassa courteously answered, That he would not let him to take whatsoever he needed. But whether it was for the compassion he had upon the state of Bajazet, or for the secret love he bore him, or that he thought by that means the easilier to entrap him, is doubtful, and happily prevented by Bajazet his quick speed, had not as yet sufficient time to draw together his soldiers. He sent also unto Bajazet certain small presents, seeming to be glad of his welfare and coming: who nevertheless kept on his way, resting no part of the day; and but a little of the night. The Bassa of ERZIRUM understanding that Bajazet came still on, made what hast he could also, and joined his power to the rest of the Bassas which followed after: for many Bassas and Sanzackes hearing that Bajazet was fled from AMASIA, pursued fast after him, being charged by Solyman upon pain of their heads to bring him back either alive or dead: but all in vain, by reason of his speedy departure, and for that he made more haste to fly than they did to follow. Yet it cost no man dearer than this Bassa of ERZIRUM, of whom we have now spoken, whom Solyman for this cause displaced: and Selimus afterwards slew with two of his sons, young striplings whom he had before in despite shamefully abused against nature. Yea Selimus himself and Mehemet the great Bassa, with the Berglerbeg of GRECIA, followed also after Bajazet, though it were a far off. Solyman much grieved with the flight of his son. This his departure grieved Solyman above measure, assuring himself (as the truth was) that he was fled into PERSIA: wherewith he was so much moved, that he could scarcely contain himself, but would needs have gone with all his power in all haste against the Persian, to have terrified him at hand from relieving his rebellious son. But these his raging fits his grave counsellors moderated, by declaring unto him what danger he should adventure himself unto, by reason of the doubtful faith of his best soldiers. And what if Bajazet (as he was a desperate and sudden man) should in the mean time turn about above PONTUS and the fens of MoeOTIS, and so fetching a compass come to CONSTANTINOPLE, and proclaiming a general liberty in his absence, possess himself of the empire. By which wholesome persuasion Solyman stayed his so hasty a journey: but Bajazet all the way as he went writ upon the gates and doors, That he would give double pay to all such as should follow him: which caused Soliman's captains to have their own soldiers in distrust, and the more for that they might oftentimes hear amongst them, speeches of great good will and love towards Bajazet. After long flying, The eager pursuit of the ●assa●● and S●●zack●. he was at length come to the river Araxis, which separated the Turks kingdom from the Persian; which having passed over, and yet not so in safety, he left certain of his followers upon the bank of the river to keep the Sanzacks', who still eagerly pursued him from passing over: whom the Sanzacks' easily repulsed, & so passing the river, entered a great way into the Persian kingdom, until such time as that they were met withal by certain of the nobility of PERSIA with great troops of horsemen; who demanding of them what they meant, and what they sought for in another man's kingdom, were answered by the Turks, That they pursued their kings fugitive son. To whom the Persians replied, That they did not well, contrary to the league with their lord and master, to come in arms beyond the bounds of their own kingdom; and that there was a strong league between king Tamas and Solyman, which it behoved them to regard: as for Bajazet, their king would consider what was convenient for him to do, and not in that point forget himself: in the mean time they should do well to get them out of that country wherein they had nothing to do. Whereupon the Turks forthwith left this pursuit and retired. But by and by came messengers from the Persian king to Bajazet to salute him, and to demand the cause of his coming, and also to see what strength he brought with him; which as some account was about twenty thousand. To whom Bajazet declared, That he by his brother's injury and father's hard dealing driven out of his country, was fled unto the sacred majesty of the Persian king, as his most assured refuge; who as he well hoped, in compassion of man's instability, would not reject him so distressed, and otherwise destitute of all help. Whereunto the Persian replied, That he had done very unwisely to come unto him that was in league and amity with his father, whereof one condition was, That they should account the enemies of the one the enemies of the other, and the friends of the one the friends of the other. Which law to break, Bajazet well entertained by th● Persian king. he accounted a thing utterly unlawful: nevertheless seeing the matter was so fallen out, he was welcome as unto his friend, who in his behalf would leave nothing unattempted to reconcile him to his father, which he despaired not to bring to pass. So Bajazet meeteth with the Persian king, but in an evil hour, although at their first meeting there was great welcome, friendly countenance, cheerful looks, mutual kindness, often conference, and great feasting one of another; things whereby the secret thoughts of hollow hearts are best concealed: there was also a motion made of a straighter bond of alliance, and one of the Persian kings daughters promised to Orcanes one of Bajazet his sons; and he put in hope that the Persian king would never rest in quiet, until Solyman had made him Governor either of MESOPOTAMIA, BABYLON, or ERZIRUM (which governments were by the Persians greatly extolled) and that he might there live without fear of his brother, far from him and his father also; where if any thing should fall out otherwise than well, he might have his brother the Persian king a sure refuge to retire unto, and so safe from all danger. Which speeches were happily given out, of purpuse to avert Bajazet his thought from the feeling of the present danger; who seemed unto himself so assured of the love and friendship of Tamas the Persian king, that at such time as he sent his ambassadors to CONSTANTINOPLE, for a reconciliation to be made between Solyman and him (as was commonly supposed) he willed the same ambassador to tell his father, that he had lost a father at CONSTANTINOPLE, and found another in PERSIA. But whether the Persian dealt sincerely in this behalf for Bajazet by his ambassadors, which were many, may well be doubted. Like it is, that there was more feigned show of double diligence, than of true meaning therein; and rather to feel the mind of Solyman, than to do any good to the poor distressed prince: and the rather, for that in the mean time all things were seriously plotted that might tend to his destruction. Which were no sooner grown to their full ripeness, but there was of purpose a motion made, That such a multitude as followed this young prince lay too close together, that there was not in one place victual sufficient for them, and that it was therefore more convenient to have them billeted in the country thereabouts; which would be more commodious, Tamas the Persian king in fear of Bajazet. as well for the better victualling of them, as for divers other purposes also. Truth was, that Tamas the Persian king, far unlike his noble father Ishmael, stood in doubt lest he brought up a Serpent in his bosom: Yet there were many which thought, that it was not the Persians mind at first to have destroyed Bajazet, but to have been thereunto enforced by the practice of some of his familiars and followers; who not regarding the courtesy of the Persian king, nor the laws of hospitality, persuaded Bajazet to thrust him out of his kingdom: whereof there was many evident tokens. And among other things it was told king Tamas, that one of Baiazet's chief captains should say, What mean we? why stay we to kill this heretical king, and to possess his kingdom? for we shall no doubt by his treachery all come to destruction. And that upon such occasion the king was constrained to condescend to a devise more necessary than honourable. Bajazet had no great power, but most of them were valiant men, and soldiers of great experience, ready to adventure upon any thing: of whom the Persian not without cause stood in some fear. He knew his kingdom to be neither ancient not yet well assured, as gotten by his father by the counterfeit show of a reformed religion: And who could assure him, but that amongst so many nations over whom he lorded, but that there were many weary of the present state, and so desirous of novelties? unto whom nothing could chance more fitting, than the coming of Bajazet, a noble and valiant young gentleman; and that more was, desperately set: that as yet he himself might of right rather seem in the power of his guest, than he in his: And that therefore he was to alter the matter, and not longer to entertain him as his guest, but to coop him up as a most dangerous wild beast. Which to do, the easiest way was to disperse his power, and so to take him unawares: for that he could not without much bloodshed be openly taken in the midst of his strength, especially by the dainty Persian of long time not used to war, and as yet not come together; against Baiazet's soldiers, men of great activity and experience. So was the matter cunningly imparted unto him for the dispersing of his forces, and all the commodities to ensue thereof alleged: Bajazet his followers dispersed and slain. which Bajazet might not well gainsay, although many of his wise followers (men of great reach) did shrewdly suspect the sequel. But what could he refuse, upon whom necessity lay so heavy? where no other hope was left? where he lived as it pleased another man? and that again to, where once to doubt of the fidelity of his host, might be imputed to him for the greatest treachery? So these most valiant soldiers, the poor princes faithful followers, never again to see one another, are dispersed into divers country villages, and bestowed where the Persians thought good. Not many days after, at a time picked out for the purpose, they in number few, and dispersed in a strange country, were enclosed by many and slain: their horses, armour, apparel, and whatsoever else, became a prey unto the murderers. Bajazet imprisoned. At the same instant was Bajazet and his sons cast in bonds also, and that to his greater grief as many report, taken as he was sitting merrily at dinner at the king's table. The Persian king seemed to have foreseen much in this his hard dealing with Bajazet: as if that he, being a valiant and courageous young prince, and much better soldier than his brother, should have succeeded his father in his empire, much trouble and peril might have grown thereby, both to himself and his kingdom: And that it stood far better with the safety of his estate, that Selimus (a man wholly given to voluptuousness and ease) should reign over the Turks; in whose time he might as it were promise unto himself all peace and security: and therefore it was thought that he would never let Bajazet go alive out of his hand, but rather make him away in prison, as if he had there died for melancholy and grief. Well he was assured; that after he had slain his followers, and imprisoned himself and his sons, he would never be friends with him that had so notably wronged him. Bajazet thus shamefully imprisoned, The Persian king sends ambassadors with presents to Solyman. messengers ran continually too and fro betwixt the two old princes, Solyman and Tamas. Amongst the rest, the Persian king sent a solemn ambassador unto the Turk with presents, namely curious tents, costly carpets, an Alcoran containing the mysteries of their superstition, and certain strange beasts. The cause of his coming was pretended to be, for a reconciliation to be made between Solyman and his son; which ambassador was honourably entertained and feasted by the great Bassaes. Now was poor Bajazet in small hope of life, his cruel father still craving to have him delivered into his hands to be slain: and the Persian yet denying to deliver him, and seeming to defend him, but not (as was thought) altogether faithfully. Solyman left no means unattempted to have wrung him from the Persian; sometimes he spoke him fair, putting him in mind of his league, wherein it was agreed, That they should both have the same friends and the same enemies; otherwhile he terrified him with great words, and denouncing of war, except he would deliver him his son: he furnished with strong garrisons all the frontiers of his dominion towards PERSIA: he filled all MESOPOTAMIA and the banks of the river Euphrates with soldiers, especially with them of his own guard, and such as he had before used in the battle against Bajazet; over whom commanded Mehemet Bassa the third of the Visier Bassanes, and the Beglerbeg of GRECE (for Selimus was soon weary of the field, and so betime returned home:) he also incited the Georgian people to take up arms against the Persians, who wisely answered, That they had not such confidence in their own strength, as to provoke king Tamas; but let Solyman himself come with his army, and when they saw him present in the field, than they knew what they had to do, and that he should then well see, that they wanted neither discretion nor valour. And because he would leave nothing unproved, he made show as if he would in person himself have gone to ALEPPO in SYRIA, and so have on that side invaded the Persian▪ neither was the Persian king altogether out of fear, having to his cost many times proved what Solyman was able to do. But the unwillingness of the soldiers, and their minds altogether estranged from that war, easily stayed the raging Turk: they detested that war and forsboke their ensigns, a great number of whom (especially horsemen) without leave of their captains returned to CONSTANTINOPLE; and being commanded again to the camp, went indeed, but with such countenance and cheer, as well declared how they were affected, and what they would do if occasion served for them to revolt. For which cause, The cause why the Persian king would by no means let Bajazet go out of his hands. after that Solyman perceived that Bajazet could not alive be got from the Persian (excusing himself by fear of revenge by him whom he had so grievously offended, if he should by any means escape:) he thought it best to follow that which was next, and to have him there slain, which he was in good hope to compass; and the rather, for that the Persian had but lately written unto him, That he could not but much marvel, to see him deal so slenderly in a matter of so great importance; That he on his part had sent him divers ambassadors, and that he on the other side had sent him nothing but common messengers with papers, which caused him to think that he made no great account of the matter: wherefore he should do well, to send unto him men of account and place, which whom he might confer and conclude also according to the weightiness and exigence of the cause: besides that (he was as he said) not a little in his debt, for that Bajazet and his followers had been unto him no small charge, before he could get him into his power: all which it were good reason that he should have consideration of. Whereby Solyman perceived, that money was the thing the Persian king sought after▪ and therefore rather than he would in an unfit time of his life entangle himself in a dangerous and unnecessary wa●●e, he determined by the counsel of his Bassas, rather with money than with the sword to fight with the Persian king. Hereupon was Hassan Aga (one of the chief gentlemen of his chamber) appointed ambassador into PERSIA, with whom was joined the Bassa of MARAS, a man both for his age and place, reverend: who departing with a large commission almost in the depth of Winter, with great speed and wonderful toil, by those long and difficult ways, arrived at last at CASBIN the seat of the Persian king, having by the way lost divers of their servants and followers. Being come to the court, the first thing they desired, was to see Bajazet; The miserable estate of Bajazet. whom they found shut up in a close prison, pale and wan● as a man forlorn, with his hair and beard so long and overgrown, as that he was not to be known before he was new trimmed▪ which done, than appeared the lively resemblance of his wont countenance and favour, so that Hassan verily knew it to be him: for he had been brought up with him of a child in the court, and for that cause especially had Solyman sent him thither to be assured that it was he. At length after long discourse and conference between the king and the ambassadors, it was agreed upon, The agreement between the Persian king & Solyman for the destruction of Bajazet. that the king should receive from Solyman, full recompense of all the charges he had been at, and of the harms by him sustained since the coming of Bajazet into PERSIA, with such farther reward as so great a good turn deserved: which things performed, that then it should be in Soliman's power to have Bajazet made away. With this news Hassan posteth to his master at CONSTANTINOPLE, who forthwith caused the promised reward, together with such charges as the Persian king demanded, to be made ready, and with a safe convoy to be sent unto the borders of PERSIA, where they were of the Persians received. Presently after, returneth Hassan the appointed executioner of the unfortunate Bajazet: for so Solyman had straightly charged him, to strangle him with his own hands. Which thing this new made hangman accordingly performed, and with a bowstring strangled the unfortunate prince; who is reported to have requested of the executioner, but that he might see his children before he died, & take of them his last farewell: Bajazet and his four sons strangled. which poor request could not be granted, but he forthwith commanded to die. This was the woeful end of the unlucky attempts of Bajazet, a prince of far more worth than was Selimus his brother, who in seeking to shun the death he feared, hasted the same before his time. Such as was the father's end, was also the end of his four sons, Omer, Amurat, Selym, and Muhamet: of whom the three eldest were strangled at CASBIN with their father, whose dead bodies together with his, were solemnly brought to SEBASTIA and there buried. The youngest but new borne left at AMASIA, and sent by his grandfather to PRUSA (as is before said) to be there nursed; was now upon the death of his father, commanded by his said grandfather to be strangled also. The eunuch sent by Solyman to have done the deed, and loath to do it himself, took with him one of the porters of the court, a desperate, and otherwise a hard hearted ruffian, a man thought fit to have performed any villainy: he coming into the chamber where the child lay, The rare force of innocency. and fitting the bowstring to the child's neck to have strangled it, the innocent babe smiled upon him, and lifting itself up as well as it could, with open arms offered to have embraced the villain about the neck and kissed him. Which guiltless simplicity so wounded the stony hearted man, that he was not able to perform the intended butchery of the poor and simple child, but fell down in a swo●ne, and there lay for dead. The eunuch standing without the door, marveling at his long stay, goes in, and finding the ruffian lying along upon the ground, with cruel hand performed that the other could not find in his heart to do; and so strangled the guiltless child as had been given him in charge. Whereby it evidently appeared, that it was not the mercy or compassion of Solyman, that so long caused the guiltless infant to be spared; but rather the opinion generally received amongst the Turks, who measuring all things by the good or bad success, refer all things that fall out well unto God as the author thereof, be they never so ungraciously begun: and therefore so long as it was yet uncertain what success the attempts of Bajazet would have, Solyman spared the infant, lest upon his father's good hap, he might seem to have striven against the will of God. But now that his father was dead, and his quarrel by the evil success thereof condemned as it were by the sentence of the Almighty, he thought it not good longer to suffer him to live, least of an evil bird might come an evil chick. I had sometime (saith the reporter of this history) great reasoning with my Chiaus about this matter: for falling into talk with him of Bajazet, he began bitterly to inveigh against him for taking up arms against his brother. Whereunto (saith this author) I replied, That in mine opinion he was worthy both to be pitied and pardoned, forasmuch as he was of necessity enforced either to take up arms, or else shortly after to yield himself to the slaughter. But he still exclaiming against him, I said unto him, You blame poor Bajazet of great wickedness, for bearing arms against his brother: but Selimus Soliman's father you blame not, who upon like occasion took up arms both against his father and his brethren; yet he therein did nothing amiss, nor in your judgement blame worthy. And rightly, saith the Chiaus, for the event of the matter showeth sufficiently, that that which he did, was done by the appointment of God, and that he was from heaven predestinate thereunto: whereas in Bajazet the event showeth the clean contrary. So that which falleth out well, be it by never so wicked means compassed or brought to pass, they take it as done according to the will of God; but if it fall out otherwise, they judge it as a thing condemned by God himself: depending wholly upon the good or bad event of things, and thereby judging them to be well done or otherwise. This year 1558 Charles the fifth that noble emperor (of whom we have in the course of this history so often spoken) who weary of the world had two years before delivered all his hereditary kingdoms and principalities to his son Philip, 1558 Charles the emperor resigneth the empire to his brother Ferdinand, & shortly after dieth. did now the 24 of February, on which day he was borne, by his ambassadors solemnly sent for that purpose, resign the empire with all the honours and titles thereof unto his brother king Ferdinand, requesting the prince's electors to confirm the same unto him, which they did the 13 of March next following. So living as a private gentleman in that solitary life whereunto he had to the wonder of the world certain years before retired himself from all worldly affairs, the 21 day of September following died of a fever, when he had lived 58 years, and thereof reigned 39: a man no doubt to be worthily accounted amongst the greatest Christian emperors that lived before him. About which time also died his two sisters, Marry the queen of HUNGARY, and Elinor the French queen, both ladies of great honour. The knights of MALTA, 1559 who of long had been suitors to the great Bishop and the king of SPAIN for the recovery of TRIPOLI in BARBARY, The Christian princes set out a fleet for the recovery of Tripoli in Barbary. about nine years before taken from them by the Turks; at which time they also surprised the Island of ZER●I, upon the coast of BARBARY betwixt TRIPOLI and TUNES, from whence they much troubled the Christians, traveling by those seas: had now at length so much prevailed, that the king commanded a great fleet to be now forthwith made ready in September in the year 1559 to meet together in SICILIA, and from thence to go directly against the enemy by MALTA: Unto which fleet, the great bishop, the duke of FLORENCE, and the knights of MALTA, with many other valiant men out of divers parts of Christendom, joined their forces also; so that at length there was a hundred galleys and ships met together under the conduct of Andreas Gonzaga their General. But whilst this fleet from divers places was long in coming thither, the duke of MEDINA CoeLI, came before with part of the fleet to MALTA, and in the haven of MARZA MOX●T expected the coming of the rest, who about the end of the year came thither. But whilst they there wintered, expecting the Spring, many of the soldiers fell sick and died. At length the time of the year fit for their setting forward, being come, the captains consulted among themselves, Whether they should first set upon TRIPOLI, or the Island of ZER●I, otherwise called MEANING. The knights of MALTA being of opinion, That it were better first to besiege TRIPOLI, and that with all speed, before Dragut should come thither to furnish it with soldiers and provision. Others thought it better first to invade the Island of ZERBI, where the army might be relieved with plenty of all things necessary, and from whence they might at all times of danger in safety retire; and from thence afterwards as time should serve to go to TRIPOLI. Which unfortunate counsel was by the greater part agreed upon. Wherefore in February the year following they departed from MALTA, 1560 and sailed directly to ZERBI. In the mean time Dragut the most famous pirate of that time amongst the Turks, and Governor of TRIPOLI, was come thither with eight hundred of the Turks janissaries, and had notably strengthened the city with men, victual, and new fortifications; and presently sent messengers to Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE, to certify him of the arrival of the Christian fleet in AFRICA. But the Christians coming to the Island of ZERBI, The Christian fleet arriveth at the Island of Zerbi. were at their first landing encountered by the Moors, whom they repulsed, and so at pleasure landed. This Island is not far from the main, here and there full of bogs and marshes, other river hath it none, and in the midst is somewhat hilly. It was inhabited with about thirty thousand men, which dwelled in low cottages, simply appareled: yet is the island reasonable fertile, yielding dates, olives, barley, mill, and such like. When the Christians were there landed, they sent for Caravanus, a poor king amongst the Moors (from whom Dragut had before taken that Island) to use his counsel for their better proceeding in that war. In the mean time they agreed, with eight thousand men to besiege the strongest castle in the Island: in going whereunto the Spaniards went foremost, the Germans next, and last of all the Italians. By the way as they went they light upon ten thousand Moors, which lay in ambush in a wood to have upon the sudden set upon them unawares; but being discovered, and seven hundred of them slain in skirmish by the Spaniards, the rest fled. So coming to the castle, they planted their battery, The castle of Zerbi taken by the Christians. and laid hard siege unto it. The captain of the castle finding himself too weak long to hold out, fled secretly with his Turks, leaving the castle for the Moors to defend; who upon condition that they might in safety depart, yielded the castle to the Spaniards: for keeping whereof, Varona and Cerda, two Spanish captains, were there left with their companies. Whilst these things were in doing, Car●●●nus the Moor king came to the camp of the Christians and there talked with the General, in whose hoary countenance rested a reverend majesty, his apparel was after the Moors fashion of white linen, with him came also the king of TUNES his son. In talking with the General, his manner was to 〈◊〉 upon the ground, and wisely discoursed how the Turks were to be removed out of AFRICA. But in the midst of these discourses, when such a thing was least feared, suddenly a pinna●e brought news from sea, Piall Bassa Solyman● Admiral sent to remove the Christians out of Zerbi. That Piall Bassa the Turks great Admiral was coming thither with a great fleet of 85 galleys, and that more were daily repairing unto him on every side, which was indeed true. For Solyman understanding from Dragut the arch pyra●, that Island to be by the Christians now possessed and fortified, thought it not (in his so great power and flourishing estate) to stand with his honour to suffer, but rather to give aid unto the Moors of that Island, a people agreeing in religion with himself: and therefore commanded Piall Bassa his Admiral to take in hand that expedition. Who thereupon rigged up a great fleet well appointed and strongly manned, with a number of the Turks best and most approved soldiers; as well janissaries as others: yet all both doubtful and fearful of the long journey, as also of the fame of the enemies with whom they were to encounter: for why the Turks had conceived a great opinion of the valour of the Spaniards, as knowing great wars both of ancient and later times to have been by that nation (to the immortal praise thereof) most happily performed: they remembered well Charles the fifth, and daily heard much of king Philip, the heir both of his father's virtues and kingdoms▪ which made them so careful, that many of them before their setting forth (as in time of greatest danger) made their wills, and so departed from CONSTANTINOPLE, taking their leave of their friends▪ as if they should never have thither returned again. So that all the city was in a confused fear: neither was there any man whether he went or stayed, that hung not in suspense with the doubtful expectation of the event of that war. Howbeit, Piall with this great fleet with long sailing and a prosperous wind was at length come well near as far as MALTA, and knowledge thereof (as is aforesaid) given unto the Christian fleet at ZERBI. With which unexpected news the Christians there were not a little troubled: nevertheless they fortified the castle with new fortifications and bulwarks, and fell to agreement with the principal man amongst the Moors of the Island (who commanded the rest, and had before plucked down the ensigns of Dragut, and set up the king of SPAIN'S) That he should yearly pay unto the king of SPAIN (as he had defore unto Dragut) six thousand crowns, one camel, four ostriches, four sparrow hawks, and four blue falcons: a tribute fit for such an Island. But shortly after, viz. the ninth of May, the Great Master of MALTA by another pinnace gave the Christians at ZERBI again to understand, That the Turks fleet was even now at hand, and already departed from the Island of GOZO, well appointed and strongly manned: and that therefore he advised them with speed to hoist sail, and to get them to some place of more safety, or else to come to him to MALTA, for fear of being by so great a power of the Turks suddenly oppressed. Whereupon john Andreas Auria the Admiral sent unto the General, requesting him presently to come aboard, that so they might before the coming of the Turks fleet retire themselves to some place of more assurance. But he for all that stayed still at the castle, where the Christians had built four strong bulwarks: whereof they had named one Auriaes', another Gonzagaes, the third the Viceroys, and the fourth the Knights, not yet all perfectly finished: as for the castle itself, they called it Philip-Alcazer, by the name of the king. But whilst the General is thus busy, and vainly hopeth to keep both the castle and his ships, he the next day descrying from far the coming of the Turks great fleet, hasted with the Admiral to be gone: and putting twice to sea, was both times by a contrary wind driven again into the haven, so that he and the Admiral had much ado in time to get themselves into the castle: for the wind was so favourable for the Turks, and brought them so fast on, that the Christians dismayed with their sudden coming, knew not now well what to do or which way to turn themselves. But by good hap the greater part of the ships and fourteen galleys were got out and gone the night before, Part of the Christian fleet oppressed at Zerbi by the sudden coming of the Turks. and the Great Master had in April called home his galleys, wherewith and ten others of his own he afterwards defended the frontiers of his Island. As for the rest of the fleet that stayed for the General and the Admiral, some few galleys escaped by flight, othersome ran themselves aground, ten of which were presently taken by the Turks, as were the rest also that were left, although they for a while did what they might to have saved themselves. The night following the Viceroy and the Admiral secretly stole out of the castle, and so by good fortune in two small frigates fled to MALTA. Caravanus also the Moor king, with the prince of TUNES, got them away into the main. Gonzaga the Viceroy departing from MALTA into SICILIA, provided as he might for the safety of that country. Auria in the mean time gathered together the remainder of the dispersed fleet, having lost in this unfortunate expedition seventeen galleys, with a great part of the ships. Now in the castle was left as General Don Aluarus de Sands, a valiant gentleman of great spirit and long experience, with five thousand footmen, some Germans, some Italians, but for the most part Spaniards; The castle of Zerbi besieged by the Turks. besides a thousand other that were no soldiers. So that the Turks beginning to besiege the same the seventeenth of May, were by them many times notably encountered, and in their assaults repulsed. Unto this siege at length came Dragut the pirate, who with fifteen great pieces which he brought with him from TRIPOLI, increased the fury of the Turks battery. Neither were the Christians in the mean time wanting unto themselves, having in the castle forty great pieces of artillery, wherewith they slew a number of the Turks and Moors: and sometimes sallying out, fought with them hand to hand; and having slain and wounded many, retired again into the castle. In this manner the siege continued three months with many an hot and desperate skirmish: during which time, nothing more troubled the defendants than thirst in that hot and dry climate and intemperate time of the year: for why in the castle there was but one great cistern, which although it yielded some good store of water, yet was it not enough to suffice so great a multitude, but was by measure still sparingly given out unto the soldiers so far as it would serve, no man having more allowed him than would suffice to keep him alive: the quantity whereof some augmented by distilling of the sea water, and mingling it with their allowance, and so well eased their thirst, until such time as having spent all their wood, they wanted that poor help also. There might a man have seen many poor souls lying upon the ground half dead, gaping and still crying out nothing but water, water; into whose dry mouths, if any man upon compassion vouchsafed to pour a little water, they as men revived therewith would presently sit up, until that for thirst they fell down again, and so at length as men roasted gave up the ghost. Thus many died daily, beside them whom the chance of war and other diseases without help consumed in so great a distress. Don Aluerus with the rest of the chee●e commanders taken prisoners. Don Aluarus the Governor considering the great extremity they were now brought unto, attempted with Don Sanchius de Leyva Admiral of the Neapolitan galleys, Bellingerius de Requesenes Admiral of the Sicilian galleys, and some others by night to have escaped away into a galley which lay under the castle, but in doing thereof were perceived by the Turks, and so all taken. Whereupon such soldiers as sickness and the enemy's sword had yet left alive, pinched with extreme necessity, forsaken of their best captains, and out of all hope of relief also, covenanting their lives only with the enemy, The castle of Zerbi yielded unto the Turks. yielded themselves into most miserable captivity. In this unfortunate expedition perished about eighteen thousand Christians, some with sickness, some drowned, but most slain, beside the loss of a great part of the fleet also. Of this victory Piall sent news by one of his galleys to CONSTANTINOPLE, which for the more manifesting thereof, dragged at the poop thereof a great ensign of the Christians, with the picture of Christ crucified therein. Which was no sooner come into the haven, but that the rumour of the overthrow of the Christians was forthwith blown through the whole city, the Turks exceedingly rejoicing one with another for the news of so great a victory: yea many of them not so contented, came by heaps to the gate of the house where the emperor Ferdinand's ambassador lay, and there meeting with his servants, by way of derision asked them, if they had any brethren, kinsmen, or friends in the Spanish fleet at ZERBI, for if you have (said they) you shall shortly see them here. Besides that, they with many words most insolently bragged of their own valour, and scorned the cowardice of the Christians, ask who were able to withstand them, now that the Spaniards was also overcome. All which with much more the ambassadors men with great grief were enforced to hear, but there was no remedy, seeing God had so appointed it. The Turks with victory return to Constantinople. Shortly after, in September the victorious fleet returned to CONSTANTINOPLE, dragging with it the prisoners, spoils, and galleys of the Christians, a sight no less pleasant unto the Turks, than heavy unto the Christians: and that night it lay at anchor near unto the rocks in the face of the city, with the greater pomp and glory to come the next day into the haven. At which time Solyman himself was come down into a gallery near unto the havens mouth, adjoining unto his garden, the better to see the coming in of the fleet, and the Christian captains set there to show upon the poop of the Admiral galley, namely, Don Aluarus de Sands, Don Sanchius de Leyva, and Don Bellingerus de Requesenes, all of late great commanders: as for the Christian galleys all disarmed and unrigged, so to seem the more contemptible in comparison of the Turks, they were towed at the tail of the Turks galleys. They which then saw Soliman's countenance, perceived not in him any sign at all of any insolent joy. I myself (saith Augerius Busbequius legationis Turcicae. epist. 4. Busbequius, than the emperor Ferdinand's ambassador there) saw him two days after going to the church with the same countenance he had always, with the same severity and gravity, as if this victory had nothing concerned him, nor any thing chanced strange or unexpected: so capable was the great heart of that old sire of any fortune, were it never so great, and his mind so settled, as to receive so great applause and rejoicing without moving. Within a few days after the Christian captives (before almost starved with hunger) were brought to the Court: The misery of the Christian captives. many of whom could scarce stand upon their legs, some others for weakness fell down and fainted, and othersome died outright: they were all scornfully led in triumph, with their Arms disordered & scornfully put upon them: the Turks in the mean time insulting round about them, promising unto themselves the empire of the whole world: and vainly ask, What enemy they were to fear, now that the Spaniard was overcome. Aluarus' Sands, as chief of all the prisoners, being brought into the Divano before the Visier Bassanes, and demanded by Rustan Bassa, What his master meant, being not able to defend his own, to invade other men's? answered, That it beseemed not him to judge thereon; and himself to have done but his duty, with such faithfulness as was meet to put in execution what he was commanded by his lord, although he, had no good fortune therein. After that, he besought the Bassas upon his knee, to speak for him unto Solyman, for that he had at home a poor wife, with certain small children, for whom he requested him to spare him. Whereunto Rustan Bassa (contrary to his manner) courteously answered, his Sovereign to be of a mild and gentle nature, and that he was in good hope his pardon might be of him obtained: so was he commanded away unto Caradines his castle, towards the black sea. But he was not gone far, but that he was called back again; for that the Great Chamberlain, a man in great credit with Solyman, had not as yet seen him: for which cause he was sent for back again; wherewith he was not a little troubled, fearing lest the Bassas having changed their minds, would have put him to death. The rest of the captives of the better sort were committed to the castle of PERA, and amongst them Don Sanchius de Leyva, with his two base sons, and also Don Bellingerus Requesenes: which two great men, with Don Aluarus de Sands, were nevertheless afterwards with much ado and almost beyond all hope, at the request of the emperor, and by the dexterity of his ambassador, by Solyman set at liberty; although he had before denied them unto Saluiat the French kings ambassador, who had been an earnest intercessor for them. Yet before they were delivered out of prison, the Muphtis or Turks great priest was asked his opinion, Whether it were lawful for a greater number of Turks to exchange a few Christian captives (for the ambassador beside the rewards he had promised unto the Bassas, to further the matter, had also undertaken, that forty common prisoners of the Turks should be set at liberty for them) whereunto the Muphtis answered, That the doctors of their law were of divers opinions concerning that question, some saying that it was lawful, and some not; howbeit as then it was by him resolved upon unto the more favourable part, and the exchange allowed. There were among the prisoners taken at ZERBI, besides these noble men of whom we have before spoken, two other noble gentlemen right honourably borne, Don john of CARDONA Don Bellinger his son in law, and Don Gasto the duke of MEDINA his son, to whom yet but a youth his father nevertheless had given an honourable place in the army. Of these two Don john had wisely taken order for a great sum of money to be left in the island of CHIO, by the way as the Turks fleet went to CONSTANTINOPLE, from whence he afterwards in safety got into SPAIN. But Gasto was by Piall Bassa (upon hope of a great ransom) purposely hid out of the way, which had like to have wrought his destruction: for Solyman having gotten an inkling thereof by the instigation of Rustan, laboured for nothing more than to have Gasto found out, so to have a more just occasion for the putting of Piall to death, being taken tardy in so manifest a fault. But all that labour was spent in vain, Gasto being by death taken away, but whether by the plague (as some reported) or by Piall his means (as it was more like) lest the truth should be found out, is uncertain. But certain it was, that being with great care sought for by the duke his father's servants, he could never be heard of more: So that it was thought Piall for the safeguard of his own life, Piall in disgrace with Solyman, shuneth to come to Constantinople. not to have spared Gasto his prisoner's life. Who nevertheless for a long time lived in great fear, and not daring to come to CONSTANTINOPLE, took occasion with a few galleys to wander about amongst the islands of AEGEUM, as if he had there something to do; but indeed so shunning the sight of his angry lord, for fear he should have been compelled in bonds to have answered the matter. Until at length he appeased at the request of Suleiman Bassa (the eunuch and Soliman's great chamberlain) and of Selimus, Soliman's son, granted him his pardon in these words well worth the marking out of the mouth of an infidel prince: Well have he from me pardon and forgiveness for so great an offence: but let God the most just revenger of villainies take of him due punishment after this life. So fully he seemed to be persuaded that no evil deed ought to remain without punishment, either in this life or in the life to come. There was in this expedition a Colonel of the Turks well acquainted with Busbequius the emperors ambassador, then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE: into whose hands (in that discomfiture of the Christians) by chance was come the imperial ensign of the galleys of NAPLES; wherein within the compass of an Eagle, One of the imperial ensigns of Charles the fif● redeemed from the Turk●. were contained the arms of all the provinces belonging to the kingdom of SPAIN. Which fair ensign the ambassador understanding him to purpose to give for a present unto Solyman, thought good to prevent the matter, and to get it from him: which he easily obtained, by sending him two suits of silk (such as the Turks make reckoning of) for it: so providing that one of the imperial ensigns of Charles the fifth, should not to the eternal remembrance of that overthrow, remain still with the enemies of the Christian religion. This so miserable a calamity recevied by the Christians at ZERBI, made that island, before little or nothing spoken of, to be ever since famous. About this time to end this unfortunate year withal, the five and twentieth day of November died Andrea's Auria (that second Neptune) being ninety four years old: The death of the noble Andreas Auria. a man in his time of great fame, and of the greatest princes of that age had in no small reputation, but especially of Charles the fifth, in whose service he did much for the benefit of the Christian common weal, being for most part employed in his greatest wars against the Turks and Moors. Yet amongst all the notable things done to his immortal glory, the kindness by him showed unto his native country was greatest; which oppressed by the French, he set at liberty: and when he might have taken upon him the sole government thereof (as had divers others before him) moderating his desires, and respecting the only good thereof, appeased the great dissension that had of long reigned therein; and established such a form of government, confirmed with so good and wholesome laws and orders (no man's liberty infringed) as that it hath ever since to his eternal praise in great wealth, state, and liberty, thereby flourished. Unto whose remembrance (for that we have before of him much spoken in the course of this history) I thought it not amiss to join the lively counterfeit of his reverend aged countenance, by nature framed answerable unto his noble virtues. ANDREA'S AURIA. Genua quem genuit, genui quam deinde vicissim, Auria qui merui Carolo sub Caesare quinto, Turcarum terror, Piratarumque Subactor, Barbara quem sensit tellus, & capta Thunissa, Arx & Aphrodisium, Moreaeque urbs celsa Corone, Mors rapuit Lustris decies prope quinque peractis. As Genua me begat, so I preserved the same: And serving under Charles the fifth, exalted have my name. A terror to the Turks I was, I brought the pirates low: And spoiling their Barbarian coast, made them by force to know Fair TUNES and strong APHRODISE, both by my help were won: And CORONE in MOREA, by me was overrun. So having spent ninety four years in treading honours trace: Full fraught with honour and with years, I ended have my race. 1561 The Turks the year following, with their galleys robbed and spoiled divers places upon the coasts of ITALY, A great shipwreck. SICILY, and MALTA: against whom Philip king of SPAIN sending forth his galleys by force of tempest lost twenty five of them, the eighteenth day of November, together with Mendoza admiral of that fleet. Ferdinand the emperor, having with long suit and much entreating obtained peace of Solyman, and being now well stricken in years, and careful both of the state of the empire and of the advancement of his posterity, began to deal with the prince's Electors for a choice to be made of a king of the Romans; who after his death might without the trouble of GERMANIC succeed him in the empire: commending unto them his son Maximilian, a prince of great hope, than king of BOHEMIA. Whereupon an assembly of the prince's electors was appo●●●ted to be holden at FRANKFORD: who there meeting at the appointed time▪ with general consent the 24 day of November in the year 1562, 1562 chose Maximilian the emperors some king of the Romans, Maximilian chosen king of the Romans, and after crowned king of Hungary. and with all the accustomed solemnities crowned him: who also the year after was at PRESEURO the eight of September with much solemnity crowned king of HUNGARY. Unto this solemn assembly of the empire at FRAN●FORD, Solyman the Turkish emperor sent Ibrahim Bassa, otherwise called Abraham Strotzza (a Polonian borne of whom we have before spoken) his ambassador with presents and letters to Ferdinand the emperor, to confirm the peace for eight years betwixt them before concluded; who the seventeenth day of November in presence of the emperor; Solyman by his ambassador confirmeth a peace with Ferdinand the emperor for eight years. the king of the Romans, and all the princes Elect●●●; had audience: where, after much glorious speech in setting forth his master's greatness, with his love towards the emperor and his son the new chosen king, as wishing unto them all happiness, he delivered his letters of credence unto the emperor: the copy whereof I have not thought amiss here to set down, for that therein is notably to be seen the most insolent pride of that barbarous prince, and miserable estate of the ●ent kingdom of HUNGARY, divided as it were at his pleasure betwixt him and the emperor. I the lord of lords, Soliman's pro●● letters to the emperor Ferdinand. ruler of the East and of the West, who am of power to do and not to do whatsoever pleaseth me, lord of all GRaeCIA, PERSIA, and ARABIA, commander of all things which can be subject to king and command, the great worthy of these times, and strong champion of the most wide world, lord of all the white and black sea, and of the holy city of MECHA shining with the brightness of God, and of the city of MEDINA and of the holy and chaste city of JERUSALEM, king of the most noble kingdom of EGYPT, lord of JONIA and of the city of ATHENS, SENAV, of the sacred temple of God, ZABILON and BASSIO, RETHSAN and MA●ODIM, the seat and throne of the great king Nashin Rettam, and lord of the island of ALGIERS, prince of the kingdoms of TARTARY, MESOPOTAMIA, MEDIA, of the Georgians, MOREA, ANATOLIA, ASIA, ARMENIA, WALACHIA, MOLDAVIA, and of all HUNGARY, and of many other kingdoms and territories, whereof I am emperor; the most mighty Monarch Sultan Solyman; son of the great emperor Sultan Selym, who have power from God to rule all people with a bridle; and strength to break open the gates and bars of all cities and strong places: into whose mighty hand are delivered all the ends of the world, none excepted. I the ruler of the East, from the Island of TSEIN unto the farthest bounds of AFRICA, whom God hath appointed a mighty warrior in the edge of the sword: amongst whose most mighty kingdoms the impregnable castle of CESARae is reputed for the least, and in whose hereditary dominions the kingdom or empire of Alexander the Great is accounted as a trifle: with me is the strength of the whole world and virtue of the firmament. For as much as thou king Ferdinand, which art the mighty lord of Christendom, and the chosen vessel of the mighty Christian faith, created and elected emperor of the Roman people, of BOHEMIA, VANDALIA, CRABATIA, and many other country's king and lord etc. Not long since sent unto our court (which is the refuge of all kings, the protection and sanctuary of all that fly thereunto, and the throne of grace for all princes of these times which repair unto it) one Augerius Busbeck, thy faithful counsellor and ambassador, with letters of confederation, to renew with us a peace, and to enter into a further league and bond of amity: which letters bear date the year from the prophet jesus (upon whom and our prophet Mahomet rest the brightness and peace of God) 1562, the first day of june, requesting of us, That granting you peace for eight years, we would not with any hostility hereafter molest your cities, castles, countries, or subjects, but to suffer them to live in secure peace and tranquility, etc. Unto which your petition we answer you, That from henceforth for the whole space of eight years shall be betwixt us on both parts to be continued a new, true, and firm league: of which agreement, peace, and confederation, these shall be the conditions. First, That you our beloved shall be bound to send yearly to our court as a pledge of this league thirty thousand Hungarian ducats, with that remainder which you owe unto us for the two years last passed: for which we promise unto you, that we from henceforth during this eight years league, will take no part either by way of hostility or friendship with king john's son, for as much as belongeth to his hereditary countries, whether they be in the hither part of HUNGARY, or on the further side of TEISSE: all which for all that, by law of arms belong unto us. And the same king john's son in time of this eight years league shall be also bound in such sort to perform unto us his obedience, as that from henceforth it shall not be lawful for him to use any war or hostility against you, neither to trouble your subjects with fire or sword, nor to surprise your cities, castles, or towns, or by violence to take away or exact of your people or subjects, their sheep, their cattle, their goods, money, or revenues. We also ourselves shall have no right, nor take occasion to drive away your people, to burn your countries, or carry away any captives: but rather in this eight years space religiously keep peace and concord with you. And under these conditions of peace shall also be comprehended Michael Balaschus, Nicholas Batho●, with all their goods and territories, and divers other such like, which shall be subject unto you and king john's son. To be brief, if happily any of yours or king john's sons subjects shall have now before in time of war thrust one another out of his goods, lands, or possessions, whereof new quarrels or discord may arise; we will and decree, That all such controversies, quarrels and claims shall be deferred until this definite time of the league be expired. Beside, if by chance any dissension shall hereafter arise betwixt us about our jurisdiction, which can by no means be composed and ordered; we will that yours shall in the mean time remain as yours, and ours as ours, all contention & enmity set apart: also many towns situate here and there by Danubius and Tatta, shall be suffered to use the same law which they did in former time; so that the soldiers which are yet in garrison in the castle of Tatta, shall have no right to infest or vex those towns situate near unto Danubius. Furthermore, if after this peace concluded, any of your noble men or gentlemen shall fortune to have any of our noblemen by revolt or other occasion whatsoever, captives, they shall dismiss them and set them at liberty, to return unto their friends freely without hurt or ransom; that so the concord and peace begun betwixt us, may be the more firmly kept, and our subjects live in more security. All and every one of these things we grant and promise to be of us from henceforth until the end of the aforesaid eight years, without all fraud or guile religiously observed and kept; and for that purpose have caused these our letters of this peace and confederation to be published from our royal palace: and moreover, have not only provided, that the copy of the same should together with our edict be proclaimed to all and every the generals, captains, lieutenants of our armies both by sea and land in all parts of our empire, and to all our mercenary soldiers, but have also straightly commanded, that it shall be firmly and sincerely kept. We will also, that this agreement of peace and amity shall comprehend and concern our two chief Governors or Vayvods of WALACHIA and MOLDAVIA, so that none of your people of HUNGARY, CRAEATIA, SCLAVONIA, or other your countries or islands whatsoever, shall in any sort be molested or grieved by our subjects. And if it shall fortune that some shall on your part out of their castles set upon our subjects, or by force take away their goods, the same men shall in any case be bound to make thereof restitution. Also if any shall fly from us and carry away with them the money or goods of their masters whom they served, or if the like shall be done by any of yours flying to us, than the same goods on both parts are to be of right demanded and recovered again, and the fugitives to the example of others to be corrected and punished: for as much as fugitives goods of right appertain unto their lords and masters. Furthermore it shall be lawful for your captains and commanders to fortify or build castles, cities or towns in the borders of HUNGARY, and to put into the same victual, armour, & such like, but so that they do none of these things out of their own limits. And during the time of this league it shall not be lawful to take or carry away any of your subjects prisoners either in HUNGARY or other place of your jurisdiction: which for all that, if it shall by any chance happen, that then such captives without delay be suffered safely to return home again. Furthermore, whatsoever Christian shall have any business to do in our magnificent Court or any part of our dominions, as are ambassadors, officers, servants, and such others: unto all these we not only grant and permit, that they may come and go about their business, and so again depart from our court or provinces; but also have willed and commanded, them to be well and courteously entreated by our subjects, and furthered with the interpretation of our language. And if it shall fortune any contention or discord to arise betwixt our subjects on either side, about the bounds and limits of lands, or other such like causes: such controversies we will to be decided and determined by discreet and indifferent men on both parts; and the authors of such discord and variance, to be punished as suspected persons and breakers of the league. We also prohibit those skirmishes or combats, which were wont to be sometimes on both sides made upon the borders. And desire, that the form of this league and peace, and every article thereof, may be publicly read and set up in sundry places of your dominions; and commandment given, that they may with due obedience and reverence be observed and kept. Which we likewise have now before promised faithfully, and assuredly to perform: and your ambassador whom a few months agone you sent unto us, in your name requested the same thing of us, and hath with earnest prayers moved us by imperial oath and these letters of credence, to witness, that we did ratify and confirm the same; as if we ourselves should speak to you in presence. Wherefore we have given to him these our letters of pacification to you directed, that your generals, soldiers, and subjects, may be bound also to observe and keep all these things: wherefore, so long as nothing contrary to this league shall be done on your part; so long in like manner, all these articles of peace shall be of me accepted and assured. For witness and confirmation whereof, I swear this oath: By the true and living creator of heaven and earth, by the true signs of our great and reverend prophet, by my imperial power, and by my true faith; that nothing contrary or repugning unto the aforesaid articles, conditions, and promises of the eight years' league agreed upon betwixt us, shall be attempted or done by any our Governors, Generals, Vayvods, etc. Commanding moreover, all our sworn governors of our most mighty empire, in WALACHIA, and MOLDDAVIA, and king Stephen himself, and others which have the government of our empire confining upon you, That they all and every of them as well as ourselves, shall justly, faithfully, and religiously, accept, reverence, and keep these conditions of peace, towards your subjects, cities, castles, towns, and other things appertaining to you; and in the least thing, not to hurt, injury, or wrong any your subjects. In brief, we shall as far as our part concerneth us give unto this most mighty and great new made love and friendship, so great honour, reverence, and authority, that that which may even in the least things be had, shall not on our part be wanting. In token whereof, we have suffered certain Christian captives, whom by your ambassador you requested to have set at liberty, frankly to return unto you without ransom; out of which captivity they could never have been redeemed, if in regard of this our amity and friendship we had not granted them liberty: trusting that you will in like sort set at liberty such of ours as you have captives. Given at our imperial palace and seat in the most mighty city of CONSTANTINOPLE, the first day of September, in the year of our great and reverend prophet 969. The same ambassador, Presents from Solyman to the emperor Ferdinand. after he had delivered these letters, presented unto the emperor the gifts he had brought from his Great master: which was two great cups of natural crystal, curiously wrought, and set with stones of great price: a courageous Turkey horse, with a saddle and trappings wrought with gold, and set with precious stones, and garnished with chains of pure gold: and four of the fairest camels that were to be got in all CONSTANTINOPLE. In delivering of which presents, the Bassa made his excuse, that the horse and camels had lost their beauty, being with four months travel from CONSTANTINOPLE, grown somewhat lean and weary. This peace thus concluded betwixt the emperor Ferdinand and Solyman, 1564 held firm until the death of Ferdinand, The death of the emperor Ferdinand. who about two years after in the year 1564 upon S. james his day died, being sixty years old: whereof he reigned as emperor not full seven years. In whose place succeeded Maximilian his son, before chosen king of the Romans. But immediately after the death of Ferdinand, New troubles in Hungary. the captains on the frontiers of that part of HUNGARY which was holden for the emperor on the one side, and the Turks captains with the Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA on the other side, weary of their ease, began contrary to the form of the league to surprise strong holds and towns one in another confines, whereof ensued much trouble: The author whereof was Melchior Balas, the emperors lieutenant in that part of HUNGARY which bordereth upon TRANSILVANIA, who first surprised certain towns upon the frontiers thereabouts: in revenge whereof, the Vayvod suddenly set upon SAC●MAN, a town in the emperors territory which he took, and therein Balas his wife and children. In despite whereof, Balas ransacked and burnt DEBREZIN, a great town of the Vayvods. But not long after, the Vayvod Soliman's vassal, and aided by him with four thousand Turks and three thousand Moldavians, did much harm upon the frontiers of that part of HUNGARY which belonged to the emperor, and first took HADAD, and afterwards besieged VNGAR. In requital whereof, Maximilian the emperor sent Lazarus Suendi, a valiant captain, who with an army of eight thousand, besieged the strong castle of TOKAY, which he took the fifth of February, in the year 1565; 1565 and after that, took the rich town of ERDEN. In the mean time Solyman, who had in himself fully purposed to be revenged of all these injuries (as well appeared by that he did the year following) to stay the emperor from proceeding farther, until such time as he were at better leisure to be revenged (for as then he was making great preparation for MALTA) sent Marcus Lilinesius a renegat Transiluanian of CIBINIUM, his ambassador to Maximilian, to put him in remembrance of the league made with his father, and to wish him to have regard how he further proceeded to the breach thereof. Whereupon the emperor, because he would not seem unwillng to hearken to peace, commanded his lieutenants and captains no more to invade TRANSILVANIA, or that part of HUNGARY which the Turks held. Howbeit that, whilst this ambassador was thus entreating of peace at VIENNA, the Bassa of TEMESWAR in the borders of TRANSILVANIA, made divers incursions into the borders of HUNGARY, and with six thousand soldiers besieged the strong castle of JULA, and the Turks in great number came daily into TRANSILVANIA. At which time also, Suendi General of Maximilian his forces upon the frontiers, by messengers sent for that purpose, wished him not to give any credit unto the Turks ambassador, The Turks purposing war, craftily sue for peace. who meaning nothing but war, under the colour of peace sought nothing else but to take him upon the sudden unprovided. Neither ceased these troubles thus, but daily grew from evil to worse: for in june the Transylvanians besieged ERDEN, before taken by the imperials, and after two months siege had it yielded unto them. In the mean time, Chernovich the emperors ambassador to Solyman returned from CONSTANTINOPLE, assuring him, that the great Turk for all his fair shows of peace, meant in deed nothing but wars, for which he was (as he said) making great preparation both by sea and land. Whereupon the emperor began to raise more forces: which thing divers noble men, both of GERMANY and other places hearing of, came unto him with their followers; and amongst others, Romerus one of the knights of MALTA, and divers others of his brethren, with five companies of soldiers well appointed, sent thither by George Hochenheime, grand prior of that Order in GERMANY, and then confirmed one of the princes of the empire. At the same time also, the Turks being busy upon the borders of STIRIA and the places thereabouts, were many times cut off by Charles the archduke; who taking them at an advantage, slew at one time three thousand of them. Yet for all this, the Turks ambassador was still at VIENNA entreating for peace, and so cunningly handled the matter, that whereas Eccius Salma, a noble and valiant captain, had corrupted the chief judge with certain others of ALBA REGALIS, to have betrayed the city unto him; for performance whereof, they had delivered their wives and children as hostages, and he was now upon his way from RAB, which is but eight miles off, in an assured hope to have surprised the city: he was suddenly by letters in post from the emperor called back again, for corrupting the hope conceived of peace: and so was that notable dessignment unfortunately disappointed; of which practise the Turks having knowledge, afterwards most cruelly executed forty of the conspirators, impaling some of them upon sharp stakes, and hanging others upon iron hooks by the jaws until they were dead. Shortly after the Turks took NEOSTAT, which was not long after again recovered by the emperor. At the same time one of the Turks spies was taken at ZIGETH, who but thirteen days before was sent from CONSTANTINOPLE, of purpose to view the strength and situation of that place: he being brought before Charles the archduke and examined, said, That Solyman would assuredly the next Spring come in person himself into HUNGARY, to besiege the strong castles of ZIGETH and JULA. At which time also, county Serinus took certain other of the Turks spies, by whom he was certainly advertised of Soliman's coming the next year; and amongst others Scaphir Vayda, the Bassa of BUDA his chief counsellor. Beside this, the country men (contributors both to the imperials and the Turks) were now straightly commanded by the Turks, to pay no more contribution money unto the imperials: whereupon it was easily gathered, that all that talk of peace, was as Suendi had oftentimes written, nothing else but to delay the time, and to put them in security. Beside that, the Turks made incursions daily into one place or other of the emperors territories, showing their ancient hate, and sowing by those light skirmishes, as it were, the seed of a greater war against the next Spring▪ which the emperor now out of doubt of (being also warned thereof by many letters from his friends) put strong garrisons into his frontier towns, especially into RAB and ZIGETH. But knowing that to be but a poor help against so puissant an enemy, he resolved as his father and uncle had done before, to rest upon the strength of the empire, and against the next year to call a general assembly of the princes of the empire at AVOUSTA, for the better withstanding of the common enemy. The wars thus beginning again in HUNGARY, Solyman at the same time in revenge of the manifold harms done unto his subjects by the knights of MALTA, whose hand he found ever against him in all his dealings with the other Christian princes, Solyman maketh preparation against the knights of Malta. made great preparation both by sea and land: purposing (as seemed by the manner thereof) to have razed the memorial of those worthy men from off the earth. Whereunto, beside the natural hatred which he bore against all Christians in general, and them above the rest in particular, he was much incited by Cassanes, Barbarussa his son king of ALGIERS, and Dragut governor of TRIPOLI: by whose persuasions he caused a strong fleet to be rigged up, commanding the lieutenants and governors of his ports and havens all alongst the sea coast, to put to their helping hands, and to be ready against the next Spring. And not long after, understanding partly of his own certain knowledge, and partly by the relation of others, in what good forwardness things were: he calling together a great assembly of his greatest princes and men of war, delivered unto him his mind as followeth. What thing I have this forty years always wished, Soliman's Oration to his captains for the invasion of Malta. which was to have so much leisure from other wars, as to pluck out of their nests and utterly to root out these Crossed pirates, which vaunt themselves to be the bulwark of Christendom: that same, me think I have by the favour of God and Muhamed his prophet, at this time obtained. For we have so repressed the attempts of the Persians, that they cannot let us: and in HUNGARY, from whence certain dreadful motions were reported, we ourselves will shortly do those things which shall enforce our enemies to hide their heads in the heart of GERMANY, and to sue to us for peace. You yourselves daily hear the pitiful complaints of our subjects and merchants, whom these Maltaeses, I say not soldiers, but pirates, if they but look into those seas, spoil and make prize of: whose injuries to revenge, all laws both of God and man require. Neither can any thing happen unto me more pleasing or more honourable, than if I may before I die, accomplish those things, that is, to win MALTA, and to leave all things in order in HUNGARY and POLONIA: except perhaps some man think it a harder matter for us to thrust these Crossed companions from the rocks of MALTA, than for our ancestors to have driven them from JERUSALEM, and so quite out of SYRIA, and for ourselves to have forced them out of the strong island of the RHODES. But this some will say, is nearer unto ITALY from whence aid may easily be sent, and the place defended by a fleet. Believe me, they will never adventure to fight with us at sea, who remember themselves to have been there so often by us overthrown: beside that, so little a place cannot contain any great garrison; neither if it could, could it long feed them. Wherefore unto this expedition, we have determined with the first of the Spring, to send a most strong fleet: and even now we have already commanded all our sea captains and adventurers which acknowledge our command, to be there present with their ships. The king of ALGIERS will be there, the garrisons of ALEXANDRIA are in readiness, so is also Dragut with his appointed fleet; as for our own, it is by mine own direction rigged up: unto which fleet I doubt not, but that all the strength of the West will give place: Which thing (worthy captains) we speak, trusting upon the help of almighty God, and Muhamed his great prophet, with your known and approved Valour. Now remaineth only, that every one of you think with us, how this war may best be managed, and so to refer your devices unto us: which that you may the better do, Lo, I here deliver unto you the situation of the whole island, and project of all their fortifications, which we have received of most expert and skilful men. Soliman's purpose thus made known, and the matter well considered, after that they which best knew the strong places and manners of the Maltese, had declared their opinions what they thought to be most expedient, it was decreed, that they should with all speed set forward: wherefore victual, and other things necessary for such an expedition, being with wonderful celerity prepared, they expected but wind. Of these things, Io. Valetta a Frenchman, Grand master of MALTA and of the knights of the Order; Valetta the Grand master advertised of Soliman's purpose. being both by letters and messengers advertised (for he had always fit men his intelligencers at CONSTANTINOPLE, who warily noted the purposes and actions of Solyman) was not afraid, but knowing that of God depended the victory, and that men were to watch, labour, and foresee: he assembled a counsel of his knights, and in few words spoke unto them in this sort. Valetta his Oration unto his knights. What Solyman prepareth (most noble and valiant knights) and what a great war he provideth against us, you with me of late right well understand, wherefore it is needless for me to use any long speech with you concerning that matter. The enemy is known, his insatiable ambition is known, his strength is known, and his mortal hate against us and the Christian name, is sufficiently known. Wherefore let us all as one first reconcile ourselves to God, and then provide all such things as shall be needful for the war. In brief noble knights, to reconcile ourselves unto God, and to appease his displeasure, two things are of us to be performed: whereof the one consisteth in amendment of life, with a holy conversation: the other in the religious worshipping of him, with a firm and constant trust in his help, with prayer, which is called godliness. By these means our ancestors obtained many victories against the Indels in the East. Neither is it to be doubted, but if we shall in these things join together, we shall also frustrate all the force and fury of this proud tyrant. But for as much as God usually helpeth them which labour and take pains, and not the negligent and slothful, we must of necessity join unto them those helps, which both our profession and the course of war requireth: which partly consisteth in ourselves, and partly in the other Christian princes. For victual, armour, money, and other such things as in wars are requisite, we will so provide, that no man shall justly complain, that we spared either cost or pains. I will pour out all my store, neither will I for desire of life refuse any danger. As for the Christian princes, I cannot persuade myself, that they will lie still in so fit an opportunity, and in so great a danger, not of our estate only, but much more of their own. Verily I will not spare to exhort every one of them both by letters and by messengers, which in part we have already done: and I doubt not but we shall have aid enough from the Pope, the Emperor, and the king of Spain (such is their Christian zeal) and they I hope shall move the rest. As for you, the princes and very light of this sacred Order, and the rest of our brethren, most valiant knights, I am well assured you will so fight for the most holy Christian religion, for your lives and goods, and for the glory of the Latin name, against a most cruel tyrant, the rooter out of all true religion, of all civility and good learning, the plague of the world, hated of God and man; as that he shall feel the sting of the cross which he so much contemneth, even in the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, yea in his houses of pleasure. For we shall not have now to do with him in the Island of the RHODES, far from the help of our friends, from ASIA, from EUROPE, from EGYPT, enclosed with our enemies both by sea and land; but in the eyes of ITALY and SPAIN, in places strongly fortified, from whence the enemy may easily be circumvented: which that it may so fall out, let us not cease to pray unto Almighty God, and to crave his ready help. The knights make preparation for the Turks coming. When the Grand Master had thus said, all that were present promised with one assent rather to lose their lives, than in any part to fail the common cause, or to come into the power of Solyman. After that, public prayer and supplication was made in every church through the Isle, and three colonels chosen out of all the knights: one an Italian surnamed Imperator, another Borneas a Frenchman, and Quatrius a Spaniard the third, all advised men and most expert soldiers, who should with all diligence provide all things necessary for the war. By whose appointment the suburbs and trees which might any way be hurtful to the fortified places, were overthrown, the fortifications were thoroughly viewed, the garrisons strengthened, and all manner of provision most plentifully distributed: and letters from the Great Master sent unto the Great Bishop and other Christian princes, requesting their aid against the common enemy. Messengers were also dismissed into divers places, to certify both the knights of the Order and others, of the Turks preparation. Soliman's fleet departeth from Constantinople. Soliman's fleet departing from CONSTANTINOPLE the two and twentieth day of March in the year 1565 kept a direct course towards PELOPONESUS, and so came to METHON: where Mustapha Bassa one of the Turks greatest captains, a man of 75 years, and General of the land forces, mustered the army, wherein were numbered seven thousand horsemen of them which are of the Turks called Spahi: out of the lesser ASIA, conducted by the Governor of that country, and two lieutenants of CILICIA, five hundred: and of the Island of LESDOS, now called METYLENE, four hundred: he had of the janissaries four thousand and five hundred, led by two colonels, appointed by Solyman; for that the chief captain of the janissaries, which they call the Aga, never departeth from the city but when the Sultan goeth himself. Besides these, was a certain kind of men amongst the Turks, who live of the revenues of the church; of them there was in the army thirteen thousand, who had at CONSTANTINOPLE vowed their lives for their superstition. Out of THRACIA and PELOPONESUS were come two colonels and one lieutenant, with twelve hundred horsemen, and three thousand five hundred voluntaries out of divers countries. There also Piall Bassa, Soliman's Admiral, took view of the fleet, wherein were found a hundred and thirty galleys, two and twenty ships for burden, some greater, some lesser; besides one that was cast away near unto METHONE, wherein was los● six thousand barrels of powder, thirteen thousand great shot, and four hundred Spa●●●● besides these, there were ten galleys from the RHODES commanded by Halyport, a man of seventy years; two galleys of MITYLENE, and about seventeen galliots, and other small pirates ships. With this strong fleet the Turks departing from METHONE the thirteenth of May, The Turks fleet arriveth at Malta. arrived at MALTA the eighteen of the same month, and put into a haven in the North-east part of the isle, which the inhabitants call MARZASIROC: but perceiving themselves not to be there in safety, they removed to another port called MAYOR. The island of MALTA lying betwixt AFRICA and SICILIA, The description of Malta. might be doubted whether it were to be accounted in AFRICA or EUROPE, but that the ancient Cosmographers, and the Moors language, which the Maltases have always used, challenge it for AFRICA. It is in length from the North-east to the South-west twenty miles▪ and in the broadest place twelve. It regardeth AFRICA Southward, over against LEFTIS PARVA; and SICILIA towards the North, but more towards PACHINUM than LILYBEUM: and is in circuit about threescore miles. It seemeth to have taken the name of MELITA of Mel or honey, whereof it yieldeth plenty. The trees there bear fruit twice a year, and they have oftentimes twice harvest, especially of barley and cotton wool; yet is the isle in some places stony, gravely, and bare of wood: nevertheless it beareth figs, apples, almonds, grapes, and other fruit trees, planted by the industry of man, date trees also, but not fruitful; it beareth thistles of such bigness, that the inhabitants use them for wood: fresh water is there wonderful scarce, and such wells as they have are filled with rain in Winter, for in Summer they are either clean dry, or else the water becometh brachie. The inhabitants are so burnt with the Sun, that they differ little in colour from the Aethyopians: they are of a wholesome constitution of body, spare of diet, industrious, rather painful than warlike, dying more for age than of sickness: their buildings, except it be in the city, which is in the midst of the island, and in the suburbs, are long and low (like unto the Moors) covered with turf or reed. It is commonly supposed, that S. Paul was by shipwreck cast upon this island: but it is with greater reason to be thought, that it was the other MELITA in the adriatic betwixt CORCYRA and ILLYRIA, and better agreeth with that which Luke writeth of the Apostles trouble and shipwreck in the adriatic, Acts 27 & 28. out of which sea it is not to be gathered of the text, that Paul with the rest were driven. But again to our purpose. That side of MALTA which respecteth SICILIA, hath in it many good harbours and commodious havens, fit for shipping; where beside the port MARZASIROO towards the East, where the Turks fleet first landed, and the port of S. THOMAS, with another called SCALA, not far off, it hath two other notable havens, the one called MAYOR, and the other MARZAMOXET, divided the one from the other by a narrow piece of ground: which with a ridge runneth in length from the South to the North, almost in manner of an island, having the haven MAYOR on the East, and MARZA MOXET on the West. Upon the head of this high ridge standeth the castle of S. ELMO, of great strength both by nature and art. As a man entereth into the haven MAYOR, upon the left hand are four promontories, pointing far into the haven on that side, almost in manner of islands, making so many bays: Upon the first standeth the gallows, whereof also it taketh name: upon the very point of the second, on a rough and high rock standeth a most strong castle, called the castle of S. ANGELO, whereunto adjoineth the town, separated from the castle only with a wall and a ditch, and is placed in a hollowness cut out of the main rock, strengthened also with the sea and the industry of man; and is of some called the Burg, of others the new city (in this castle resideth the Grand master, and the soldiers in the Burg:) upon the third promontory standeth another strong castle, which they call also the Burg of S. MICHAEL: the fourth promontory is not inhabited, from whence the sea runneth alongst the winding banks almost into the midst of the island, unto a place called AQVA MARSIA. Again, after the port MARZA MOXET, Westward is the harbour S. GEORGE; and after that another called BENORRAT: then followeth the port of S. PAUL, no less than the port MARZASIROC: after which cometh the port called SALINARUM SINUS: but on that side of the island towards AFRICA, is only one port called MILLIARIA▪ near unto the island of MALTA lie certain other little islands, as GAULOS now GOZO: two other called CUMINIA, and another called PIPER, all subject to the Maltese. Thus much I have thought good to set down concerning the Turks fleet, and for the description of those places wherein this great action was performed, the brute whereof then filled the world. Now shall it not be amiss, in like manner to declare upon what strength, next unto God, Valetta the Grand master stood against so mighty and puissant an enemy. First there was in the island thirteen hundred mercenaries, some Spaniards, some French, some Florentines, and the rest of NAPLES: there was also a thousand seamen of the knight's fleet, and five hundred in the town of S. Angelo: and of the country people which were fled into the strong places, five thousand, men not altogether unskilful of the wars: there was also five hundred knights of the Order, besides priests and squires; for of these three sorts of men, are they which are called brethren of the Order. This was the number of them which defended the castles & towns of S. Elmo, S. Angelo, and S. Michael, whereunto they were proportionably divided: and in the city itself, which is called MELITA, being in the middle of the island, was two hundred soldiers, and as many citizens, with three hundred of the country people all horsemen, commanded by Io. Vagno a valiant captain. Besides this, every place was furnished with plenty of victual, armour, weapons, artillery, and whatsoever else was needful for the enduring of a long siege, and a war that should want many things: and that which passed all the rest, minds armed with invincible courage against whatsoever should chance, which oftentimes maketh of the vanquished, victors. All these things being in readiness, and orderly disposed, as soon as they understood that seven and twenty of the Turks galleys had put into the haven MARZASIROCK, and were there landing their men: Gyon, Admiral for the Order, a valiant and courageous knight, marched thither with five hundred arquebusiers, to have skirmished with them; but as soon as the Turks saw them coming, Riverius with other knights, taken of the Turks. they retired again to their galleys. On the other part where the great fleet lay, two hundred of the Turks going on shore, met by chance with Riverius a Frenchman, and eight knights more; who having his horse killed under him, and one of his companions slain, fell with the rest into the hands of the enemy. Whilst these things were in doing, a certain Christian mariner fled out from the Turks to the city of MELITA, who discovered the enemy's purpose, telling them, That the Turks by the appointment of Mustapha, had determined to have landed the greatest part of their forces, presently to have besieged some strong place, had not Piall Bassa the Admiral exclaimed against it, doubting to be left too weak at sea: saying plainly, That he would attempt nothing before the coming of Dragut, who was every hour expected. For Solyman had expressly commanded, that they should do nothing without his counsel; The Turks land. so great an opinion had he of his policy and valour. But whether this his report was true or otherwise, the Turks for all that, returning with their fleet to the port MARZASIROCK, landed twenty thousand soldiers, and five field pieces, and so entrenched themselves. This done, Piall Bassa with seven thousand, went to view the castle of S. Michael; but for fear of the great shot, They of the castle of S. Michael skirmish with the Turks. durst not come nigh it. Nevertheless, they of the town ●allying out, courageously skirmished with the Turks; in which conflict, Curfelinus surnamed Parda, accompanied but with one Spaniard, so furiously assailed the enemy, that he took from his one ensign, and slew one of the Sanzacks' a great commander, with divers others. When Piall was come again into the camp, the General began to consult with the other captains, whether it were better to lay siege to the castle of S. Elmo, or to the town of S. Michael: in conclusion it was agreed upon, that they should with all their forces besiege the castle of S. Elmo. And going up the hill to view the castle, they were encountered by the garrison soldiers; in which fight some few were lost on both sides. Thus by degrees, things growing hotter and hotter, the Grand master thought it good to certify Garzias of TOLEDO, viceroy of SICILY, how things stood, that he might the sooner rig up his fleet to come to their rescue. Wherefore he commanded one galley to put out of the haven by night, and to pass over into SICILY with Saluagus one of the knights sent thither on message. In the mean time, the Turks cast up a mount to have battered the castle of S. Elmo, and beaten the galleys in the haven MAYOR, and so to have opened a way for their fleet to have entered: but they were not able long to keep that mount, for they had scarcely well ended the work, but it was forthwith by the continual thundering shot out of the castle, beaten down again, which thing greatly abated the Turks courage. About that time, Ochial came to the fleet with six ships, drawn out of them which were left for the defence of ALEXANDRIA, The Turks besiege the castle of S. Elmo. and in them nine hundred soldiers. The Turks beaten from their first mount, cast up another on a higher ground, whereon they placed three great pieces of ordinance, wherewith they annoyed not only the haven wherein the fleet of MALTA ●id, but the castle of S. Angelo also, the Great master's seat, and with a rolling trench drew nearer and nearer unto the castle of S. Elmo: which although they had at first in urine attempted, hindered by them which were in the castle, yet at last with much labour and travel they brought it to perfection (for the Turks in that kind of work, still performed by their multitude; are accounted to excel others:) wherefore in short time, they planted their great ordinance in such sort, as that they might batter both the castles of S. Elmo and S. Michael. There was in the Turks camp a gentleman of SPAIN, but then a slave unto a Turk, who understanding the enemy's purpose for the besieging of the castle of S. Elmo, by a Christian fugitive advertised the Great master thereof: whereupon he forthwith sent Cerda and Miranda, with two companies of Spaniards into the castle, who were afterwards a great strength unto the castle, and hindrance unto the enemy. Dragut cometh to aid the Turks. At length came Dragut Governor of LEPTIS, long looked for of the Turks, with thirteen galleys, and in them 1600 soldiers: after whom followed ten galliots from BONA, and in them two companies. In the mean time, Saluagus the worthy knight (sent before into SICILIA) came to MESSANA, and having certified the viceroy, of the state of MALTA; was by him commanded to return to MALTA in a galliot, conducted by two galleys of the Great masters; which having brought him near unto the island, returned again into SICILIA: but he with his galliot (not without most manifest danger) in the third watch of the night broke into the town thorough the midst of the enemy's fleet, with the loss of but one of his followers. Where having delivered unto the Great master, what he had in charge from the viceroy, he was the same night sent back again by the Great master into SICILIA, to certify the viceroy, That he had need of more aid, requesting him with all speed to send him some supply, whereby he might the better hold out against the force of so great an enemy. Saluagus discouraged neither with the labour nor the danger, presently committed himself again to sea, and in short time arrived in the port of SIRACUSA, where finding the two galleys we before spoke of, he sent them to MALTA, as he had in charge with four hundred soldiers, amongst whom were divers of the knights of the Order, and certain skilful canoneers: willing them to shun the West part of the island, where as they must needs come into the enemy's sight, and to pass by the East end thereof, which was farther about, but safer; and turning Southward, to land in the port MILIARE, and from thence by the low places of the island to convey the soldiers by night to the city MELITA, which was but four miles off; from whence they might easily pass unto the castle of S. Michael. This order taken, he went to MESSANA, and there declared to the viceroy the danger of the war, with the small number of the defendants, requesting of him a thousand footmen, which with those already sent, he thought would suffice to hold out the siege, until he with his whole fleet might come to relieve them. But whilst these things were slowly provided, which with much difficulties and delay could hardly be brought to pass, the Christian princes as it were sleeping in so great a danger: The Turks assault the castle S. Elmo. the Turks upon the sudden the third of june, assaulted the castle of S. Elmo, in hope with short scaling ladders to get over that part of the rampires which was nearest unto the bulwark of the castle. But the defendands, in the ditch which before had no flanker to scour the same, had of earth & faggots made a large strong flanker, from whence the castle also helping them, they valiantly resisted the enemy, and filled the ditches with the dead bodies of the Turks. Who for all that, trusting to their multitude (wherewith rather than with true valour they obtain so many victories) thrust still on, until they had by obstinate force (although long first) gained the flanker: whereby they commanded all that part of the ditch, towards the port MARZA MOXET. In which place they with wonderful celerity so fortified themselves, that they could not be hurt by the defendants: wherein they were much holpen by their own great ordinance, planted on the other side the haven MARZA; for with it they drove the defendants from the place, beat down the corner of the rampire, and battered the front of the bulwark, whose height and greatness troubled the enemy, but was not so commodious for the defendants, for that it was made without flankers. But night coming on, five thousand of the nine thousand Turks which gave the assault, tarried there: wherefore the Christians constrained to forsake the place, retired themselves into the castle. The Turks in the mean time covered with the darkness of the night, with sacks filled with tow and earth, filled up the ditch which was under the bulwark, but neither of any great wideness or depth: S. Elmo again assaulted. which done, they gave a fresh assault, wherein above eight hundred of them were slain, part janissaries, and part Spachi, and besides them many wounded, of whom the most part remained half dead in the ditch, where they perished, and could not be relieved. Of the Christians was lost five and forty: amongst whom were five knights of the order, Guardampes an Auergnois, Masius a colonel of NARBONA, Contilia a Spaniard; Somaia a Florentine, and Neinec a German. New supply sem into the castle S. Elmo. The same night the Great master thinking, as reason was, that they in the castle of S. ELMO might want help, sent two hundred of his knights and as many other soldiers into the castle; who if they had been more, together with the four hundred which were before in the castle, might happily have driven the Turks both from the rampires and the flanker, and also kept the place longer. But for as much as the Great master wanted soldiers, and had therefore sent Saluagus into SICILIA for new supplies, as we have before said, he in the mean time courageously expected their coming, refusing no labour or pain: yet bewailing sometime with himself the unfortunatenesse of the Christian princes, by whose negligence so fit an occasion for the overthrow of the barbarous enemy was let slip: But above all things he marveled exceedingly that no help yet came, especially those two galleys which (as we have said) were in all hast sent by Saluagus: but they by the master's default kept not the appointed course; The Great master disappointed of a supply by the searefulnesse of the shipmaster. for first whereas they should have shunned the West part of the isle, and have turned towards the East, they shaped their course Westward to the island of GAULOS, the master vainly affirming, that he saw certain of the Turks galliots lying before port MILIARE: which was afterwards well known not to have been so; for the truth was, that he for ●eare (whereby notable designs are many times frustrated) durst not go forward. Whereby it came to pass, that the Great master was disappointed of so necessary a supply: which thing much grieved both the viceroy and others, but especially Saluagus. For he saw it would come to pass, that if the Turks should take the castle of S. ELMO, the most assured bulwark and defence of the island of MALTA, the other places must of necessity be brought into extreme danger, all the way to relieve them being thereby shut up. And that it might be taken, seemed not to him impossible, the enemy having already taken one fort, and laying hard siege almost on every side of that little pile. The due consideration of these and such like things grieved the minds of skilful men, especially seeing such slack preparation in a case requiring such present relief. Yet in the mean time soldiers were taken up at ROME by the commandment of Pius Quartus then Bishop, to be sent to MALTA: and by his example to stir up other princes to send aid unto this sacred war, he gave a hundred pound of gold to Cambianus legate for the Order, and commanded gunpowder and other necessaries for that war to be taken out of his castle S. ANGELO, that so he might seem to be wanting in nothing that was in him to perform. Over these soldiers, in number six hundred, he appointed Pompeius Columna General, and commanded Camillus Medici's his legate to accompany him. With these went many voluntary men, of purpose to lay down their lives for the eternising of their names in so religious a war, and that with such an ardent desire, as that every little delay seemed unto them a year. Wherefore coming to NAPLES, they there found john Andrea's Auria with eleven ships, the prince of POPULONIA with nine, Lanicius with three, and three others, set forth by other private gentlemen. In these ships were embarked all those footmen which came from ROME, and so transported to MESSANA, where the king's fleet was providing. But whilst the Christians make slow preparation, considering the greatness of the danger, the Turks not ignorant thereof, resolved to prove the uttermost before the strength of the Christians were ready or drawn together. For the castle of S. ELMO once taken, they assured themselves with more ease to carry the rest: for that thereby they should first have the haven MARZA MOXET in their power, where their fleet might in safety ride so long as they pleased: and the rising ridge betwixt the two havens was commodious for them both to batter the town of S. MICHAEL, and to keep the haven MAYOR, so that none could without their leave pass in or out thereat. Wherefore upon these and other such like considerations they began again to batter the castle of S. ELMO, S. Elmo again assaulted. as if it had been with thunder: which furious battery they continued for the space of four days together without intermission. The night following they suddenly with great force gave an assault, and with their scaling ladders had almost gained the top of the wall, when the Christians desirous of nothing more than to come to handy blows, The Turks repulsed. drove them down again with such violence that never after they durst set ladder to the wall, until the very last conflict. Whilst things were thus hot at the castle of S. ELMO, Dragut his soldiers upon a bravery, as if they had been the only men, went to a place called MARTIA SCALA, which is betwixt the gallows and S. Thomas road, as if they would have done more than the rest: Which the Christians beholding out of the town of S. ANGELO, to repress their insolency, sallied forth upon them, and so welcomed them, that they were glad after they had received a great loss, forthwith to retire to the place from whence they came. Of the Christians was slain Bonnemius a Frenchman, one of the knights, and seven others. The same time Monferratus was by the Great master sent into the castle of S. Elmo, to command there as Governor in stead of Brolia: for that he with watching and pains taken in defence thereof, was fallen sick. The same Brolia had many times before written to the Great master, that the castle was so well fortified and furnished of all things needful, as that he thought it impossible to be won by the enemy: and had with cheerful speech and brave behaviour, so encouraged the knights and other the defendants, that they fought against their enemies with more than men's strength, and greater courage than is to be believed. Neither were the Turks for that discouraged, although they were with great loss still repulsed: but for certain days battered the castle with greater fury than before, The Turks make a bridge over the castle ditch. and immediately gave an assault; for they had made a bridge over the ditch, of masts and sail yards, of such a breadth, that ten men might go thereon in rank: and had placed about the ditch four thousand arquebusiers, and brought all their fleet unto S. George's shore, A terrible battery. not far from the castle. And when they had by the space of eighteen days sore shaken it, and torn the walls with thirteen thousand great shot, and were now in hope even presently to win the castle: see, Baragamus a Biscane, one of the knights, and Medranus a Spanish captain, with certain other valiant men, ran to the bridge, and to the great admiration of the beholders, opposed themselves against the multitude of the miscreants. The fight hand to hand was on both sides both fierce and terrible: Medranus a valiant captain. and now one of the Turks had advanced a Turkish ensign upon the bulwark, which whilst Medranus layeth hand upon, and the Turk on the other side struggleth to clear himself from him, in striving together, they fell down both dead, shot thorough with one bullet by one of the Turks. At which time the four hundred which we said were but a little before sent thither by the Grand master, stood in good steed: for seeing all brought to so great a danger, some of them (whilst other some fought with the enemy) thrust barrels of gunpowder under the bridge, some cast down wild fire, stones, and whatsoever else came to hand upon the enemy, and others farther off with their arquebusiers sore galled the Turks; so in short time the bridge was burnt and blown up, which in the fall thereof, overwhelmed eight hundred Turks: Eight hundred Turks slain ●ith the fall of the bridge. the rest (as they might) retired, few whole, but most part wounded. In this conflict the Christians plucked down two ensigns, the one Mustapha's, the other Draguts, which the Turks had set up upon the very battlements of the walls. On the other part toward the South-west, a band of the Turks had got to the top of the highest rampire; which as soon as they in the castle of S. Angelo perceived, thinking to have beaten them off with a great shot, slew by mischance seven of the defendants upon the same rampire, as they were going too and fro: but to recompense that error, at the next shot they rend in sunder four of the Turks captains, with twelve other of their most forward soldiers. Whilst they were here fight, other Turks in the mean time had cast up a trench on that side of the castle toward S. Angelo; out of which they were quickly driven with fire, stones, and other such like things thrown down upon them by the defendants. The Turks retire The Turks valiantly on every side repulsed, retired into the camp, when they had in this assault lost two thousand of their best soldiers, and of the Christians slain almost a hundred, and wounded as many more. The same day, Valeta the Grand master, perceiving the port MARZA MOXET not to be very straightly kept by the Turks; commanded a light Brigandine to be carried out of the haven, overland to the place called MARTIA SCALA, that from thence he might send into SICILIA: for he (as reason was) considering in what danger the castle of S. Elmo stood, by letters certified the Viceroy and the bishop of ROME thereof, and of such things as were there done; requesting them of speedy relief. The copy of the letters sent to the Viceroy, I have here set down: as for those which were sent to the great bishop, because they were almost of the same purport, I have purposely omitted. To Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Sicilia, and Admiral of the fleet, greeting. The Great masters letters to Garzias Viceroy of Sicilia. Since the time that I sent Saluagus, I have sent unto you two letters, which I caused to be sent by MELITA into GAULOS; which I pray God be come to your hands. After that, when as neither messengers nor letters came unto us from you, I commanded a man with instructions to haste to MESSANA, who when he had certain nights attempted to go out, and was at last got out, he was scarcely gone two miles, but he saw the Turks with might and main making after him; whom to escape, he was glad to run his pinnace on ground: and casting his letters into the sea, to forsake his boat, and by flight to save himself. Now the Turks having removed their fleet out of the port VULTV●NVS▪ I considering how much it concerneth to certify you of those things which are here done, commanded a Brigandine to be carried to MARTIA SCALA; for seeing that the Turks fleet is gone to another part of the island, I hope my letters will without let in short time come unto you. And the things I would have you to know, are these: The fifteenth of this month, all the enemy's fleet (a little before night) passed by this port; the coming on of the night letted, that we could not well perceive the weakness thereof; whilst the galleys almost unarmed, were with much difficulty towed forth: want of water caused them chiefly to depart out of the port VULTURNUS, and peradventure fear of your fleet. For, as I have heard, they have intelligence, that an hundred and fifty sail li● at road in the port of MESSANA; for which cause also, they have not put themselves into the port of S. Paul, but have placed their fleet above the port MARZA MOXET; yet a good part of their galleys lie at the port S. George, so to be nearer unto their land forces: yet is not the nearness such, but that if your fleet come upon the sudden, they will with the same fear retire to their fleet, that they would if they were farther off. No man is now to be seen at VULTURNUS, for they have left their first camp at Saint Katherins and Saint john's, having burnt all the country villages, and now lie with their fleet as I have said: and with their army at the castle S. Elmo, which God hath as yet kept, and as I hope will: which thing is even for this to be hoped for, which was but yesterday done; when as our most valiant soldiers (by the help of God) for the space of four hours courageously endured a most terrible assault. The Turks having also made a bridge Westward toward the port MARZA MOXET, we have four times repulsed them to their great loss; yet not without some loss also on our part, amongst whom Medranus a worthy captain was to my great grief slain. With this victory our men are so encouraged, that I am in hope the castle may be defended until your coming, especially the enemy's battery not so furiously now as before maintained▪ If I were relieved with certain companies of fresh soldiers, or at least with those our two galleys, I would never think that this castle could be taken from us: in defence whereof, whilst we every hour look for help, we have spent both our men, and whatsoever warlike provision we had else. We are resolved although it cost us all our lives, to go thither, relying upon you: who as we hope for your devotion and noble courage, will not be unmindful of our health and welfare; but knowing the danger wherinto we must needs fall, if you shall defer to aid us, will send us out of hand certain bands of men, especially when they may so easily be sent: for now that the Turks are departed from the East part of the island, our soulidiors may be landed at the BLACK ROCKS. Our lives lie in your hands, on whom (next unto God) resteth all our hope: wherefore we most instantly request you not to forsake us: committing ourselves, and all that ours is, to your compassion and protection. Fare you well from MALTA the 17 of june. These letters received, and the distress of the besieged castle perceived, the Viceroy was (as of right he ought) greatly moved, and made semblance as if he had been desirous to have brought forth his whole fleet against the Turks. Four galleys sent to the Great master for the relief of Malta. But forasmuch as the supply of ships from GENVA and SPAIN was not yet come, and that without them he thought it not good to adventure the fortune of a battle; he forthwith sent Io. Cardona with four galleys, whereof two were of MALTA: and with Cardona joined one Robles campe-master, with a select company of Spaniards; with whom went also about eighty knights of MALTA, who stayed at MESSANA awaiting some fit occasion to pass over: Amongst whom were these chief men of the Order, Parisot the Great master's nephew, Vicentius Caraffa, Boninscana and Maldonatus, both Spaniards, Centius of AQVITANIA, and some others: who although letted by tempest and other occasions, they came too late to MALTA, as shall be hereafter declared, yet served they in great stead; and had they come in time, before the castle S. Elmo was lost, happily it might have been still kept. The Turks making no more account of so great a slaughter of their men, than of so many sheep, desperately renewed the fight, as men resolved to endure all extremities. And first they most horribly thundered day & night with their great ordinance upon the castle: afterwards they assaulted the breaches with such a multitude and force, A most terrible assault. that if true valour and hope of immortality had not excluded all fear out of the hearts of the defendants, the terror of the assault had enforced them either to have fled or yielded. Dreadful was the fight, and had they not been obstinately set down on both sides, the one to win the castle, the other to defend it, that day had ended the quarrel. Five hours endured that most terrible assault, at length the Turks repulsed by the valour of the Christians, retired: yet did they not for all that pass the night following in quiet, but with their great ordinance did so beat the defendants, that they had much ado to keep the Turks from scaling the walls; which, that they should not then dare to attempt, was with exceeding endeavour provided for by the Christians: of whom in this assault was lost two hundred, and of the Turks an infinite number. And Dragut himself, whilst he there performed the duty both of a General, Dragut slain. and most valiant soldier, got a blow on the head with a stone, whereof he in two days after died: his dead body was afterwards carried to TRIPOLI, and there honourably buried. The commanders of the Turks army, still more and more enraged with this valour of the Christians, and the slaughter of their men, gathering all their fleet together, commanded them to compass about the castle, of purpose to give thereunto their last assault, with all their forces both by sea and land; and to send new supplies of fresh soldiers one after another, until they had taken the castle. And therefore, they with great industry prepared bridges, ladders, engines, armour, weapons, shot, and whatsoever things else was needful for the assault. Which Valetta perceiving out of his castle S. Angelo, and fearing (as meet was) lest they in the castle should not be able longer to endure so great a fury; called together in counsel his knights, two days before the Turks gave their last assault: and told them, That they all as well as he, saw in what danger they which defended the castle S. Elmo were; and that he doubted not, but that every one of them (upon a godly zeal and compassion) was no less moved with the slaughter and danger of their fellows and other their Christian soldiers, than with their own: Wherefore he requested them, to declare what they thought best to be done for their safety; yet so, as that they should not hastily determine any thing, that agreed not with the ancient valour and honour of their sacred military profession. Which motion once made, and their opinions in brief delivered, a decree was made, That forasmuch as the castle could not longer be holden, regard should be had for the safeguard of them that were therein: for which purpose it was agreed, that twelve pinnaces should be sent to fetch them away. But before, three knights were chosen, who should in haste the night following go thither, and tell them what was in the counsel agreed upon, and carefully to consider in what state the castle was: which if the defendants thought was to be abandoned, they should poison the water, & cloy the great ordidance, that it might not afterwards stand the Turks in stead. Three knights sent to view the state of the castle S. Elmo. The three knights sent thither, was Medina a Spaniard, Rocca a Frenchman, and Constantinus Castriot an Italian; who not without danger of their lives (being oftentimes shot at by the Turks) got into the castle, and declared unto them that were there in garrison, how careful the Great master and the rest were of them. And they on their side, first of all gave thanks to the Grand master and the rest, for the regard they had of them: and afterward concerning the castle, said, That if they considered the straightness of the place, the small number of the defendants, and multitude of the enemy, they should well perceive in what danger they were, if the Turks should often with such obstinacy renew the assault: yet forasmuch as they had ever hitherto felt the help of God so present, who had still mercifully defended them against the rage of the enemy, and wanted nothing needful for the defence of the place; the keeping whereof they had requested of the Grand master as an honour, although they knew right well it could not without most manifest danger of their lives be holden: yet they would for all that, The resolute an●swere to them in the castle to the knights. keep it to the last man. For that perhaps the like honourable occasion for them to show themselves in, should never again be offered: wherefore they had (as they said) resolved in that place, to spend their lives for the glory of God and the Christian religion. The course of this life (they said) was but short, but that honour and fame was for ever: and whereas death is to all men prefined, it were to be wished, that the life which is to nature due, should rather seem to be by us frankly given to God and our country, than reserved as nature's debt: Which if it should so happen, they would so use the matter, as that the barbarous enemy should have neither pleasure nor joy, which should not cost him much blood even of his best soldiers. This they willed the knights to tell the Great master, and to request him not to be too careful of them, but to promise unto himself those things of them which best beseemed resolute men, especially of them who had vowed themselves to that sacred war. This answer of greater resolution than fortune, received; the three knights, when they had diligently viewed the castle, returned to the Grand master▪ who calling to counsel his knights, and having heard the answer of the besieged, would needs hear also what opinion the three knights themselves were of concerning the keeping of the castle: of whom Castriot was of opinion, That the place was still to be defended, and that if he were there to command, The three knights of divers opinions concerning the keeping of the castle S. Elmo. he would undertake to perform it; and there rather to lose his life than to forsake it, after he had once taken upon him the charge thereof. But Roces the French knight was far of another mind, and said plainly, that the place could not possibly be holden against so strong an enemy; and that if julius Caesar himself were alive, and saw to what strait the place was brought (especially all the rampires being either beaten down or ●ore shaken, & such a power of obstinate enemies lying round about it) he would never suffer so many valiant soldiers to be lost, but quit the place, and reserve his men to further service: for why it was the part of valiant men to perform so much as was of men to be performed; but to strive to do more, was no manhood at all: Wherefore he thought it best to do that which men use with members mortified, whose recovery is desperate; in which case we doubt not to make a separation, so to save the rest of the body with life. The Spanish knight in most part agreeing with Castriot, said, That he thought it not good, that the place should so easily be forsaken; first, for that the ditches and bulwarks were yet defensible; and then, because he saw so great a consent amongst the defendants, and such a cheerfulness to withstand the enemy, which thing (as he said) presaged victory. These opinions of the knights thoroughly in counsel debated, and every particular well weighed, it seemed good to the greater part, that they which were in the castle should for certain days yet hold it out; especially because it was not the manner of the knights of the Order easily to abandon their strong holds, but rather to keep them to the last, that even therein the barbarous enemy might perceive with whom he had to do, and so see his pride abated. For if they should have forsaken the place, they might have been thought to have done it for fear: whereby the enemy's insolency might have been increased, and the honourable Order of those sacred knights disgraced. But the Turks intentive to that they had before determined, the three and twentieth day of june assembling all their forces both by sea and land round about the castle, in the dead time of the night on every side set up scaling ladders, made bridges, wrought mines, and with two and thirty great pieces of artillery battered the rest of the walls yet standing, and presently gave a most terrible assault. The Turks ●uriously assault the city. The defendants on the other side beat down some, repulsed others, slew many, ever more careful how to wound the enemy, than to save themselves: and where he pressed fastest on, there to show their greatest valour. Great were the outcries made on both sides, mixed with exhortation, mirth, and mourning; the face of the whole fight was divers, uncertain, cruel, and dreadful: and now it was the third hour of the day, when still the victory stood doubtful; and had not the fury of the great ordinance been so terrible, that it had now beaten down all the walls unto the very rock whereon the castle stood, the defendants might for some longer time have endured the enemy's force. But the very rock bared both of walls and defendants, and more than four hundred slain, a man could scarcely now show himself, but he was presently struck in pieces. Monserratus Governor of the castle, and Garas of EV●oeA, men of equal valour, integrity, and honour, were both slain with one shot; for a short and transitory life made partakers of immortality together. Yet the rest which stood in defence of the castle, nothing terrified with so great a loss and slaughter of their fellows, but augmented rather as it were with new courage from above, fought with greater force than before, overthrew the Turks ensigns now set up in the castle, slew the ensigne-bearers, captains, and colonels; now respecting nothing more, but honourably to lay down their lives for their religion and the obtaining of immortal fame. By this time the Sun was mounted to the middle of heaven, great was the heat, and men exceeding weary; the murdering shot never ceased, and such was the multitude of the enemy, that he still sent in fresh men in stead of them that were wearied or wounded. On the other side, the small number of the Christians, and those weakened with labour, watching, The castle of S. Elmo taken by the Turks. thirst, and wounds, did what men might; yet at length were overcome by a greater force, and so the castle by the Turks won, but with such slaughter of their men, that it was a wonder that so many should be slain of so few. The defendants were all slain, every man, in valiant fight. Here may I not in silence pass over the inhuman and more than barbarous cruelty of the Turks against the dead bodies of the slain knights, Barbarous cruelty exercised by the Turks upon the dead bodies of the knights. that thereby may appear, that cruelty never wanteth whereon to show itself merciless, yea even after death. The Turks after they had taken the castle, finding certain of the knights yet breathing, and but half dead, first cut their hearts out of their breasts, and then their heads from their bodies; after that they hanged them up by the heels in their red cloaks with white crosses (which manner of attire they after an ancient custom use in time of war, as they do black in time of peace) in the sight of the castles S. ANGELO and S. MICHAEL. And yet Mustapha the Turks General not so contented, commanded them afterwards to be fast bound together, and so cast into the sea, whose dead bodies were in few days after by the surge of the sea cast up in the haven MAYOR, and known by their friends, were by the commandment of the sorrowful Great master honourably buried. With which the enemies most barbarous cruelty he was so moved, that he commanded that no Turk should from that time be taken prisoner, but to be presently slain. And thereupon all that were before taken, were forthwith put to the sword, and their heads cast over the walls on that side towards the enemy. From the beginning of the siege to the taking of the castle, of the Christians were slain a thousand three hundred, amongst whom were a hundred and thirty of the sacred knights of the Order, all worthy to be registered in the book of everlasting fame. The castle S. ELMO thus lost, Valetta encourageth his soldiers after the loss of the castle S. Elmo. Valetta although his mind (as he had good cause) was inwardly attainted with exceeding grief, yet made semblant otherwise, because he would not daunt the minds of his soldiers: telling them, that nothing was happened unprovided for or unforeseene. This was (as he said) the will of God, and the chance of war, that sometimes one sometimes another should be overcome: and that cowardice, not such valour as was in them that were gone, gave occasion to their living friends to lament: yet that the enemy was not for that to be feared, who had also received such a loss, as he might thereby rather seem conquered than a victorious conqueror: whereas the loss of his knights was recompensed with honour and immortality, things of themselves sufficient to inflame all noble minds to behave themselves valiantly. As for himself (he said) that trusting not in his own strength, but in the help of Almighty God, he had not yet cast off the hope of victory over the relics of the discomfited enemy; and that he well hoped, they were all of the same mind, wherein he most earnestly requested them to persist unto the end. When he had thus said, he being a man armed against all fortunes, withdrew himself a little aside: where casting many things in his troubled mind, he determined to send letters to Petrus Mesquita, Governor of the city of MELITA, to certify him and the knights of the Order that were at MESSANA, and the Viceroy, of the lost of S. Elmo: the copy whereof, because that in them evidently appeareth the Christian mind of him the Great master, I have thought good here to set down as followeth: Whilst these knights are setting forward, Valetta his letters to the Governor of M●lita. in the mean time chanced the miserable misfortune of the castle S. Elmo: which although it brought unto us that grief you may easily imagine, we for all that, as if it had happened by some secret appointment of God, have taken it in that part, that he as a most merciful father purposeth thereby to warn us, but not utterly to destroy us. Neither do I think it lawful to doubt of his mercy and power. Yet for all that, I may nevertheless complain, that we are of them forsaken of whom it least beseemed. So that in the space of seven and thirty days, wherein our most valiant soldiers endured all the force of the enemy (which truly was done rather by the power of God than of man) we were holpen of our own (which owe so much unto us) not so much as with the least help, which they might oftentimes have sent us. But I list to ascribe it whatsoever it is, to God, of whom alone as we have hitherto received so many good things, so rest we in hope hereafter to receive also. For, for any thing that I can see, we must not now trust to man's help: for as much as we could by no letters, no diligence, no prayers, no admonitions, and to be brief, by no commands move them, who of all others ought most to have obeyed it. The shortness of the time suffereth us not to write to the Viceroy of these things, it shall be your part to certify both him and other our friends thereof: who if they had obeyed our command, or aided us with never so small a supply of soldiers, happily we had not lost the castle S. Elmo: in defence whereof we have spent the best part of our soldiers. Wherefore except the Viceroy make haste to deliver us from this siege, I fear that he cannot in time come: but especially if we be here besieged before the coming of those our small helps which we as in a dream have promised unto ourselves, and which we now scarce hope will be in time present. For all that, we do not distrust of God his love and providence: by whose divine inspiration the rare courage of the Viceroy being in short time stirred up, will hasten hither to relieve us. For all our welfare consisteth in celerity. Our enemies having drawn all their fleet into the haven MA●●A MOXET are busied in cleansing the castle, and repairing the breaches, that they may afterward the better use them against us. Wherefore upon the sight of these our letters send unto us the captains Catherine, Belcacar, Belmest, and Zoricius, with their companies, that we may use their faithful and valiant service. God of his mercy send us aid from some place, and keep you. Fare you well from our castle S. Angelo, the 24 of june, 1565. Mesquita having received these letters, commanded a galliot forthwith to be launched, and therein embarked Masius Codonellus, one of the knights; to whom he delivered both the letters of the Grand master to him, and others of his own, almost of the same purport, directed to the knights of the Order which lay at MESSANA, requesting him with all speed possible to pass over with them into SICILIA. Mustapha Bassa sendeth messengers to the Great master. In the mean time Mustapha the Turks General sent a messenger to Valetta, and with him an old Spanish captive, with promise of liberty if he would go with his messenger to the town to talk with Valetta concerning the yielding up thereof, and to try if he would by any means come to agreement: who coming to the town, the Turk still waiting at the gate, the Christian was let in and brought to the Great master, to whom he declared what he had in charge from the Bassa. But as soon as Valetta heard of the name of composition and yielding, he was so filled with indignation, The answer of the Great master to the Turks messengers. that had he not been a Christian, he would presently have commanded him to have been hanged. Wherefore he gave him choice either to tarry still in the town, if he thought so good, or else forthwith to return and tell his companion, that if he got him not packing quickly, he would send him farther off with a great shot. With this short answer the Turk suddenly returned into the camp. Whereupon Mustapha fell into such a rage, that he openly protested, never from that time to forbear any kind of cruelty against the Christians. There was then with Mustapha one Philip of the most noble Grecian family of Lascaris, Philip Lascaris flieth from the Turks to the castle S. Michael. who of a boy taken prisoner by the Christians in PATRAS, a city of ACHAIA, and by them honestly and courteously used, was therefore ever after well affected toward the Christians: He privy to many of Mustapha's designs, by a certain divine motion thought he should not a little profit the Christians by revolting unto them: wherefore he resolved to fly unto the castle of S. Michael. Which thing when he had oftentimes attempted, at length the first of july he cast himself into the sea (for by land he could no way escape) and swum to the castle, not without danger of his life: for discovered by the Turks, he was many times shot at both with their arrows and small shot. He, brought to the Great master, revealed unto him many of the enemy's secrets, and also advised him what was to be done at the point of S. Michael's, to frustrate the enemy's purpose for the assailing of that place; with many other things, which were unto the defendants no small help: and afterwards as often as need was, during the siege, fought valiantly against the Turks. Whilst these things were in doing, Codonellus sent as we have before said into SICILIA, came in safety to MESSANA, where he found the Christian fleet not yet ready to relieve the distressed Maltaeses; for the Spanish ships were not yet come, and john Andreas Auria with eight and twenty ships was ready to return to take in four thousand footmen, taken up in ETRV●IA by Capinus Vitellius. Which backwardness the knights of the Order considering, and what danger was in delay, after they had well debated the matter amongst themselves, they resolved by the power of God by all means possible to help their brethren. And for this expedition chose two most fit Generals of their own fellows, the Commendors of MESSANA and BAROLI, who forthwith went to Garzias the Viceroy, declaring unto him what things the sacred knights of their Order had done, The knights of Malta crave aid of the Viceroy. not for the king of SPAIN only, but for the Christian commonweal, and also what great charge they had been at the year before in the Pinionian expedition, wherein they had neither spared ships, victual, nor munition, neither their own lives, to profit the king and the Christian commonweal. Besides this, they besought him well to consider, that the loss of MALTA concerned not the sacred knights only, but all ITALY, and especially SICILIA, for the nearness of so troublesome and puissant an enemy. For these and other like reasons, which the shortness of the time suffered them not to rehearse, they requested of him four thousand footmen, with whom all the knights of the Order which were there, and many other noble and voluntary men would make all possible speed to relieve the besieged, which they had before in vain attemped with which strength they were in good hope, if not to repulse the enemy, or to recover that was already lost, yet at least to stop and stay his farther proceeding, until such time as he having rigged up and brought forth all his fleet, might set upon the Turks, and (as was to be hoped) vanquish & disperse them. But whilst the Viceroy having heard their request, considereth what answer to make, a messenger came unto him from SPAIN, but with what command from the king (although men guessed diversly) could not be known. But upon his coming, the Viceroy gave the knights this cold answer, That he could not grant what they requested, for that in so doing he should disfurnish his fleet, and not be able afterwards to relieve them as he desired: The cold answer of the Viceroy to the knights. but if it pleased them to transport the knights with part of the bishop's soldiers into the island, they might so do with their own two galleys they had already, whereunto he would also join another of his own. The knights when they could obtain no more, accepted of that which was offered. Whilst these galleys are setting forward, those four galleys (whereof we have before spoken) wherein were embarked fourscore knights and six hundred other soldiers, having at sea suffered many troubles by the space of twenty days, could not as yet arrive at MALTA: and because the Viceroy had commanded, That they should not land, except they first knew whether the castle S. ELMO were still holden by the Christians, they sent out a frigate to land, promising that day and the next to tarry in the sea for her return. In the mean time a great tempest suddenly arising, it so fell out, that the frigate could not at the appointed time return; wherefore the galleys which expected her coming, fearing lest she had been either by tempest lost, or by the enemy intercepted, retired to POZALO, a port upon the coast of SICILIA nearest to MALTA, there to expect some good news: where as soon as they had put in, they understood that S. ELMO was yet defended: whereupon they put to sea again, with purpose to have arrived at MALTA. But when they were within two leagues of the place where they thought to have landed, they saw a fire there, which caused them to mistrust that the place was possessed of the enemy, and that he lay thereabout to intercept them: wherefore they returned again to POZALO; where now understanding of the French knight, come from MALTA, that that fire was made by his commandment, as a sign, that they might without fear have come forward; they with all speed made again for the same place, and at the length the nine and twentieth day of june about midnight landed at the Black Rocks on the South side of the island toward AFRICA, and unseen of any, got in haste to the city MELITA, where they were joyfully received, and there stayed to expect what the Great master should command. In the mean time it fortuned, a great foggy mist (which seldom times there chanceth) to arise so thick, that a man could hardly see for it: at which time a boy of about twelve years old looking by chance out of a window in the castle of MELITA, suddenly as one afraid, cried out, That he saw a Turk going from the city to the castle of S. MICHAEL. Which thing some of the knights hearing, ran presently out that way, A traitor taken and executed a● Melita. and found a Greek of the city of MELITA, who brought back and examined (for that without the Governors pass it was not lawful for any man to go out of the city) confessed, That his purpose was to have advertised the Turks of the coming of those soldiers, that so they might have intercepted them as they should have come from MELITA to the Grand master: for which treason he was as he had well deserved cut in four pieces. Three days after, this new supply come from SICILIA, The soldiers new come out of Sicilia, come to the Great master. in the first watch of the night came all in safety from MELITA to the Great master, except two or three boys, who charged with armour and other baggage, were not able to keep way with the rest. It is not to be told how much the besieged rejoiced at the coming of these their friends, and especially Valetta, who seeing the flower of his knights and other soldiers, as it were by divine providence come unto him; with tears trickling down his cheeks, and his eyes cast up to heaven, said: The prayer of Valetta. I thank thee (O heavenly Father) which hearest my prayers, and forsakest not this thy little flock, beset round with most ravening Wolves: These are the works of thine everlasting goodness, mercy and providence. These new come soldiers, requested of the Great master as a reward of their pains, that they might be put in garrison into the town S. Michael, a place now most laid unto by the Turks: which thing (he commending their forwardness) easily granted: yet for all that removed not the old garrison. These fresh and courageous soldiers, desirous of nothing more than to fight with the enemy, the next day sallied out, and having slain two hundred of the Turks, and wounded as many more, without loss of a man returned, every man's sword imbrued with the blood of his enemy. Which thing Mustapha the Turks General hearing, knew it was they which lately came into the town; and thereupon fell in rage with his captains, as that they had by their negligence entered. But the suspicion grew most upon them which were appointed for the keeping of the uttermost part of the island: which was the more increased, for that three galliots of ALGIERS had withdrawn themselves away; so that he neither trusted them nor the renegade Christians, who as occasion served, fled daily from him. For which cause, he gave out proclamation, That none of them should lie by night out of the galleys, & that such as did otherwise, should therefore be burnt or impaled upon stakes: and so changing his warders, appointed Salec with his galliots, whom he thought to be more faithful for the keeping of the island. And that neither they nor the Christians should be able to attempt any thing, he chained together divers galleys in the entrance of the haven MARZA MOXET, and caused the rest of the fleet to ride nearer together than before. But because exceeding many were at that time sick in the Turks camp, of the flux and other diseases, three places were assigned for them; one for the wounded men near unto AQVA MARTIA, guarded with two thousand Turks; another in the poops of their ships and galleys for the Turk's voluntaries; and the third amongst the banks, where the enforced Christians were cured. Ochiall Bassa made Governor of Tripoli. At the same time, Mustapha appointed Ochiall Bassa Governor of TRIPOLI, instead of Dragut before slain: who going thither with five galleys, and having set all things in order there, returned again unto the camp. With him the Bassa had sent two ships loaded with corn to TRIPOLI, there to make bread, whereof they began to feel some want in the camp. He also sent Zaloch, one of his Colonels to Solyman, to certify him of the winning of the castle S. Elmo, and to deliver unto him the description of the isle of MALTA, as they found it at their arrival: and farther, to declace unto him, That he found the Maltese stronger, and better provided, than was at his setting forth supposed: Wherefore if it were his pleasure longer to continue the siege, he should send a new supply of men, victual, and other warlike provision: which if he did, he would then be in hope to take the other strong places of the island also, though not so soon as was at the first supposed: and that in the mean time, whilst he expected answer, A terrible battery. he would not fail to do what he possibly might. And because he would not seem to have written an untruth, he began his battery in fourteen places, with seventy great pieces of artillery, amongst which was three most huge basilisks: for from the Gallows promontory to AQVA MARTIA, and from thence to the castle S. Elmo, wherein he had placed three hundred janissaries, the Turks had enclosed all that compass with sundry bulwarks, trenches, and mounts, from whence they with their thundering shot, day and night incessantly battered the towns and castles of S. Michael and S. Angelo, overthrew the walls, beat down the bulwarks, and broke down the houses in such terrible manner, that scarce any could be safe therein: which of all others most troubled the fearful women and children. But the Turks in their trenches rested in far more safety: yet so, that they durst not stray far out of the camp, but trusting upon their multitude; and not that many times without their loss, being cut off by the horsemen of the garrison of MELITA, who were ever ready at their heels. When the loss of the castle S. Elmo was known at ROME, the city was filled with mourning and heaviness; some were sorry for the dishonour, othersome feared lest the calamities of the Malteses should redound unto themselves. There was also amongst others, a certain envious and foul mouthed kind of men, altogether ignorant and unacquainted with martial affairs, who shamed not to lay the blame of the loss of S. Elmo upon the Grand master: whom both his own valour, with the worthy testimony of so many famous and valiant men as were there present with him; as also this history, gathered out of the true light of things then done, shall both for the time present, and for all posterity sufficiently acquit of so false a slander. But he will easily blemish another man's name, that spareth not his own: neither can ignorance rightly judge of the counsels of the skilful, or cowardice of valiant deeds. But to return again to our purpose: Three galleys depart from Messana with aid towards Malta. we said before, that three galleys were made ready at MESSANA; in setting forth whereof, they which had the charge used such diligence, that the seventh of july, they departed out of harbour. In them (besides the knights of the order) was embarked six hundred Spaniards, and three hundred of the great bishops soldiers, conducted by Pompeius Columna; the mariners were part hired, part slaves, to whom liberty was promised if they would lustily do their endeavour to get into the haven, and to be accounted of as the rest of the soldiers were. And because they would relieve the besieged, not with men only, but with victual also, they put into the same galleys five hundred bushels of wheat, beside gunpowder, saltpetre, and lead for shot. And although it was thought a most hard matter, by the haven itself to enter the island, the Turks possessing both it and all the places thereabouts; neverlesse, there was in the knights such an earnest desire to relieve their brethren, that they promised both to themselves and others, all things easy and safe: but when they began to approach the island, The galleys upon a sign given return back. they sent a scout before to understand by signs from the castle S. Angelo, whether they were to proceed forward or not: who coming so far that they might discover the sign, perceived thereby that they should retire. Which thing the Turks perceiving also, presently with the smoke of their great ordinance and other things, they so obscured the air as with a thick cloud, in such sort, as that those signs were no more to be discerned; but all in vain, for why, our men had already descried them: so those three galleys returned again into SICILIA. For Valetta that good prince, thought it not meet to bring so many of the sacred knights, so many noble gentlemen and valiant soldiers, into a most manifest danger: for he saw certain of the Turks galleys to lie by night in the mouth of the haven MARZA MOXET, at a place called the Little sands, to impeach the going in or out of the haven MAYOR. About the same time, they which lay in garrison in the city of MELITA, hearing of the notable sally made by the soldiers lately come; and taking heart thereupon, at such time as the Turks were fetching in a certain booty of cattle, the horsemen pursued them; and having slain divers of them, recovered the prey: and yet not so contented, chased them even to their camp. But the other Turks seeing their fellows flying in such haste towards them, raised an alarm, ran to the General's tent, and for that time ceased their battery. The Great master probably conjecturing, that the Turks would in short time assault both the town and castle of S. Michael, thought good by his presence to encourage and strengthen the garrison; and therefore was about to have gone thither by a bridge made of boats from the one point of the land to the other, between S. Michael's and S. Angelo: but quickly understanding the certainty thereof, returned again into his castle. Some there be that think, For him to have so done, had been a venturous part and full of danger, and therefore to have been discommended; for that great things are performed, not so much by strength of body as of mind, by politic counsel and direction, wherewith a General (although absent) may yet with his forces be always present: but the General once lost (which may easily happen, if he will present his person to the danger) we see most commonly all fall together with him, no otherwise than doth all parts of the body when the soul departeth: But othersome are of contrary opinion, That the General's presence, especially in great dangers, is both praise worthy and most necessary; for that he as the soul, cannot provide for or rule the body, except it be present, yea placed therein: and that Valetta in so doing, followed the examples of the greatest kings and most famous Generals; as of Alezander the great, julius Caesar, Themistocles, Marius and others: whose words unto their soldiers were these, I myself will be your conductor in the field, in the battle partaker of the danger with you, you shall be in all things as myself. Besides that, who knoweth not, that as in other things, so most of all in martial affairs, all things are better, more orderly and more easily done when the master is present? neither was the learned Poet his meaning any thing else, when in the wars betwixt the Latins and the Rutilians, he saith, Vrget praesentia Turn●? whereupon they concluded, that the Great master in going, had done both valiantly, wisely, and according to his duty. But this we leave for martial men to determine. At the same time the king of ALGIERS came to aid the Turks with seven galleys and ten galliots, The king of Algiers cometh 〈◊〉 aid the Turks. and in them 2200 soldiers: who sorry that he was not there at the beginning, and desirous to do some notable act, and withal to make proof of the valour of his soldiers, requested the great Bassa to bestow upon him the first place in the besieging the castle S. Michael: which he not only granted, but joined unto his forces two thousand of his own best soldiers. These things obtained, he commanded ninety small vessels by devices to be carried over land out of the port MARZA MOXET to AQVA MARSIA, for that he purposed on that side to besiege the castle by water. But Valetta perceiving the enemy's purpose, both by seeing that was done, and also advertised thereof before by a Christian fugitive; presently called unto him two faithful and skilful shipmasters of MALTA, and imparting the matter unto them, demanded what they thought best to be done to keep the Turks from landing, as it seemed they purposed at the walls foot. They quickly conceiving the matter, answered, That in their opinion, if a chain were made of masts and saile-yards or sparres joined together with iron rings, and so drawn all alongst from the corner of the castle of S. Angelo to that place where the enemy thought to land, their purpose might be so defeated. This their device so pleased the Great master, that the night following such a chain was made, and fast mored in the appointed place. The Turks as soon as it was day perceiving this bar, stood as men doubtful, not knowing how by any means to land their men, as they had before purposed. Whilst they stood so abashed, a Christian fugitive, A desperate fugitive. a most desperate villain (in which kind of men foolish hardiness is accounted a virtue, and desperation constancy) came to the king, and promised him to break the chain, and so with a hatcher in his hand cast himself into the sea, after whom followed two or three more to help him: who swimming to the chain, got up upon it, and began to hew apace with their hatchets. Which the Christians beholding, suddenly five or six of the Maltases swum thither with their drawn swords in their hands; & having slain two of them, caused the other to fly: after which time none of the Turks was so hardy as to attempt the same. The barbarous king for all that gave not over his purpose so, but with wonderful diligence prepared for the siege, The king of Algiers notably repulsed both by sea and land. which the fifteenth day of july began both by sea and land. But the defendants turning their great ordinance upon that place from whence the galliots came, with the fury thereof (in the space of three hours, which the assault endured) slew two thousand Turks and sunk twelve of the galliots: the rest coming as far as the chain, when they could get no farther nor land their men, turned their prows upon the corner of the castle, but were glad at last to retire and leave that they came for undone. The assault by land also endured five hours, wherein many of the Turks were slain, and of the defendants two hundred: amongst whom was Federicus the Viceroy of SICILIA his son, struck in sunder with a great shot, Gordius a Frenchman, Franciscus Sanoghera, and his nephew john, Spaniards; all knights of the Order. Medina was also wounded, whereof he afterward died. But Valetta considering into what danger the state of MALTA was like to fall, if he should be constrained to fight many such fights, where his soldiers wearied day and night without rest, were still to encounter with fresh men, & heard nothing of any aid or new supply: the seventeenth day of july he sent a messenger into SICILIA, who swum from the castle to the farthest part of the bay to AQVA MARSIA, A hard shift to carry news. and from thence escaped unknown thorough the midst of the enemies unto the city of MELITA, and so in a little frigate came to MESSANA; by him the Great master sent letters to the Viceroy, requesting him to send him his own two galleys, with those knights which were at MESSANA, and such other soldiers as might in them be transported: willing them, that as soon as they came to the island, they should hover off aloof before the haven, ready upon a sign given to thrust in. The same time that this messenger arrived at MESSANA, came thither also the fleet from SPAIN, wherein were many of the knights of the Order from divers nations. The Viceroy desirous to send those two galleys to Valetta, sent letters before unto him in secret characters by two frigates wherein he certified him that he would send the galleys, requiring to have from him some sign, whereby they might at their coming know whether they should enter or retire: which frigates taking divers courses, one of them laded with medicines, as was afterwards known, was intercepted by the enemy: the other although she came in safety to MELITA, yet for as much as all the passages betwixt the castle of S. Michael and the city of MELITA were certain days before by the diligence of the enemy shut up, and three which had used to pass too and fro, intercepted and most cruelly executed, and besides that the haven straightly kept; the knights of MESSANA could have no further direction from the Great master for the safe sending of the two galleys: yet nevertheless, because he had requested them, and they themselves were of the same opinion (as he had before written) that where all is in question, the adventure of a little part is less to be feared; they thought it good to adventure them: yet with this regard, not to expose all those knights to so great a danger, but of them all to send only forty, with a convenient number of other soldiers, and with them Salazar a Spanish captain was sent by the Viceroy to be landed in the island of GAULOS, who should afterwards from thence in a boat (for that purpose towed along by the galleys) pass over into the island of MALTA as a spy, to take view both of the city and enemy's camp. In the mean time the Turks mindful of the loss received in the assault of the castle S. Michael, and desirous of revenge, did so violently batter the castle with their great ordinance, that what the defendants repaired by night, that they still beat down again by day: and in time of the battery made a bridge, which the twentieth day of july before the Sun rising they laid over the ditch, A bridge made over the castle ditch by the Turks. that they might as if it had been upon even ground come to fight hand to hand with the Christians. Which seen and quickly perceived what danger it might bring, by and by Parisot the Great master's nephew, and Agleria, both knights, with certain mercenary soldiers sallied out to have burnt the bridge, but were so received of the Turks, that they were almost all slain together with Parisot and Agleria, and yet the exploit unperformed. The Turks without ceasing continued their furious battery until the eight and twenty of july, which day in the afternoon they in divers places assaulted the castle, thrice they with fresh and new supplies relieved their repulsed and wearied soldiers, and so fiercely maintained the assault, that they made no doubt but that day to win the castle. But the defendants with no less resolution withstood them, The Turks repulsed. repulsing them with their weapons, with shot, fire, and force, and at length enforced them with no small loss of their men to retire from their walls. This victory so encouraged the besieged, that now they made small reckoning of the enemy: but for as much as our men always spared their great ordinance but in time of fight, and sallied not out as they were wont, the Turks thought that the garrison was but weak, and that shot and powder grew scarce in the castle. Yet deceived in both, for that it was rather of purpose than for want so commanded by the Great master: who hearing nothing of the coming of any aid, and seeing the enemy to give daily more fierce assaults, would not vainly spend his most necessary helps. The Turks perceiving what little good they had done with their often assaults, determined now to prove what might be done by undermining the castle; and had almost brought one of their mines to perfection, before it was by the Christians discovered: and to the intent they should the less mark it, they caused two galleys to come as near as they could to the walls, and to batter that place, in hope that whilst our men gazed upon that was done openly, they should the less regard what they were working in secret, A mine of the Turks defeated. that so they might in the mean time more easily get into the castle. But the besieged careful of all that was to be cared for perceiving their purpose, with a countermine defeated their mine, and by the courageousness of certain of their soldiers, but especially of one ancient, drove out the enemy, who having cast certain pots of wild fire before him into the mine, and following presently after with a piece of fireworke in his hand, forced them out. For which good service he was by the Great master rewarded with a chain of gold of five pound weight: and because of virtue springeth virtue, which still resteth upon difficulties, the next day, which was the first of August, the bridge which we said the enemy had made over the ditch, was by a sally made by the defendants burnt down with fire and gunpowder cast upon it: The bridge made by the Turke●● burned. which was in good time done, for the next day, the Sun now declining, the Turks again assailing that part of the castle where Carolus Rufus had the charge, were by our men valiantly repulsed. This assault endured three hours, in which time three hundred of the Turks were there slain▪ and of the knights Rufus himself and Baresus with certain mercenary soldiers. At this time the Christians were by the enemy so shut in with the multitude of great ordinance, that they could not so much as look into the ditch or show themselves, much less sally out, but they were by and by set off. Yet did they not for all that make spare of their lives, when occasion was given them to perform any notable exploit: as appeared by Calderonius a Spaniard, who seeing some viewing that part of the wall, which the enemy had most battered and shaken at the castle bulwark, doubted not to sally out, but was presently taken with a bullet and slain, which mischance when it might seem of right to have terrified the rest from attempting the like, did indeed the more incense them; so that when they saw the enemy exceeding busy in filling the ditch, they resolutely set down to offer themselves to most assured death rather than to fall into the hands of the merciless enemy, agreed to sally out by night, and to meet with his designs. Whereupon an hundred, part knights, part other soldiers, sallying forth, caused the enemy to forsake the ditch and betake himself to flight, of whom they slew about fourscore, and lost of their own ten men: amongst whom were joannes and Macrinus, two knights, whose heads the Turks the next day set up upon two spears upon their trenches, that they might be seen by the Christians. The same day they of the city of MELITA at night made at one instant a number of fires; and as if it were in triumph discharged great volleys of small shot, with many other tokens of joy: which as well the besieged as the Turks thought verily to have been done upon the discovery of the Christian fleet, or else the landing of such forces as were come to remove the siege; whereas indeed it was neither, but done only to show their cheerfulness, and to keep the Turks in suspense with the novelty of the matter: who for all that were not slack in their business, but with earth filled up the ditch at the castle bulwark: whereby it came to pass, that they could not be hurt by the flankers, made in that place to scour the ditch, but might thereby as upon plain ground, without stay pass unto the wall, now opened and overthrown with their continual battery, and with two great pieces (which they had planted upon a high mount, which they had newly cast up on the right hand the bulwark SAVIORE) they begun to play upon the castle, and at the first shot, shot into the loupe where Franciscus Castilia commanded. joannes Bernardus Godinetius, a Spanish knight, was there slain with a small shot. The same day Franciscus Aquilates, Aquilates a Spaniard flieth to the Turks. a Spaniard, one of the garrison soldiers, persuaded by fear and hope (in dangers two evil counsellors) fled out of the town S. Michael to the enemy; persuading the Turks colonels to give a fresh assault, assuring them that they should without doubt win the town, because there was but four hundred soldiers left alive in it, and they (as he said) almost spent with labour and wounds, all the rest being dead. Which the Turks hearing, and seeing fair breaches both in the walls of the new city and of the castle S. Michael, wide enough for carts to go thorough, they determined with all their forces to assault both places at once, and to prove if there were yet so much strength left in those holds, as again to repulse them: so the seventh day of August at one instant they assaulted the new city at the castle bulwark, The Turks at one time assault the new city and the castle S. Michael. and the castle S. Michael at the breach, with such a multitude, that all the earth seemed to be covered with men round about. The thundering of the great ordinance, the noise of the small shot, with the clattering of armour, and noise of trumpets, drum's, and other warlike instruments, with the cry of men on both sides, was so confused and great, as if heaven and earth should have been confounded together. Which when the knights in the city MELITA heard, and saw the heavens obscured with smoke, fearing that the Turks (as at the castle S. Elmo) would never give over the assault, until they had won both the town and the castle; presently all the garrison horsemen issued out of the city, and to avert the Turks from the assault, set upon those Turks which lay at AQVA MARTIA: who all surprised with a sudden fear, fled, the Christian horsemen hardly pursuing them with bloody execution, and they in their fight piteously crying unto their fellows for help. Whereby it came to pass, The garrison soldiers of Melita sallying out, cause the Turks to give over the assault at S. Michael's. that they which were assailing the city and castle, to rescue their discomfited fellows, were glad to give over the assault: so with great slaughter foiled on both sides by the Christians, they returned to their trenches, when they had lost above fifteen hundred at the assault, beside them which were slain in the chase by the horsemen of MELITA. Of the defendants of both places were lost above a hundred, and almost as many wounded. This fight endured above five hours. Valetta delivered of so great a danger, that day and certain others caused public prayers to be made, & went himself with the multitude of the citizens to the church, to give thanks to Almighty God for that victory. Whilst these things were in doing, Garzias the Viceroy was advertised from CALABRIA, that certain ships laded with men, victual, and other provision necessary for the wars, were coming from CONSTANTINOPLE to MALTA, wherefore he forthwith sent Altamira and Gildandrada, two noble men, with five galleys to meet them: who being come within thirty miles of MALTA, met with no such ships, but only one frigate and a galliot; the frigate they took, but the galliot escaped to the enemy's fleet at MALTA. Mustapha the Turks General now thinking no man so strong which might not with continual labour and watching be wearied and overcome, resolved not to give unto the besieged any time of rest, but commanded his soldiers again to assault the breach at the castle of Saint Michael; where they were by the valour of the defendants, with no small slaughter quickly repulsed: Neither did the Bassa give so many assaults, for the hope he had to win those places; but rather to perform the duty of a valiant General, and to satisfy Soliman's pleasure, who had expressly commanded, Mustapha sendeth a messenger to Solyman. either to win that island, or there all to lose their lives. He also sent a galliot in haste with letters to Solyman; wherein he showed him the state of the fleet, with what difficulties the army was distressed, what small hope there was of winning the places besieged, how well the Christians were provided, with many other such things. In the mean time those two galleys of MALTA (which we have before spoken of) departing from MESSANA, came to SIRACUSA, where they stayed a day. The next day after, in going out of the haven, they met with one of MALTA in a small boat coming from POZALO sore wounded: he being demanded how he was so hurt, told them, That landing by night with his boat and one companion, he was requested by two Sicilians which dwelled there, to rest there that night, which they doing, about midnight five Turks broke into the house upon them, killed his companion, carried away the Sicilians, and he wounded as he was, hardly escaped by the benefit of the night: moreover he said, That the Sicilians had told the Turks, that two galleys were come into that port, with soldiers and other warlike provision bound for MALTA. Whereby the knights perceived, that their coming would be discovered unto the enemy, and that it was a most dangerous thing, or rather impossible to get into the haven of MALTA, as they had before purposed: nevertheless, to conduct Salazar with his little boat, they kept on their course. But as they were sailing, they descried two galleys and one galliot going before them, who seeing the galleys coming after them, made with all speed to MALTA: and were no doubt those galleys, from whence those five Turks came, which had done those things which the wounded Maltese reported. For all that, these galleys kept on their course as far as POZALO, from whence they certified the Viceroy by letters, all that had happened: and not daring to put to sea, the South wind blowing with a stiff gale against them, they returned back again to SIRACUSA, expecting there farther direction from the Viceroy. For which cause, they forthwith sent one of the knights to him to MESSANA; by whom they received answer, That they should go no farther, but to stay for the coming of the whole fleet, ready in short time to pass over to MALTA. But Salazar brought by the galleys to POZALO, resolved with his little boat to go on: Salazer a Spanish captain as a spy entereth the Turks camp. and although the day he departed thence, the air was troubled with great wind, thunder and rain, yet the days following proving more calm, he in short time arrived in the island of MALTA, and came in safety to the city MELITA; and there disguised himself in Turkish apparel, and taking with him one companion who could also speak the Turkish language, by night got into the enemy's camp: where diligently marking all things, they perceived that there was in all the Turks army of land soldiers scarce fourteen thousand, and of them many wounded and sick; and that the rest was but an unserviceable and feeble multitude, for that the course of wars had (as commonly it doth) consumed their best soldiers. When they had thus viewed the camp, they returned again to the city; from whence Salazar with one Petrus-Paccius a Spaniard, a venturous and valiant man, went to a certain place near unto the watch tower of MALECA: which when they had curiously viewed, Paccius was there left, that observing the signs from the island of GAULOS and the city of MELITA; he might give knowledge of all things to the Viceroy at his approach, as he was by Salazar instructed. As for Salazar himself, he in his little boat (which at his coming into the islle he had there left) happily returned to MESSANA, and there declared unto the Viceroy all that he had seen: constantly affirming amongst other things, That the Turks fleet was but weak, lame, and disfurnished both of men and munition, far unable to encounter with 10000 Christians. About which time also, one of the two frigates which were before sent to MALTA, returned with another Spaniard, and a fugitive from the Turks camp: and four galleys before gone from MESSANA, were also come in with fourteen Turks, taken about the island of MALTA, who all confirmed the same that was by Salazar reported: which was, That the Turks army was with often assaults wonderfully weakened, both in number and strength; so that they could not with stripes be enforced to the assault, for which the Bassa had with his own hands slain divers of them: and that which more increased their fear, they saw none of their men wounded, but that they died thereof: Besides that, they saw the Christians with invincible courage to defend their strong places, and not to spend one shot in vain: wherefore they were sorry, and repented that they ever took in hand that expedition; they detested such a war, shrinking as much as they could from the assault, and as they might stealing quite away, which many of them did, especially such as had before abjured the Christian faith. For which cause diligent watch and ward was kept, and commandment given by the great Bassa, that they should resolve with themselves either to win the town, or there all to lay up their bones; for that the great Sultan Solyman had so commanded, whom to gainsay was in itself death. These and such like persuasions, caused the Viceroy somewhat the sooner to think of the bringing forth of his fleet: the besieged in the mean time did what men might for defence of the place and themselves. There was in the castle one Franciscus Givara captain of the vanguard, a noble and valiant gentleman, of a great conceit; he about ten foot from the town wall which the enemy had with their great ordinance beaten down, caused a curtain to be drawn fifty foot long, and five foot thick, with flankers at both ends; which in two nights was brought to perfection, 〈◊〉 Turks mines 〈◊〉 by the ●●●●stians. and was afterwards a great help to the besieged. The enemy in the mean time began a mine under the corner of the town ditch, where Boninsegna a Spaniard and a most valiant knight had the charge: which the besieged perceiving, by a countermine defeated the same. It happened in the mean time, that as a fugitive was swimming to the town, he was taken by the enemy; which much grieved the besieged, desirous to have understood something of the state of the enemy's camp, and of their purposes. Now when the former mine had taken so evil success, part of the Turks assailed the castle S. Michael, and part with gunpowder thought to have blown up the castle bulwark: but by the carefulness and courage of the defendants, all their attempts were disappointed; for many of the Turks were in both places slain, and certain bags of powder taken from them in the mine. With these and other such difficulties, Mustapha and Piall the Turks Generals disappointed of their hope, consulted with the other great captains of the army, Whether they should there still continue that desperate siege, or depart? where most were clear of opinion, That it was best betime to depart. Yet for all that, the old Bassa said, He would there stay, until the galliot (which he had before sent to CONSTANTINOPLE) were returned with answer from Solyman, and in the mean time both by force and policy to seek after victory: which thing he oftener did, than stood with the broken estate of his army, or of the besieged; neither resting himself nor suffering others to take rest: for one while he battered the walls, another while he wrought mines or else made bridges; sometime he cast up mounts, and then again filled the ditches; and ever and anon gave one assault or another. In all which doing he used such industry, that whatsoever he took in hand, was in short time brought to such perfection as might have carried a stronger place, had not the valour of the defendants far exceeded all his strong and politic devices. Robles Governor of the castle of S. Michael, slain. It fortuned, that as Robles the campmaster and Governor of the castle S. Michael, was by night viewing the ruins of the wall, he was struck in the head with a small shot, and slain; leaving behind him to his fellows, the great desire of himself: for why, he was a man for many his good parts (wherewith he had many times stood the defendants in great stead) worthily beloved. In whose stead the Great master sent one of the Colonels that was with himself, a most expert and resolute captain, to take charge of S. Michael's castle; who by his vigilant care and providence so well discharged the charge committed unto him, that as often as the Turks attempted the place, so often they were with loss repulsed. The two galleys with the galliot, descried by the galleys of MALTA (as we have before said) told Piall Bassa the Admiral, that the Christian fleet was ready to come forth: wherefore he fearing the sudden coming thereof, caused seventy galleys to be in readiness; besides which, forty others lay in the haven MARZA MOXET unserviceable, as wanting both men and other equipage, for that was spent in making bridges, mines, and other such things necessary for the siege: as for the men, they were part with sickness, and part with often assaults consumed. Wherefore Piall for certain days kept himself by day in the port MAYOR near the shore, and by night put forth to sea, expecting the coming of the fleet. But after long looking, when he saw no man appear, he again landed his soldiers: and because at land the Bassa began to want powder, of every thirty barrels of powder in every galley, he took out twenty, and of some twenty five, or according to that proportion. After which time, the Turks began with greater fury than at any time before, to batter the walls of both towns, especially with those great pieces which they call basilisks, whose shot of two hundred pound weight was seven hands about; whereby the walls of the castle of S. Michael were beaten flat. And at the same time, the Bassa at the castle S. Angelo, had with continual battery so shaken the castle bulwark, that it was almost fallen quite down. The Turk● at once assault the towns S. Angelo and S. Michael▪ and are at both places repulsed. These breaches thus made, when the Turks saw both towns bared of walls and other defendants; and laid so open, that nothing seemed now to let them to look upon their enemies, they made no longer stay, but the eighteenth day of August (the sun being now at the highest) with all their power fiercely assaulted both the towns. Thrice they were repulsed, and still came on a fresh; yet at length beaten down on every side with great slaughter, they were glad shamefully to give over the assault, and again to retire to their trenches. In this most cruel fight (which endured five hours) the invincible courage of the Great master notably appeared, who armed with a pike in his hand, and dreadful to behold, was still valiantly fight in the face of the breach, whose presence encouraged not the soldiers only, but even boys and women to fight: For so it is, that men are more moved with example than with words. Yet of the great number of the Turks, part stood still in the town ditch; and to save themselves from the shot of the castle bulwark, had with wonderful celerity cast up a defence of earth, faggots, and other like matter, which they did of purpose to approach and to undermine the walls, and had therefore enclosed the space of fifteen el●es: which when the besieged perceived, they bent certain pieces of artillery upon it, and slew many of them, and with fire consumed what was left. The next day the assault was at the same places by the enemy renewed, who by reason of his number of soldiers might easily send fresh men in stead of them which were wounded or weary: and first, after their wont manner, they battered both the towns all that day until night; afterwards, the moon arising, about midnight with a horrible cry they began a most terrible assault, which at the first much troubled the Christians, who yet still mindful of their wonted valour, did so much with their weapons and fireworks, that the enemy evil entreated, was glad after three hours fight to retire to his trenches. The same day a mine was by the defendants perceived, at the castle bulwark, wherein a hundred Turks there found, Another assault. were almost all slain, and the mine destroyed. Yet for all this did not the enemy rest at all, but the next day seven times assaulted the same breaches, using now not weapons only, but fireworks also; wherewith Boninsegna had his face so burnt, that he lost one of his eyes. At the same time also, the Turks at a place called the SPUR, laboured mightily to have gotten into the castle: where Centius a knight of an invincible courage, got up upon the rampire, and with a pike courageously thrust them down that were climbing up, and thrusting thorough one, discouraged the rest; but was himself wounded in the arm with a small shot: Yet when he had a little withdrawn himself to have his wound bound up, he came again to the rampire, and never departed from the fight until he had (as a valiant conqueror) preserved the place. So the Turks with great slaughter on every side repulsed, left the victory to the Christians, of whom were slain almost a hundred, and most of them (as at other times) with shot: amongst whom were these most valiant knights, at the castle Angelo, Fragus, at the castle of S. Michael, Scipio Piatus, Io. Baptista Soderinus, Paulus Bomportus, Marius Fagianus, Ruffinus, and certain others, men worthy of longer life. The Turks had also at the same time wrought a mine at the castle S. Michael, which was at once both discovered and destroyed. With these so many and so great assaults, certain of the knights (and those not of the meanest sort) fearing lest that which was so often attempted by the enemy, should at length be effected; told the Great master, That they thought it convenient and necessary, to remove all the records, all the pictures and relics of the Saints, and other their religious things into the castle S. Angelo, there to be kept as in a place of more strength and assurance. The Great master, although he well knew that they which thus said, spoke it of a good mind, was for all that with that speech exceedingly moved: wherefore he shortly answered them, That so to do, were nothing else but to appaule and discourage the minds, The resolute answer of the great Master. not of the Maltese only, who had hitherto valiantly behaved themselves, and done more than any man could have hoped for; but also of the mercenary soldiers, if they should perceive it: wherefore he was resolved, either together to keep all, or lose all; and because none should from thenceforth repose any hope in the strength of the castle S. Angelo, he said he would bring all the garrison out of the castle into the town, that there they might together with others withstand the enemy; and that he would leave in the castle none but gunner's, who should as need required shoot at the enemy. An answer truly well beseeming a man of his place, and to be to all posterity commended: for how can the soldier hope, which seeth his captain despair? or adventure, where the chieftain seemeth to be strucken with fear? The Turks assault both the town● the fourth time. Whilst the Grand master with this answer doth both ashame them and also encourage their quailing minds; the Turks (that this day as the other three before should not pass without assault) with the dawning of the day assailed the very same places with the greatest fury possible, especially at the ruins of the castle: where San Romanus an Auergnois, which had the charge of that place, lost this short and transitory life, winning thereby immortal fame: and at S. Michael's, Adurnius one of the knights, and Pagio, with certain others, were grievously wounded: for the enemy suddenly retiring from the assault, presently so thundered into the breaches with their great and small shot, that all the island seemed to tremble, the heavens to burn, and the air to be darkened with smoke. In the mean time Valetta thoroughly wearied with the morning's fight, The Turks enter the new city. had withdrawn himself a little to breathe himself: when suddenly a Spanish priest, with his hands cast up to heaven, came running to him, roaring and crying out, That all was lost and forlorn, and that three or four ensigns of the enemies were by the castle breach broken into the town. Which the Great master hearing, suddenly clapped his helmet upon his head, and with a pike in his hand said unto them that were about him: Lo fellow soldiers, the hour is come wherein you may show yourselves the most valiant champions of the Christian religion, The comfortable speech of the Great master, when the Turks were entered. if it be so, that you now also retain the same valour which you have in other battles showed. There is no cause wherefore you should doubt of this last, for the enemy is the same; and the same God which hath hitherto preserved us, will not now forsake us: wherefore follow me valiant hearts. This said, he hasted to the place where most danger was, and with him all the soldiers, all the citizens, men and women, old and young, yea the very children, all against the common enemy. There was fought a most dreadful and dangerous battle: some kept the enemy from entering, some set upon that were already entered, whom they wounded, chased, and slew, although they notably resisted. Within, without, all was covered with darts, weapons, dead bodies, and blood. The Great master was careful of all, & in every place present, commending, exhorting, directing, as occasion required, performing at once all the duties of a most valiant soldier and worthy General. At length the Turks with the setting of the Sun retired, and so the assault ceased. Thus was the Great master the undoubted victor, but not without much blood of his people, considering his small number: The Turks with great slaughter again repulsed. for in this fight he lost above 200 men, whereas of the enemies, beside them which were entered, whereof not one escaped, were slain above 2000 These are those four terrible assaults, presently given one after another unto the besieged. Garzias the Viceroy in the mean time tarried for nothing else to transport his army to MALTA, but for the coming of Io. Cardona, who with twelve galleys was gone to PANORMO, to conduct thence four ships laded with provision: but when he saw him stay long, he sent to him in post, That if he could not with such speed as was required tow forth those ships, he should spend no longer time, but take out the provision into his galleys, and with speed to come away. So the Viceroy with a fleet of threescore and twelve galleys the twentieth day of August set forward from MESSANA to SIRACUSA, wherein he carried ten thousand select soldiers, amongst whom were above two hundred knights of the Order of S. john, and about forty of the Order of S. Stephen, which is an Order of knights instituted by Cosmus Medici's, duke of FLORENCE, to the imitation of the knights of MALTA in the year 1561, and have their residence at COSMOPOLIS, a new built city in the island of ELBA in the Tuscan sea, overagainst PIOMBINO. Besides these knights in this fleet were divers noble and valiant gentlemen of ITALY, SICILY, and other countries. The fleet being arrived at SIRACUSA, the Viceroy sent Auria with one galley and a boat to MALTA, to land a man, to know of Paccius (left, as we have before said, for a watch in the island at MALECA) what news, or what he had seen. By whom it was understood, That no ship was seen at sea, but one galliot, which the one and twentieth day of August in the morning made towards GAULOS, and the same day towards night as he was informed by the watchmen of MALECA, sixteen galleys came to water at SALINE, but what became of them afterwards, by reason of the coming on of the night could not be descried. In this while the besieged had notably repaired the breach at the castle bulwark, and had in sundry places aptly placed certain great pieces to flanker the ditches and to beat the mount cast up by the enemy at the bulwark of BONINSEGNA, that they might from thence annoy all the plain of the castle with their small shot. But the Turks having determined with all their forces at once to assault both the towns as before, brought an engine made of spars and boards, able to cover thirty men, under the breach at S. Michael's: whereby it came to pass, that none of the defendants could without danger show themselves in the breach: which when they could by no means endure, they suddenly sallied out, and putting them to flight which were there covered▪ set fire on the engine and burned it. In like manner, they which besieged the new city, were repulsed at the castle breach, and another like engine burnt. The next night certain of the watch of the castle issued out, and having destroyed the Turks engines prepared for the assailing of that place, and slain them that were set for the keeping thereof, returned in safety into the castle. But when the enemies both that day and others following rested not, but repairing their mines, mounts, and engines, laboured in both places to have beaten the Christians from the walls; all their endeavour and labour was by the industry and valour of the defendants made frustrate. A mine of the Christians found by the Turks. The besieged had at the castle breach made a mine, and laid in it eight barrels of powder, that if the enemy should again assault that place, he might there be blown up: but whilst the Turks were for like purpose working a mine in the same place, they chanced upon the mine before made, which they spoiled, and carried away all the powder. Thus whilst they labour both on the one side and the other, Mustapha the General, a most expert and famous commander, considering that Summer now so far spent, he was not to use longer delay; and withal, that resolute perseverance oftentimes in war findeth out a way to victory; determined with all his power once again to assault the castle S. Michael. Wherefore displaying the stately standard of the Turkish emperor, The Turks desperately assault the town of S. Michael. upon the point whereof was fastened a globe of gold, he commanded his soldiers to enter the breach; who now like desperate men attempted to have performed his command, and were by the Christians valiantly encountered▪ so that in the breach was made a most terrible and doubtful fight. But when the Turks had now been twice rejected and beaten down, Mustapha perceiving his soldiers as men half discouraged but faintly to maintain the assault, came himself to the places, praying and exhorting them not to be discouraged, but that day to confirm their former labours and victories, and not to suffer their vanquished enemies to triumph over them: he told them that the enemy had now no defence left wherewith to cover himself, that all was beaten down flat, and that there remained only a few weary and maimed bodies, which were not able long to endure the edge of their swords; that with such resolution they had before won the castle of S. Elmo: last of all he by promising to some money, to some honour and preferment, threatening some, and requesting others, encouraged some one way, some another, every one according to his quality and disposition: who moved either with their General's presence, promises, or threats, gave a fresh and fierce assault. The fight was on both sides terrible, yet at length the Turks were again enforced to retire: The Turks enforced to retire. for the defendants had cast up a rampire, whereon they had fitly placed two field pieces, wherewith they sore troubled the enemy, and at the first shot struck in sunder one of those wooden engines, which the enemy had made stronger than the rest, covered with raw hides to keep it from burning, and rend in pieces forty soldiers which were under it: and the same night they which were in the other town and the castle bulwark, sallying courageously out, destroyed all the enemies defences, & drove them from a mount, which they had made upon the fortifications of the Christians: whereby they perceived plainly, what small courage the Turks had to fight, for upon that mount they were almost three hundred, whereas of our men was but five and twenty, with which small number for all that they had no mind to deal. The defendants had for like purpose as before made another mine at the castle bulwark, but perceiving that it was in danger to be found by the enemy in repairing his fortifications without, they suddenly put fire unto it, by force whereof threescore Turks which were within the danger of the place, were blown up and slain. Garzias the Viceroy, in the mean while that these things were in doing, departing with his fleet from SIRACUSA, with a prosperous wind kept on his course toward PACHYNUM, where they descried a tall ship at sea, driven thither (as was afterwards known) by tempest: she out of the island MENIN● was carrying a great supply of shot and powder unto the Turks camp at MALTA; but now overtaken by the Christian fleet, easily yielded, and was by the Viceroy sent by other mariners to SIRACUSA. And now the Christian fleet carried with a fair gale towards MALTA, suddenly arose such a tempest from the East, that they were driven to the island AEGUSA, two hundred and twenty miles' West of MALTA, The Christian fleet driven by tempest to the Island Aegus●. from whence the first of September letters were brought from the Viceroy to the Great master, certifying him, That he would in short time come with his fleet and relieve him. The same day also a Christian fled out of the Turks galleys, wherein he was captive, to the city S. Angelo; who reported, That in the Turks camp were few men able to fight, most of the army being with wounds, famine, sickness, and other miseries brought to extreme weakness: and besides that, that infinite numbers of them died daily: yet for all that he said moreover, that they were determined to besiege the city of MELITA, and had already for that purpose mounted five great pieces of artillery for battery; and that they had but a few days before taken twelve, and the last day of all fourteen horsemen of the garrison soldiers of that city. In the mean while the fleet which was driven (as we said) to AEGUSA, the rage of the sea being now well appeased, came to D●●PANVM, and from thence toward GAULOS, as was before intended: where by the way the two galleys of MALTA light upon two of the Turks galliots, and took them. The Christian fleet cometh to Gaulos. The fifth day of September the Christian fleet came to GAULOS, where the Viceroy perceiving not the appointed signs from MALTA, whereby he might safely land, returned forthwith back again to POZALO, whether Auria immediately following him, told him, That he had seen the signs, and assured him of safe landing in the island of MALTA: wherewith the Viceroy encouraged, the next day towards night returned again to GAULOS. The same day a Christian captive fled from the Turks to S. Angelo, and told the Great master, That he was come to bring him good news, A fugitive discovereth the enemy's purpose to the Great master. how that the Turks had determined to prove their last fortune in assaulting the castle S. Michael, which they would do the next day▪ where if the success were answerable to their desire, they would then tarry, but if not, then forthwith be gone: and that Mustapha the more to encourage his soldiers, had promised five talents of gold to the ensign bearers, that should first advance their ensigns upon the walls, and farther to promote them to greater places of honour; as for the rest, he would reward every one of them according to their desert, either with money or preferment. Valetta thinking all these things to be by God's appointment discovered unto him by such men, as they had from time to time been: first gave thanks unto Almighty God, and after that with all diligence prepared such things as he thought most necessary for the repulsing of the enemy. But the Turks all that day with their great ordinance battered the new city, and the shipping in the haven, in such sort that one of the great ships was there sunk. The Viceroy arriveth at Malta, and landeth his forces. In the morning Garzias the Viceroy with his fleet arrived at the island of MALTA, and there quickly and quietly landed his forces, and whilst his galleys watered at GAULOS, went forward with the army about half a mile, instructing the Generals and Colonels what he thought needful to be done, commanding all proclamations and commands to be made in the name of the king of SPAIN, until they came to the Great master, and then in all things to obey him as their Sovereign: and charged Ascanius Cornia the General in all his actions to follow the counsel of the greater part. So in few words exhorting them to play the men, he left them marching towards MELITA. About noon he retired to his galleys, and sailing Eastward, came with all his fleet within the sight of the city of MELITA, about three miles distant from the South shore. They of the city upon sight of the fleet, in token of joy discharged all the great artillery, which was answered from the fleet, by discharging all their great ordinance twice. After that he returned as he had before determined into SICILIA, to take into his galleys the duke of VR●INS companies which were come to MESSANA, and certain bands of Spaniards at SYRACUSE, and so forthwith to return to MALTA to attend the departing of the Turks fleet, being now evil appointed, and already as good as half overthrown. The Turks, who (as is before said) had purposed to prove their last fortune upon the town of S. Michael, had now certain days before the coming of the fleet begun to truss up their baggage: but as soon as they heard that the fleet was come, and the army landed, there suddenly arose a wonderful tumultuous confusion amongst them, some cried arm, arm, and othersome as fast to be gone: and being generally all afraid, every one according to his disposition, betook himself to his weapons or to his heels; the greatest number thrust together into their trenches, as near as they could unto their great ordinance: and so burning the engines and fortifications, with all the speed they could embarked their great ordinance and baggage. Which they in the town S. Angelo perceiving, not expecting the commandment of the Great master, in so sudden an opportunity courageously sallied out to BURMOLA, where certain Turks kept a huge great piece of ordinance; who now having no mind to fight, betook themselves to flight, and forsook the piece, which they of the town presently drew within their walls. And if the newcome forces had that day charged the enemy as they disorderly ran to their galleys, happily they had either found an occasion of victory, or at leastwise taken from them the greatest part of their artillery. But it may be, that they followed the old military saying, That unto the flying enemy a man should make a bridge of silver. Besides that, they thinking it not convenient to depart from the provision and things which they had brought for the relief of the besieged; which for the roughness of the way and want of horses were hardly carried, would not provoke the enemy with any skirmish: whereby it came to pass, that the Turks without let embarked their great ordinance, The Turks forsake the siege. their baggage, and most part of their army. The eleventh of September, whilst the Turks fleet was brought out of the haven MARZA MOXET, a fugitive of GENVA came in haste to the Great master, and told him that ten thousand Turks were marching towards MELITA, to meet with the Christians upon the way. Which thing the Great master hearing, presently sent a sufficient number of good soldiers to the castle Saint Elmo, there to set up one of the ensigns of the sacred Order: who coming thither, found there four and twenty great pieces, some for battery, some for the field, which they could not in so great hast remove thence. The Turks fleet departing out of the haven MARZA MOXET to the port S. Paul, there landed seven thousand men, with Mustapha their General, who was falsely informed, That the Christians were not above three thousand strong: and from thence, encouraged with the small number of the enemy (as they supposed) they marched directly toward MELITA. The Christians also marching orderly and ready to give battle, held on their way to meet them: and at the rising of an hill both armies meeting together, they gave a great shout, and withal the foremost began the battle, The Turks overthrown by the Christians, fly to their galleys. where some few were at the first slain on both sides. But the Christians still growing upon them both in number and strength, the Turks finding themselves overcharged, fled, the Christians pursuing them and killing them until they came to their galleys; where in striving who should get in first, about four hundred of them were drowned in the sea, besides eighteen hundred slain in the battle at land: and had the Christian soldiers well known the country, they had slain them every mother's son. The Turks thus driven to their galleys, lay there in the haven all the next day, and most part of the night following: but a little before day upon the shooting off of a great piece, The Turks depart from Malta. the sign of their departure, they all hoist sail for GRECIA, leaving the island of MALTA sore impoverished and wasted. In this siege the Turks lost about four and twenty thousand, whereof most part were of their best soldiers: and of the Christians were slain about five thousand, besides two hundred and forty knights of the Order, men of divers nations, but all worthy eternal fame, whose dead bodies the Great master caused to be honourably buried. The Turks in their battery during the siege, spent as is accounted threescore and eighteen thousand great shot. If a man do well consider the difficulties and dangers the besieged passed thorough in this five months siege, the manifold labours and perils they endured in so many and so terrible assaults, the small relief to them sent in so great distress, with the desperate obstinacy of so puissant an enemy; he shall hardly find any place these many years more mightily impugned, or with greater valour and resolution descended. The carefulness of the Great Master. The la●e besieged, and now victorious prince, honourably acquitted of so great an enemy, first commanded public prayers with thanksgiving to be made unto the giver of all victory: after that, he rewarded the valiant, commended the rest, and gave thanks to all, he charitably relieved the sick and wounded, bewailed the spoil of the island, and carefully provided for the repairing of the breaches and places battered: and yet in all this doing, diligently inquired after the enemy's course and purpose, & was not in any thing remiss or secure, as in victory most men are. But because so great harms could not without great helps in short time be repaired, and the return of the proud enemy, not without cause the next year feared: he by letters to divers great princes, and especially to the grand prior's of the Order, in divers countries, requested help; amongst whom George, grand prior of GERMANY, and founder of the castle of S. Elmo, was one of the chiefest. The copy of which letters, because they briefly contain what we have before in this history at large written, I have thought good here to set down, that the same may in such order be read, as it was by the Great master himself reported. Brother Valetta, Master of the hospital of jerusalem, to the reverend and religious our well-beloved brother in Christ, George of Hohenheim, called Bombast, prior of our priory in Almanie, greeting. The letters of the Great master to the grand prior of Almanie, concerning the manner of the Turks proceedings in the siege of Malta. Although we doubt not but that by the letters and relation of many, you already understand of the coming of the Turks to invade these islands, or rather utterly to subvert our society: and the happy and heavenly victory by us obtained of it: Yet if the same things shall by our letters also be brought unto you, we have thought the same will be unto you a thing much more pleasing. For seeing that we are certainly persuaded, that you in this no less happy than wholesome success will give most hearty thanks to Almighty God, and that the fruit of this good shall most of all redound unto you, for the honour which you bear in our Order; we have willingly determined to participate this our joy with you, and plainly and openly to protest, That we attribute this so notable and wonderful a victory to our Lord Christ jesus, the greatest king of all kings, and author of all good things. Which that you may the more worthily and willingly do, we will declare the whole matter, not at large (for that were to write an history) but briefly and in few words. Sultan Solyman the most mortal enemy of the Christian name, and especially of our society, not contented to have spoiled us of the most famous island of the RHODES, the castle of TRIPOLI, and almost whatsoever we had else, commanded a great and strong fleet to be made ready against us, which departing from CONSTANTINOPLE the one and twentieth day of March, arrived here the eighteenth day of May: which fleet consisted of almost two hundred and fifty galleys, galliots and other ships. The number of the enemy that bear arms according to the truth, was about forty thousand, more or less: General of the land forces, was Mustapha Bassa; and of the fleet Pial Bassa was Admiral: who having spent a few days in landing their forces, viewing the places, pitching their tents, and setting things in order (as the manner of war is) they began first to assail the castle of S. Elmo (scituat in the mouth of the haven) with great force, and a most furious battery. Which when they had many days done without intermission, and had opened a great part of the wall, and with all kind of weapons assaulted the breach: yet was it by the valour and prowess of our knights and other worthy soldiers kept and defended by the space of thirty five days, with the great loss and slaughter of the enemy: although the castle itself, in the judgement of many, seemed not possible to be but a few days defended against so great a force. At length the four and twentieth day of june, when our men could no longer endure the multitude and fury of the enemy, environed and shut up both by sea and land, and destitute of all help, the castle was taken by the Turks; those few of our men which were left, being all slain. Of which victory they being proud, began to besiege the castle and town of S. Michael, and this new city, especially at the castle and Portugal bulwark: and (as their manner is) with great diligence and greater force and number of great artillery and warlike engines, they began in divers places at once to batter and beat down the walls. Which siege the dreadful army of the Turks, both by sea and land, made to be most fearful and terrible, with such huge great ordinance as the like for bigness and force was in no place to be seen; day and night thundering out their iron and stone shot, five, and seven hands about; wherewith not the thickest walls, but even the very mountains themselves might have been beaten down and overthrown: by fury whereof, the walls in many places were so battered, that a man might easily have entered as on plain ground. Where, when the barbarous enemies had with wonderful force and hideous outcries oftentimes attempted to enter, so often were they with great slaughter and dishonour repulsed and beaten ba●ke, many of their men being slain or wounded. Their Generals, as well at sea as land, after that they had in so many places, with all their forces in almost four months siege and assault, with exceeding fury in vain attempted the breaches, and lost the greatest part of their old soldiers, especially winter now coming on, wherein all wars by law of nations ought to cease; thought of nothing else but of departure, or rather of flight: which the coming of Garzias of TOLEDO, Viceroy of SICILIA and Admiral of the king of SPAIN his fleet, with ten thousand select soldiers (amongst whom was at the least two hundred and fourteen of our knights, and many other noble and valiant gentlemen; which only with a Christian zeal, voluntarily met together from divers parts of the world to help and relieve us) caused them to hasten. So have you summarily and in few words, the proceedings and flight of the Turks fleet, and the victory by us (by the power of God) thereof obtained. It shall be your part to consider and conjecture, in what state our Order and this island now standeth, into what poor estate we are brought, how many things we want; wherein except we be relieved by the help and aid of our brethren, especially such as you are, as we well hope and assuredly believe we shall, our state will quickly take end. Fare you well from MALTA the ninth of October 1565. The Great master thus delivered of so great a siege, and bountifully relieved by the Christian princes, and the great commenders of his Order; speedily repaired the breaches and places battered, and with new fortifications strengthened such places as he had by the late passed dangers perceived to be most subject to the enemy's force. After the return of the Turks fleet to CONSTANTINOPLE, 1566 Solyman being exceeding angry with the Governor of the island of CHIOS his tributary, as well for that he had during the late siege of MALTA, had intelligence with the Great master, and revealed unto him many of the Turks desseigns; as also for detaining of two years tribute, which was yearly ten thousand ducats; and had also neglected to send his wont presents to the great Bassas, who therefore the more incensed, the tyrant commanded Pial Bassa his Admiral to make ready his fleet, and by force or policy, to take that fruitful and pleasant island wholly into his own hand. Who without delay, with a fleet of eighty galleys, the fifteenth day of April in the year 1566, being then Easterday, arrived at CHIOS. The chief men of the island, upon sight of the fleet, forthwith sent ambassadors to the Bassa with presents, courteously offering unto him the haven, and whatsoever else he should require. The island of Chios taken by the Turks. Pial with great kindness accepted their offer, and presently possessed himself of the haven in three places: and afterward landing, sent for the Governor of the city, & twelve of the chief citizens to come unto him, as if he had had some special matter to confer with him about from the great Sultan, before his departure thence for MALTA or ITALY. Who having a little conferred together, went to him with great fear; and that not without cause, for as soon as they were come before him, he commanded them to be laid hold upon and cast fast into irons: which done, the soldiers forthwith took the town hall, and without resistance pulling down the towns ensign (wherein was the picture of S. George with a red cross) in stead thereof set up one of the Turks: the like whereof was done with the great rejoicing of the Turks, thorough the whole island. After that, they rifled the Churches, and again consecrated them after their Mahometan manner. The Governor of the city and the Senators with their families, the Bassa sent in five ships to CONSTANTINOPLE: as for the vulgar people, they were at choice, either there to tarry still, or depart, as best stood with their liking. And so the Bassa, when he had there placed a new Governor, one of the Turks, with a strong garrison, and set up the Mahometan superstition in that most fertile island, departed thence for ITALY: where sailing alongst the coast of APULIA, he did exceeding much harm in burning and destroying the country villages, and carrying away of the poor people into captivity; and so returned. At this time, the kingdom of HUNGARY was most miserably rend in pieces by the lieutenants and captains of Solyman, and Maximilian the emperor, and john the Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA, Soliman's vassal: who grieved with the harms done unto him by the emperors captains, whereof himself was the cause, and vainly hoping to have obtained at Soliman's hands the greatest part of the kingdom of HUNGARY, as had sometime king john; ceased not continually to solicit him to come himself in person to make a full conquest of the relics of HUNGARY, yet holden by the emperor and some of the Hungarian nobility: And flattering himself in that vain hope, called himself the king of HUNGARY, and increasing his strength by letters unto the nobility and burgesses of the cities of HUNGARY, summoned them, as if it had been by the appointment of Solyman his great patron, That they should all the ninth of March meet together at THORDA, to determine with him of matters concerning their common good. Which thing, as soon as Lazarus Suendi the emperors lieutenant understood, he forthwith by other letters countermanded those of the Vayvods; persuading the Hungarians, not to listen to the charms of the Vayvod and the Turk, tending to their destruction, but rather to yield their obedience to Maximilian the Christian emperor, whose purpose was by the aid of the Christian princes, to protect and preserve them in peace. And hereby it came to pass, that the remainders of this sore shaken kingdom, divided into factions, and diversly carried, according to their affection, some to the one side, some to the other, began afresh to work one another's confusion, which fitly served the Turks to encroach more and more upon them: Who at the same time surprised the town of AINATSCH (the captain thereof with certain of the garrison soldiers being gone about their business to AGRIA) and put to the sword all them that they found in the town. The Turks surprise towns in Hungary. They thought also to have taken the strong town of SIGETH, but were by the valiant county Nicholaus Serinus Governor thereof, courageously encountered; and after four hours hard fight, overthrown and put to flight. Not long after, they ranged up and down the country, and set in booties as far as JULA and RAB, and did the country people much harm. For which cause, Maximilian the emperor about the latter end of May broke up the assembly of the empire then holden at AUGUSTA, and began carefully to provide things needful for the war: appointing his captains for the raising of such forces in GERMANY, as were but a little before granted unto him by the princes and states of the empire, in their late assembly; but went himself to VIENNA. For it was told him (as the truth was) That Solyman now in his extreme age, was with a mighty army set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE, and marching thorough BULGARIA and SERVIA, was come directly to BELGRADE: where john the Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA met him, and kissing his hand, had commended himself and all his state unto his protection. Great troubles in Hungary. At which time, Suendi the emperors lieutenant, laid hard siege to the town of HUSTH in the borders of TRANSILVANIA. The Bassa of BUDA at the same time on the other side, by commandment of Solyman, with eight thousand Turks and five and twenty pieces of great ordinance besieging PALOTTA, a strong town about eight miles from RAB; had with continual battery by the space of eight days, brought the same into great danger, although it was valiantly defended by George Thuriger. But hearing of the approach of George, county of Helffenstein, sent by the emperor with certain companies of Germans to relieve the same, he rise in such haste from the siege, that he left certain of his great ordinance and a great part of his baggage behind him, The good success of the emperors captains. and retired towards ALBA REGALIS. The county having relieved the town, caused the breaches to be forthwith repaired, and with a new supply strengthened the old garrison. Thus was a most lamentable war at once begun in divers places of HUNGARY. After that, the county of Helffenstein, strengthened by the coming of county Salma with certain companies from RAB, departed from PALOTTA, and came to VESPRINIUM, a city about two miles off, then holden by the Turks: which city he took by force the last of june, and left not a Turk alive therein, because that they a few days before, had cruelly slain certain Christians whom they had taken prisoners: so leaving strong garrisons both in VESPRINIUM and PALOTTA, they returned to RAB. Shortly after, the county Salma laid siege to TATTA a strong town, otherwise called DOTIS, betwixt RAB and COMARA, which at length he took by assault the eight and twentieth day of july, and slew all the Turks, except fifty, which flying into one of the towers of the castle, yielded upon composition; amongst whom was the late Governor of VESPRINIUM, and the Governor of this place, with the Bassa of BUDA his nigh kinsman, who were all presently sent prisoners to VIENNA. So the county following the course of his victory (the terror of his former good fortune running before him into the Turks strongest holds) was on his way to have besieged JESTS, a town near to PALOTTA: when the Turks there in garrison, upon the first sight of his army, left all, and fled out at the farther side of the town to STRIGONIUM. After whose example, other of the Turks garrisons in Witha, Tschokiku, & Sambok, castles thereabouts, set fire on that they could not carry, and followed their fellows to STRIGONIUM also. The emperor understanding of the good success of his captains, caused public prayers with thanksgiving to almighty God to be made thorough all the churches thereabouts. County Serinus, Governor of the strong town of SIGETH and the country thereabout, certainly advertised of the coming of Solyman, sent Casparus Alapianus and Nicholas Cobach, two of his captains, with a thousand foot and five hundred horse, to lie in wait for the forerunners of the Turks army: who drawing near unto the place where these Turks lay, not far from QVINQVE ECLESIE, suddenly in the shutting in of the next day, set upon them, doubting no such matter, and put them in such a fear that they disorderedly fled some one way, some another, and were most of them slain or wounded by the Hungarians in their flight. Halibeg, one of the Turks great Sanzackes, and leader of that company, sore wounded, and seeking to save himself by flight in the marshes, there perished: his son, and many other notable men amongst the Turks, were there taken, and carried prisoners to SIGETH. The spoil the Hungarians there took, A great p●ey. was exceeding great: for beside plate and coin, whereof they found good store, they took eight camels, threescore horses, five mules, and six carts laden with all manner of rich spoil, and many garments of great price; wherein the gentlemen attired, returned to SIGETH in great bravery, with two fair red ensigns of the enemies. Maximilian the emperor, long before advertised of Soliman's purpose for the conquest of the remainder of HUNGARY; to withstand so mighty an enemy, had beside the forces raised in his own dominions, procured great aid both of the states of the empire and other Christian princes, which about this time met together at RAB. First there repaired thither four legions of Germane footmen, and upwards of twenty thousand horsemen, with four thousand Hungarians: The duke of SAVOY sent thither four hundred Argoleteirs: and many noble gentlemen out of divers parts of EUROPE resorted thither, to serve the emperor in those wars of their own charge, especially the knights of MALTA: and out of ITALY, Prosper Columna, and Angelus Caesius: out of FRANCE, Guise the grand prior, Brissack and Lansack; who but a little before were going to MALTA, of purpose to have served there if the Turks fleet had come thither again, as it was reported it would; but understanding that it came not, returned directly into HUNGARY, with certain other knights of the Order. Many also of the princes and free cities of ITALY, declared their good will toward the emperor in this war; some sending him men, as did Cosmus Medici's duke of FLORENCE, who sent thither of his own charge three thousand footmen; some money, as MANTVA, GENVA, and LUCA. Thither came also Alphonsus' duke of FERARA, with a gallant company of noble gentlemen, and others his followers. Beside which land forces, the emperor had also provided upon the river of Danubius' twelve galleys, and thirty other ships for burden, so made, as that the men could not be hurt with the Turks arrows: wherein were embarked three thousand soldiers, most part Italians, under the conduct of Philippus Flachius a German, and one of the knights of MALTA, who was afterward received into the number of the princes of the empire. Solyman coming to the river Draws, The Turks wi●h much labour make a bridge over the great river of Draws. commanded a bridge to be made over that great river, and the deep fens on the farther side of the river towards SIGETH, for the transporting of his great army; a work of such difficulty, that being thrice unfortunately begun, it was again given over, as a thing almost impossible: wherewith Solyman was so moved, that in his rage he swore to hang up the great Bassa that had the charge of that work, if he did not with as much speed as were possible, bring it to perfection. Whereupon the work was again begun, all the boats that were to be found in the river taken up, and timber for the purpose brought from far, for the making of that bridge. In this work were employed, not the vulgar people only of the country which was tributary to the Turks, but the gentlemen themselves also, were by the imperious Turk (now commanding for his life) enforced to lay their fingers to work day and night without ceasing, until the bridge (which before was thought scarce possible to have been made) was by the restless industry and labour of such a multitude of men, in the space of ten days brought to perfection. Wherein the severity the barbarous tyrant useth towards his subjects, is worth the noting, whereby he extorteth from them, more than is almost possible for men to perform: so that it is not to be marveled, that he hath so good success in whatsoever he taketh in hand. Over this bridge (a mile in length) passed Solyman, and encamped at a place called MUHATCHZ, where he stayed certain days, until his huge army was all come over. The last of july, ninety thousand Turks (the vanguard of Soliman's army) came before SIGETH, and encamped within a mile of the town: after whom shortly after followed an hundred thousand more out of Soliman's camp, The Turks encamp before Sigeth. of whom many in approaching the town, were slain with great shot out of the castle; the rest for all that encamped themselves as near unto the town as they could, and began the siege. The town of SIGETH is strongly scituat in a Marish, on the North side of Draws upon the frontiers of DALMATIA, commanding all the country round about it, which of it taketh name; and was at that time a strong bulwark against the Turks, for entering farther into the country that way toward STIRIA. In this town was Governor Nicholaus Serinus, commonly called the County, a valiant man, and a mortal enemy of the Turks, with a garrison of 2300 good soldiers: who seeing the huge army of the Turks, called together into the castle the captains of the garrison and the chief of the citizens; where standing in the midst of them, he spoke unto them as followeth. County Serinus his comfortable and resolute speech to his soldiers. You see (said he) how we are on every side beset with the multitude of our enemies, wherein resteth their chief hope: But let not us be therefore afraid or discouraged; for that victory dependeth not of a confused multitude of heartless men, but of the power of our God, who hath by a few at his pleasure many times overthrown the mighty armies of the proud; and will not in the midst of these dangers now forsake us, if we putting our trust and confidence in him, do what beseemeth valiant and courageous men. Besides that our just cause, with the strength of the place we hold, our own valour, and the help of our friends, who I assure myself will not fail us at our need, countervaileth their confused multitude, forced together by their imperious commanders out of far countries, and whatsoever else the proud tyrant hath brought with him into the field. Wherefore let us all as becometh valiant men, for the truth of our religion, and for the honour of our prince and country, live and die together, knowing whatsoever befall, That to a life so lost, beside never dying fame, belongeth a most assured hope of endless joy and felicity. As for myself, I am resolved, and so (I hope) are you also, that as I am a Christian, and free borne, so will I (by the grace of God) in the same faith and freedom end my days. Neither shall the proud Turk, so long as I am able to hold up this hand, have ever power to command over me or the ground whereon I stand. This said, he first took himself a solemn oath, to perform what he had promised, and persuaded the rest to take the like: which done, every man returned to the place of his charge. Solyman cometh into the camp at Sigeth. The fifth of August Solyman encamped within a mile of the town, and the next day after came himself into the camp, at whose coming the great ordinance and small shot so thundered out of the Turks camp, as if heaven and earth should have gone together, the Turks after their wont manner crying aloud their Alla, Alla, Alla, and the Christians answering them with the name of jesus. The seventh of August the Turks cast up a great mount, and thereon planted certain great pieces of ordinance. The next day following they began most terribly to batter the new town in three places, and with incredible labour cast up a mount in the midst of the marish, as it were in the town ditch, from whence they the next day with certain pieces of great artillery day and night battered the inner castle of the town without any intermission, and did great harm both to the castle and the defendants. The county perceiving the new city to be now so laid open with the fury of the Turks battery, as that it was not possible to be defended; caused his soldiers to set it all on fire, The defendants burn the new town. and so retired into the old. The tenth of August the Turks furiously battered the old town in three places, and brought their ordinance into the new town: and with timber, earth, and rubbish, made a bridge, the more commodiously to go over the marish. For the speedier accomplishment whereof, all the Turks were compelled to lay to their hands, and to carry wood, faggots, earth, and such like things without ceasing. There might a man have seen all the fields full of camels, horses, and of the Turks themselves, like emmets, carrying wood, earth, stones, or one thing or other to fill up the marish: so was there with wonderful labour two plain ways made thorough the deep fen, from the town to the castle: where the janissaries, defended from the great shot with sacks of wool and such like things, did with the multitude of their small shot so overwhelm the defendants, that they could not against those places without most manifest danger show themselves upon the walls. So that what by their vigilant industry, The Turks win the old town. and the fury of the great artillery, the Turks (though not without great loss) by force entered the old town the nineteenth of August, using in their victory such celerity, that they slew many of the most valiant defendants before they were able to recover the safeguard of the castle. Both the towns thus lost, and so many worthy men slain, not without cause brought great heaviness upon the rest which were in the castle with the county. The Turks possessed of the old town, the next day planted their battery against the castle in four places, and with faggots, rubbish, and earth, made two plain ways unto it, still filling up the marish: and having with continual battery made it saultable, the nine and twenty day of August they began fiercely to assail the breaches: but when they had lost many of their men, and done what they could, they were enforced with shame to retire. In this assault amongst many other of their best soldiers was lost one of their great Bassas also. Whilst these things were in doing, Solyman far spent with years, and distempered with his long travel, Solyman dieth of the blo●die flix. fell sick of a looseness of his belly, and for the better recovery of his health retired himself (the siege yet continuing) to QVINQVE ECLESIae, a city near to SIGET, where shortly after he died of the bloody flix, the fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord 1566, when he had lived 76 years, and reigned thereof 46. He was of stature tall, of feature slender, long necked, his colour pale and wan, his nose long and hooked, of nature ambitious and bountiful, more faithful of his word and promise than were for most part the Mahometan kings his progenitors; wanting nothing worthy of so great an empire, but that wherein all happiness is contained, Muhamet Bassa concealeth the death of Solyman. faith in Christ jesus. Muhamet the Visier Bassa (who all commanded in Soliman's absence) fearing the insolency of the janissaries, and lest some tumult should arise in the camp, if his death should be known, concealed it by all means: and to be sure of them that were of all others best able to make certain report thereof, caused his physicians and apothecary's to be secretly strangled, and by a trusty messenger, sent in post, certified Selimus (Soliman's only son, and his father in law, then lying in MAGNESIA) of the death of his father, willing him in haste to repair to CONSTANTINOPLE to take possession of the empire; and that done, forthwith to come to the army in HUNGARY. But this could not be so secretly done, but that the janissaries began to mistrust the matter: Which Muhamet Bassa quickly perceiving, caused the dead body of Solyman in his wont apparel to be brought into his tent sitting upright in his horselitter, as if he had been sick of the gout, his wont disease; and so showing him to the janissaries, both deceived and contented them, and so went forward with the siege. The janissaries having in the last assault lost many of their fellows, began now to undermine the greatest bulwark of the castle, The great bulwark undermined & set on fire by the janissaries. from which the defendants with their great ordinance did most annoy them: wherein they used such diligence, that the fifth of September they with gunpowder and other light matter provided for that purpose, had set all the bulwark on a light fire; and by that means possessed thereof, with all their force assailed the bulwark next unto the castle gate, from whence they were with great slaughter twice repulsed by the county. But the raging fire still increasing, he was enforced with those which were yet left alive, to retire into the inner castle, wherein was but two great pieces, and fourteen others of small force. Thus the Turks still prevailing, The little castle set on fire. and taking one place after another, the seventh of September they furiously assaulted the little castle, whereinto they cast such abundance of fire, that in short time it caught hold on the buildings, and set all on fire. The county thus assailed by the enemy without, and worse distressed with the fire within, which still increasing, left no place for him in safety to retire unto, went into his chamber, where putting on a rich new suit of apparel, came presently out again with his sword and target in his hand; and finding his soldiers with cheerful countenance and their weapons in their hands, attending his coming, spoke unto them these few his last words. The last speech of county Serinus to his soldiers. The hard fortune of this sinful kingdom hath together with our own overtaken us: but let us (noble hearts) with patience endure what is to us by God assigned. You know what we have before promised, which hitherto God be thanked we have accordingly performed, and now let us with like resolution perform this last. The place you see is not longer to be kept, the devouring fire groweth so still upon us, and we in number are but few: Wherefore let us as becometh valiant men break out into the utter castle, there to die in the midst of our enemies, to live afterwards with God for ever, I will be the first that will go out, follow you me like men. This said, with his sword and target in his hand, without any other armour, calling thrice upon the name of jesus, he issued out at the castle gate, with the rest following him: where valiantly fight with the janissaries upon the bridge; and having slain some of them, he was first wounded in two places of his body with small shot, Serinus slain. and at last struck in the head with an unlucky shot, fell down dead; the Turks for joy crying out their wont word Alla. The rest of the soldiers in flying back again into the castle, were all slain by the Turks, except some few, whom some of the janissaries in regard of their valour, by putting their caps upon their heads, saved from the fury of the rest. In this siege, the Turks (as they themselves reported) lost seven thousand janissaries, and twenty eight thousand other soldiers, beside many voluntary men not enroled in their muster-books, and three of their great Bassaes. Serinus his head was presently cut off, and the next day (with the heads of the other slain Christians) set upon a pole, for all the army to gaze upon. After that, it was taken down, Serinus his head sent to county Salma. and by Muhamet the great Bassa sent to Mustapha the Bassa of BUDA his kinsman; who by two country men, sent it wrapped in a red scarf covered with a fair linen doth, to county Salma in the emperors camp at RAB, with this taunting letter thus directed. Muhamet Bassa to Eccius Salma, greeting. In token of my love, The Bassa● quipping little to county Sa●●● behold, here I send thee the head of a most resolute and valiant captain thy friend, the remainder of his body I have honestly buried, as became such a man. SIGETH biddeth thee farewell for ever. The death of this noble and valiant captain was much lamented of all the Christian army, and his head with many tears by his son Balthasar honourably buried amongst his ancestors in TSCHACATURNA, his own castle. Solyman at his coming with this mighty army into HUNGARY, had purposed before his return, if he had not been by death prevented, to have conquered both the remainder of the kingdom of HUNGARY, and to have again attempted the winning of VIENNA. For the accomplishing of which his designs, he at his first coming sent Parthaws Bassa with forty thousand Turks to help the Bassa of TEMESWARE and the Tartars, in the behalf of the Vayvod, to besiege the strong town of GYULA, situate upon the lake ZARKAD in the confines of TRANSILVANIA; not far from whence Suendi had but in August before overthrown the Tartars, called in by Solyman for the aid of the Vayvod, and slain of them ten thousand. And at the same time he sent Mustapha Bassa of BOSNA, and Carambeus, with a great power to ALBA REGALIS; who joining with the Bassa of BUDA, should keep the emperor Maximilian busy, whilst he in the mean time besieged SIGETH, as is before declared. Parthaws Bassa coming to GYULA, and laying hard siege to the town, was still notably repulsed by Nicholas Keretschen, Governor of the town: insomuch, that in a sally he had certain pieces of his great ordinance taken from him by the defendants, and the rest cloyed. But this brave captain, Nicholaus Keretschen corrupted for money, be●●ayeth Gyula to the Turks. not to have been constrained by all that the Bassa could do, was at last persuaded by his kinsman George Bebicus (from whom Suendi had a little before taken certain castles, for revolting from the emperor to the Vayvod) for a great sum of money to deliver up the town to the Bassa: which he did, covenanting beside his reward, That the soldiers should with bag and baggage in safety depart; all which was frankly granted: who were not gone past a mile out of the town, but they were set upon by the Turks, and all slain, except some few which crept into the reeds growing in the marish fast by, and so escaped. The traitor himself expecting his reward, was carried in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE: where afterward, upon complaint made how hardly he had used certain Turks, whom he had sometime taken prisoners, he was by the commandment of Selimus, who succeeded Solyman, thrust into a hogshead struck full of nails with the points inward, with this inscription upon it: Here receive the reward of thy avarice and treason, A trai●or well rewarded. GYULA, thou soldest for gold: if thou be not faithful to Maximilian thy lord, neither wilt thou be to me: and so the hogshead closed fast up, he was therein rolled up and down until he therein miserably died. The emperors camp then lying at RAB, and the Bassa of BUDA and BOSNA with thirty thousand Turks not far off at ALBA REGALIS, and many hot skirmishes passing between them: it fortuned that the fifth of September the Turks in hope to have done some great piece of service upon the Christians, came forth of their camp in great number, and by chance light upon a few foragers of the army, of whom they slew some, the rest flying, raised an alarm in the camp: whereupon the Hungarians and Burgundians with some others issuing out, pursuing the Turks, slew divers of them: in which pursuit George Thuriger, descrying the Governor of ALEA REGALIS, The Governor of Alba Regalis taken. a man in great account, and very inward with Solyman whilst he lived, fiercely pursued him in the midst of the flying enemies, and never left him until he had taken him prisoner: and at his return presenting him to the emperor, was for that good service knighted, and rewarded with a chain of gold. There was by chance then present a Spaniard, who had heard him say openly at CONSTANTINOPLE, That he alone with his own power was able to vanquish the German king (by which name the Turks commonly term the emperor:) With which words when that the Spaniard hardly charged him in the presence of the emperor, still urging him as it were to say something for himself, the Turk answered him in these few words following: The Turks sharp answer to the Spaniard. Such is the chance of war, thou seest me now a prisoner, and able to do nothing. All these troubles, with many more like in short time to have ensued, were by the death of Solyman within a while after well appeased. Muhamet Bassa after he had repaired the breaches, and placed a Turk Governor of SIGETH, The Turks army retaineth with the body of Solyman to Belgrade. with a strong garrison for the defence of the place and commanding of the country, called back the dispersed forces; and rising with the army, retired toward BELGRADE, carrying Soliman's dead body all the way sitting upright right in his horselitter carried by mules, giving it out that he was sick of the gout: which thing the janissaries easily believed, knowing that he had been many years so carried: yet still wishing his presence, as unto them always fortunate, although that he were able for to do nothing. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Solyman. Emperors of Germany Charles the fifth. 1519. 39 Ferdinand. 1558. 7. Maximilian the second. 1565. 12. Kings Of England Henry the eight. 1509. 38. Edward the sixth. 1546. 6. Queen Marie. 1553. 6. Queen Elizabeth. 1558. 45. Of France Francis the first. 1514. 32. Henry the second. 1547. 12. Francis the second. 1559. 1. Charles the ninth. 1560. 14. Of Scotland james the fifth. 1514. 29. Queen Mary. 1543. Bishops of Rome Leo the X. 1513. 8. Hadrian the VI 1522. 1. Clement the VII. 1523. 10. Paulus the III. 1534. 15. julius the III. 1550. 5. Marcellus the II. 1555. 22 days. Paulus the FOUR 1555. 4. Pius the FOUR 1560. 5. Pius the V. 1566. 6. SELYMUS. SELYMUS SECUNDUS TURCARUM IMPERATOR QVINTUS FLORVIT ANᵒ 1566 Dissimilis patri, Selimus regalia Sceptra, Corripit: & dira concutit arma manu. Foedus cum venetis frangit. Quid foedera prosunt? Armataque manu Cypria regna rapit Instravit tumidum numerosis classibus Aequor: Vt Naupactiacas nobilitaret aquas. Moldawm foeda mulctavit morte Dynasten Et magni fines prorogat imperij Obruit Hispanos multa vi: Punica regna Destruit: & regnis adijcit illa suis. Sed nimis in venerem pronus, vinoque sepultus, Extremum properat praecipitare diem. R. KNOLL. Unlike his father, Selimus the royal Sceptre takes: And shaking arms with cruel hand, exceeding stirs he makes. With VENICE state his league he breaks (with Turks what league can stand) And CYPRUS kingdom takes from them, by force of mighty hand. He covered the swelling seas with huge fleets to see: That vanquished, unto those seas he might an honour be. The Vayvod of MOLDAVIA he brought to woeful end, The borders of his kingdom great that so he might extend. In GULET he the Spaniards overwhelmd with mighty power: And thereby TUNES' kingdom did the selfsame time devour. But wholly given to venery, unto excess and play, He posteth on before his time to hast his fatal day. R. K. THE LIFE OF SELIMUS, THE SECOND OF THAT NAME, fifth EMPEROR OF THE TURKS. Selymus', the only son of Solyman then left alive, by letters from Muhamet Bassa understanding of the death of his father, hasted from CUTAI, a city of GALATIA not far from ANCYRA, towards CONSTANTINOPLE; and coming to SCUTARIE, was from thence by Bostanges' Bassa of the court, conducted over the straight to CONSTANTINOPLE: where, by him and Scander Bassa (Selimus his son in law, and then Soliman's Vicegerent) he was conveyed into the imperial palace the three and twentieth of September, Selimus saluted emperor of the Turks in the year 1566. in the year 1566; and there possessed of his father's seat, was by the janissaries there present, saluted emperor. He was about the age of forty two years when he began to reign, a man of an unconstant and hasty disposition, wholly given to wantonness and excess: so that he never went to wars himself, but performed them altogether by his lieutenants, contrary to the charge of Selimus his grandfather, given by him to his father Solyman, whereof he was never unmindful. The next day he came abroad, and showed himself in his majesty; and in the temple of SOPHIA, after the manner of the Turkish superstition, caused solemn prayers and sacrifices to be made for his father: which done, he gave unto the janissaries a largious of 100000 Sultanines, with promise to augment their wages. And all things being now in readiness for his intended journey, he with a goodly retinue set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE the seven and twentieth of September: and the twentieth of October a little from BELGRADE met the army coming from SIGETH, gallantly marching under their ensigns, with the dead body of Solyman, whom the soldiers generally supposed to have been yet living, but troubled with the gout, to have kept his horselitter as his manner was to travel. Selimus alighting, came in his mourning attire to the horselitter, looked upon the dead body of his father, kissed it, and wept over it, as did all the other great Bassas also. And that the death of Solyman might then be made known to all men, the ensigns were presently let fall, and trailed upon the ground, a dead march sounded, and heavy silence commanded to be kept through all the camp. Shortly after, Selimus was with the great applause of the whole army proclaimed emperor, his ensigns advanced, and every one of the great commanders of the army, in their degree admitted to kiss his hand. So marching forward, he returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE the two and twentieth of November: but thinking to have entered his palace (which they commonly call the SERAGLIO) he was by the discontented janissaries but now come from the wars, prohibited so to do; they with great insolency demanding of him a greater donative, together with the confirmation both of their ancient and new privileges, before they would suffer him to enter. Against which their so great presumption, the Visier Bassanes, together with the Aga, opposing themselves, and seeking by all means to appease them, were by them foully entreated and well rapped about the pates with the stocks of their callivars; but especially the two great Bassas, Muhamet and Pertau, as the chief authors that their lord had dealt no more liberally with them. With which so sudden and unexpected a mutiny of his best soldiers, Selimus not a little troubled, and calling unto him the Aga (or captain of the janissaries) demanded of him the cause thereof: who with tears trickling down his cheeks for grief, told him, That it was for money. Which by Selimus now promised unto them, together with the confirmation of their liberties; and the Aga with fair words and heavy countenance most earnestly entreating them, not to blemish the ancient reputation of their wont loyalty with so foul a disorder, nor to expose the life of him their loving captain, unto the heavy displeasure of their angry Sultan; and farther assuring them, that he would not fail them in the least of his promises, but content them to the full of their desires; the mutiny was at length appeased, the insolent janissaries again quieted, and Selimus into the SERAGLIO received. Howbeit Muhamet, chief of the Visier Bassanes, for certain days after went not out of his palace, neither came (as he was wont) into the DIVANO, but kept himself cose, for fear of some greater mischief from them. This tumult thus overpassed, and all again well quieted, Solyman buried. Selimus with all royal solemnity buried his father in a chapel which he after the manner of the Mahometan kings, had in his life time most stately built, with a college and an hospital. Where fast by his side is to be seen the tomb of Roxolana his best beloved wife, and of certain others his murdered children: and by him hangeth his scimitar, in token that he died in wars; an honour not otherwise granted to the Mahometan princes. The revenues arising of the country about SIGETH of late won from the Christians, at the time of his death, were given to the maintenance of the houses by him built of devotion; which for the magnificence thereof, exceed all the rest before built by the Mahometan kings and emperors, except those which were the buildings of Mahomet the great, and Bajazet the second. It was by many thought, that Solyman was in good time by death cut off, as purposing that year to have wintered in HUNGARY, and the year following to have done great matters against the Christians, both by sea and land. 1567. The great army of the Turks thus drawn out of HUNGARY by the death of Solyman, in some part assuaged, but altogether appeased not the endless troubles of that unfortunate kingdom. Maximilian the emperor on the one side, Troubles in Hungary. and john the Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA with the Turks captains on the other, renting it in pieces, as if they had sworn the destruction thereof. The Vayvod desiring to recover the strong castle of TOCKAY, in the frontiers of his country, but lately taken from him by Suendi the emperors lieutenant, laid hard siege unto it, and had brought it to great extremity, although it was notably defended by james Raminger the captain thereof: when suddenly news was brought unto him, That the Tartars (whom he had called into his country to have aided him against the emperor) did with all hostility after their barbarous manner, burn and destroy his country before them, making havoc of all things; so that the country people were glad in defence of themselves, to take up arms against them. Whereupon he forthwith left the siege, and went to aid his distressed subjects against the Tartars, with whom he had many an hot skirmish; and after much bloodshed, at last overcame them, and with much ado rid himself of such bad guests. Now in the mean time, Suendi strengthened with new supplies sent unto him from the emperor, had taken the castle of ZACKMAR in the borders of TRANSILVANIA, and with like good fortune had the castle of MUNCATZ yielded unto him, and after that besieged the town of HUSTH: so that the Vayvod was glad to crave aid of the Turkish emperor Selimus, under whose protection he was: who presently commanded Partau one of his chief Bassas, & then his great lieutenant in ROMANIA, to go with his forces into TRANSILVANIA, to relieve him. But hearing that ambassadors were coming from Maximilian the emperor, he called him back again, until he had heard the effect of that embassage. The Bassa of Buda desirous to further the peace. At which time also the Bassa of BUDA inclining unto peace, sent presents to the emperor, requesting him to remove certain Hungarian captains from off the frontiers, least happily they should interrupt the treaty of peace, then on both sides purposed; promising for his part to punish with death all such Turks as should make any further invasion, or raise any new troubles. He writ letters also to county Salma, That he could not but marvel, to what end Maximilian the emperor was about to entreat with his lord & master of peace, whilst Suendi in the mean time was raging in TRANSILVANIA, then under the Turks protection; which if he proceeded still to do, Selimus would thereof take occasion (as he said) to turn all his forces that way: wherefore he requested him to persuade the emperor to take some more easy course in that behalf, promising also, that he would for his part effectually travel with his master, to have better liking of peace than of wars, wishing him also to do the like. Which thing as soon as the emperor understood, he commanded Suendi to give over the siege of HUSTH, and to keep himself quiet, until he might by his ambassadors understand what the great Turk purposed, and how he was affected towards peace. Now in deed these two great princes, Maximilian and Selimus both desirous of peace. Maximilian and Selimus (although they notably dissembled the matter) were both of them in heart desirous of peace, and that for divers great and urgent considerations: Maximilian for want of money, saw it not possible for him to send into the field such an army the next year, as he had the year before. And Selimus, beside his other troubles, was to take order for the appeasing of a great and dangerous rebellion, in the farthest part of his dominions in ARABIA FoeLIX; where the people rising up in arms, and having slain the Bassas and Sanzacks' their Governors, were ready to have cast off the Turkish obedience: neither was he out of fear of the Persians, ready (as was reported) to make war upon him. For which causes he wished rather for peace with the emperor Maximilian, than wars: and so much the more, for that it was impossible for him to send an army of any puissance into HUNGARY, for want of many necessary provisions for the maintenance thereof, in a country so much impoverished by reason of the late wars; wherein no victuals were to be found for the relief of such a multitude of men as he was to send, if he would do any good there. And truth it was (as the Turks themselves afterward reported) that Maximilian with half the power he had in field the last year, might have easily recovered the greatest part of that kingdom before lost: but well knowing his own wants, and ignorant of theirs, he altogether inclining to peace; and by county Salma advertised from the Bassa of BUDA, That if he would send ambassadors to CONSTANTINOPLE with the tribute wont to be there paid for HUNGARY, a peace upon reasonable conditions might be easily obtained; he resolved upon that point. And so certain messengers being sent up and down to CONSTANTINOPLE to the same effect, it was concluded, That if the emperor would send ambassadors to CONSTANTINOPLE with the tribute yet behind, and a large commission for the treaty of peace, Selimus should give them his safe conduct, with liberty at their pleasure to return in case either of peace or war. Which agreed upon, and faithfully promised on both sides, Selimus set at liberty the lord Albert de Vuis, who six years Lieger in CONSTANTINOPLE, first for the emperor Ferdinand, and after for Maximilian, had now been straightly imprisoned in his own house by the space of two and twenty months, in such sort that neither he nor any of his household could go abroad, watch and ward being kept both night and day about his house, and his windows also boarded up, to the end he should not so much as look out into the city or any whither else more than the court of his house only. So the emperor Maximilian now resolved to send ambassadors to CONSTANTINOPLE with the tribute money, and divers other rich gifts and presents, as well to the great Turk himself as the Visier Bassanes his counsellors: and considering with himself, whom to be most fit with wisdom and honour to bring this so weighty a matter about, having to do with so barbarous, covetous, and mighty a people; made choice of the lord Antonius Verantius of AGRIA (of his counsel for the kingdom of HUNGARY) a prelate of great estimation, who being a man of threescore and three years old, beside his great learning, had the experience of seven and twenty embassages; wherein he always so discreetly bore himself, as well contented his prince, and purchased unto himself the reputation of a most grave and wise man: and about ten years before this embassage, being by the emperor Ferdinand sent ambassador to Solyman, and now by Maximilian to Selimus at CONSTANTINOPLE, returning thence with good success, was by the emperor created a prince of the empire, and bishop of AGRIA. Unto which so honourable a parsonage, having the charge of this so weighty a matter, the emperor the more to ennoble this embassage, as also to purchase the greater credit to his ambassador, joined unto him a most honourable Baron, called the lord Christopher Teufenbatch of STIRIA, one of his counsellors also for the wars; who with full instructions both taking their leave of the emperor (then holding a parliament at PRESEVR●) departed: Maximilian the emperor sendeth ambassadors to Selimus. and being attended upon with a great and honourable retinue, set forward the first of july 1567., and so came to COMARA a strong town in HUNGARY, not past a league from the Turks frontiers. In which place the ambassadors staying until the seventh of july; in the mean time gave knowledge of their coming unto the Governor of STRIGONIUM, demanding for their security in the enemy's country, to be met and received by some of his garrison: which granted, they took their barks brought from VIENNA and POSSONIUM, sufficient for their greatness to have carried them down the river to BELGRADE, with horse and waggon and their whole furniture: and so entering upon the Turks dominion about a league or a little more from COMARA, being so far wafted by the soldiers and galleys of COMARA, they were met by an Aga of the Turks with a Chiaus called Becram (sent by the Bassa of BUDA) in certain galleys armed with Turkish soldiers. To whom the ambassador at his landing delivered his mind, and afterward his person, giving them to understand, that they were with all safety to conduct both him and all his to the Bassa of BUDA; which they answered, they were ready to accomplish: and so courteously invited by the ambassadors, they came aboard their bark, and there dined all together. Here they that were sent with them, leaving them in the hands of the Turks (having licence to depart) returned to COMARA: and they that day after five leagues sailing arrived at STRIGONIUM, where they were by the Governor of the city denied landing: for which so dishonourable a part, he was afterward sharply rebuked by the Bassa of BUDA. Yet as they lay that night upon the water, certain Turkish minstrels, to do them honour and to get a largesse, with their barbarous bawling instruments played them up many an homely fit of mirth: and divers others with sundry sorts of vaulting and tumbling, sometime leaping one upon another's shoulders, and sometime doing their tricks on the earth, The ambassadors come to Buda. all the evening showed them great sport and pastime. From STRIGONIUM they with five leagues sailing came to BUDA, leaving behind them the castle of VICEGRADE, two leagues distant from STRIGONIUM. In this city of BUDA lieth the great Bassa, by whom all HUNGARY, with the provinces thereto belonging (in the Turks power) is governed. This city, sometime the regal seat of the Hungarian kings, is situate upon a little hill on the Southside of Danubius, having in the South point thereof a castle, much higher than the city, and of a most brave prospect: in which castle lieth a captain with a garrison of five hundred soldiers (as the Turks say) howbeit it is thought that they are not altogether so many: it is the loss of his head to stir out of his charge; and beside, he hath commission to deny the Bassa himself entrance, unless he come very slightly accompanied● so jealous are the Turks of that castle, as if the state of HUNGARY depended thereon. Herein standeth the king's palace, which taketh up most part of the place, greatly beautified by king Mathias, and showing outwardly to have been a very stately thing: for there are in it both large hals and fair galleries, and chambers built in most royal manner; where amongst other rooms, the ambassadors found a decayed library full of pictures and Latin titles of books: all which things, when they present themselves unto the eyes of the Christian beholders, offer a just consideration of noble and reverend antiquity, and withal, strike into their hearts a certain compassion joined with horror, to see the renowned glory of so many great kings, all wasted and brought to nothing. The next morning, the ambassadors went to speak with the Bassa: whose house was reasonable fair (considering their guise and custom, not much delighting in the beauty of their private buildings) scituat upon the rivers side, at the bottom of the hill whereon the city standeth. Unto this Bassa the ambassadors presented two fair gilt cups, Presents given by the emperors ambassadors unto the Bassa of Buda. a clock all curiously wrought in gold, and a thousand dollars: which present the Bassa received in his Divano (being a large hall) where he sat with his counsellors, officers, and other Turks in their places and order; some on his right hand, and others on his left, all richly attired in garments of silk of divers colours and fashions, reaching down to their ankles after their manner; their heads covered with their passing white and well made Turbans: in which assembly, nothing being to be seen but goodly order and grave silence, they seemed to the strange beholders, so many counsellors of exceeding gravity and reputation. Round about the hall wherein the ambassadors had audience, were many seats covered with Turkey carpets; the rest of the room being all vacant. The Bassa in a place more apparent than the rest, sitting in great majesty: before whom were set two little chairs, on which (after he had stood up a while and embraced the ambassadors) he caused them both to sit down. Whose speech delivered in the Italian tongue (after they had discharged themselves of the emperors letters and greetings) was to this effect, viz: That his imperial majesty (for the common benefit of their subjects in HUNGARY) requested him to continue in his good purpose and dealing for peace: and further, to give safe conduct unto them his ambassadors with their retinue, until they were come unto the Turks court, where they were to entreat and conclude a peace, to the ending of all troubles, and the public benefit of their subjects in general. Which speech, with cheerful and friendly countenance ended, many of the ambassadors followers were admitted to kiss the Bassa's hand, accounted no small favour amongst those Barbarians. The interpreter of these things was a jew of PADVA, who declared all that was spoken, in the Turkish language unto the Bassa, and in the Italian unto the ambassadors. And although (if it had been their pleasure) they might have told their mind each to other in the Sclavonian tongue, without an interpreter: yet the Bassa standing more upon his reputation, and for some other respects beside, would have the matter propounded, and likewise answered in the Turkish. In which sort they also conferred continually afterward with the Bassas at CONSTANTINOPLE, unless it were in some particular and private talk of small importance, or else in some point beside the matter; for then the interpreters spoke in the Crovatian or Sclavonian tongue, which is familiar to most of the Turks, but especially to the men of war. Before this hall where the ambassadors were entertained by the Bassa; in the base court stood all the janissaries in goodly array, and his slaves with their red zarcull on their heads, and other soldiers with high and long plumes of feathers standing upright: all which made a beautiful show, and gave all great grace to the Bassa's court: these men stir not one foot in their standings, and if the consultation do last four hours long, so long are they to continue standing without moving. The ambassadors having stayed two days at BUDA, were by the Bassa dismissed, sending with them his Checai (the Steward or governor of his house) a man of great reputation, and Becram the Chiaus (the same that came to meet them at COMARA) with a sufficient guard, and certain janissaries, sent for their more safe traveling, and to provide for them from place to place of all things necessary for their diet, as also for their horses, at the Turks charges. And thus accompanied, they embarked the tenth day of the aforesaid month, towed up by the Turks galleys, which holpen by the swiftness of the river, carried them down in eight days to BELGRADE, where they arrived the eighteenth of july. So having stayed at BELGRADE, and there leaving their boats, and taking their coaches, they set forward by land the twentieth of the said month, and with great pains traveling through RASCIA, BULGARIA, and THRACIA, and passing a part of the great mountain SCARDUS, and after that the mountain RHODOPE, so by the way of PHILIPPOPOLIS and HADRIANOPLE, the two and twentieth of August gathered fast upon CONSTANTINOPLE: where many of the Spahies and Chiausais of the court, with a number of the janissaries and other soldiers, for their greater honour came to meet them a great way without the city. The emperors ambassadors honourably received by the Turks at Constantinople. By whom the ambassadors honourably mounted on horseback, were by them conducted to their lodging appointed for them about the midst of the city: where the lord Albert de Vuis the emperors ambassador Lieger (not long before enlarged) having long looked for their coming, now most joyfully received them. It was then Friday the Turks Sabaoth, and a day of them above all other days in the week regarded, and about ten of the clock two hours before noon; at which time the ambassadors were no sooner alighted, but that Selimus going to hear the ceremonies of his religion, in the Moschie of his father Solyman (as his manner was sometime to do) passed along before the gate where the ambassadors lay, with the whole train of his court; and peradventure somewhat more than ordinary, to show the magnificence of his power and state, to the end that the ambassadors (above the former opinion by them conceived) might hold him in the reputation of a most puissant and mighty monarch. He passing by, vouchsafed not once to give them a regard, or so much as to cast his eye aside upon them, although they were strangers, and but even then arrived: but with a countenance, as if he had known not so much as nothing of their coming, held on his way as it say. But Muhamet the chief Visier Bassa, with the other Bassas and great courtiers, in most gracious manner as they passed by, cast their eyes upon them; all the courtesy they could then show them. Presents given by the emperors ambassadors to the great Bassa●● Six days after, being the eight and twentieth of August, the ambassadors all three went to visit and salute Muhamet (or as the Turks call him Mehemet) the chief Visier Bassa, as the manner was, presenting him from the emperor with four cups of silver all guilt, of most fair and cautious workmanship; of which, two of them being greater than the other, were three spans high, the other two being not so high by a span, but having in them two thousand ducats of gold▪ beside which, they gave him also a clock, being a most curious piece of work, and all over double guilt. After which greetings and presents delivered, beside the contents of his majesties letters, they declared unto him in general points, the cause of their coming, and the mind of the emperor well disposed to a peace; and what great benefit would arise thereby to both parties: and lastly turning over the blame of the late wars, and laying the fault thereof to the charge of others, sweetened thereby the sour of their former dealings. Neither was the Bassa likewise for his part to seek of good words, but answered them in Turkish by the mouth of Hibraim the chief Dragoman, who delivered his mind to them in Latin or Italian, accordingly as the ambassadors had before uttered theirs: which parley so ended, certain of the chief of the ambassadors followers were admitted into the Divano to kiss the proud Bassa's hand. The same day the ambassadors also saluted Partau the second Bassa, and Ferat the third in order and authority. To Partau they presented two cups of silver all guilt, beside a clock of the same making with the abovenamed, and two thousand collars: and the like to Ferat. The next day they went to visit the other three Bassas, Acomat, Piall, and Muhamet, presenting every one of them with two fair cups, and a thousand dollars: These were the six Visier Bassas to Selimus, then lying at Court with him, men that for wealth and authority went before all other in the Turkish empire, as in the course of this history may appear. And so having visited them in general, the ambassadors to set their affairs on foot, the fourth of September closed with Muhamet, to whom the ordering of state-matters was especially committed. Yet after this first conference, because it was necessary before so weighty affairs were broached, first to do the Great Turk reverence, and to deliver the presents, with the emperors letters to him written; for some few days there was not any point at all of the ambassadors business handled. Selimus not long after the ambassadors were arrived, went out for his disport and pleasure on hunting: so that in the mean time (after the presents were given to the Bassas) matters stood still altogether unaduanced, until the one and twentieth of September: and that day (Selimus being now returned from his disport) it was appointed that the ambassadors should have audience at the Court. Whereupon they made choice out of their followers of those that should attend upon them, which were not in all above twelve persons: For they to whom this charge was committed, said it was neither the manner nor yet meet that any great train should come before so great a prince, and that they might not bring with them above that number: whereupon they appointed but six a piece to attend them: Presents sent unto Selimus by the emperor. and of fifteen cups all of silver and guilt, being most curiously and cunningly engraven, one of the fairest among the rest was given to each of those twelve to carry, and they ordered to go by two and two before the rest that came after in order with the rest of the present: which was two exceeding precious Clocks, like in bigness to them before given to the Bassas, but far above them in value; and five and forty thousand Dollars for the tribute behind and yet unpayed. The greatest of those cups was six spans and an half, and the least two spans in height: some of them being double cups after the high Dutch manner. The ambassadors (whose coming a great multitude of the janissaries attended below at the gate of their lodging: The emperors ambassadors honourably conducted by the Turks unto the Court. beside many of the Spahies and Chiausis, and others of good sort, which were come to honour them with their presence to the palace) putting themselves in readiness betimes in the morning, and taking horse, set forward toward the Court. The foremost were they that did bear the present in their hands, the people of the city in every street flocking together in exceeding multitudes to behold them as they passed: and verily there had been seldom times seen the like embassage in those parts. For besides the fame that was blown abroad in every quarter, That they were men sent from one of the greatest princes of Christendom; the diversity of their attire (so few as they were) more than any thing beside, did represent the majesty of the Christian emperor to them that gased upon his ambassadors and their train, the people conceiving thereby that he was lord and ruler of many provinces and countries. For they that were Hungarians belonging to the bishop of AGRIA (the chief ambassador) being attired in long and sober garments of very fine purple cloth, having their shoes pieced over the soles with iron plates, and half of their heads shaven, seemed to differ from them but little. But on the other side the high Dutch attired in black, with their velvet caps, and short cloaks laid with silver lace, and long breeches little less than Rutter wise, and chains of gold about their necks, appeared very strange and uncouth to the Turkish people: and so accompanied in this honourable wise, the ambassadors entered the first gate of the Great Turk's palace. The first Gate of the Great Turk's palace. This gate is built of marble in most sumptuous manner, and of a stately height, with certain words of their language in the front thereof engraven and gilded in marble. So passing through the base Court, which hath on the right side very fair gardens, and on the left side divers buildings serving for other offices, with a little Moschie; The second Gate they came to the second gate, where all such as come in riding, must of necessity alight. Here so soon as they were entered in at this second gate, they came into a very large square Court, with buildings and galleries round about it, the kitchens standing on the right hand, with other lodgings for such as belonged to the Court, and on the left hand likewise rooms deputed to like services. There are moreover many hals and other rooms for resort, where they sit in counsel handling and executing the public affairs either of the Court or of the Empire, with other matters, where the Bassas and other officers assemble together. Entering in at this second gate, in one part of the Court, which seemed rather some large street, they saw the whole company of the Solaches set in a goodly rank, which are archers keeping always near unto the person of the Great Turk, and serving as his footmen when he rideth: they use high plumes of feathers, which are set bolt upright over their foreheads. In another place there stood the Capitzi in like array, with black staves of Indian canes in their hands: they are the porters and warders at the gates of the palace, not much differing in their attire from the janissaries; who stood in rank likewise in another quarter. And beside all those, with many more that were out of order, as well of the Court as of the common people, those knights of the Court which accompanied the ambassadors thither, with other great ones also of like degree, were marshaled all in their several companies. And among the rest, the Mutfarachas, men of all nations and all religions (for their valour the only freemen which live at their own liberty in the Turkish empire) stood there appareled in damask, velvet, and cloth of gold, and garments of silk of sundry kinds and colours: their pomp was great, and the greater, for the turbans that they wore upon their heads, being as white as whiteness itself, made a most brave and goodly show well worth the beholding. In brief, whether they were to be considered all at once, or in particular, as well for the order that they kept, as for their sumptuous presence, altogether without noise or rumour; they made the ambassadors and the rest of their followers there present, eye witnesses both of their obedience, and of the great state and royalty of the Ottoman Court. Passing through them, the ambassadors were led into the hall, where the Bassas and other great men of the Court were all ready to give them entertainment: they of their train being at the same time brought into a room that stood a part under one of the aforesaid lodgings all hung with Turkey carpets. A homely feast given to the ambassadors followers in the Turks Court. Soon after (as their use and manner is) they brought in their dinner, covering the ground with table clothes of a great length, spread upon carpets; and afterward scattering upon them a marvelous number of wooden spoons, with so great store of bread, as if they had been to feed three hundred persons: then they set on meat in order, which was served in two and forty great platters of earth, full of rice pottage of three or four kinds, differing one from another; some of them seasoned with honey, and of the colour of honey; some with sour milk, and white of colour; & some with sugar: they had fritters also which were made of like batter; and mutton beside, or rather a dainty and toothsome morsel of an old sodden Ewe. The table (if there had any such been) thus furnished, the guests without any ceremony of washing sat down on the ground (for stools there was none) and fell to their victual, and drank out of great earthen dishes, water prepared with sugar, which kind of drink they call Zerbet. But so having made a short repast, they were no sooner risen, but certain young men whom they call Giamoglans, with others that stood round about them, snatched it hastily up as their fees, and like greedy Harpies ravened it down in a moment. The ambassadors in the mean time dined in the hall with the Bassaes. And after dinner certain of the Capitzies' were sent for the twelve of the ambassadors followers, before appointed to do the great Sultan reverence: by whom (their presents being already conveyed away) they were removed out of the place where they dined, and brought on into an under room, from whence there was an ascent into the hall, where the Bassas were staying for the ambassadors: who soon after came forth, and for their ease sat them down upon the benches, whiles the Bassas went in to Selimus; who before this time had made an end of dinner, and was removed in all his royalty into one of his chambers, expecting the coming of the ambassadors. All things now in readiness, and the ambassadors sent for, they set forward with their train, and came to the third gate which leadeth into the privy palace of the Turkish emperor, where none but himself, his eunuches, and the young pages his minions, being in the eunuches custody, hath continual abiding: into which inward part of the palace none entereth but the Capitzi-Bassa (who hath the keeping of this third gate) & the Cesigniers (that serve in the Great Turk's meat) with the Bassas and some few other great men▪ The third Ga●e▪ and that only when they have occasion so to do by reason of some great business, or sent for by the Sultan. Being entered in at this gate, which is of a stately and royal building, the Capitzi by whom they were conducted, suddenly caused them to stay, and set them one from another about five paces; in a little room, which nevertheless was passing delicate, all curiously painted over with divers colours, and stood between the gate and the more inner lodgings. On both sides of which room, when all things else were whist and in a deep silence, certain little birds only were heard to warble out their sweet notes, and to flicker up and down the green trees of the gardens (which all along cast a pleasant shadow from them) as if they alone had obtained licence to make a noise. Selimus himself was in great majesty set in an under chamber, parted only with a wall from the room wherein the ambassadors followers attended, wherinto he might look through a little window, the portal of his said chamber standing in counterpoint with the third gate above mentioned. The ambassadors entering in, were led single and one after another, The ambassadors brought in unto Selimus, with the manner of the entertainment of them and their followers. to make their reverence unto the Great Turk. And in the mean time certain of the Capitzi with the presents in their hands fetching a compass about before the window, mustered them in his sight. All this while not the least sound in the world being raised, but a sacred silence kept in every corner, as if men had been going to visit the holiest place in JERUSALEM, Yet for all that the ambassadors followers placed one from another (as is aforesaid) were not aware that the great Sultan was so near, looking still when they should have been led on forwards all together: howbeit, they were set in one after another: neither did they that were so set out, return again into the room; but having severally done their reverence, were all (except the ambassadors, that still stayed in the chamber) by one and one sent out another way into the Court: neither could he that came after see his fellow that went before him, after he was once taken in to do his reverence: but suddenly as the former was let out, the next was advanced forward to the door, where Isman the Capitzi-Bassa & the Odda-Bassa taking him by both arms and by the neck, the one at his right hand, and the other at his left, and so leading him apace, by the way softly felt his wrists with their hands, lest peradventure he might have some short weapon in his ●leeue. Itinerario Di Marc Antonio Pigafetta. ca 5. Yet were they not all thus groped, as Marc Antonio Pigafetta, the reporter of this negotiation, saith of himself and some others also. Howbeit this hath been (and yet is) the manner of giving of access unto the person of the Great Turk, ever since that Amurath the first was after the battle of CASSOVA murdered by one of Lazarus the Despots men, who admitted to his presence (in revenge of the wrong done unto his master) with a short poniard that he had closely hidden about him, so stabbed him in the belly that he presently died. And thus like men rather carried to prison by sergeants, than to the presence of so mighty a Monarch, they were presented unto his majesty: he sitting upon a pallet, which the Turks call Mastabe, used by them in their chambers to sleep and to feed upon, covered with carpets of silk, as was the whole floor of the chamber also. The chamber itself being not very great, was but dark, altogether without windows, excepting that one whereof we have before spoken: and having the walls painted and set out in most fresh and lively colours by great cunning, and with a most delicate grace: yet use they neither pictures nor the image of any thing in their painting. The six Visier Bassas (before mentioned) were standing on the left hand as they entered in at the chamber door one by another in one side of the chamber, and the ambassadors on the right hand on the other side, standing likewise, and uncovered. The Dragomans were in another part of the chamber, near the place where the Sultan sat gorgeously attired in a rob of cloth of gold, all embroidered with jewels: when as the ambassadors followers by one and one brought before him (as is aforesaid) and kneeling on the ground, a Turk standing on his right side, with all reverence taking up the hem of his garment, gave it them in their hands to kiss. Selimus himself all this while sitting like an image without moving, and with great state and majesty keeping his countenance, dained not to give them one of his looks. This done, they were led back again, never turning their backs towards him, but going still backwards, until they were out of his presence. So after they had all thus made their reverence, and were departed out of the chamber, the ambassadors delivered unto Selimus the emperors letters, and briefly declared unto him their message: whom he answering in four words, as, That they were to confer with his Bassas: presently they were dismissed. And so coming out of the two inner gates, they mounted on horseback, and took the way leading towards their lodging, being at their return accompanied with the whole order of the janissaries, with their Aga, and other captains: among whom were certain of their religious men called Haagis (which use to follow the janissaries) who continually turning about, and in their going, singing or rather howling out certain Psalms and prayers for the welfare of their Great Sultan, gave the ambassadors and their followers occasion to wonder, that they either left not for weariness, or fell not down like noddies for giddiness. All these were sent, the more honourably to accompany the ambassadors to their lodging: and beside these, many more on horseback than attended them at their forth coming: in regard whereof, the ambassadors when they were come to their lodging, to requite their greedy courtesy, frankly distributed amongst them above four thousand dollars, and yet well contented them not. The ambassadors after this entertainment at Court, had divers times conference with the great Bassas concerning peace, as Selimus had commanded: wherein by reason of the Turks unreasonable demands (as their manner is at their first meetings) nothing could be as then concluded: so ●●at Selimus himself being shortly after to depart for HADRIANOPLE, where he was to continue for some month (but rather as it was thought for that they could not agree upon a point of great consequence) the treaty for peace was intermitted, until such time as a messenger dispatched in post, might return unto the Turks Court with some resolute answer concerning that matter. The principal point whereupon the ambassadors differed from the Turks in the treaty of peace. So it was, that during the reign of the late emperor Ferdinand, that the Turk his subjects in HUNGARY paid all their taxes and tributes unto their old lords and masters, abiding and living in the emperors jurisdiction, as did the subjects of Ferdinand to their lords that dwelled in the Turks dominion and territories: Now in this treaty for peace, the Turks (amongst other their unreasonable requests) demanded to have their subjects freed, and yet the subjects of the emperor to pay as they were before accustomed. Which as it was a request nothing indifferent, so was it no less prejudicial and hurtful unto the emperor his subjects in HUNGARY: for which cause the ambassadors would not by any means consent thereunto, before they knew the emperors farther pleasure concerning the same. Whereupon they dispatched one Sig. Odoardo a gentleman of MANTVA, very skilful in the Turkish language and in such like affairs, by reason that as well about this business as at divers times before about other the like, he had been employed from VIENNA to CONSTANTINOPLE in the emperors service. So Selimus shortly after, viz. the twentieth of October, departing from CONSTANTINOPLE, in great magnificence passed by the gate where the ambassadors lay, with his whole Court in arms, and in the same order that is usually kept when he goeth to war or taketh any great journey. After whose departure the ambassadors having sufficiently viewed the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, and then at good leisure, to pass the time and to see the countries they had so often both heard and read of, together with the ports and havens on both sides that narrow sea which divideth EUROPE from ASIA, embarking themselves, and crossing the mouth of the haven betwixt CONSTANTINOPLE and PERA, passed all alongst the coast on EUROPE side unto the Euxine or black sea, and so back again by the other side of that strait sea: curiously noting the great ruins of the ancient cities of BYTHINIA, with some others alongst the Asian shore, together with the pleasant situation they in former times had, whilst they yet flourished in their glory, but now for most part (or rather altogether) laid in the dust & brought to nought: and so returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE. But whilst they thus deceived the time, and lay long expecting the return, as well of their own messenger sent unto the emperor, as of Selimus himself; they were advertised in all haste to repair unto him to HADRIANOPLE, whether the aforesaid messenger was now come with full instructions of all things concerning the treaty for peace. For which cause they with great speed making themselves ready, and taking their leave of Piall Bassa (who for that he was Selimus his great Admiral, then lay at CONSTANTINOPLE) set forward the first of januarie in the year 1568: 1568 and so after nine days travel at length arrived at HADRIANOPLE about an hundred fifty three Italian miles distant from CONSTANTINOPLE. Here they stayed until the peace was concluded, which was the seventeenth of February: The chief capitulation whereon a peace was concluded betwixt Maximilian the emperor and Selimus. the chief capitulations whereof were, That either of those great princes should still hold what they had got each from the other in the late wars, That the emperor should yearly pay thirty thousand ducats to the Turkish Sultan, as a tribute for HUNGARY, the tribute to begin in the beginning of januarie last past this year 1568, That the subjects of the Turk should pay nothing to the subjects of the emperor, neither the emperors any thing to the Turks, but to be both of those payments free. And that upon these conditions there should be a firm & sure peace betwixt these two great Monarches for eight years' next following: wherein the Vayvod of TRANSILVANIA was (as the Turks tributary) to be also comprehended. Nevertheless, all things at this time thus agreed upon, the Turks after their subtle manner finding sundry cavillations, and raising many doubts about the aforesaid capitulations, did what they might to have in some part altered what they had before agreed upon, to the bettering of themselves and the hurt of the Christians: and so with many their unreasonable demands stayed the departure of the ambassadors until the twentieth of March following. At which time having their dispatch, and taking their leave of the Great Turk and the Bassas, accompanied with Hebraim-Beg (Selimus his ambassador unto the emperor) they by land returned towards VIENNA; where they with the joyful news of peace the tenth of May arrived, being there two days after at the Court most honourably received. And five days after, audience was given unto the Turks ambassador; who well heard, and better rewarded, shortly after returned with a full conclusion of peace from the emperor to CONSTANTINOPLE. Ambassadors sent from Tamas the Persian king to Selimus. But whilst this peace was thus in concluding, and the ambassadors yet resident at HADRIANOPLE, the sixteenth of February came an honourable embassage from Shach Tamas the Persian king unto the Great Sultan Selimus, to entreat a peace betwixt them, or rather to conclude the same, being before agreed upon the controversies, for which they afterwards fell to open war. Which embassage for that it is no less truly than plainly set down in a letter sent from ERZIRUM (a city then in the confines of the Turks dominions towards the Persians) written by a Chiaus to Muhamet chief of the Visier Bassas; which Chiaus was of purpose sent from CONSTANTINOPLE, to meet the said Persian ambassador: I thought it not amiss for the better understanding thereof, to set down the effect of the same letter as it was translated out of the Turkish into the Italian by the emperors ambassadors interpreter. The effect of the letter written to Muhamet Bassa, the chief Visier, by a Chiaus sent of purpose to meet the Persian Ambassador. After due salutations, this is the effect of that which we thought good to make known unto your lordship. Now at this present (to wit in the beginning of the month Giuma Sulacchir) is in good health arrived the ambassador of Persia, the kings chief counsellor, called * Schach Culi Soltan was not the proper name of this ambassador, but a title of honour, and signifieth as much as a prince servant to the king. Schach Culi Soltan, attended upon with a hundred and twenty gentlemen, with guilt turbans on their heads, & well furnished with spare horses led in men's hands. Besides whom he was accompanied also with two hundred knights all appareled in cloth of gold, with four hundred Persian merchants, in all above seven hundred persons; with a thousand nine hundred beasts, camels, mules, and horses; five couple of drums, every couple being placed upon a several camel, five Nacars, three trumpets, five flutes, and other instruments, in all about thirty musicians, playing upon these instruments: There were also two choristers or chanters of the Alcoran, one Organist, one playing upon a Turkish instrument like a Lute, two players upon Sagbuts, with two other musicians, eight in all. There were also four bondwomen serving in the ambassadors own chamber. Who when he was with all this magnificent pomp come within one days journey of ERZIRUM, the * Sayms are soldiers of greater honour than the Spahi, having for their stipend yearly 2000 Asper's at the least, out of the revenues of certain towns and villages. Sayms and Spahies assembling themselves together to the number of eight thousand men, went to meet him: amongst whom were an hundred and more, all appareled in cloth of gold and satin: two thousand men with guilt morrions on their heads: in which bravery we marching forward, the Persian ambassador amazed to see so great majesty and pomp, said that all the army of CONSTANTINOPLE was come to meet him: and so being come into the city, caused all the instruments to be played upon, even from morning until night. The next morning the ambassador invited the Bassa with all the lords and officers, who being come, he entreated them to hear his music: and in like manner the lord Bassa invited the Persians. But as the ambassador was going to the banquet, came another Sultan of the kings, who brought to the same ambassador a guilt Turban, and a rich gown wrought with gold, which he caused him to put on by the way. By this ambassador the Persian king hath sent all the armour of Sultan Bajazet, with all his camels and other wealth. The causes of the long stay of this ambassador were specially two: the one for that the Persian king had caused to be made two pavilions of one piece, the curtains being interlaced with gold, and the supporters embroidered with the same: Besides this, he sent two books of histories, and two pearls, which in weight weighed ten * A Mescali is four 〈◊〉. Mescali: one Balasso as big as a little pearl, fourscore and two times an hundred * Tumenlich is in va●●e as much a● the Turks Asper. Tumenlich of stuff, amounting to fourscore and two sums of Asper's, and forty Falcons: all which the Persian king hath sent unto the Great Sultan, as to the only Monarch and Patron of the world. This Schach Culi is the next in authority to the king, and so was in the time of the great king Hysmaell. These two Persian Sultan's are the kings chief Sultan's and courtiers, and therefore set themselves forth with all the pomp they can. Yet notwithstanding all their bravery, being come to ERZIRUM within the view of our army, the Persians were amazed to behold the goodly order of the Othomans. One part of these Persians are returned again into PERSIA. And if it please God at the coming of my messenger unto you, your lordship shall understand of what condition and state these two princes and Sultan's are. They have each of them yearly six Tumoni: which maketh after the computation of the Othomans, six thousand Asper's. Your lor●●ship after this account may judge of the rest. The other cause of the long stay of this ambassador, was for that in SIRVAN the people were up in rebellion, wherein many of them were slain: to the appeasing of which sedition, this Schach Culi was sent, and now at last is come. From ERZIRUM in the beginning of the month of * December. Giuma Sulacchir, in the year of the Prophet Mahomet 975. This the Persian ambassador was with the greatest pomp that might be entertained by the Turks at his first coming to HADRIANOPLE, The Persian ambassadors honourably entertained by the Turks a● Hadrianople. all the brave Courtiers with the janissaries and other soldiers of the Court going forth in most seemly order to meet him. Who now entered the city, and come before the house where the emperors ambassadors than lay, and seeing certain of their retinue before the door, asked of Isnam the Capitzi Bassa, what people they were? who told him that they were the followers of an ambassador that there lay, sent from one of the greatest princes of the Christians, namely the emperor, who was desirous to make peace with the Great Sultan his master. Whereunto the ambassador replied, That he would willingly salute them: which Isnam hearing, straightway turned his horse towards the place where they stood. Now the emperors ambassador being secret within a lattice, and seeing him come towards them, went forth and stood upon the door threshold, and so with signs and words saluted one another. Amongst the others the Persian ambassador said unto the emperors, That he would gladly talk with them, if it might so please the Grand signor: Hebraim the Dragoman who then was with the emperors ambassadors, being interpreter. So having courteously saluted one the other, they departed, but never after came together. Two days after the Persian ambassadors (according to the manner of those barbarous nations, who with empty hands salute not one another) by his Checaia or steward of his household, presented all the Visier Bassas with divers rich gifts and presents, every one of them according to their degrees and places. And the day after went himself to visit them: where by the way fell out a strange matter, like enough to have cost him his life. The Persian ambassador in going to visit Muhamet the Visier Bassa, endanger to have been slain. For a Giamoglan (as the ambassador was going to visit Muhamet the chief of the Visier Bassas for the first) meeting him, shot at him with an harquebus, with purpose to have slain him; but as God would, miss him, and hurt but one of his chief followers in the arm. Wherewith the ambassador not a little dismayed, as supposing himself to have been betrayed, turning his horse, was about to have gone to his lodging: but the great Bassa in the mean time having knowledge thereof, presently sent our men to guard him, and to excuse himself of the fact. Whereof the ambassador being assured, held on his way. In the mean space the fellow who shot the harquebus, being apprehended, was brought before the ambassador and the Bassa: who ask him for what cause he discharged the shot against the ambassador? he without change of countenance boldly answered, That he did it for no other cause but for that the ambassador was an heretic, and sent from an heretical king, and an enemy to their religion: and therefore that it was not convenient he should come to entreat of peace with his lord, adding further, that he was not worthy of any peace. Which the Bassa hearing, adjudged the desperate villain the next day to be drawn at an horse tail through the city, & then to have his right hand cut off, and afterward his head, which was accordingly put in execution. After this the Persian ambassador the two and twentieth of the same month went to deliver the presents sent from his master unto the Grand signor, and to kiss his hand: sending first before him the presents upon four and forty camels, The rich present sent by the Persian king unto Selimus. whereof four and thirty were the kings of PERSIA, and the other ten his own. The king's present was an Alcoran, with the authority of Al●, as they hold. For this is their custom, always to present one such Alcoran unto the princes to whom they send their ambassadors. It was covered with gold, and garnished with most precious stones: He presented also a book of histories, covered as the other: he gave also a box, wherein was a very fair precious stone called Balasso, and two pearls of a wonderful greatness, with two purses of an handful long, full of jewels. Besides these, he presented also eight Firuari or Porcelain dishes (which we call China dishes) made of most pure earth, kept above fifty years buried under the ground, to the end so to be fined and purified, which (as some say) will melt and dissolve if any poison be put into them. He gave also two most stately pavilions, twenty great carpets of silk, and many other lesser of silk and gold; also nine fair canapies to hang over the ports of their pavilions, things not used among the Christians. He gave also nine very fair carpets of Camel's hair, nine saddles set with stone after the Persian fashion, seven staves of silver, seven scimitars with red scaberts, seven bows with arrows and quivers, all wrought with gold and precious stone; he presented also many other carpets called Testich, made of the finest lawn, and so large, that seven men could scarcely carry one of them. All the Falcons were dead by the way. The presents which the ambassador gave unto the great Turk in his own name, The ambassadors present to S●lymus. were also these: an Alcoran, a pavilion fair and large, certain scimitars, bows and arrows richly garnished, with certain carpets of silk, and camels hair. After which presents so delivered, and reverence done unto the great Sultan by the ambassador, and thirty of his followers all in cloth of gold; he returned to his lodging, very honourably accompanied, as well by the Turks as them of his own retinue. First besides many others, there were a great company of the Spahies and Chiausies, and other courtiers mounted upon goodly horses, well furnished and in decent order: here might a man have seen store of cloth of gold, velvet, damask, and other kinds of silk. After these there followed about three hundred Persian horsemen, appareled after their manner, some with gowns made of divers little pieces of taffeta of sundry colours, representing the pictures of men, women, horses, and other beasts; and some of them embroidered with flowers and fruits of sundry sorts; some had also gowns of cloth of gold, but not so fair as the Turks; and some of velvet, but very few of cloth: for that the Persians have no great plenty either of velvet or yet of cloth, except such as they have from the Portugeses that travel into those Eastern countries; yet of silk and wool it appeareth they have great plenty, most part of their gowns being of wool quilted with bombast. After these horsemen followed many Persian footmen, peradventure all servants; after whom came the Turkish horsemen: and last of all came a horse of the ambassadors led by a Persian; after which horse followed two hundred janissaries: and in the rearward of all came the ambassador alone, gorgeously attired both himself and his horse. He himself was invested with crimson velvet, mingled with some other colours: his saddle and bridle were all bedecked with jewels: the caparison of his horse, was all embroidered with Turquoys and other precious stones: the horn upon the top of his Turban (which the Turks call Me●euenchia) was altogether wrought with gold, and set with precious stones: in brief, upon every part of his body hanged jewels of great price. After the ambassador, followed about an hundred and forty Persian horsemen, and others of his court appareled as before, some well, some ill, according to their ability. Now although the Persians (as is to be thought) showed all their pomp, yet they made nothing so fair a show as did the Turks: neither are they so fair men of complexion, being for the most part of a swart and brown colour, and rather little men than otherwise, not much unlike to the Spaniards. The ambassador being departed, the presents were all brought and showed to Selimus; who allowed for their ordinary charges five hundred ducats a day, An honourable allowance. for that in deed their number was great, and their beasts many. These expenses bestowed upon the ambassadors, do presently begin as soon as any of them enter into his dominions; and end, so soon as the business for which they come is finished. But long it was not, but that this ambassador having concluded a peace betwixt the two great princes, Tamas and Selimus, and dispatched such matters as he came for, returned home again into PERSIA. The Venetians also now at this same time, by their ambassadors sought to renew the league they had made with the great Turk, now expired: which, as it was easily obtained, so was it of small assurance; Selimus the next year quarreling with them, and raising new wars, to the great hurt and disturbance of that state, as shall forthwith appear. 1569 Selimus now at peace with all the world (a thing of the Turks not much desired) began to think of works of charity: and purposing to build a magnificent temple at HADRIANOPLE for his own sepulture, with a monastery, a college, and an alms-house (as had his father, and other his ancestors before him at PRUSA and CONSTANTINOPLE, led thereunto with a vain and superstitious devotion) was troubled with nothing more, than how to endue the same with lands and revenues sufficient for the maintenance of so great a charge: For that the Mahometan kings, are by their superstition prohibited to convert any lands or possessions to such holy uses, other than such as they have with their own sword won from the enemies of their religion, which they may (as they are persuaded) as a most acceptable sacrifice, offer to their great prophet: which devilish persuasion, serveth as a spur to prick forward every of those ambitious princes to add something to their empire. This his devout purpose once known, wanted not the furtherance of many ripe heads, devising some one thing, some another, as they thought best fitted his humour. But amongst many things to him presented, none pleased him so well, as the plot laid for the taking of the rich island of CYPRUS from the Venetians: a conquest of itself sufficient, both for the eternising of his name, and performance of his own charitable works intended; with a large overplus, for the supplying of whatsoever wanted in his fathers like devout works at CONSTANTINOPLE. But that which moved him most of all, was the glory of such a conquest, which as his flatterers bore him in hand, might make him equal with any his predecessors; who in the beginning of their reign, had usually done or attempted some notable thing against the Christians. Hereupon the matter was by Selimus propounded to the great Bassas to be considered of; without whose advise and counsel, the Turkish emperors seldom or never take any great wars in hand. Muhamet Bassa dissuadeth Selimus from the invading of Cyprus. Amongst these grave counsellors, Muhamet the chief Visier Bassa, a man of greatest authority (unto whom Selimus was beholden, that he had so quietly obtained the empire) and a secret friend unto the Venetians, seemed much to dislike of that motion, persuading Selimus' not to yield thereunto: alleging, beside the danger and uncertainty of the expedition, that his father Solyman at the time of his death had charged him straightly, that the league with the Venetians should be religiously kept; and that he could not with his honour, without just cause so quickly break that league, which he himself had but a little before most solemnly confirmed. But Mustapha the second Bassa, sometime Selimus his tutor, and therefore of him much honoured, with Piall Bassa the Admiral (both envying at the great honour of the Visier Bassa) so mightily impugned that he had before said, and so importuned Selimus with the show both of honour and profit attending that action, as also with the easiness thereof (a great part of the Venetian Arsenal being but a little before burnt, and their forces much weakened) that he rejected the counsel of Muhamet, calling him in his choler, Christian (which among the mahometans is a word of no small disgrace:) and yielding wholly to the persuasion of Mustapha and Piall, presently commanded preparation to be made both by sea and land, for the performance of that his resolution. Which was not so covertly carried in the Turks court, but that it was discovered by M. Antonius Barbarus the Venetian ambassador; and not without cause suspected by the Venetian merchants, whom the barbarous Turks began now to cut short in their traffic, looking big upon them, as men suddenly changed, and evil entreating them with hard speeches, the undoubted signs of greater troubles to ensue. The Venetian ambassador now out of doubt of the Turks purpose for the invasion of CYPRUS, came unto Muhamet the chief Bassa, complaining of the breach of the league: and putting him in mind of the fidelity of the Venetian state towards the Turkish emperor, requested him, that Selimus might not make too much hast to begin that war, which would set all EUROPE on a broil; but rather by his ambassadors first to declare his mind unto the Senate, for that so it might happily come to pass, that all might be quieted, to the good of both parties without war. Which the politic ambassador requested not of the Bassa for any hope he had to avert the war, for which the Turk had now all things in readiness, but only by such an hope of composition, to hinder the Turks endeavours, and to win time, until that the State (being fully certified of all these matters) might make ready their fleet and forces, and so in arms be ready to answer their armed foes: neither did he ever leave the Bassa, until he had by his means procured, That one Cubates should be sent ambassador to VENICE to prove the minds of the Senators, whether they would willingly deliver the island, or adventure to have it taken from them by force. These things and such like as were then done at CONSTANTINOPLE, being by letters sent in post from the ambassador, made known at VENICE, brought a general heaviness upon the city: for why, that understanding and provident State, warned by their former harms, Selimus sendeth Cubates his ambassador to Venice. of all others most dread the Turks forces. Cubates the ambassador accompanied with Aloysius Barbarus the ambassadors son, and Bonricius his secretary, departing from CONSTANTINOPLE, came by long journeys to RAGUSIUM, where Angelus Surianus sent from VENICE to meet him, was ready to receive him, who being taken into his galley, brought him to VENICE. In the mean time the Senators sitting oftentimes in counsel, were divided in opinions concerning the chief matter they consulted upon: some there were, that thought it not good to wage war against such an invincible enemy, nor to trust upon a vain and idle hope, neither to commit all unto the hazard of such fortune as was unto them in that war by the enemy propounded: they alleged, that they had always unfortunately taken up arms against the Turks, and that therefore they should set before their eyes, what harms they had suffered, and how that beside the losses already sustained they had always in the winding up of the wars lost something more: that it were better to depart with CYPRUS, so that they might quietly enjoy the rest, rather than to enter into arms: Time they said, would at length give them some one fit occasion or other to recover that they had lost, and to restore their state unto the former honour; Hard to trust upon confederations. which for the present, was above their power to maintain: To put their trust in their confederates (they said) was but to deceive themselves: they should remember how often even small causes of false suspicion, or hope of profit, or fear of harm, had utterly frustrated and broken in sunder the most solemn capitulations of the strongest leagues: how often destruction had come thence from whence aid was to have been hoped for, they needed not to seek farther for examples than from their own domestical affairs. Others were of a contrary opinion, as that the island was by force of arms to be defended: saying, That nothing could be more dishonourable, than without fight to depart with so notable a part of their signiory: neither any thing more commendable, than to prove all things for defence of their honour: Neither would the proud Turks, with whom no assured league could be made (as they said) hold themselves content with this yielding up of the island, but by entreating of them and giving them way, become more insolent: and when they had taken CYPRUS from them, would also seek after CRETE and CORCYRA, and so yielding them one thing after another, spoil themselves of all together: Ambitious and greedy princes (they said) grew more bold and insolent by other men's fear: and that no great or notable matter was to be done without danger: that hard beginnings had oftentimes merry end: that the favour and good will of that insatiable and greedy nation, was not to be gained but with so great loss and charge as that such a costly peace would be much more hurtful than war itself: beside that, it much concerned other Christian princes to have the Venetian state preserved, and that therefore it was to be hoped, that they would to the uttermost of their power give them aid. The matter thus debated too and fro, it was in the end resolved upon, to take up arms in defence of their honour, and by plain force to withstand the Turk. The Turks ambassador homely entertained at Venice. So when Cubates the Turks ambassador came from VENICE, neither did any man of courtesy meet him, neither was any honour done unto him, or so much as common courtesy showed unto him: but being afterward admitted into the Senate house with his two interpreters only, he delivered Selimus his letters, enclosed in a little bag wrought with silk and gold; and so whilst the same letters were in breaking up, and translating out of the Turkish language into Italian, delivered also his message by word of mouth as followeth. Cubates the Turks ambassadors speech in the Senate at Venice. What great account the mighty Sultan my dread Sovereign hath always made of your most honourable friendship, is therein right well declared; That in the very entrance of himself into his empire, he forthwith and without any hard or new conditions renewed his league with you: which he hath on his part always kept most faithfully and unuiolat, worthily grieving the like kindness not to be showed on your behalf, neither the like care of keeping your faith to appear in you; who by harbouring of pirates in your havens, and murdering of his subjects, have oftentimes broken the league. Which injuries, although they were by war to have been revenged, yet hath he, so mighty a monarch, hitherto been always more mindful of your honour and friendship, than of his own majesty and profit. But for so much as there is no end of these injuries and wrongs, and that it is now come to that point, That longer to forbear, might be imputed unto him rather for cowardice than courtesy, as also that it much more concerneth your State than him, and that therefore you ought no less than he to desire that all causes of unkindness might be cut off, and order taken, that in so great and mutual goodwill, there should be no falling out by new quarrels daily arising: the only remedy thereof is, if you shall deliver unto him the island of CYPRUS, the cause of all these grievances. Now it beseemeth you for your great wisdom, to make small reckoning of so small a matter, in comparison of the favour of so great a prince; which if you shall willingly of yourselves yield unto him, you shall right wisely provide for your affairs, and have him so great a monarch always your friend and confederate: where as if you shall show yourselves obstinate, and not to yield to this his so small a request, his purpose is by strong hand not only to take from you the island, the cause of the war, but also to prosecute you with most cruel war both by sea and land. And thereupon I take God to witness, all the blame of the calamities to ensue of so mortal a war, to be imputed unto yourselves, as the worthy reward of your wilfulness and breach of faith. Which said, he in the name of Muhamet the Visier Bassa told the Senators, that he was right sorry that this breach was fallen out betwixt the emperor Selimus and them: and that although he doubted not, but that they would right wisely consider of all things; yet he could not for the good will he bore unto them, but admonish them of such things, as he deemed for them both profitable and wholesome: and therefore did most instantly request them, and withal advise them, not to enter into arms against so mighty a prince, neither wilfully to plunge themselves into such dangers, as they could hardly or never find the way out; for that their strength was nothing answerable unto his, and that the event of that war was like to be unto them deadly, and that therefore he took God, and the love he bore unto them to witness, that he had in friendly sort forewarned them of their harms, and advised them for their good. Giving them farther to understand, that Selimus did nothing but thunder out most cruel threats against their State: which his indignation was raised of the manifold complaints brought against them to his court at CONSTANTINOPLE. Selimus his letters answerable to his ambassadors speech, The effect of Selimus his letters to the Venetians. were also full of false surmised grievances: he complained, That the Venetians had in warlike manner entered into the frontiers of his empire in DALMATIA, and there had done great harm; that they had put to death certain Turkish pirates whom they had taken alive? that their island of CYPRUS was an harbour for the pirates of the West, and that from thence they rob his peaceable countries, and surprised his subjects traveling that way for devotion unto the temple of MECHA, or otherwise about their affairs. And that therefore those causes of discord might be taken away, and the hindrance of traffic removed, he required them to yield unto him the island of CYPRUS: which if they refused to do, he would by force of arms take it from them; and by force and strong hand cause them to do that which they might better have done frankly and of their own accord; and farther, to make them to understand how far the Turks did excel all other men in martial prowess. As for the league before made betwixt his father and them, he said he had renewed the same, not because he had any liking thereunto, but because he had as then set down with himself, for a while in the beginning of his empire, peaceably to endure all things. The Venetians, The answer of the Venetians to the Turks demands. for that they knew the ambassadors errand before his coming, having now read his letters, gave him such answer as they had before resolved upon: which was, That the Venetians had at all times inviolably kept their leagues with the Ottoman emperors, and had in regard thereof let slip many opportunities and fit occasions for them to have augmented their dominions in: That they could without any danger to themselves, have destroyed the Turks fleet both at the RHODES and MALTA, and other places also; but that they more regarded their honour, and always thought that nothing better became great and magnificent princes, than to perform their faith once given, and in all their actions to be like themselves. And therefore had dissembled, and put up many grievous and bitter indignities, lest they might be thought to have first broken the league: That they had never passed their own bounds, or invaded the Turks: only to have taken order, that no pirates should at their pleasure roam up and down the seas. Now whereas all duties being on their part sincerely and most religiously kept, Selimus complained himself to be wronged, whereas he himself had done the wrong, and had contrary to the league denounced war against them, expecting nothing less: sithence that they could not by the power of the league, they would by force of arms defend that kingdom, which they by ancient and lawful right possessed, delivered unto them by their ancestors: That God in whose help they trusted would weigh in indifferent balance, all men's words and deeds, whom they took to witness, that they were the authors of peace, and Selimus the cause of war: and that the same God would be now present unto their just complaints, and forthwith after with his power to take revenge on them, which falsifying their faith and promise given, and violating the sacred league, had enforced them to take up most just and necessary arms, which they would with the same courage manage that they had taken them in hand. The Turks ambassador sent away in secret to Venice. With this answer the ambassador departed, let out by a secret postern, for fear of the people; who having got knowledge of the matter, were in great number assembled to the Court gate, muttering among themselves, that it were well done to rend in pieces that accursed Turk, the messenger of his faithless master. Which outrage it was thought they would in their fury have performed, had not such as by the commandment of the magistrates guarded him, better assured him of his safety, than either regard of duty or the law of nations; he by the way as he went still storming and swearing by his Mahomet to be of that so great an indignity revenged. This answer of the Senate unto the Turks ambassador concerning war, The resolution of the Senate for war diversly liked, & disliked of others. was of some well liked and highly commended, as full of honour and valour. Others deemed it too sharp, liking of nothing that was said or done, to the further incensing of the Turkish emperor: being of opinion, that they might have of him obtained a more indifferent peace by courtesy than by rigour. As for the decreed war they utterly disliked, for as much as all wars were woeful, but especially those which were to be maintained against them that are too strong for us. In such diversity of opinions it appeared, That the Senate should of that so honourable a decree reap such commendation, as the event thereof should afford (than which nothing is more unreasonable:) if things fell out well, then was it wisely and worthily done; if otherwise, then was it like to be reputed a foolish, a rash, and woeful resolution. The greater the danger was now feared from the angry Turk, the more careful were the Venetians of their state. Wherefore they forthwith sent messengers with letters unto the Governors of CYPRUS, charging them with all carefulness and diligence to make themselves ready to withstand the Turk, and to raise what power they were able in the island, not omitting any thing that might concern the good of the state: and at the same time made choice of their most valiant and expert captains both by sea and land, unto whom they committed the defence of their dispersed signory, with the leading of their forces. Hieronimus Zanius was appointed Admiral, Lucas Michael was sent into CRETE, Franciscus Barbarus into DALMATIA, Sebastianus Venerius into CORCYRA, all men of great honour, experience, and valour. Other meaner captains were sent also with less charge into the aforesaid places, as Eugenius Singliticus, a noble gentleman, with a thousand footmen into CYPRUS, who had also the leading of all the horsemen in the island: after whom county Martinengus promised to follow with two thousand footmen more. The strong cities were now by the Venetians in all places new fortified, armour, ordinance, and victual provided, and whatsoever else they thought needful for defence of their state. And for as much as they well knew they had to do with too mighty an enemy, they by their ambassadors sent for that purpose, earnestly solicited most of the Christian princes to join with them in league, and to give them aid against the common enemy, who as he was too strong for any one of them, so were he not able to stand against their united forces. But the emperor Maximilian excused himself by the league he had not long before made with the Turk for eight years, The Emperor, the French king, and the king of Polonia entangled with their leagues, refuse to aid the Venetians against the Turks. which (he said) he might not break: yet had he before his eyes a most pregnant example, what small reckoning the Turk maketh of his faith or league, which he without any just cause had broken with the Venetians. The like excuse used also Charles the French king, and Sigismond king of POLONIA, who both seemed to be very sorry for that the Venetians were fallen out with the Turk, but could not help them, for that they were in league with the Turkish emperor. Nevertheless the French king did them the courtesy, to offer himself to be a mediator, if they so pleased, betwixt them and Selimus. The young king of PORTUGAL Don Sebastian pretended also for his excuse the great plague which had but a little before raged in his kingdom, and much diminished his people; as also that he was to maintain wars by sea against the Turks in the East Indies, to the no less benefit of the Christian commonweal than if he should aid the Venetians in the Mediterranean. What Christian princes promised to and the Venetians. Only Pius Quintus then Pope, and Philip king of SPAIN, with certain of the princes of ITALY; namely Philibert duke of SAVOY, Guido Vdebaldus duke of URBIN, Cosmus Medici's duke of FLORENCE, and the knights of MALTA, promised them aid, which they afterward most honourably performed. Selimus of himself angry with the Venetians, and firm in his resolution for the conquest of CYPRUS, was upon the report of Cubates his ambassadors bad entertainment at VENICE, farther enraged. He deemed the majesty of the Turkish empire contemned, and himself in the person of his ambassador disgraced: seeing that they whom he had thought would have yielded unto any thing, rather than the league should have been broken, had sent him such a short answer, and so contemptuously used his ambassador, unto whom they had not afforded so much as common courtesy. It did not a little move him also, that the Venetians had in their letters sent by his ambassador, omitted the glorious titles usually given the Turkish emperors. Wherefore in some part to satisfy his angry mood, he caused Marcus Antonius Barbarus, the Venetian ambassador, and all the Christian merchants of the West throughout his empire, to be clapped up in prison, and their ships stayed under an arrest. And setting all other things apart, set himself wholly for the preparing of such things as should be needful for the intended war. But for as much as the island of CYPRUS was the prey whereafter the greedy tyrant so much gaped, and for which the bloody wars betwixt the Turk and the Venetians, with their Christian confederates, presently ensued; it shall not be from our purpose to spend a few words in the describing thereof, as the stage whereon the bloody tragedy following was as it were acted: as also how it came first into the hands of the Venetians, and by what right of them so long possessed (although it be in some part before declared) until it was now by Selimus the great Turk against all right injuriously demanded, and at length by strong hand by him wrested from them. This island lieth in the farthest of the Cilician sea: The description of Cyprus. it hath on the East SYRIA, on the West PAMPHILIA, Southward it regardeth EGYPT, and Northward CILICIA, now called CARAMANNIA. It is worthily accounted amongst the greatest islands of the Mediterranean, containing in circuit 427 miles, and is in length (after the description of Strabo) 175 miles, and in breadth not above 65. It aboundeth with corn, wine, oil, cotton wool, saffron, honey, rosin, turpentine, sugar canes, and whatsoever else is needful for the sustentation of man, whereof it sendeth forth great abundance to other countries, of whom it craveth no help again. It was in ancient time called Macaria, that is to say, Blessed. The people therein generally lived so at ease and pleasure, that thereof the island was dedicated to Venus, who was there especially worshipped, and thereof called CYPRIA. Marcellinus to show the fertility thereof, saith, That CYPRUS aboundeth with such plenty of all things, that without the help of any other foreign country it is of itself able to build a tall ship, from the keel to the top sail, and so put it to sea furnished of all things needful. And Sextus Rufus writing thereof, saith: Cyprus famosa divitijs, paupertatem populi Romani, ut occuparetur solicitavit, ita ut ius eius insulae avarius magis quam iustius simus assec●ti. uz. CYPRUS famous for wealth, alured the poverty of the people of ROME to lay hold upon it, so that we have rather covetously than justly got the rule thereof. In the heart of the island standeth NICOSIA, sometime the regal and late metropolitical city thereof. And in the East end thereof FAMAGUSTA, sometime called TAMASSUS, a famous rich city, the chief and only port of all that most pleasant island. Other fair cities there be also, as PAPHOS, AMATHUS (now called LIMISSO) and CYRENE. This island of itself long time maintained the majesty of a kingdom, King Richard in Cyprus. as then when Richard the first king of ENGLAND passing that way with his fleet for the relief of the Christians then distressed in the Holy land about the year 1191, was prohibited there to land; and certain of his people by force of tempest there cast on shore, were by the Cypriots either cruelly slain or taken prisoners: which barbarous violence king Richard took in so evil part, that he there by force landed his army, and rested not until he had taken Isaak the king prisoner, and subdued the island. The king he sent in chains of silver to TRIPOLI, there to be kept in close prison; the kingdom he kept a while in his own hand, which not long after he gave, or as some say, exchanged with Guido the titular king of JERUSALEM: for which cause the kings of ENGLAND for a certain time afterwards were honoured with the title of the kings of JERUSALEM. How the kingdom of Cyprus came to the Venetians. This kingdom by many descents came at length to janus son of king Peter, who in the year 1423 was by Melechella Sultan of EGYPT taken prisoner, but afterwards for the ransom of an hundred and fifteen thousand Sultanins, was set at liberty and restored to his kingdom, paying unto the Sultan and his successors a yearly tribute of forty thousand crowns. This janus left a son called john, who after the death of his father married the daughter of the Marquis of MONT-FERRAT: after whose death he married one Helena, of the most noble house of the Paleologi in GRaeCIA, by whom he had one only daughter called Carlotte, but by another woman a base son named james. This king john was a man of no courage, altogether given to pleasure, and according to the manner of his effeminate education, showed himself in all things more like a woman than a man: which Helena his wife, a woman of a great spirit, quickly perceiving, took upon her the sovereignty and whole government of the realm, gracing and disgracing whom she pleased, and promoting to the ecclesiastical dignities such as she best liked, abolishing the Latin ceremonies, and bringing in them of the Greeks, and took such further order as pleased herself in matters of state concerning both peace and war, her husband in the mean time regarding nothing but his vain pleasure: whereby it came to pass, that all was brought into the power of the greeks, the queen's friends▪ Now the queen herself was much ruled by the counsel of her nurse, and the nurse by her daughter: so that the people commonly said, The daughter ruled the nurse, the nurse the queen, & the queen the king. The nobility ashamed and weary of this manner of government, by general consent of the people sent for john the king of PORTUGESES cousin German (whom some call the king of PORTUGAL) to whom they gave Carlotte the king's daughter in marriage, with full power to supply that want of government which was in king john his father in law. He taking the authority into his hands, quickly reform the disordered kingdom, as well in matters concerning religion as civil policy. The Latin ceremonies were again restored, and the government of the daughter, the nurse, and the queen brought to an end. But the mischievous daughter doubting the countenance of the new king, persuaded her mother, as she tendered her own life, to poison the king. Which thing the wretched woman, by the consent of the queen mother (as was reported) in shorttime performed, and so brought that noble prince, well worthy longer life, unto his untimely end: whereby the government was again restored to the Greek queen, who in the name of her weak husband commanded again at her pleasure. But above all, the nurse and her daughter insulted upon the young queen Carlotte: which she not well brooking, grievously complained thereof to james her base brother, requiring his help for redress thereof: who not long after slew the nurse's daughter, not so much in revenge of the wrong by her done unto his sister, as to prepare a way for himself for the obtaining of the kingdom: grieving inwardly, that she or her husband whosoever, should be preferred before himself. Which thing Helena the queen quickly perceiving, persuaded the king her husband to cause his base son to enter into the orders of priesthood; and so to become a church man, thereby to cut off all his hope of aspiring unto the kingdom: which the king at her instance did, and made him archbishop of NICOSIA. In the mean time Carlotte by the persuasion of her mother and the nobility of the country, married Lewes son to the duke of SAVOY: who being for that purpose sent for, came with all speed to CYPRUS. After that the queen mother and the old nurse (desiring nothing more than to revenge the death of the nurse's daughter upon james, now archbishop) devised first how to thrust him out of all his spiritual promotions, which were great, and afterward quite banish him the kingdom. Hereupon the queen wrote letters against him to the Pope, to have him disgraded, for that he being a man base borne, with his hands imbrued with guiltless blood, was unworthy of holy orders. Which letters by chance came to james his hands: who enraged therewith, accompanied with a number of his friends and favourits, suddenly entered the Court, slew such of his enemies as he found there, divided their goods amongst his followers, and as king possessed himself of the regal city. In this broil the Greek queen Helena died, and shortly after her husband also. All things being thus in a hurl and out of order, certain of the nobility for redress thereof sent for Lewes the husband of Carlotte, as for him to whom that kingdom in the right of his wife most justly belonged: who upon his arrival was of all sorts of men joifully received and welcomed as their king. james the usurper understanding before of the coming of Lewes, and perceiving the inclination of the people towards him, fled with divers of his friends to ALEXANDRIA, to crave aid of the Egyptian Sultan: in whose Court he found such favour, as that he was by the Sultan's commandment royally appareled and honoured with the title of the king of CYPRUS, which he promised for ever to hold of the Sultan's of EGYPT as their vassal and tributary. At which time the Sultan also by his ambassadors commanded Lewes to depart the isle: who by all means sought to have pacified the Sultan, declaring unto him his rightful title, yet offering to pay unto him the wont tribute, and to allow unto james a yearly pension of ten thousand ducats, during his life. But all in vain, for james still present in the Sultan's court, and wisely following his own suit, at last concluded with the great Sultan (who thought it more honour to make a king than to confirm a king) and receiving of him a great army, returned into CYPRUS, where in short time he so distressed Lewes, that he was glad to forsake the island, with his wife, and to return into his country; leaving the kingdom of CYPRUS again to james: who now by the supportation of the Egyptian Sultan possessed thereof, yet lived not without care of Carlotte and her husband Lewes, whom he knew the Cypriots wonderfully affected. Wherefore for the more assurance of his estate, he thought it best to join in league and friendship with the Venetians, whom he knew to be of great power at sea▪ and of all other fittest to cross whatsoever Lewes should in the right of his wife attempt against him. Which league he afterwards made, & the better to confirm the same took to wife Catherine Cornelia, the daughter of Marcus Cornelius a magnifico of VENICE, being before adopted by the Senate, and even after, their reputed daughter. Not long after this marriage, james died in the year 1470, leaving the queen great with child, who in due time was delivered of a fair son, unto whom with the mother the Venetian state became tutors, as their adoptive fathers, and in their behalf took upon them the government of the realm. This child shortly after died also, not without some suspicion of poison, after whose death great troubles arose in the kingdom, insomuch that Andreas Cornelius the queen's uncle; a most grave counsellor, and Governor of the realm under the queen, was by the conspiracy of certain noble men slain, and all the island ready to revolt from the queen. For appeasing of which troubles, the Venetians were glad oftentimes to send their Admirals with their galleys into CYPRUS, to take order in the matter, and to aid the queen: who at length persuaded by George Cornelius her brother (whilst it was yet in her power) as a loving daughter to yield up the kingdom unto her adoptive fathers, which she destitute both of counsel and power, could not long hold so far from her friends, beset on the one side with the great Turk, and on the other with the mighty Sultan of EGYPT. She I say thus persuaded by her brother, came to VENICE, where she was with the greatest honour that could be devised, Sabellic. E●nead. 10. lib. 8. received by the duke and the whole State at sea in their great and goodly ship the Bucentaure, and so with all royal triumph brought through the midst of the city unto the place most richly for the time appointed for the receiving of her: where shortly after, attired in all her royal habiliments, she came in great majesty into the Senate house, and there before the Tribunal seat of Augustinus Barbadicus, than duke of VENICE, laid down her crown and sceptre, and as a most loving daughter resigned up her kingdom, to the great honour and profit of her country. Thus the kingdom of CYPRUS was delivered into the hands of the Venetians in the year 1473; which they peaceably held from that time, paying unto the Sultan's of EGYPT such tribute as they had the late king james: which yearly tribute they in like manner paid unto the Turkish emperors, after that the kingdom of EGYPT was by Selimus the first conquered in the year 1517, as due unto them by law of arms: with which yearly tribute both Selimus himself, and Solyman after him, held themselves well contented. But now this Turkish emperor Selimus the second, of whom we speak, desirous both of the honour of such a conquest, and of so rich a prey, made no account of the accustomed tribute, but of the fruitful island itself: whereof he as is before declared, hath by his ambassador made a proud demand, but is thereof denied by the Senat. Selimus thoroughly furnished with all things necessary for the invasion of CYPRUS, 1570 in the beginning of February sent a great power both of horse and foot into EPIRUS and the frontiers of DALMATIA, Selimus invadeth the Venetians. to forage the Venetian territory, especially about JADERA; of purpose by that war so near at home to withdraw them from the defence of CYPRUS so far off. About the middle of April following he sent Piall Bassa with fourscore galleys and thirty galliots to keep the Venetians from sending aid into CYPRUS. Piall Bassa sent against the Venetians. This Piall was an Hungarian, borne of base parents, but turning Turk, and giving himself to arms, was first preferred for his valour showed against the Christians at ZER●I, and afterward by many degrees rise to the honour of one of the greatest Bassaes. He departing from CONSTANTINOPLE, and cutting through PROPONTIS and HEL●ESPONTVS, came to EV●oeA, and there for certain days lay in such order, as if he should have presently given the enemy battle: but understanding by his espials, that the Venetians grievously visited with the plague, and slowly relieved by their friends, were not like in haste to come out, he took his course to TENOS, an island of the Venetians, to have taken it from them. This island is one of the Cycladeses, and was by nature strong, but stronger by the industry of the defendants; who lying far from the Christian countries, and compassed about with such cruel and warlike enemies as people far distant stood in dread of, could never for any fear or danger be removed from the Christian religion, or induced to submit themselves to the Turks government, as most of the other islands had. Piall here landing his forces, sought both by fair means and foul to have persuaded the inhabitants to have yielded up their town; but when he could get nothing of them but foul words again, he began by force to assault the same. Two days the town was valiantly both assaulted and defended, but at length the Turks perceiving how little they prevailed, and that the defendants were resolutely set down for the defence of themselves and their country; shamefully gave over the assault, and abandoning the island, directed their course toward CYPRUS. For Mustapha, author of that expedition (for his ancient hatred against the Christians, made General by Selimus) had before appointed Piall Bassa at a time prefixed, to meet him at the RHODES, and that he that came first should tarry for the other, that so they might together sail into CYPRUS. Mustapha having before sent a great part of his army by land into PAMPHILIA, embarked the rest with Haly Bassa General of the forces at sea, who yet stayed for him with the rest of the fleet at CONSTANTINOPLE. This Haly was one of the chief Bassas, a man of great account, and sometime an especial and noted follower of Muhamet Bassa: but now (as it is oftentimes elsewhere seen, that men together with the change of fortune, change their minds and affections also) was become a great favourite of Mustapha. Now to colour so manifest a wrong and breach of the Turks faith, Mustapha the General, according to the Turkish manner, a little before his arrival in CYPRUS, gave the Venetians there to understand by letters of his coming, as also of his purpose for the taking of that island from them: for that without some such slender denouncing of war unto them against whom it is intended, the Turks generally account their expeditions not to be altogether so lawful or fortunate as otherwise: and therefore writ unto them in this sort. Mustapha Bassa unto the Venetians. Mustapha Bassa his letters unto the Venetians. That the kingdom of CYPRUS by ancient right belongeth unto the kingdom of EGYPT, you are not ignorant; which being conquered by the Turks, is together with it become of right apart also of the Ottoman empire: that island we come to challenge, leading after us two hundred thousand valiant soldiers, unto which power, and the wealth of the Ottoman kingdoms (all which the most mighty emperor is about (if need shall be) to send thither, and to bend his whole strength thereon) all the united forces of the Christian kings are not comparable; much less the Venetians (so small a part of EUROPE) forsaken of their friends, can suffice. Wherefore, we will and exhort you, for the ancient amity which hath been betwixt your State and the glorious Ottoman family, to yield this kingdom unto the most puissant emperor, whose very name is become dreadful unto all the nations of the world: and quietly, and without resistance to leave the island, with the love and friendship of so great a monarch to be for ever inviolatly kept betwixt him and you. Whereas if you shall before such wholesome counsel fond prefer your vain hopes, you are to expect all the calamities of war, with such dreadful examples as the angry conquerors use to make of their vanquicted enemies. For resolution whereof, we yet give you half a months space to bethink yourselves in: and so fare you well. Mustapha Bassa goeth for Cyprus. All this being now in readiness, and a most royal galley of wonderful greatness and beauty by the appointment of Selimus prepared for the great Bassa the General: he together with Haly Bassa and the rest of the fleet, departed from CONSTANTINOPLE the six and twentieth of May, and at the RHODES met with Piall as he had before appointed. The whole fleet at that time consisted of two hundred galleys, amongst whom were divers galliots, and small men of war, with divers other vessels prepared for the transportation of horses: The Turks fleet descried in Cyprus. with this fleet Mustapha kept on his course for CYPRUS. They of the island in the mean time carefully attending the enemies coming, from their watch towers first discovered the fleet at the West end of the island not far from PAPHOS: from whence the Turks turning upon the right hand, and passing the promontory CURIO, now called DEAL LE GATE, landed divers of their men, who burned and spoiled certain villages, and with such spoil and prisoners as they had taken returned again unto the fleet: which holding on the former course, came at length to a place called SALINae (of the abundance of salt there made) where they knew was best landing: The Turks land in Cyprus. and there in an open road came to an anchor, where the Bassas without any resistance upon a plain shore landed their army. Now all the hope of the Christians, was to have kept the Turks from landing, which they should with all their strength and power have done; neither was it a matter of any great difficulty, for had the defendants but kept the shore, and from the dry and firm land valiantly repulsed their enemies, they might undoubtedly with their shot and weapons have kept them from landing, or else have done them greater harm: knowing in the mean time, that in all the island was no good harbour for them to put into, and that riding in an open road subject to all wind and weather, they could not long without danger of shipwreck ride it out: But they, either terrified with the greatness of the fleet, or prevented by the celerity of the enemy, to their great hurt omitted so fair an opportunity, as the woeful sequel of the matter declared. It exceedingly encouraged the Turks that they had so easily footed the island, which they thought they should not have done without a bloody fight. The Bassa now landed, presently entrenched his army, and forthwith sent the fleet to transport the rest of his forces out of PAMPHILIA into the island. And at the same time sent out certain scouts to take some prisoners, of whom they might learn the situation of the country, the best ways to pass them with his army, the strength of his enemies, and what they did, and many other such like things which it concerned him to know. But the greatest question amongst the Turks themselves was, Whether they should first set upon FAMAGUSTA or NICOSIA? FAMAGUSTA standeth low, altogether subject to the scorching heat, which was then great, according as the time of the year and nature of the country required: wherefore the Bassa for fear of diseases to arise in his army of the immoderate heat and unwholesome situation of the place, thought it better to begin his wars with the siege of NICOSIA, and to make that city the seat of the war, for the conquest of the rest of the island. So having put all things in order, and well viewed the country, Mustapha Bassae marcheth towards Nicosia. and finding nothing he needed to stand in doubt of, he set forward with his army toward NICOSIA, which was about thirty miles distant, being the chief and richest city of all the island. Which way soever the army marched, it spread a great deal of ground; and the nearer it came, the greater was the slaughter of the country people, and the number of prisoners taken of all sorts. But when news of the enemy's approach was brought into the city, a general fear presaging future misery possessed the hearts of all men. There was not in the city any valiant or renowned captain, who as the danger of the time required, should have taken upon him the charge: neither any strong army in the island to oppose against the enemy. The Governor of the city was one Nicholaus Dandulus, Nicholaus Dandulus Governor of Nicosia. a man too weak for so great a burden; who always brought up in civil affairs, was to seek how to defend a siege. Of the citizens and country people he had taken up four thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen, all raw soldiers, commanded by the gentleman of the country, men of all others most courteous: but as well the captains as the soldiers, as men brought up in a plentiful country, fitter for pleasure than for war. The greatest hope and strength of the city, was reposed in twelve hundred Italian footmen, and six hundred horsemen. The whole number of the soldiers in garrison for defence of the city, was deemed about eight thousand horse and foot: too weak a company against so fierce and strong an enemy; and the more, for that the Bassa an old and most expert General was there in person himself present, a most severe and absolute commander, whom it would have been a hard matter to have withstood with equal power. The Venetians had ever had great care of the island of CYPRUS, as lying far from them, in the midst of the sworn enemies of the Christian religion, and had therefore oftentimes determined to have fortified the same: yet fearing thereby to seem to distrust or dread the Turks, and so to give them occasion of offence, The description of Nicosia. left it still undone. This city of NICOSIA standeth in the midst of the island, in a plain and champain country, compassed round with a wall, as if it had been drawn with a compass, and is in circuit about five miles: for the manner of the situation, & magnificent buildings as well public as private, many have compared it unto the beautiful city of FLORENCE in ITALY: and was for the wholesome and commodious situation thereof notably peopled. This city had the Venetians of late fortified with new walls, thick rampires, and eleven strong bulwarks, according to the manner of the fortification of our time; and had raised three great fortresses for defence of the wall, which they furnished with a strong garrison, great store of artillery, and other warlike provision. Nevertheless, they found by experience in this war, That fortifications are strengthened by the defendants, rather than the defendants by the fortifications. The Turks be●ore Nicosia. The two and twentieth of july, the Bassa with his army encamped within a mile and a half of the city, when presently the Turks by troops issuing out of the camp, rid contemptuously before the walls and gates of the city, and with often and loud outcries upbraided the defendants: which by them being answered with silence, was taken as a token of their fear. And Mustapha himself coming as near as he might without danger, took full view of the walls and situation of the city. Shortly after, the enemy drew nearer unto the city into a more open plain, and with their tents filled the lower part of the hill, which they called MANDIA: but the Bassa's tent they set aloft upon the hill, to the terror of the defendants and encouragement of the Turks. The camp being fortified, the Turks with incredible labour and celerity brought their trenches from far, and at the first cast up some few forts, but afterwards, as their army increased, many more; which they raised so high, that they overtopped the walls of the city, and made the place more dangerous for the Christians to defend. Nicosia battered and assaulted, and by the Christians valiantly defended. There having placed seventy great pieces of battery, they began to batter the city both day and night without intermission; with such an horrible thundering, that the earth trembled, the houses shook as if they would have fallen down: at which time many were slain, both with the deadly shot, and the broken pieces of stones beaten out of the walls: never was such a fear as then within the city of NICOSIA: every day the enemy brought his trenches nearer and nearer, and rested not until he had with restless labour brought them unto the very brim of the town ditch, which the citizens before the coming of the Turks had not well scoured. Being come so nigh, they first skirmished a far off with their small pieces: but afterwards, they not only battered the walls with their great artillery, but with small shot, arrows, and stones, overwhelmed the defendants, as if it had been a shower of hail; so to have driven them from off the wall and rampires. In few days, not only all the curtains betwixt three of the bulwarks, was by the fury of the great ordinance beaten down, but all places thereabout lay full of the dead bodies of the assailants and defendants. For although the Christians fought at great disadvantage, both for the number of men and indifferency of the place: yet desperation joined with extreme necessity, of all other the greatest weapon, gave them such courage, as with shot, stones, timber, and such like, to keep down their enemies, and defend their walls; and oftentimes to make great slaughter of them, with their artillery and muthering pieces bend upon them as at a certain mark, who the thicker they stood, the greater was their harm. They also oftentimes dismounted many of the great pieces and made them unserviceable; and with featherbeds and sacks of cotton wool, made up their breaches: which the Turks laboured again to burn with pitch barrels, and earthen pots full of wild fire. After long fight the Turks entering the ditch, made themselves two ways to the walls, which they fortified on both sides with faggots and earth, in such sort, as that they were safe from the loupes of the bulwarks which flankered the ditch. All this quickly performed, some presently set up scaling ladders: others filled the ditches with brushwood, faggots, and earth; and others in the mean time with mattocks and levers were digging down the foundations of the bulwarks CONSTANCE and PODOCATERA, taking name of them that had the chief charge in the building thereof. The Christians right valiantly endured the first assault of the enemy, and struck down dead into the ditches many of them that were climbing up the ladders: and had in short time slain more than they were themselves in number, and enforced the rest to give over the assault. These things were done in the beginning of the siege, whilst yet both parties were strong: in which hard conflicts a great number of soldiers were lost, and most of the canoneers slain. After this assault, both parties for a while busied themselves and spent the time in their ingenious devices: wherein it appeared, that the Turks were much cunninger in devising of means to take cities, than were those Christians in defending the same. Now had the Venetians in the first motions of these wars, prayed aid of divers Christian princes, from most part of whom they received but cold comfort, as is before declared: yet now at length (though somewhat late) they had drawn into the confederation of this war, the Pope and the king of SPAIN: by whose example some other princes of ITALY moved, put to also their helping hands. The Venetians, as they whom the matter most concerned, had in good time put their fleet to sea; but knowing themselves too weak to encounter the Turks, they lay still upon the coast of DALMATIA, about JADERA, expecting the coming of the Spanish admiral with his galleys. Two months (wherein much might have been done) were now past in this expedition, and yet no news of his coming: so that what the speed and industry of the Venetians had well prepared, was by the delay and linger of the Spaniard, marred. Besides that, the plague began to arise in the fleet, lying so long in one place; which at length grew so hot, that many of the galleys had neither mariner nor soldier left in them: neither did this mortality so seize, until there were twenty thousand dead thereof; amongst whom were many noble gentlemen of great account, which might have done their country good service, had they been in time employed. Summer now almost half spent, The Venetian flee● of an hundred and seventeen sail a● Corcyra. and the plague well ceased, the Venetian Admiral weary of expecting of the coming of Auria the Spanish Admiral; gathering together his fleet which he had before dispersed, to avoid the infection sailed to CORCYRA, where he met with Venerius another of the Venetian commanders, who there stayed for him, having but a little before taken from the Turks CESTRIA, now called SUPPOTO, a town upon the sea coast over against CORCYRA. The whole fleet of the Venetians being assembled together was an hundred and seventeen sail▪ amongst which were twelve great galleasses; but all too weak to give battle to the Turks, as being themselves stronger in shipping than in men. Nevertheless, the Admiral sorry and weary to see the spoil of the Venetian territory, and moved with the distress of the besieged in NICOSIA, rather than for any hope he had with that strength to do any good against the Turks fleet, departed from CORCYRA towards CRETE, and the twelfth of August landed at SUDA, a port of that island. In the latter end of this month Columnius the Pope's Admiral, and Auria Admiral for the king of SPAIN, arrived there also, whom the Venetian Admiral welcomed with great joy and triumph. The whole fleet of the confederate princes now at length met together, consisted of an hundred ninety two galleys, and twelve galleasses, beside victuallers and other small vessels, laded with munition and other necessary provision for the fleet. Of these galleys the Pope had set forth twelve, the king of SPAIN forty two, the rest with the galleasses were the Venetians. In this fleet were embarked thirteen thousand six hundred threescore soldiers: of whom the Pope sent eleven hundred, the king of SPAIN three thousand nine hundred, The Christian fleet setteth forward toward Cyp●us. and the Venetians eight thousand six hundred and sixty. These three great commanders entering into counsel, what course to take in their proceedings in this war; after long discourse too and fro, at length by the persuasion of Zanius the Venetian Admiral, resolved to go directly for CYPRUS, and to give the Turks battle, in hope thereby to raise them from the siege of NICOSIA. About the midst of September, this great fleet furnished with all things needful for such an expedition, loosed from CRETE, and with a fair gale of wind set forward for CYPRUS; in all their course keeping such order, as if they should presently have met with the enemy. In the midst of these troubles died Petrus Loredanus duke of VENICE, leaving the rest of the care of that war to Aloysius Mocenicus, who succeeded him in the dukedom. Whilst the Christians thus slowly proceed in their so weighty affairs, Mustapha in the mean time laid hard siege to NICOSIA: and dividing his army into four parts, assaulted four of the bulwarks of the city, with greater force than at any time before from the beginning of the siege. The assault was both long and terrible: fury, and the very sight of the warlike General, who was there a present witness, and beholder of every man's forwardness or cowarddise (a matter of great moment) besides their natural fierceness, carried the Turks headlong without any peril or danger. And on the other side, the greatness of the danger, the fear to lose both life and liberty, with the hope of relief, encouraged the defendants to dare any thing: so that the Turks could not approach the walls, or mount the scaling ladders, but they were presently slain, or together with the ladders thrown to the ground. Many of the Turks were there slain, but especially such as were most forward: and of the defendants were also more lost than stood with the safety of so small a number: and for as much as few or none escaped out of that fight unwounded, the poor defendants were brought unto a small number. Many skilful men were of opinion, that the city might have been that day taken, if the assault had by the Bassa been longer maintained, by bringing still on fresh men: but such was his loss, as that he was glad for that time to give over the assault, and so with dishonour to retire. After this assault, The Christian●●allie out of the city upon the Turks. it was by some of the captains thought good, that they should (whilst they were yet of some reasonable strength in the city) sally forth upon the enemy: so to make show, that they had yet some good hope in themselves, and withal by so sudden an eruption to perform something upon the secure enemy. Of which motion, Dandulus the Governor in no case liked, as loath by such a dangerous piece of service to diminish the number of the defendants, and so to give the enemy an easier means to take the city. Yet seeing all the captains generally of another mind, he yielded unto their desire. So in the hottest time of the day, when as the Turks lest thought that the Christians would have sallied out, certain Italian companies under the conduct of Caesar Plovianus of VICENTIA, and Albertus Scotus, issued out by the gate that leadeth to FAMAGUSTA, and upon the sudden brake into the enemy's trenches where they found the Turks some playing, some sleeping, but fearing nothing less than that the Christians, whom they daily braved, durst to have adventured to come forth. At the first entrance the Italians prevailed, and brought a great fear upon that quarter of the Turks army, and slew many. But when the Turks awaked with the alarm, came running in on every side, the Italians oppressed with the multitude, were glad to retire: in which retreat divers of them were slain, and amongst them their two leaders Caesar and Albertus: so that this sally served to no other purpose, than to weaken the defendants themselves, and to cause the Turks to keep better watch and ward afterward against such sudden eruptions. Scouts sent out of the city, taken by the Turks, and executed. All hope of long defending the city now almost lost, and that the defendants could hardly stand upon the walls or show their heads without present danger, they for want of better counsel rather than for any hope of good success, sent out certain scouts, men skilful of the ways and passages of the country (whom they had for great reward induced to undertake the matter) to crave aid of the country people, that were in great multitude fled into th● safety of the mountains: and to tell them, that if they came not in time to their relief, their wives and children, whom they had before sent into the city, must needs in short time fall into the enemy's hand, or perish with hunger: but these messengers were by the vigilant enemy intercepted, and in the sight of the besieged tortured to death. Letters shot into the city. About the same time divers letters were shot with arrows into the city, to persuade the besieged Christians to yield themselves; for that in so doing they should find the Bassa a mild & merciful conqueror: whereas otherwise if they should by wilful holding out delay his victory, they were sure to endure whatsoever could be endured or suffered. But when Mustapha had thus in vain with hope and fear tried the minds of the defendants, Mustapha Bassa in vain persuadeth them of Nicosia to yield. he called forth to parley certain soldiers that were standing upon the bulwark called CONSTANTIUS, of whom some were by the consent of the Governor sent forth unto him: unto whom Mustapha by his interpreter complained, That no answer was given unto his letters; he set forth unto them the glory, power, and greatness of the Turkish empire; and debased the strength of the Venetians: then he persuaded them to yield, propounding unto them the miseries that would fall upon them, if the city should by force be taken; which he threatened would be far greater than the danger the Turks were to undertake for the winning thereof: and that therefore it concerned none so much as themselves, whether the city were given up by composition, or else won by strong hand: He showed unto them the profit that should arise unto them by yielding of it up, and offered unto them large entertainment, if they would serve him: and to conclude, told them, that they should never afterwards find at his hands so much grace as was at that instant offered them. The crafty Bassa did what he might to hasten the winning of the city, both for that he doubted the coming of the Christian fleet, and that his great army was exceedingly troubled with contagious and grievous diseases, arising of the immoderate heat and drought in that so hot a country. But the soldiers thinking any thing more assured than the Turkish faith, answered him, That they did not as yet doubt their own strength, and that they were ready to endure any thing that could happen, rather than to prefer the uncertain friendship of an unknown prince before the gracious favour of such worthy princes as they had so good experience of. This answer cut off all the Bassas hope for taking of the city by composition: wherewith being both grieved and enraged, he commanded all things to be made ready for the assault: and the more to encourage his soldiers, promised unto them great rewards and honours that should first or second mount the walls. After that he gave a general assault unto the city with all his power: wherein both he as a most worthy captain and his soldiers fought most fiercely. You have to do (said he) with the small and last remainders of your enemies, Mustapha encourageth his soldiers. which are scarce able to stand or hold their weapons in their hands, rather than with enemies indeed: shall you not then easily overcome them, being both few and feeble, that have vanquished them when they were many and lusty? The end of all your labours is at hand, your hoped rewards approach; only play you the men, and faint not in this assault; the spoil of this rich city shall be the worthy reward of your labours; the fruit of all your travel consisteth in this one moment. Whilst he thus encourageth some and reproveth others, they mindful of his promises, and these of the disgrace, altogether with their thick shot suffer no man to stand in safety upon the walls, and out of their forts also with their great ordinance greatly annoyed the defendants. Nicosia most terribly assaulted by the Turks. This done, they attempted by the ruins of the wall and in other places by scaling ladders to have entered the city. Which terrible assault was by the cruel enemy maintained, not for some few hours, but for divers days together without any intermission, fresh men still coming on in stead of them that were wounded or slain. Yet did the defendants valiantly endure all that storm, and in such weak case as they were, worthily performed what was possible for so few to do: yet still in hope (the poor comfort of men in misery) that relief might come by the approach of the Christian fleet. At length, when the matter was brought to this point, that the Turks were in great hope to have gained the walls, & Mustapha himself probably guessed, That the Christians were now weary of the long assault, and sore weakened with wounds and other infinite miseries, not to seek in a city so hardly distressed, and was in that his opinion also confirmed by certain fugitive Christians: he nevertheless upon the sudden caused a retreat to be sounded, and so retiring into his trenches, lay still all the next day without any thing doing. The defendants thinking that he had given over the assault, because of some aid that was coming to their relief, became more careless of the enemy, and upon the vain hope of such aid, with less diligence repaired their breaches and provided for the repulsing of their enemies. But the Bassa in the mean time had chosen out of his whole army about two hundred of his best captains and soldiers, all men of approved valour and agility of body, whom the next day after he sent early in the morning, to make proof if they could with scaling ladders secretly and without any noise set up, get into the four bulwarks which he had before sore shaken with his great ordinance. The Turks gain● the bulwarks & walls of Nicosia. These resolute men leading the way, got first up, after whom followed divers others, and so took the aforesaid bulwarks: when presently after other companies of their fellows which stood ready for the purpose, coming on forward, did with their scaling ladders in divers places recover the top of the walls for now the matter was not done by secret surprise▪ but by open force. In every one of these bulwarks were seventy Italians and as many Epirots, who there kept watch and ward; these men part asleep, as fearing no such danger, and part lying lazily upon the ground, were there surprised on the sudden and slain: othersome of them awaked with the strange and uncouth noise, betook not themselves lustily to their weapons, but forsaking their stations leapt down out of the bulwarks at such places as were next unto them; some for fear ran unawares into the midst of their enemies. Upon this alarm some of the Christian captains came speedily to the walls with their companies, as did Eugenius, who whilst he in vain crieth out to such fearful soldiers as he met, that they should not so cowardly fly, & stayeth others that were flying, was himself shot thorough with a small shot and slain. Other captains in other places likewise laboured in vain to have stayed the flying soldiers, whose persuasions, requests, and authority in so general a fear, nothing at that time prevailed. The defendants thus beaten from the walls and bulwarks, Nicosia taken by the Turks. gathered themselves into the market place: but the citizens stealing home to their own houses, there stood in the entrances of the same, fearfully expecting the destruction of their country, together with their own. In the mean time the Governor of ALEPPO with his regiment scoured the walls of the city round about, as he had in charge from the General: and without respect put to sword all that he met, armed or unarmed. At the bulwark called BAR●ARVS, it fortuned him to light upon a company of Italians, who for a while fought desperately, but were in the end overthrown and slain. When he had thus cleared the walls, and left such companies as he thought good in places convenient for the keeping of them, he came down into the more open places of the city: and seeing them that were gathered together into the market place to have cast themselves into a ring, and to fight as men altogether desperate, he caused certain murdering pieces to be bend upon them: which they perceiving, laid down their weapons, and yielded themselves unto the mercy of the enemy▪ By and by all the gates of the city were strongly guarded by the enemy, to the intent that no man should go in or out. Dandulus the Governor, and Contarenus bishop of PAPHOS, with the rest of the nobility and better sort of the citizens, had got themselves into the town hall, and there stood upon their guard: unto whom Mustapha●ent ●ent word, that he would take them all to mercy, if they would without further resistance yield themselves. But whiles messengers run too and fro, the Turks violently broke in upon them, and there slew them every man. After the death of these noblemen the cruel enemy spared none: and having slain such as they found abroad in the streets, broke into the houses, where they made havoc of all things: young babes were violently taken out of the arms of their mothers, virgins were shamefully ravished, and honest matrons before their husband's faces dispightfully abused, churches were spoiled▪ A great slaughter. and all places filled with mourning and dead bodies: the streets were in all places stained with blood, for in the city was slain that day fourteen thousand eight hundred threescore and six persons. Neither was there any end of the spoil, until the greedy enemy had carried away all the wealth that long peace had heaped up. It is reported, that the prey there taken amounted to twenty hundred thousand millions of ducats: two hundred of the most goodly and beautiful youths were chosen out of purpose to be sent unto CONSTANTINOPLE for a present for Selimus. In the city were taken also two hundred and fifty pieces of great ordinance: whereof some were by the enemy carried away, and the rest left for defence of the city. Thus the famous city of NICOSIA, sometime the regal seat of the kings of CYPRUS, fell into the hands of the Turks, the ninth day of September in the year 1570, in whose power it still remaineth. Mustapha having as he thought best disposed of all things in NICOSIA, with the very terror of his name, rather than by any force, brought most part of the rest of the towns in the island under his obeisance; and by fair entreaty and promise of good usage, brought back again unto their wont dwellings the rude country people, who upon the coming of the Turks were fled with all that they had into the mountains: them as men not to be feared, he commanded to till and sow their land as they were wont. Cyrene yielded unto the Turks. The city of CYRENE is strongly situated, not far from the sea, and was then well furnished of all things needful for the enduring of a long siege. Hither the Bassa sent one of his Sanzackes to summon the city, more to prove the courage of the defendants, than for any hope he had to have the city delivered unto him. But Alphonsus Palacius then Governor of the city, terrified with the loss of NICOSIA, no sooner saw the enemy, but that without any further deliberation or force used against him, he delivered up the town unto the Sanzacke; covenanting only in reward of his cowardice, That he might in safety depart from thence with all his garrison soldiers: which was easily granted, and the city surrendered. Not long after Mustapha leaving a thousand horsemen and three thousand foot in garrison in NICOSIA, Famagusta besieged. marched with the rest of his army to besiege FAMAGUSTA. And the more to terrify them of the city, he by a poor country fellow, whom he had for that purpose set at liberty, sent unto them in a basket the head of Nicholaus Dandulus, late Governor of NICOSIA: and at the same time sent before him divers horsemen, who upon their horsemen's staves carried the heads of many of the noblemen slain at NICOSIA, wherewith they rid as in triumph about the walls of the city. Which thing he did, in hope that they of FAMAGUSTA terrified with such a spectacle, and the late overthrow of NICOSIA, would for fear of like misery yield themselves. But deceived in this his expectation, he encamped his army about three miles from the city. Mustapha raiseth his siege. Afterwards having taken view of the city, and well considered of the situation thereof, he with wonderful celerity cast up divers mounts against the same, and at the same time caused battery to be laid against the great tower which defended the haven: he himself also in the mean while battering the gate that leadeth to AMATHUS. But perceiving by the desperate sallies of the defendants their great courage, and that he was like to have much more to do in this siege than he had in the winning of NICOSIA, and Winter also now drawing fast on (being about the later end of September) he thought it best betime to provide, that by lying there he hazarded not the honour he had with so much labour and danger before gained: and the rather, for that it was commonly reported, that the Christian fleet was at hand: wherefore he rise with his army, and retired himself further off into the country, where he shortly after billitted his soldiers in the villages round about for that Winter. The Turks at sea advertised of the coming of the Christian fleet, prepare themselves for battle. The Bassas at sea, Haly and Piall, lying before FAMAGUSTA, doubting the coming of the Christian fleet, which then lay at CRETE, sent out six galliots to discover the doings of the Christians: who returning with certain prisoners taken in the Island of CRETE, declared unto the Bassas what they had learned concerning the Christian fleet, and that it was already upon the way for CYPRUS. Upon which intelligence the Bassas put their fleet in order of battle, and set forward towards LIMISSO, to have met with the Christians: who with a prosperous wind were coming betwixt the islands of CARPATHOS and the RHODES: but there understanding by their espials, that NICOSIA was lost, and that the Turks were come to besiege FAMAGUSTA, they called a counsel of all the chief commanders in the fleet, to consult what were best to do in so dangerous a case. Columnius the Pope's Admiral, and then chief commander in the fleet, with Zanius the Venetian Admiral, were of opinion, That it were best to hold on their course for CYPRUS, The commanders of the Christian fleet of deuers opinions for giving of the Turks battle. and to relieve FAMAGUSTA: for that it was like that the Turks proud of their late victory, were for desire of prey for most part gone ashore into the island, and so left their fleet but slenderly manned. Beside that they alleged, That the Venetian Senate had expressly decreed, that they should give the Turks battle. But Auria the Spanish Admiral thinking it, as indeed it was, to be a matter of great difficulty and danger, was quite of another mind, saying, That he could not but marvel, how the Venetian Senators sitting at their ease in counsel, could before they knew their own strength, and power of the enemy, the nature of the country, and purpose of their foes, determine what were fit for martial men to do: unto whose actions no certain rule could be prescribed: All the shores (he said) were kept with the enemy's garrisons: so that what need soever they should have, they could neither come by water or wood, or put into any harbour. Besides that, the enemy would give them battle at his own pleasure, and not at theirs: for that they were not of such power as to enforce him to fight. And that if the Senate, which used to do all things warily, and with great advisement, did but see the weakness of their galleys, wanting both soldiers and mariners, they would be of another mind. He alleged further, that they were to wage war in the enemy's country, where there was no port to receive their fleet, no peaceable place, no confederate city, nor king to friend: whereas the time of the year grew every day worse and worse, when as they had neither harbour to put into, neither were able to abide the sea. And now that NICOSIA was lost, for the relief whereof they were come so far, there was no reason for them longer to stay, the enemy so strongly possessing the island with his great army, as that there was not any hope to do any good against him. And that to keep him from victual, and so to distress him, was not possible, lying in a most fertile island, and in the midst of his own dominions: whereas they, who were to be still relieved from far, should sooner feel the want than the enemy. He was victualled (as he said when he came from home) but for three months, in hope to have made a short dispatch, and had now two thousand miles' home. He said moreover, That he had express commandment from the king, to return to MESSANA before Winter; and that therefore so soon as the month was out, he would depart. The Venetian Admiral desiring nothing more, than by battle at sea to overthrow the Turks, and so to relieve the distressed Cypriots, urged the Spanish Admiral to proceed in the voyage, saying, That so great aid was not sent from the Pope and the king only for the relief of NICOSIA, but to deliver the whole island from the danger of the Turk. Of the same opinion with the Spanish Admiral were divers other great captains in the fleet, namely Sfortia; who said, That nothing was to be so done▪ as might rashly expose unto casualty or power of the enemy, the public fortune and majesty of the Christian commonweal, which was in that fleet greatly hazarded: That longer stay might bring further danger: That in that fleet consisted the whole welfare of the commonweal; wherein more might be lost, The Christian fleet returneth upon the foul disagreement of the commander●. if any mishap should chance thereunto, than was good to be gained by the relieving of FAMAGUSTA. The great commanders thus differing in opinions, the counsel was in a heat dissolved, and nothing concluded. Upon which so foul a disagreement the fleet began now to return back again, but so, as that it was not now as before one, but three fleets, every Admiral by himself drawing after him his fleet. Auria the Spanish Admiral, who first returned, after he had been two days wonderfully with tempest tossed at sea, came at last to CARPATHOS, and departing thence, with much ado arrived with his fleet in the island of CRETE: from whence he by a messenger sent of purpose, requested leave of Columnius the Pope's Admiral, that he might with his good will presently return home: whereunto Columnius answered, That he would give him no such leave: but rather charged him in the duty he ought to the good of the Christian commonweal not to depart, but to keep company with the rest of the fleet, until it were past ZACYNTHUS; that so with their united forces they might more safely pass by their enemy's countries: Whereas otherwise, if any thing should by his hasty departure fall out otherwise than well, it should be imputed to the dishonour of him that had forsaken his friends, and not of them that were so by him forsaken. But unto this Auria answered, That the welfare of the kingdoms of SICILY and NAPLES, consisted in the safety of this fleet: and that therefore having haste home, he could not stay to keep company with their heavy galleasses and other ships of burden, which must oftentimes be towed forward: This he openly pretended for his departure, yet secretly sought (as it was deemed) to find an occasion whereby to withdraw himself (being as he accounted the better man at sea) from the command of Columnius, whereunto he was full sore against his will subject. After they had thus a while spent the time with reasoning the matter too and fro, Auria of himself without farther leave hoist sail, and so at length came to MESSANA in SICILY: neither did Columnius and Zanius stay in those quarters long after him, but having endured much trouble at sea, arrived at last, Columnius in ITALY, and Zanius at CORCYRA. Thus this mighty fleet, which had all this Summer filled the Mediterranean with all the countries thereabout with the expectation of some great matter, was by the discord of the Generals dissolved, having done nothing at all worth the remembrance. In this idle expedition many thousands of right valiant men lost their lives, being dead of divers diseases proceeding of change of diet, and unseasonableness of the weather in that hot climate; amongst whom was the valiant county Hieronimus Marteningus sent by the Senate with three thousand soldiers, for the defence of FAMA●VSTA; who also most of them perished in that voyage. Zanius the Venetian Admiral discharged of his office, and sent in bonds to Venice. The Venetian fleet was no sooner arrived at CORCYRA, but Augustinus Barbadicus was sent from the Senate to discharge Zanius the Admiral of his office, and to send him prisoner to VENICE: in whose room was placed Sebastianus Venerius Governor of that island. The Turks Bassas at sea, certainly advertised of the departure of the Christian fleet, were not a little proud thereof; as by the confession of their enemies, their betters. Yet for as much as the seas began then to grow rough, and no enemy appeared, they thought it to no purpose to keep the seas with so great a fleet, and therefore resolved to leave Mustapha with his army in CYPRUS, the next year to make an end of his conquest so happily begun; and seven galleys at sea before FAMAGUSTA, that no relief should that way be brought into the city, and so to depart themselves with the rest of the fleet to Winter in more safer harbours: Piall with the greater part of the fleet to CONSTANTINOPLE, and Haly with the rest to the RHODES. And because they would for their greater credit prepare some worthy present for their great lord and master Selimus, they fraughted a great gallion of Muhamets' the chief Bassas, and two other tall ships, with the richest of the spoil of NICOSIA, and the choice of the prisoners there taken. But when they were now ready to hoist sail and depart, as they were carrying out of the gallion certain barrels of gunpowder which Mustapha the General had commanded for his better provision to be landed, A desperate fact of a woman. a noble gentlewoman captive in the gallion, wishing rather to die with honour than to live dishonoured, secretly fired the powder: by force whereof, the same gallion with the other two ships were suddenly rend in pieces, and all that was therein blown up into the air. Of all that were in those three vessels, none escaped with life but the master of the gallion and two Christian captives, but there perished together with the rich spoil. But the Bassas following their former resolution departed from CYPRUS, and afterwards in safety arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE: where both then and all the Winter following, such preparation was in making, as if Selimus had the next year purposed some far greater matter than the conquest of CYPRUS. Whilst Sebastianus Venerius (now the Venetian Admiral) yet lay at CORCYRA, the rude Acroceraunian people, more famous for nothing than for their theft, and want of all things, by trusty messengers promised to deliver into his power the strong castle of chimera, kept by a garrison of three hundred Turks, if he himself with a few galleys and a convenient number of footmen would come into the bay of AMERACIA; offering him good hostages for the better assurance of their promise. Of which their offer he gladly accepted, and forthwith went to the appointed place with a company of horsemen, three thousand footmen, and certain galleys; who were no sooner landed, but that presently a thousand of those rough mountain people came unto them: with which power taking the hill, and repulsing the Turks garrison; coming to the relief of the castle, The strong castle of chimera taken by Venerius. he so discouraged them that were in the hold, that the next night they let themselves down with ropes into the valley below; but being descried, were there all either taken or slain. And so in a very short time was that strong castle taken by the Admiral, and a strong garrison of Christians put into it in stead of the Turks. Not long after, Quirinus taketh a castle of the Turks in Peloponesus. Quirinus the Vice-admiral, a man of great courage, landed with four and twenty galleys in PELOPONESUS near the bay of main, and there upon the sudden both by sea and land besieged a strong castle, which the Turks but two years before had built to trouble the Christians passing that way. Which castle he took in five hours, and put to the sword five hundred Turks which lay there in garrison, and rasing it down to the ground carried away with him four and twenty great pieces of artillery into the island of ZACYNTHUS. At such time as Mustapha before lay at the siege of FAMAGUSTA, Bragadinus Governor of the town, with Baleonius a most expert captain, from out of the high places of the city beholding the great army of the Turks (which covered the ground almost as far as they could see) with their cunning manner of their fortification, were therewith much moved: and therefore thought it good betime to give the Senate knowledge thereof, and in so great a danger to crave their aid. And that their request might be of more weight and have the better hearing, they entreated Hieronimus Ragazonius bishop of the city, a reverend and devout man, to take upon him that charge, unto whom they joined Nicholas Donatus, a noble gentleman of CYPRUS. The bishop at the first was very unwilling to go, as loath in so great danger to leave his flock: but at length overcome with the entreaty of the Governor, and tears of the besieged, suffered himself to be entreated. And embarked in a galley about the going down of the Sun, losing out of the haven, and hoising sail, with a fair gale of wind passed through the Turks fleet, which then lay at anchor before the city; and by the coming on of the night, and by the great way he made, got him quickly out of sight. After four days sailing he came to CRETE, and so at length to VENICE: where, as he had before unto the Admiral, so there unto the Senate he declared the dangerous estate of the city, the strength of the enemy, the weakness of the defendants against so great a multitude, and the want of many things needful for the holding out of the siege: and to be brief, that except they sent speedy relief, the city could not be kept. Zanius at that time Admiral, careful for the besieged, caused four tall ships to be laded with all manner of victual, and a great quantity of gunpowder, and put into them seventeen hundred select soldiers: all which he sent from CRETE to the relief of them of FAMAGUSTA, appointing M. Antonius Quirinus with twelve of the best galleys in all the fleet, to conduct the same thither. This Quirinus was a most valiant and expert captain, Quirinus' a valiant gentleman. meanly descended, but by service grown to be a man both of great reputaton and wealth: and therefore Zanius at his departure to VENICE, although he knew the matter required haste, yet presuming upon his wisdom and carefulness, left it to his discretion, when, and how to perform that piece of service▪ Quirinus (not without cause) doubting to set forward, the seas as then full of the Turks galleys, stayed until Winter was well spent, 1571 and then setting forward the seventeenth of januarie, kept aloof from the ships, which with a prosperous wind came directly before FAMAGUSTA: in hope, that the Turks galleys which lay in the mouth of the haven, might so be drawn farther into the sea, in hope of some good booty, he himself staying with his galleys in place convenient out of sight. Neither had the event deceived his expectation, had not his fierce nature hindered the same: for the Turks upon the dawning of the day descrying the ships, made hastily toward them. But Quirinus not able longer to stay himself, and before desirous to fight with them, showed himself too soon in the open sea before the enemy was come near the ships: whom as soon as the Turks had seen, and that there was no hope to withstand him, they stayed their oars, and with all speed retired. But Quirinus following faster upon them, they were glad for safeguard of their lives, with all the power they could, to run three of their galleys aground, and to run to shore themselves: which three galleys, Quirinus did with his great ordinance beat all to pieces, and sore gauled the other four. The haven thus cleared, he returned again unto the ships, and brought them with the supply in safety to FAMAGUSTA; upon whose arrival was great rejoicing, both amongst the garrison soldiers & the citizens: for the Turks thought nothing less than that the Christian galleys durst at that time of the year have put into those dangerous seas: which Quirinus well knowing, came forth again with his galleys, and roaming up and down at his pleasure, took two of the enemy's ships richly laded coming unto the camp, with which booty he enriched his soldiers: and farther incited by occasion, landed his men in divers places alongst the sea coast in PAMPHILIA, and there did great harm. So having filled the country with the terror and fame of his name, he returned again to FAMAGUSTA, where he notably encouraged the garrison soldiers, persuading them to remember their wonted valour: and filling them with hope, that the Christian fleet would be with them in the beginning of the next Summer, to deliver them from their enemies, and to raise the siege. So having in twenty days dispatched that he came for, and done what good service else he could, he departed from FAMAGUSTA, and within five days after arrived at CRETE. It was not long, but Selimus had knowledge of this late supply put into FAMAGUSTA, and of the harms done by Quirinus; Negligence severely punished by Selimus. wherewith he was so highly displeased, that he commanded the Governor of CHIOS his head to be struck off, and the Governor of the RHODES to be disgraced, whose charge it was to have kept those seas so that nothing should have been conveyed into FAMAGUSTA. Neither spared he Pial Bassa, but deprived him of his Admiralty, and placed Pertau Bassa Admiral in his stead: for that he had not the year before discomfited the Christian fleet at the island of CRETE, as it was supposed he might have done. From the beginning of this war, the Venetians, with Pius Quintus then Pope who greatly favoured their cause, had most earnestly from time to time solicited Philip king of SPAIN, to enter with them into the participation and fellowship of this war; which their request standing in deed with the good of his state, he seemed easily to yield unto: and therefore sent Auria his Admiral the last year with his fleet to aid them, but with such success as is before declared. As for to join with them in a perpetual league and confederation (as it was termed) against the common enemy, that he referred unto the discreet consideration of the two Cardinals, Granuellan and Pace, and Io. Zunica his ambassador, sent for that purpose to ROME: promising to perform whatsoever they should on his behalf agree upon or consent unto. At the same time, and for the same purpose lay also Surianus the Venetian ambassador at ROME: unto whom the Pope joined Cardinal Morone, Aldobrandinus, and Rusticucius, with certain other of the chief Cardinals, as men indifferent to both parties, to moderate and compose such differences and difficulties as should arise betwixt the aforesaid commissioners for the king, and the Venetians, concerning the intended league. But these grave men, sent from so great princes about so great a matter (as well there could not be a greater) were no sooner met together and set in consultation, but that forthwith they began to jar about the capitulations of the league. Necessary it was thought, that a league should be agreed upon against so puissant and dangerous an enemy, but to find the way how the same might be concluded to the contentment of all parties, seemed a matter almost impossible. Oftentimes these commissioners sat, but the oftener the farther off: if one difficulty were by the discretion of some appeased, in stead thereof at the next meeting arise three others. The chief command of the army to be raised, the proportion of the forces, the manner of the war, with many other such like circumstances incident to so great actions, made great differences among them: but most of all, the indifferent proportioning of the charge, the Spanish commissioners seeking to turn the greatest part thereof upon the Venetians, and the Venetians upon them: which was done with such earnestness and study of every man towards his own part, as if they had all there met for the bettering of the particular state from which they were sent, rather than for the common good: For the Spaniard, who in former time was glad to keep the frontiers of his large dominions in ITALY, SICILY, SARDINIA, CORSICA, MAIORCA, MINORCA, yea and of SPAIN itself, with strong garrisons for fear of the Turk: now that the war was risen betwixt the Venetians and him, and the danger thereof translated far off into other men's territories; enjoyed now in his own an unwonted quietness, to the great content of his subjects, & easing of his own charge in maintaining of so many garrisons as before: whereof many were now thought needless. Besides that, he by the indulgence of the Pope, raised such great sums of money upon his clergy, as was thought by many sufficient to discharge the charge of the war: For which causes he cared not for entering into any farther league with the Venetians, but as it were of courtesy to send them a yearly aid to maintain a defensive linger war, and so to keep the Turk busied upon the Venetian a far off from his own territories. But the Venetians, in whose dominions the fierce enemy daily raged, as well in DALMATIA as in CYPRUS, were even for the same reasons moved to hasten and shorten the war, that the Spaniard was to protract it: for beside the nearness of the danger, and the infinite calamities by the sustained, their yearly revenues arising for most part of their customs, were greatly impaired, and their traffic (the maintenance of their State) almost quite cut off; which caused them more earnestly to confederate themselves with the Spaniard. But hard it was to join in one, States so far differing, in respect of their particular profit, and almost by nature contrary. Thus was all the last year, and a great part of this also, spent by the aforesaid commissioners in turbulent and fruitless conferences, but nothing as yet concluded concerning the league: which troubled the Venetians not a little, being of themselves too weak for so mighty an enemy as was Selimus, and yet no other certain strength from their friends to rest upon. But whiles they stood thus doubtful of the league with SPAIN, and quite out of hope of any atonement with Selimus; upon the sudden when they least expected, it was by good fortune laid as it were in their laps, to make choice whether they would (as they had before most earnestly desired) join in league with the Pope and the king of SPAIN, or else fall to agreement with Selimus: and that by this means. Muhamet the chief Bassa, Muhamet Bassa a secret friend unto the Venetians, putteth them in hope of peace. a secret friend unto the Venetians of whom he had been of long time honoured, had no great liking of the prosperous success of Mustapha in CYPRUS, and therefore devised night and day how to cross the rising of him, the competitor of his honour; and withal, to help the Venetians unto whom he was much beholden. He by secret messengers had before oftentimes sounded the mind of the Venetian ambassador, and put him in hope that if suit were made unto Selimus for peace, it would undoubtedly be granted; and farther promised, to be himself an helper and intercessor for the same. But finding the ambassador to cast many perils, and to give small credit unto their talk, who had before by trusting them deceived him: he did not so give over the matter, but referring the farther tempering with him unto a more fitter time, for the present he took opportunity to enter into discourse with Selimus himself concerning the Venetians, and told him that it was reported, That they weary of the long altercation they had had with the Spaniards concerning the league, and now destitute of all hope and aid, would now happily of their own accord grant him that which they had before to him denied. And perceiving him not unwillingly to hear so of them, he proceeded farther in the matter, to know his pleasure what he would have done therein: cunningly by the way of good counsel persuading him unto that which he most wished himself to be done. Immediately after he secretly advertiseth M. Antonius the Venetian ambassador, That there was great hope of peace, and that therefore the Senate should under the colour of exchanging of prisoners, and redeeming of merchants goods, send some fit man to CONSTANTINOPLE, with whom he would in secret confer of all such matters as might further the pacification. This unexpected news from the ambassador brought to VENICE, was well heard of the Senate: for they thought it much to concern their State, to have a way opened whereby upon tolerable conditions to make peace with the mighty tyrant, if that the league betwixt them and the king of SPAIN could not be concluded. The Venetians send an ambassador to Selymu● to entreat with him of peace. Hereupon they made choice of one jacobus Ragazonius to go about this matter to CONSTANTINOPLE. This Ragazonius was a man of great spirit and dexterity of wit to take any matter in hand, and of a great reach and deep judgement in the managing thereof; and withal exceeding rich, and of so good a carriage of himself, as that he was therefore famous: all which things were thought of great moment, to win the favour of that covetous and barbarous nation. The Senate, although they had not yet made proof what men thought of the matter, yet doubted they not, but that upon the report of the sending of this notable man, men would thereof diversly divine every man according to his own fantasy: and that many of the wiser sort would indeed surmise, as the truth was, that he was sent for to entreat of peace, although the exchange of prisoners, and redemption of merchants goods, were the only things were openly pretended: and the Senate, although they thought it not amiss to have it so understood, because such a suspicion was like enough to stir up both the Pope and the Spaniard to accept of such conditions of the desired league, as they had before rejected; yet lest the hope of the league (which they for many causes thought good to cherish) thereby cut off, might cause the Pope and the Spaniard both to be cold in the matter, they certified both them and other Christian princes, of the sending of Ragazonius; yet of purpose concealing the secret drift of his going. Ragazonius thoroughly instructed by the Senate, was in a galley conducted to RAGUSIUM; which Gassan-beg (the great Bassa Muhamets' son, Governor of LIBURNIA) understanding, met him upon the frontiers, and told him, That he was sent by his father both to meet him and safe conduct him: which the martial man, contrary to the manner of the Turks courteously performed, honourably entertaining him, and afterward sending him with a safe convoy until he was out of all danger. Ragazonius coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, was there by night secretly received into the city, Ragazonius the Venetian ambassador cometh to Constantinople. and at first brought into a little base Inn, and a guard set over him that he should speak with no man. But after three days he was removed to a much better place, and presented with divers kinds of dainty dishes of sundry kinds of meats. The effect of his message was, to try the Turks minds, and after conference had with the ambassador to entreat of peace. The conference betwixt Muhamet the great Bassa, and Ragazonius. At length having access unto the great Bassa Muhamet, after he dad delivered unto him (as he had in charge) his message concerning the exchange of prisoners and merchants goods; Muhamet asked him, if he had nothing in charge from the Senate concerning a pacification to be made? Whereunto he answered, that he had, but that he must first speak with the ambassador, without whose advice and counsel he was not of himself to do any thing. At that first encounter the Bassa to terrify the messenger, declared unto him the innumerable multitude of the Turks horsemen and footmen, which no nation (as he vainly boasted) was able by force or policy to withstand: also his great and invincible fleets at sea, with whom all the power of the Christians united together, was not able to encounter; and much other such like strength and wealth of his: and that the Venetians were now no more able to withstand Selimus, than they were in times past to resist his father and his ancestors. Yet he discoursed of this matter in such sort, as not thereby to cut off the hope of the pacification: but said, That the Venetians should best have provided for the safety of their state, if at the first they had listened unto him, friendly and faithfully advising them not to have entered into arms, in which doing they showed more courage than power: and that yet, as the case now stood, and that Selimus was in a most assured hope, in short time to become lord and master of the whole island; it should be to their great good to prefer the favour and good will of the Turks before war, and by the voluntary yielding up of CYPRUS gain unto themselves perpetual peace and tranquility. As for the island itself, it was not now worth the hazarding of so many dangers, being destitute of inhabitants, which were almost all either slain or fled, the cattle driven away, the towns ransacked and burnt, and the whole country, of late most pleasant and beautiful, now so spoiled and unpeopled, that it could not of long time yield unto him that should have it, any profit or commodity. Ragazonius being a cool and advised man, and withal perceiving that the Bassa was not to be contraried in his talk, so tempered his answer, as that he showed no token of fear, neither let any word fall that might offend his ears, saying, That he was right glad, that he had found so much favour in his sight, as to have access and leave to talk with so great a prince, who for wisdom and gravity excelled all the rest of the princes of the great emperors court: who so far as he might, with his loyalty towards his sovereign, had always most graciously favoured the Venetian state: who also not ignorant of the uncertainty of worldly things, knew of all others best, that on both sides were both men and arms, and that most mighty princes had oftentimes with small forces been overthrown, the event of things never deceiving men more than in matters of war; no power upon earth being sure, which could not within some bounds contain the strength of itself: and that therefore he was in good hope, That he so worthy a man knowing best what belonged both to peace and war, would devise some such course as might sort to the good and quiet both of the Venetian state and Turkish empire: in which doing he should find sufficient matter for his eternal praise and glory, if by his discreet wisdom a pacification might be made. Such talk having passed at their first meeting, Ragazonius had leave to speak with the ambassador, who then lay at PERA under safe keeping. In passing over to PERA, Ragazonius might see a fleet of Turkish galleys one encountering with another, in manner of a fight at sea, which the Turks had of purpose provided, to show unto him as a strange sight. Whereat Ragazonius smiling, said unto the Turks that were present with him, That it was a pretty childish sport for him that had never seen the like before: but not to the Venetians, who were acquainted with these matters in earnest; as the Turks should well know, whensoever they had a mind to make proof what they were able to do at sea. Ragazonius coming to the embassdour, had conference with him at large, and resolved with him what to do in his negotiation. And so returning to Muhamet, easily dispatched with him for the exchange of prisoners & merchants goods: but when they came to talk of the capitulations of a pacification to be made, at the first they were so far off, as if they would never have met: but after much and often conference, sometime the one yielding, and sometime the other, the matter was brought to some conformity, so that there was no such great difference betwixt them, but that they were like enough to have agreed. Pius the Pope, and Philip the king of SPAIN advertised of the sending of Ragazonius to CONSTANTINOPLE, The Pope and the king of Spain fea●ing lest the Venetians should make peace with the Turk, hasten the confederation began to imagine as the truth was, that he was sent about some treaty of peace, what colour soever the Senate pretended to cover the same. And therefore doubting lest the Turkish emperor having once made peace with the Venetians, should turn his great forces already prepared, upon the one or both of them, they thought it good for troubling of that peace, now with all speed to hasten the league, which they had so long before delayed. For which purpose the Pope sent the noble Columnius to VENICE: who admitted into the Senate, declared at large how matters had passed at ROME concerning the league: and afterwards what profit might arise of such a league concluded, and what harms might ensue of the same, neglected. And to hasten the matter, set as it were before their eyes, how much it concerned the common good, but them especially, to have the same with speed confirmed. As for to give any trust unto the Turks, was (as he said) not beseeming their deep wisdom and judgement, seeing they so often had been by them rather deceived than vanquished. In conclusion, he requested them, That for his Holiness sake, moderating in some part their hard demands, they would with speed join with him and the king in a most firm and Christian league. Although this speech of Columnius had much moved the minds of the Venetians, so that many inclined to the league, yet were there many doubtful thereof, and could not be resolved whether it were better to embrace peace with the Turk, or the league with the Pope and the king. Peace pleased them, neither did the league displease them: it seemed a matter most difficult whether to resolve upon. They were fearful of the league either received, or rejected: the hope of victory, the inconstancy of the Turks, their own strength at sea, the large promises of the Christian princes, the certain hope of the league, and uncertainty of the peace, persuaded them to embrace the league▪ On the other side, the bad success of the year before, their forces shaken, and almost spent in CYPRUS, the suspected and doubtful faith of their confederates, with the uncertainty of the success, induced them to prefer the hoped peace before the league. So the Venetians in suspense betwixt both, gave the ambassador daily more doubtful answers than other: neither by promise binding themselves, neither by flat denial cutting off the hope of the league, by examples & arguments rather refelling what was by others alleged, than any way declaring what they themselves thought. Sometime they alleged such things as might make a man believe, that they were willing to join in league, and by and by again they would seem neither to reject nor accept of the same. In which doubtfulness many days passed. At length the matter being propounded in the Senate, there found not unlike disposition of minds that it had amongst the meaner sort: for some of the Senators inclined to the league, whose reasons were grounded not upon profit only, but upon credit and honour also, which they wished to be chiefly regarded: declaring also what great security, honour, and glory should redound unto them, by entering into such an honourable league. But the remembrance of former losses, the strength of the Turk possessing a great part of the world, compared unto their own, the terror of the enemy's name, the fear of evil success, the small hope of prevailing, induced others to like better of peace: whose opinion was also confirmed by this, That the confederation with those Christians, was of no more assurance or continuance than the Turks peace: Besides that, they alleged, That leagues were therefore of less assurance, for that confederations and amities were seldom or never sincerely and faithfully kept on both sides, every man commonly serving his own turn, without care of other men. They also set as it were before their eyes what great occasions, even small suspicions might give princes to break their leagues, what strange effects the fear of the loss of goods or some part of their territory might work. The Venetians resolve to accept of the league with the Pope and the king. After this so weighty a matter had been thus with great contention thoroughly debated on both sides in the Senate, it was at last put to voices: and so by the consent of the greater part the league was as more honourable received, and the Turks peace rejected: and a decree of the Senate to that effect made. Ragazonius by secret letters from the Senate understanding of all these matters, began to deal more warily with Muhamet the great Bassa in matter concerning the pacification, and more hardly to yield to his demands; and propounding many difficulties of purpose devised, requested of him, That he might by his good leave return to VENICE, to be resolved of many things by the Senate, whereof he was not able himself to judge, and so to return to him again with more certain instructions: assuring him, that the Senate would upon knowledge of the conditions of the peace do and devise many things for the furtherance of the same: which could not so well be done by letters, as if he were there himself present to resolve them upon every particular. This his request obtained, he with great speed got him out of CONSTANTINOPLE▪ but was scarcely got out of the gates, when report of the league which the Venetians had made with the Pope and the king of SPAIN, was brought unto the Court, and had in short time filled the city; Which made all the way as he traveled more troublesome, and frustrated that also which was before concluded concerning the exchange of prisoners and merchants goods. Ragazonius being come to VENICE, declared at large in the Senate the drift and purpose of the Turk; and what conference he had had with the great Bassa, and in what forwardness the peace was: for which his discreet carriage of the matter, his wisdom was highly by the whole Senate commended, and he himself afterward honourably rewarded. A perpetual league concluded betwixt the Pope, the K of Spain, and the Venetians. In the mean time the commissioners at ROME after long consultation concluded a league, which they would have to be perpetual, as well for invasive as defensive wars against the Turk: and was by solemn oath confirmed by the Pope, the king of SPAIN, and the Venetian Senate the four and twentieth day of May, in the year 1571. For the execution of which league it was agreed upon, That the sea & land forces should consist of two hundred galleys, an hundred ships, fifty thousand footmen, and four thousand five hundred horsemen; with a proportionat quantity of great artillery, victuals, & other things necessary, to be every year ready in March, or at farthest in April, to meet together at such place in the East, as should be unto them for that purpose appointed; to be employed as the Admirals saw cause, and as the present state of things should require. The proportioning of the charge of the wars against the Turke● and the other capitulations of the l●ague. For maintenance of which charge it was agreed, That the king of SPAIN should defray the one half, and the other half to be divided into three equal parts; whereof the Venetians should bear two parts, and the Pope the third; which if it should be too heavy for him, then that remained by him undischarged, to be divided into five parts, whereof the king was to discharge three, and the Venetians two. The charge thus proportioned, they took order also for the provision of victuals, to be at a reasonable price taken up in any the confederates dominions, where the army or fleet should chance to stay: yet so, that it should be at the king of SPAIN his discretion, out of his kingdoms of NAPLES and SICILY, first to take his provision for the victualling of GULETTA, MALTA, and his own navy. It was also agreed, That if the king of SPAIN should at any time, when as the confederates had no common war, invade ALGIERS, TRIPOLI, or TUNES, that then the Venetians should of their own charge and him with fifty galleys well appointed: As also, that the king should in like manner and with like forces aid them, as oft as they should by the Turks be invaded. But if it should fortune the Roman territory to be invaded, that then the aforesaid princes should be bound with all their forces, to the uttermost of their power, to defend those places, and the person of the Pope. And that in managing of the confederate war, the three Admirals should confer together of all matters, and whatsoever the greater part should agree upon, that to be reputed as agreed upon by them all: That Don john of AUSTRIA, Charles the fifth his natural son, and brother to the king, should have the chief command of the forces both at sea and land: but not to display his own ensign, but the common ensign of the confederates: Also, that such places as should be gained from the Turk by the confederate army, should be divided amongst the confederate princes, excepting TUNES', ALGIERS, and TRIPOLI, which should remain only to the king of SPAIN▪ That all controversies arising amongst the Generals should be decided by the Pope, unto whom the Venetians should lend twelve galleys, furnished of all things saving men and victuals, which the Pope should of his own charge supply: which galleys at the end of the war he should again deliver, in such case as they then were: That an honourable place should be left for Maximilian the emperor, the French king, the king of POLONIA, and the king of PORTUGAL to enter into this league, whom with the rest of the Christian princes it should beseem the Pope to stir up in so good a quarrel: And that it should not be lawful for any the aforesaid confederate princes to entreat of peace, or enter into league, without the knowledge and consent of the other confederates. And for the better proceeding of all things, it was agreed, That ever in Autumn the confederate princes should by their ambassadors at ROME consult of the next years wars, and according as the time and occurrents should require, to determine, whether their forces were to be increased or diminished. This league thus at length with much ado concluded, was not long after in june with great pomp and triumph openly proclaimed in ROME, The league proclaimed. VENICE, and SPAIN, to the great joy of the greatest part of Christendom. Whilst these things were in doing, The Venetians the more to trouble the Turk, seek to stir up Tamas the Persian king to take up arms against him. the Venetians the more to entangle the Turk, thought it good to make proof, if they might by any means stir up Tamas the Persian king to take up arms against him: who as he was a prince of great power, so did he exceedingly hate the Turks, as well for the difference betwixt the Persians and them about matters of their vain superstition, as for the manifold injuries he had oftentimes sustained. There was one Vincent Alexander, one of the Secretaries for the State; who having escaped out of prison at CONSTANTINOPLE, was but a little before come to VENICE, a wary wise man, and of great experience, who for his dexterity of wit and skilfulness in the Turkish language▪ was thought of all others most fit to take in hand so great a matter. He having received letters and instructions from the Senate, and furnished with all things necessary, traveling through GERMANY, POLONIA, and the forests of MoeSIA, in Turkish attire, came to MONCASTRON, a port town upon the side of the Euxine or Black sea, at the mouth of the great river Boristhenes: where he embarked himself for TRAPEZOND, but was by a contrary wind driven to SINOPE, a city of great traffic; from whence he traveled by rough and broken ways to CUTAY, keeping still upon the left hand, because he would not fall upon any part of the Turks army (which was then marching towards CYPRUS through all those countries) nevertheless he fell upon a part thereof; from which he with great danger rid himself, being taken for a Turk, and by blind and troublesome ways, through rocks and forests arrived at length at ERZIRUM, a strong city of the Turks, then upon the frontiers of the Turks dominions toward the Georgians. This journey of Alexanders was not kept so secret, but that it was vented at CONSTANTINOPLE by a spy▪ who under the colour of friendship haunting the Venetian ambassadors house at PERA, had got certain knowledge of the going of Alexander into PERSIA. Whereupon certain courrours were sent out with all speed to beset the three strait passages into PERSIA, whereby it was supposed he must of necessity pass, with certain notes also of the favour of the man, of his stature, and other marks, whereby he was best to be known. But he in so dangerous a country doubting all things, and fearing such a matter, leaving his company behind him, with incredible celerity posted from ERZIRUM to TAURIS, and was a great way gone before the Turks couriers came into those quarters: who yet hearing of him, followed after as far as they durst, but could not overtake him. Alexander coming to TAURIS, understood that the court lay at CASEIN, about twelve days journey further up into the country; coming thither the fourteenth of August of this year 1571, he chanced to meet with certain English merchants, with whom he had been before acquainted: by whose help he not only got to speak with Aider Tamas the king's third son, but learned of them also the manners and fashions of the Persian Court, and how to bear himself therein. The Persians by reason of the intolerable heat do most of their business at that time of the year by night. Alexander the Venetian ambassador hath audience with the Persian king. Wherefore Alexander about midnight brought in to Aider, declared unto him the cause of his coming: and the next night admitted unto the speech of his aged father, delivered his letters of credence, and in the name of the Senate declared unto him, with what perfidious dealing Selimus the Turkish emperor was about to take away CYPRUS from the Venetians, with what greediness and pride he had set upon the Christians, and that discharged of that war, he would of all likelihood set upon the Persians; having the selfsame quarrel unto the Persians that he had unto the Venetians, that is, an ardent and insatiable desire of sovereignty: a sufficient cause for the greedy Turk to repute every king the richer that he was, the more his enemy. After that, setting forth to the full the prowess of the Christians, the wonderful preparation they had made both at sea and land, he persuaded the king with all his power to invade the Turk, now altogether busied in the wars of CYPRUS; and to recover again such parts of his kingdom as Solyman the father of Selimus had taken from him. Wars he said were more happily managed abroad than at home: that sithence he alone (the Christian princes all then at quiet) had withstood the Turks whole force and power, he needed not now to doubt of his most prosperous success, the Christian princes now joining with him: That he was much unmindful of his former losses and wrongs, if he thought he enjoyed an assured peace; which he should find to be nothing else but a deferring of war unto more cruel times: and that the Turk if he should overrun CYPRUS, would forthwith turn his victorious arms upon him: The end of one war was (as he said) but the beginning of another; and that the Turkish empire could never stay in one state; and that he would observe not the Turks words, but his deeds; and how that the Ottoman emperors according to the opportunity of the times, used by turns, sometime force, sometime deceit, as best served their purposes. That no princes had at all times by dissembled peace and uncertain leagues more deluded some, until they had oppressed others. He wished also, that at length this his cunning dealing might appear unto the world: and that princes would think, that being combined together, they might more easily overcome the Turk, than being separated, defend their own: That in former times sometime will, sometime occasion, was wanting to them to unite their forces: and that therefore they should now combine themselves for their common good against the common enemy: That it concerned no less the Persians than the Christians, to have the power of the Turk abated: and that this taking up of arms, should be for the good of the Persian king howsoever things should fall out; if well, he should then recover what he had before lost, with much more that was the Turks: if otherwise, yet by voluntary entering into arms to countenance himself, and to give the Turks occasion to think that he feared him not: which was (as he said) the only way to preserve their common safety, which would be unto all the confederate princes easy enough, if they themselves made it not more difficult than the power of the enemy. The speech of the ambassador was willingly heard: whereunto the king answered, that he would consider thereupon what he had to do: and in the mean while, a fair house was appointed for the ambassador and his followers, and bountiful allowance appointed for the king's charge. He was also many times sumptuously feasted by the noblemen, whom he still requested to be mediators unto the king, to take that honourable war in hand. The king had at that time a son called Ishmael, a man of a great spirit, whom he then kept in durance, for that he with too much insolency made roads into the frontiers of the Turks dominions, to the disturbance of the league his father had before made with the late Turkish emperor Solyman: unto him Alexander having access, was of him courteously heard; who fretting and languishing for very grief of revenge upon the Turks, wished, that either the king his father had his mind, or he himself the power of a king▪ and said, That if ever it were his good fortune to obtain the kingdom, he would in deed show what he then in mind thought. But of him more shall be said hereafter. Whilst this matter went more slowly forward in the Persian court than the ambassador would have had it, news was brought unto the court, of the great victory which the Christians had much about that time obtained of the Turks at sea: upon which occasion the ambassador solicited the king more earnestly than before, to make himself partaker of the victory of the Christians, by entering into confederation with them, and by taking up of arms; rather than to hold uncertain friendship with the Turks in their miseries, by whom he had been so often wronged. This he said was the only time for the Persian king to recover his former glory, the like offer whereof would neither often chance, neither long stay: and that if he suffered so fit an opportunity to slip away, he should afterwards in vain wish for the same, when it were too late. This so wholesome counsel was well heard, but prevailed nothing to stir up the aged king: who then troubled with rebellion in MEDIA, or weary of the former wars he had had with the Turk, and glad of such peace, as he had then with him, answered the ambassador, That for as much as the Christian princes had made a perpetual league amongst themselves, The answer of Tama● the Persian king unto the Venetian ambassador. he would for two years expect the event, and afterward as occasion served, so to resolve upon peace and war. This improvident resolution of the king, brought afterward unprofitable and too late repentance unto the whole Persian kingdom; when as within a few years after, all the calamities which the Senate had by their ambassador (as true prophets) foretold, redounded unto the great shaking thereof. For the Cyprian war once ended, and peace concluded with the Venetians▪ Amurath the son of Selimus succeeding his father in the Turkish empire, invading the Persian king, took from him the great country of MEDIA, now called SYLVAN, with a great part of ARMENIA the great, and the regal city of TAURIS, as shall be hereafter in due place declared. At which time the Persian, who now refused to take up arms, or join in league with the Christian princes, repent that he had not before harkened unto the wholesome counsel of the Venetians: and taught by his own harms, wished in vain, that the Christian princes would again take up arms and join with him against the Turk. Mustapha Bassa returneth to the siege of Famagusta. Mustapha the great Bassa and General of the Turks army, furnished of all things that could be desired for the maintenance of his siege; and soldiers in great number daily repairing unto him out of CILICIA, SYRIA, the Lesser ASIA, and the countries thereabout, beside great supplies brought unto him by Haly Bassa from CONSTANTINOPLE; insomuch, that it was thought he had in his army two thousand men: began now that Winter was past, in the latter end of April, to draw nearer unto FAMAGUSTA, and with incredible labour to cast up wenches and mounts against the city, of such height, that the defendants from the highest places of the city could scarcely see the points of the Turks spears, or top of their tents, as they lay encamped: which was no great matter for the Bassa to perform, having in his camp forty thousand pioneers always ready at his command. The city of FAMAGUSTA is scituat in the East end of the island, The description of Famagusta. in a plain and low ground betwixt two promontories, the one called S. Andrew's head, and the other the head of GRaeCIA. It is in circuit two miles, and in form foursquare; but that the side toward the East, longer and more winding than the rest, doth much deform the exact figure of a quadrant: it is almost on two parts beaten upon with the sea, the other parts towards the land are defended with a ditch not above fifteen foot broad, a stone wall, and certain bulwarks and parapets. Upon the gate that leadeth to AMATHUS standeth a six cornered tower: other towers stand out also in the wall, every of them scarce able to contain six pieces of artillery. It hath a haven opening toward the Southeast, defended from the injury of the weather by two great rocks, betwixt which the sea cometh in by a narrow passage about forty paces over; but after opening wider giveth a convenient harbour to ships, whereof it cannot contain any great number, and was now shut up with a strong chain. near unto the haven standeth an old castle with four towers, after the ancient manner of building. There was in the city one strong bulwark, built after the manner of the fortifications of our time, with palisadoes, curtains, casamets, and such like, in such manner, as that it seemed almost impregnable. All which, although they made show of a strong and well fortified city, yet for that there wanted many things, it was thought too weak long to hold out against the great power of the Turk: but what wanted by reason of the situation and weak fortification, that the Governor and other noble captains supplied in best sort they might, with a strong garrison of most valiant soldiers, the surest defence of strong places. The number of the defendants of Famagusta. There was in the city two thousand and five hundred Italians, two hundred Albanoys horsemen, before entertained by the Governor; and of the Cypriots themselves were mustered two thousand and five hundred more, all men resolutely set down to spend their lives in defence of their country. Mustapha with wonderful celerity having brought to perfection his fortifications, planted his battery of sixty four great pieces; amongst which were four great basilisks of exceeding bigness, wherewith he continually without intermission battered the walls of the city in five places, but especially that part of the wall that was between the haven and the gate that leadeth to AMATHUS. And with great mortar pieces cast up huge stones, which from high falling into the city, with their weight broke down the houses they light upon, and fell often times through their vaults, Famagusta assaulted, and notably defended by the Christians. even into the bottom of their sellars, to the great terror of the besieged. The walls in divers places sore shaken and the houses beaten down, he began to assault the city: which the defendants (their forces yet whole) valiantly repulsed, and not only defended their walls and drove the Turks from the breaches, but furiously sallied out upon them, and having slain and wounded many, wonderfully disturbed their fortifications, and abated their courage: neither did the enemy with greater fury maintain the battery or assault, than did the Christians the defence of the city, still sending their deadly shot into the thickest of that great multitude; insomuch that in few days the Bassa had lost thirty thousand of his men: and the captains themselves wondering at the valour of the defendants, as if they had not now to do with such Christians as they had before so oftentimes overthrown, but with some other strange people, began to despair of the winning of the city. The Turks thus doubting, and almost at a stand, the Christians in the mean time made up their breaches with earth, baskets, woolsacks, and such like, not sparing their very beds and bed-clotheses, chests, carpets, and whatsoever else might serve to fill up the breach. Amongst many wants they feared, the greatest was the want of powder, which with continual shooting began greatly to be diminished: wherefore to reserve some part thereof against all extremities, they thought it best whilst yet some store was left, to use the same more sparingly, and to shoot more seldom. But the Turks still drawing nearer and nearer the city, and casting up mounts higher than the walls of the city, Famagusta again assaulted by the Turks. with earth and faggots filled up the ditch▪ which done, they of the broken stones made walls on either side, to save themselves from the flankering shot of the Christians: then giving a fresh assault, they used not only their shot and other missive weapons, but came foot to foot, and notably fought in the breach hand to hand. Which manner of fight (as if it had been so agreed upon) they every day maintained for the space of six hours. And although the Turks by reason of their multitude were divided into many parts, and fresh men still succeeded them that were weary; yet such was the courage of the defendants, that every man requested to have the places of most danger, and from thence with courageous hand repulsed the Turks with exceeding great slaughter. But for all that, the furious enemy maintaining the assault not only by day, but by often alarms in the night also, kept the Christians continually in doubtful suspense and readiness, as if they should have received a present assault: and as soon as it was day, with fresh men that had slept their fill, desperately assailed the Christians almost spent and maugre for lack of sleep and rest. Force not prevailing, the restless enemy leaving nothing attempted, by a quaint devise was like to have taken one of the gates of the city: There was growing in the island great plenty of a kind of wood much of the nature of the fir or pitch tree, easy to be set on fire, but hardly to be quenched; but differing in this, that in burning it gave forth such a noisome smell as was not by any man well to be endured: of this kind of wood the Turks brought a wonderful quantity to one of the gates called LIMOSINA, which once set on fire, could not by the defendants by any means be quenched, although they cast whole pipes and tuns of water at once into it; but most terribly burning close unto the gate by the space of four days, with the vehemency of the heat and loathsomeness of the smell, so troubled the defendants, that scarce any of them could endure to stand upon the wall, but forsaking the same, were ever and anon like to have given the enemy leave to enter. Bragadinus encourageth the defendants. Bragadinus the Governor, more careful of the common safety than of his own danger, ceased not still to be going about from one place to another, telling the Italians, That now was given the fittest occasion they could desire for them to show their valour in, and to gain great honour of their barbarous enemies: that it would be to their eternal glory, if by their only means without any other help, the city so far off from the relief of the Christians might be defended, and the great power of the Turk defeated: This (he said) was the only time wherein it stood them most upon to play the men; for if they could keep that little was left, the rest of the island would be easily recovered: and although the Turks army exceeded far in number, yet did they excel them in prowess and valour; whereby a few, and as it were but an handful of men, had oftentimes prevailed against most infinite multitudes: Now all the eyes of the world, as well friends as foes to be fixed upon them, so that if they held out against so great a power, both their enemies would admire their valour, and all Christendom extol their invincible courage and prowess; and that they themselves should thereby reap, both great profit and honour: Neither that any thing could be alleged, why they should not be compared with the worthy knights of MALTA, who to their eternal fame had delivered themselves out of the mouth of the Turk, and left unto the world a most fair example for men valiantly to stand in so good a quarrel upon their own defence: NICOSIA (he said) was lost rather by the cowardice of the defendants, than by the valour of the enemy. He also praised the fidelity and courage of the Grecians, who for any fear or danger could never be removed from the Venetians, or induced to submit themselves unto the Turks government: and persuaded them, with the same resolution to defend their own city that they saw in the Venetian soldiers, fight for them; and for their own honour to strive with the Italians, in defence of their State, their country, their wives and children, against the tyranny of the Turks; for as much as aid would in short time come, and set them free from all danger. The Senate also in like manner had sent letters to FAMAGUSTA, willing them to be of good cheer, and yet a while to hold out the siege, and that they should be in short time relieved. Baleonius a valiant captain. Baleonius also General of the garrison soldiers, himself in arms was present at every skirmish, carefully foreseeing what was in every place and at all times to be done; and by encouraging of his soldiers and adventuring of his person showed himself to be both a worthy commander and valiant soldier. Neither did the soldiers alone, but even the women also what they might, striving above the power of the strength both of their minds and bodies; some bringing meat, some weapons unto the defendants, and others stones, beds, chests, & such like stuff to make up the breaches. But victuals beginning now to wax scant, 8000 of the vulgar sort of the people were turned out of the city, who all in safety were suffered to pass thorough the midst of the Turks army, to seek their living in the country. Thus whilst open force prevailed not according to the Turks desire, The Turks seek to undermine the city. they began in four places to undermine the city, in hope so to have found entrance. But the defendants doubting such a matter, by diligent listening, and great vessels set full of water near unto the walls, and drums laid upon the ground, by the moving thereof discovered their works, and with countermines frustrated those of the enemies: yet in so great a stir and hurly burly, all things were not possibly to be discovered. Whereby it came to pass, that whilst the defendants were altogether busied in defending the walls; a mine not perceived, was suddenly blown up near unto the tower standing upon the haven: by force whereof, a great part of the wall thereabout was in a moment with a most horrible noise overthrown. With the fall whereof, the Turks thinking the city as good as taken, with an horrible shout and outcry mounted the wall, and in the breach set up their ensigns; County Peter, who had the charge of that part of the wall, being not now able to defend the same, so suddenly overthrown: which Nestor Martinengus quickly perceiving, came speedily from his own station, The breaches notably defended. to repulse the enemy now ready to have entered. The fight became there most fierce and terrible: on the one side, hope; on the other, desperation enraged their minds: the Turks were in hope, that if they forced themselves but a little, they should forthwith win the city; and the defendants propounding nothing unto themselves, but shameful death and torture, fought as men altogether desperate. The Turks trusted to their multitude, and the Christians to their valour. In the mean time, Andreas Bragadinus with certain great pieces aptly placed, out of the castle slew a number of the Turks, as they were coming to the breach. Baleonius hearing of the danger, came in haste with a company of courageous soldiers to relieve them that were fight at the breach, and cheering up his followers, thrust himself with the foremost into the face of the breach: and there not only appointed what was to be done, and with cheerful speeches encouraged his soldiers, but with his own hand having slain many, took one of the Turks ensigns (when as he had before slain the bearer thereof) and tumbled him headlong into the ditch. With the sight whereof, others encouraged, both on the right hand and on the left, made there a notable battle, as men fight for their last hope. In fine the Turks were glad to retire, leaving behind them four thousand carcases of their slain fellows in the town ditch, with fourteen of their ensigns, which were brought into the city. Neither was this victory gained without some loss of the Christians: about an hundred were slain, among whom were Robertus Maluetius, David Nocius, Celsus Feto, Erasmus Firmo, all captains. For all this they in the city took small rest, the Turks great shot still thundering in amongst them; and that in such furious sort, as that in one day (which was the eighth of june) were numbered about five thousand great shot, shot into the city. With which continual battery, one of the round bulwarks of the town was so shaken, as that a part of the front thereof was fallen down into the ditch, and another part stood leaning ready to fall; in such sort, as that it was not longer to be defended: which the Christians perceiving, presently undermined the same bulwark, and in the mine placed certain barrels of gunpowder. The Turks coming to assault the place they had so sore battered, the defendants after some small resistance feigned themselves to retire for fear, They of Famagusta blow up one of ●he●● own battered bulwarks, with six hundred Turks thereon. so to draw the enemy the faster on; who was no sooner come to the place desired, but that fire being put to the mine, blew up the bulwark with all them that stood thereon: of whom, some were overwhelmed with the earth itself, othersome were blown up into the air, and falling down again miserably perished; and othersome, shot as it were out of a gun, fell down a great way off, and so were rend in pieces: which was unto the defendants a most pleasant sight. About six hundred of the Turks perished at this assault, amongst whom were Mustapha General of the voluntary soldiers, and Feregates, a man of great mark amongst the Turks. But by the hasty firing of the mine, there perished also about an hundred of the Christians, overtaken in their own devise, amongst whom were also some of great account. The Turks inflamed with their losses, were more enraged with the speeches and persuasions of Mustapha their General; who most earnestly exhorted them with one consent to assail their enemies, now driven into a corner of the island, spoiled of their country, trusting more unto the strength of the place than of themselves, entreating for nothing more than with their lives to depart thence. But what place (said he) is there impregnable for the Turks? NICOSIA, ZIGETH, and such other strong towns won, what are they but the monuments and testimonies of the cowardice of the Christians, and the prowess of the Turks? This day (said he) will confirm all your former labours and victories; which you before undertook for honour, but here shall you have honour mixed with gold, and a prey sufficient to make you all rich. The Turks encouraged with this speech of their General, Famagusta hardly assaulted. as men forgetful of all dangers, began a more terrible siege than ever before: and having with incredible labour made three great mines, and blowing them up, overthrew a great part of the wall with the castle, the notable defence of the haven: which done, they with all their force oftentimes assailed the city, as if it should have been their last labour; neither ceased they so to do night or day. At which time also, that part of the city which is beaten upon with the sea, was assaulted by them in the galleys also. The poor Christians spent with deadly wounds, continual labour, perpetual watching both night and day, and now brought to a small number; hardly withstood the furious enemy, assailing them in so many places at once, and held out that tempest rather with courage than strength. In the mean time the enemy's army increased daily, the Turks in hope of the like spoil they had at NICOSIA, continually repairing out of the countries round about unto the camp. The Christian captains seeing their men with continual assaults sore spent; insomuch, that how many soever they seemed to be, there was not above three hundred sound men left, but seven barrels of powder remaining, want of all things daily increasing, hope of aid still decreasing, and the Venetians (their only comfort) so far from them; the captains (I say) themselves, began to quail in courage: and the rather, for that such relief as was sent from VENICE, could not possibly be brought unto them, but stayed at CRETE, the Turks galleys still lying before FAMAGUSTA; The citizens of Famagusta request the Governor in time to yield up the city so that nothing could in safety be brought thither. This fear of the captains themselves, could not long be hid or dissembled, but that it was by the citizens perceived: who having neither power to hold out the siege, neither place left to fly unto, overcome with necessity, came flocking to the Governor, craving of him aid and comfort, and with abundance of tears besought him in this common desperation, to take compassion on them, their wives and children, a people that had always so well deserved of the Venetian State. Their walls (they said) were beaten down, their bulwarks overthrown, the few soldiers that remained, spent with wounds, watching, and famine; the enemy's strength increasing daily, so that they must needs in short time all perish with the sword, if the city were by force taken: wherefore they besought him, that yielding to necessity, which no power was ever able to withstand, he would at last while time yet served, provide for the safety of so faithful and kind a people, and not to refuse any conditions, how hard soever. The requests and tears of the citizens of FAMAGUSTA, with the due consideration of the desperate state of the city, moved Bragadinus to compassion; who comforting them in best sort he could, persuaded them to be of good cheer, for that he had care both of them and their state; and would so provide for them, as that they should never repent themselves of their fidelity and loyalty to the Venetian State. He in the mean time considering the greatness of the danger which presently hung over all their heads, propounded the matter in a general counsel called together for the same purpose: wherein after a little debating of the matter, they all agreed to yield; only Baleonius at the first dissenting, as doubtful of the Turks faith, but afterwards yielding unto the opinion of the rest. A parley betwixt them of Famagusta and the Turks. So an herald being sent unto the Bassa, a truce was taken for certain days to parley in, and hostages on both sides given: during which time, not so much as a dart was thrown or an arrow shot from either side. After a few days parley the conditions were agreed upon, whereupon the city should be yielded into the power of the Bassa, which were these: First, that the inhabitants of the city yet left alive, should in safety enjoy their lives, liberty, and goods, with the free exercise of the Christian religion: That the Governor with the rest of the captains and soldiers might in safety depart with bag and baggage, and at their departure to take with them five great pieces of ordinance, and three horses, which soever it should please them to make choice of: and that the Turks should safely conduct them into CRETE, finding them both victual and shipping: all which things were with more kindness promised, than with fidelity performed. Yet all these matters agreed upon, and conceived into writing, as also by solemn oath on both sides confirmed: the Governor sending a messenger before, requested that he might have leave to come to see the Bassa, and to deliver unto him the keys of the city. Leave being granted, Bragadinus the Governor, Baleonius, Andreas Bragadinus, Laurentius Theupolus earl of PAPHOS, Io. Antonius Quirinus, Aloysius Martinengus, with a great sort of other captains came into the camp: but before they entered into the Bassa's pavilion, they were commanded to deliver their weapons, which they all did. At the first meeting Mustapha entertained them courteously, and with many glorious words, as if it had been in admiration, extolled their worthy valour and courage: saying, that he was glad now to know them by face, whose valiant minds he had before known by their most valiant deeds. Now prowess and valour seemed not only in safety, but also honoured even of the enemy: when after a long discourse the false Bassa revolved unto the mischief and treachery he had before resolved upon: complaining that certain of his men taken at the siege, had been afterward against all reason and order slain. Which the Governor and the rest utterly denying, he start up as in a rage, and with high words and stern countenance urging the fact; commanded them all to be forthwith cast in bonds: and so bringing them out of his pavilion, in the sight of the army, contrary to his oath and promise, caused them all to be slain. At which time Bragadinus and Theupulus were oftentimes commanded to lay down their heads, to have had them struck off: yet was their execution deferred▪ and their lives reserved, not to save them, but with more exquisite punishment and torture to satisfy the barbarous cruelty of the faithless and unmerciful tyrant. Bragadinus shamefully and horribly murdered by the faithless Bassa. The next day after, Bragadinus having his ears before cut off in despite, was brought forth to be wondered at, and tortured with the most extremest kind of torture that tyranny itself could have devised: for despoiled of his jewels and attire▪ and a basket laid upon his shoulders, filled with earth, he was enforced oftentimes to carry the same to repair the rampires that were overthrown; and ever as he passed by, the proud Bassa insulting upon him to fall down and to kiss the ground at his feet: and so buffeted with the Turks fists, and spurned as a dog with their feet, was in great derision and despite asked, Whither he hoped that Christ his God would come to help him or not? Which indignity of itself bitter and miserable, the dignity of the man made much more miserable: whose comely and stately countenance, with his long and reverend beard, even in that extreme misery, added unto him a certain majesty and grace. In this so foul a sight of virtue trodden underfoot, the poor Christians could neither well stay their tears, nor let them fall, for fear of the displeasure of the Turks. But the forsworn Bassa, not only forgetful of all humanity, but enraged rather with extreme cruelty, caused that noble and worthy Bragadinus to be fet in a chair, and his skin to be slain off from him quick: a punishment unworthy of him that suffered it, but most worthy him that inflicted the same. Yet in so great and horrible a torture he was not heard to let fall any word, not beseeming a faithful Christian and the honour of his country: only he called upon God for mercy, and detested the Turks perfidious treachery, The forsworn B●ssa tyranniseth upon the dead body of Bragadinus. and so breathed out his life. But the tyrant worthy eternal infamy, not satisfied with the torture of the living man, caused the head to be cut from the dead body, and upon the point of a spear to be set up on an high place for all men to look upon. His skin also stuffed with chaff, he caused to be hanged up at the yards arm, and so to be carried about: not so true a trophy of his victory, as a testimony of his perf●lious and Turkish cruelty. Two days after, county Theupolus, after he had been most shamefully entreated, full of the marks of the Turks cruelty, Theupolus hanged. was (to make an end withal) shamefully hanged in the market place. With what cruelty the Bassa had tyrannised upon the nobility, with the same he also raged upon the meaner sort of the citizens, of whom some he slew, some he chained in the galleys, and carried away the rest into bondage. Three hundred Christians, some soldiers, some citizens, which came forth with the Governor to see the Turks camp, were there also all slain, Nestor Martinengus, Nestor Martinengus by good fortune escapeth. a famous captain, escaped the tyrant's hands, being hidden by one of the Bassas eunuches, who by the help of a Greek fisherman got to LEPTIS, and from thence to CRETE, and so afterwards to VENICE, where he faithfully reported to Aloysius Moceni●us the duke, the whole process of that war, with the loss of the city; and that in the space of threescore and ten days there was above an hundred and forty thousand great shot discharged against the city. Such noblemen and gentlemen as escaped out of this so general a slaughter, banished their country, and in misery, dispersed without hope of return, led afterward a miserable and vagrant life, though some of them even at this day (as I have been credibly informed) are by the Venetian state right well maintained. The country people and artificers were generally by the Turks spared, Cyprus lost. for the peopling of the country. This was the fatal ruin of CYPRUS, one of the most fruitful and beautiful islands of the Mediterranean: the loss whereof not without cause grieved many Christian princes, as sometime a kingdom of itself, and now a province of the Turkish empire: our sins, or the evil agreement of Christian princes, or both, the cause thereof I know not, neither if I did, durst I so say. Whilst Mustapha yet lay at the siege of FAMAGUSTA, the other two great Bassanes Parta●● and Haly, the one the Admiral, and the other General of the soldiers (appointed by Selimus for the keeping of the sea, that no relief should be sent by the Venetians to FAMAGUSTA, and further as occasion served to infest their dominions) about the midst of May arrived in EVBoeA with two hundred and thirty galleys; whether Vluzalis viceroy of ALGIERS, with divers other the Turks notable pirates, resorted unto them with their galleys. With this fleet departing from EVBoeA, and sailing alongst the coast of MYSIA, JONIA, CARIA, and so directly toward the RHODES, they were met with thirty galleys more of the Turks adventurers. After that, The Turks arrive in Crete with a great fleet. having left certain galleys for to lie before FAMAGUSTA, they directed their course for the island of CRETE, and the thirteenth of june put into the bay of AMPHIMALEA, now called SUDA, and there landed twelve thousand men. The description of Crete. This island of CRETE, now called CANDIA, is greater than CYPRUS, but lesser than SICILIA or SARDINIA: but for fertility comparable with any of the islands of the Mediterranean. It was in ancient time famous for many things, but especially for an hundred cities which therein stood, as witnesseth amongst others Seneca: Vrbibus centum spaciosa Cretae, but at this day it hath only three: CANDIA, a colony of the Venetians, whereof the island now taketh name, CANEA, and RHETIMO. The circuit of the island is five hundred and twenty miles: full of hills: for which cause the people of the country are much delighted in hunting. In it is no navigable river or venomous beast. It is now most famous through a great part of the world, for the good Malmsey which there groweth, and is from thence in great abundance sent into many far countries. Therein also groweth great plenty of Cypress trees, serving for the use of shipping. The Turks driven out of Crete. It is at this day subject to the Venetians. The Turks being landed, and ranging up and down the country, did what harm they possibly could, burning and spoiling all as they went: until that at last they were upon the sudden encountered by Franciscus justinianus, who but a little before their landing was come into the island with a thousand soldiers; and now joining with the island people, notably charged them, being altogether dispersed and seeking after prey: and having slain many of them, enforced the rest to retire to their galleys. The next day the Turks landing again in greater number, burnt divers towns, and ransacked SETIA and RHETIMO, where they took a rich prey, and carried away many prisoners: but loaded with their booty, dispersed, and fearing nothing less than to be at that time set upon, they were assailed by Lucas Michael a valiant captain, two thousand of them slain, and with the loss of their booty and prisoners glad to retire unto their galleys. Thus repulsed from CRETE, they took their course to CYTHERA, ZACYNTHUS, and CEPHALENIA, islands subject to the Venetians: where beside other harms by them done, they carried away with them six thousand poor Christians into most miserable captivity. Departing thence, and sailing alongst the coast of EPIRUS, they came to SUPPOLO, an haven town in EPIRUS, which Venerius in the beginning of these wars had taken from the Turks, but was now again by them recovered. After that, they came to DULCIGNO, which the Turks had but a little before besieged by land, for that the Governor thereof and of ANTIVARI (another town of the Venetians upon the frontiers of DALMATIA) had compacted with three hundred Epirots, to stir up the country to rebellion, and to revolt to the Venetians: for the effecting whereof the Epirots requested of the Venetians six thousand soldiers to make head, which the Venetians promised to send them. Whereupon the aforesaid Epirots forthwith took up arms, and raised most part of EPIRUS into rebellion: unto whom was sent at the first one captain with an hundred Italians from CATARO. But when the Epirots vainly expecting the promised aid, A fair occasion let slip. saw themselves on every side hardly beset with their enemies; despairing of any good success, they yielded themselves unto the mercy of Achmetes Bassa, Selimus his great lieutenant in GRaeCIA (who to repress that so dangerous a rebellion, was come thither with an army of fourscore thousand Turks:) so was a most fair occasion lost, when as the rest of the Epirots, inflamed with the hope of liberty, were ready to have come unto their friends, already in arms, and by their example like enough to have raised all GRaeCIA into rebellion. But now deceived of their expectation, bewailed their misery, that trusting to the promises of the Venetians, they had cast themselves and all theirs into most manifest danger. They of DULCIONO seeing themselves hardly beset both by sea and land, Dulcigno, Antivari, and Bud●a▪ strong tow●es of the Venetians upon the coasts of Epirus and Dalmatia, yielded to the Turk. sent to Partau Bassa, and covenanting with him, that they might in safety depart, delivered unto him the town: and so Sara Martinengus, Governor of the town, with the garrison soldiers, were in four ships conveyed in safety to RAGUSIUM: as for the citizens, promise was kept with them after the Turkish manner. In the same hurl the Turks took also the towns of ANTIVARI and BUDVA. ANTIVARI was both by situation and fortification strong, and furnished with a good garrison: nevertheless, Alexander Donatus Governor thereof, a man of no experience in martial affairs, overcome with the present fear, and despairing to be able to hold the town, towardly yielded the same unto the enemy. Which his beastly cowardice the Senate suffered not unpunished, but confiscating his goods, Cowardice punished. and removing him from the Senate; cast him into exile. From ANTIVARI the Turks following their good fortune, departed with their fleet into the bay called RIZONICUS, but now the bay of CATHARO, and both by sea and land laid hard siege unto the strong town of CATHARO, called in ancient time ASCRIVIUM; against which they cast up two great bulwarks, and planted thereon nine great pieces of artillery, wherewith to have battered the town and the castle: but the defendants as resolute men sallying out, put them from their ordinance, and enforced them again unto their galleys. Whilst these things were in doing, Vluzalis and Caracossa▪ both men of great account and name amongst the Turks, got leave for ten days of the Admiral, with threescore galleys to spoil the islands near thereabouts, subject to the Venetians. Who coming to the island of CURZOLA, about fourscore miles Eastward from RAGUSIUM landed their men, with purpose to assault the town of CURZOLA, of the same name with the island. Which Antonius Contarenus the Governor thereof perceiving, Curzola forsaketh by the men, is defended by the women. in the dead time of the night fled for fear out of the town into the rocks and places of more safety, after whom the townsmen followed also: so that in the town were not left above 20 men, and about 80 women; who with weapons in their hands, after the rest were fled, came to the walls, as wishing rather there to die, than to fall into the hands of the barbarous enemy. But at such time as the Turks began to approach the town, & the women with stones, fire, and such weapons as they had, were beating them off, and with greater courage defending the place than was to have been in their sex expected, by the goodness of God a great tempest suddenly arose out of the North, which so outrageously tossed the galleys, that Vluzalis and Caracossa were glad to give over the assault, and to get them thence into a place of more safety. Sailing alongst the coast, they by the way spoiled LYSNA, BRACIA, and LISSA, little islands upon the coast of DALMATIA, out of which they carried away with them 1600 poor Christians into captivity. These arch pirates at their pleasure roaming up and down the sea, fortuned to light upon a ship of the Christians bound from MESSANA to CORCYRA; which they took; and in rifling thereof found certain letters directed to the Governor of CORCYRA, certifying him of the league, Selimus advertised of the league lately concluded betwixt the Christian princes. than but lately concluded amongst the Christian princes: which letters they sent in post to Selimus to give him knowledge thereof, who thereupon writ to his Admirals, with all hostility to infest any of the dominions of the Christian confederates. The Turks fleet thus raging and reigning in the adriatic, brought a great fear not only upon the coasts of DALMATIA, ISTRIA, and the islands thereabouts, which were by them most afflicted; but also upon the sea coasts of APULIA, and all alongst that side of ITALY, yea & upon the city of VENICE itself: insomuch that they were glad to fortify as well the city as the frontiers of their dominions, with new fortifications and garrisons▪ as did also the king▪ and the Pope in ITALY: for why no ship or galley could now look out of any port, but it was presently surprised and taken by the Turks: which with the sundry calamities before received, so confounded the Venetians, that they in their assemblies and consultations seemed rather to quake for fear, than after their wont manner gravely to consult how the enemy was to be repulsed. Yet for the more safety of their city, and for fear lest the Turks fleet should forcibly break in upon them, they strongly fortified the passages through the rock or bank which defendeth the city from the sea, and kept continually 12000 men in readiness in the city for the more assurance thereof. All the Turks fleet being again met together, Partau and Haly departed from AULONA the 26 of August, and sailed directly to CORCYRA, which little island seemed to be compassed in round with the great enemy's fleet. Partau Bassa at his first arrival there, landed eight hundred horsemen and a thousand foot, who ranging up and down the island did great hurt, and burned the very suburbs of the city: at which time the garrison soldiers sallying out upon them with a thousand horsemen and five hundred foot, slew a great number of them, and amongst the rest one Paphus Rays, a man of great name. Thus the Turks fleet having done wonderful harm in the Venetian territory, as well in the islands, as upon the frontiers of DALMATIA, enriched with the spoil of those countries, The Turks put into the bay of Lepanto. and carrying away with them fifteen thousand most miserable captives; departing from CORCYRA, arrived all in the bay of CORINTH, now called the gulf of LEPANTO, where we will for a while leave them to ride in safety. The forces of the confederate princes meet together at Messana. At such time as this great fleet (the terror of that part of Christendom) first put into the adriatic, Venerius the Venetian Admiral then lying with fifty galleys at CORCYRA, and fearing if he stayed there longer, to be enforced with so small a power to fight against so strong an enemy, or else so to be shut up that he could not join his forces with the Spanish fleet, which was daily expected: upon the coming of the fleet departed thence to MESSANA, there more commodiously and more safely to attend the coming of Don john of AUSTRIA, General of the Spanish forces. At his coming, Columnius met him with twelve galleys (which the great duke of FLORENCE had sent in the aid of the confederates) and three galleys of MALTA, who only were yet come thither, and with great honour received him. Not long after, M. Antonius Quirinus and Antonius Canalis came thither also with threeescore and two galleys, before appointed by the Venetians for the relief of FAMAGUSTA, but now called back again to join with the rest of the fleet: and in short time the galleys of SICILY arrived there also. At last after long expectation, Don john of Austria. in the latter end of August came Don john with the Spanish fleet, a man then about four and twenty years old, in whom wanted no honourable parts, his mother's blemish only excepted: who although he was most dear unto his father Charles the fifth, yet left he him nothing by his will, but only at his death commended him unto his son Philip, as his brother. The Venetian and the Pope's Admiral's hearing of his coming, went to meet him, and that with such triumph and joy, that all the former heaviness before conceived of his long staying, was turned into gladness, with most assured hope of triumphant victory: their doubled forces, and two great fleets joined in one, encouraged them above measure, filling all the West with the expectation of some great matter. The Venetian fleet consisted of an hundred and eight galleys, six galleases, two tall ships, and a great number of small galliots. Unto them were joined twelve galleys of the Popes, of whom Columnius was Admiral. And with Don john, the General, and Auria the Spanish Admiral came fourscore and one galleys, of whom three were from the knights of MALTA. In this fleet, beside mariners, were reckoned to be twenty thousand fight men: an army not only beautiful for show, as consisting of most choice bodies; but indeed most strong and puissant, old beaten soldiers almost throughout it, in every place intermixed with others of less skill: many known to be men of great experience, rich and lusty bodies, were by name called forth to this so honourable service; and divers other of great nobility, as well old men as young and lusty gallants, for the natural hatred they bore unto the common enemy, came and as voluntary men cheerfully thrust themselves into that religious war: every of which noble gentlemen, as they were greater by birth or power, so had they drawn after them a greater number of their fauourits and followers, strong and able bodies, of their own charge bravely armed; who sought after no other pay for their pains and danger, but by some notable victory to eternise their names, or honourably to spend their lives in so just a quarrel, as for the defence of the Christian faith and religion. Amongst these most honourable and resolute men, Alexander Farnesius prince of Parma. were three of greatest mark, Alexander Farnesius prince of PARMA, in time to be the honour and glory of ITALY his native country, whose untimely death in the low countries even his honourable enemies lamented; and being dead, is not without cause and worthy desert accounted amongst the most politic and famous leaders of our age. The second was Franciscus Maria prince of URBIN, a young man both honourably descended and of an invincible courage: and the third Pau. jordanus Vrsinus, an honourable gentleman of the family of the Ursini in ROME. All the power of the confederate princes thus met together at MESSANA, and all things now in readiness; a counsel was called by the General, to resolve what course to take in those most dangerous wars, against so puissant an enemy: unto which counsel were admitted only Don john the General himself: and Aloysius Rechezenes, of some called Requisenius, great commendor of CASTILLE, the General's lieutenant, or rather director of his actions: Sebastianus Venerius the Venetian Admiral: and Augustinus Barbadicus General proveditour, of equal authority and reputation with the Admiral: and one secretrie: Marcus Antonius Columna the Popes Admiral, with Pompeius Colonna his kinsman. The chief point whereon these great commanders were to resolve was, Whether they should adventure the general fortune of a battle against so strong an enemy, or only seek to defend the frontiers of their own dominions? Which question (as all other of like sort) was of divers diversly phantasied; every man pleasing himself with his own reasons. Requisenius (Don john his chief counsellor, without whom he willingly did nothing, and undoubtedly a man of great valour and experience) speaking first, said, That the enemy's force was nececessarily to be known, before they committed all to the fortune of a battle: and that therefore delay was to be used, least improvident haste overthrew all. Matters of war that were to be descided by the sword, were (as he said) with great and sound advise to be administered; for that the errors of battle, whereby all was to be put in hazard, were not to be again amended. He highly commended the advise of Scipio Africanus, who counseled great commanders, not to fight with the enemy but upon some great Advantage; or else thereunto forced by Necessity. But as things now stood, what opportunity could be ministered or advantage taken; the enemy keeping himself close within the bay of CORINTH, and no apparent means how to draw him out from thence? Neither that he for his part was of so great a spirit, as within the harbour in place of disadvantage, without hope, to set upon an enemy in common estimation stronger than himself: for what dishonour should they incur, if having received some notable loss, they should be enforced with shame to give over the enterprise begun? And to besiege ORICUS, DIRRHACHIUM, or CASTRUM NOVUM, frontier towns of the Turks, so to draw them out to battle; what were this other than to show a certain fear and distrust in themselves, and to discourage the minds of the soldiers? for as well the enemy as the common soldier, would forthwith deem such a poor attempt to proceed of a mere fear, as to make a vain show of something doing, when as they durst not encounter the enemy in his full strength. As for the other reason drawn from Necessity: what necessity had they so desperately to set upon the enemy? who upon the approach of Winter must needs in short time lay up his galleys: and being already in safe harbour, would never be drawn to the hazard of a battle, especially like hope, like strength, and like danger appearing on both sides. Wherefore, it were best (in his opinion) only to make a great show of their forces, so to terrify the barbarous enemy: but in no case to hazard the hope of the whole Christian commonweal, upon the fortune of a battle. He farther also propounded unto them, the uncertain events of things, the common chance of war, the strength of the enemy, as well by sea as by land; with whom they themselves were not (as he said) in deed comparable: then, what an infinite heap of miseries was like to overwhelm the Christian commonweal, if they should in any thing miscarry: And that therefore, safe advise was in this case to be preferred before that which was attended upon with greater danger. On the other side, The Venetians urge battle. the Venetians, who thought all delay both infamous and dangerous to their State, were far of another opinion. Wherefore Venerius and Barbadicus not only vehemently persuaded but most instantly requested the General and the rest of the great commanders, that so soon as opportunity served, they would commit the matter to the trial of a battle, and not to make that counsel, which their courageous minds might make most glorious and fortunate, by declining of battle to become dishonourable or frustrate. If desire of honour (said they) move us no●, shall neither these things move us? the loss of so great and chargeable a preparation, the spoiling of our frontiers, and the insolency of our enemies, which we increase by delay? We defend ourselves and ours, we invade not them: we go not about to drive the Turk out of his empire; but that we ourselves be not by him driven out of our own countries. Wherefore we ought so much the more readily and speedily to think of battle, by how much the necessity of him is greater that repulseth a danger, than of him that offereth the same▪ What, are our weapons blunt, or our hands benumbed? shall the Turks so often provoke us, and we still be unrevenged? shall we always show our weapons; and never fight? One fortunate battle is able to blot out the infamy of former time, and to fill us with the hope of future happiness: if nothing else, let the very indignity of the matter stir us up to battle. And what doubt is there, but that the enemy swelling with pride, will come forth with his fleet and give us battle? Think you that a small discredit will ensue to our honour and reputation, if contented with a vain brag, having not once skirmished with the enemy, or so much as seen him, we shall return home, to the general shame of all Christendom? See how many pestilent inconveniences will ensue, if we shall take this course. This manner of proceeding, will fill all men's minds with despair: the people will murmur, That they are to no purpose oppressed with exactions and tributes: the confederate princes (careful of this war) will say, that they have in vain wearied themselves with often embassages and care thereof: the proud enemy will account our departure, or declining of battle, for a manifest victory. The next year we may look for him again with a greater and a stronger fleet, which shall not only make a more heavy war, but destroy and bear down all before it: at which time, who can assure us that the Christians shall have the like preparation, if we shall now delay to fight? what labour is to be taken, what cost to be bestowed, to set forth again so great a fleet? Unto these causes which impose upon us a necessity and force to fight, is adjoined not only a singular regard of our honour, but a most notable opportunity also offered: we never had a greater fleet, not better furnished with men, munition, and all things else to be required for the gaining of a notable victory: and who knoweth not, that the Christian galleys are far stronger than the Turks? beside that, the greatest part of their best soldiers are in hope of prey gone into CYPRUS, who there seeking after the spoil, and forgetful of the enemy, without controlment glut themselves with the pleasures of that rich island; whereby their fleet is so much the weaker. All which things, as they promise no hard victory, so do they propound unto us, honour, glory, fame, and most honourable rewards; and open unto us the way both for the defence of the present, and recovery of that hath been before lost. What then stand we still looking for? or why do we not in God's name join that battle, which is unto us not only necessary, but profitable also. Thus much said, they began to entreat and beseech the General and the rest, not longer to suffer the Christian commonweal to receive loss upon loss, but to repose their only hope in the good success of one worthy battle: and never to look for the like opportunity, if they let slip the present. This matter of so great consequence, thus thoroughly debated amongst the greatest commanders, they thought it good to hear also the opinions of other notable captains, of no less experience than themselves (then in the fleet) before they would conclude any thing. Amongst the rest, Cornea and Serbellio persuade the giving of battle. Antonius Cornea, and Gabriel Serbellio, both Spaniards, and for their great wisdom and valour had in general reputation of all men; being demanded their opinions, with most substantial reasons declared the necessity of giving battle, and that it was not so dangerous, as to be therefore shunned or delayed: For so much as that violent enemy was far easier to be dealt withal at sea than by land; where he must fight without his huge multitude of men, the Turks chief hope and only means whereby they have obtained so many victories against the Christians. And so concluded their opinions, with an effectual persuasion to set forward to CORCYRA, and without delay as occasion served to give the enemy battle. Which their opinion being generally well liked, was shortly after by the General and the rest approved, and a resolution set down for the giving of battle: which was no sooner known, but there was a general rejoicing through the army, every man cheerfully preparing himself to lay down his life in the public defence of the Christian commonweal: and that with such an earnest desire of battle, that every day seemed now nothing else, but a delay of a most assured victory. The confederates put their fleet in order of battle. Yet before they should come into the sight of the enemy, the three Admirals thought it good to bring forth the fleet into the sea, and there to martial the same, in such sort, as if they should even then presently have joined battle: to the intent, that by such orderly disposing of their fleet, and by appointing unto every man his place he was to keep, they might so acquaint them with the order of the battle, as that they should when time served (of themselves without farther direction) martial themselves, and so more readily enter into battle. The next day the Admirals brought forth their fleets into the open sea: in the right wing (which consisted of three and fifty galleys) was Auria placed: in the left wing was Augustinus Barbadicus with the like number of galleys also: and in the middle battle stood the General with seventy galleys: on the right hand of the General stood Columnius, and on the left Venerius, his associates. Thus with equal front the fleet set forward, as if they should even presently have joined battle. Betwixt the wings and the middle battle, was left no more space but for three galleys to row: in the rearward behind the General, followed Requisenius the great Commendor of CASTILLE, with his galleys: after Columnius followed the Admiral galley of GENVA, wherein was Alexander Farnesius prince of PARMA: and behind Venerius came the Admiral galley of SAVOY, and in her the prince of URBIN: in the space betwixt the middle battle and the left wing, was placed Paulus jordanus: and betwixt the middle battle and the right wing, was Petrus justinianus with the galleys of MALTA: upon the left wing attended Antonius Canalis: and Quirinus on the right. About half a mile behind all the rest, followed Aluarus Bacianus marquess of SANCRACE, and Admiral of the Neapolitan fleet, with thirty galleys; a man of great experience in matters at sea; and now so placed, to be at all times ready to relieve this or that part of the fleet, as the fortune of the battle, or impression of the enemy should require. The Christians had reposed great hope in six galleasses, Six galleasses. which furnished with great store of ordinance and certain select companies of most resolute soldiers, seemed rather like castles than ships. These galleasses conducted by Franciscus Dodus, a most expert captain, were placed about a mile before the fleet; two of them before each wing, and the other two before the middle battle: so far distant one from another, as that with equal space they answered the whole breadth of the front of the fleet, which was almost the space of five miles, and served the same in stead of most strong bulwarks. The galleys throughout the fleet kept not close together, but such a convenient distance one from another, as might serve for them at liberty to discharge their ordinance when time should require. In the wings, as also in the main battle, were the Popes, the kings, and the Venetian galleys indifferently intermixed; that by the equality of the danger they should have more care to relieve one another than if they had served apart. joannes Cardonius, a most valiant captain, with eight galleys of SICILY and two galliots, was appointed to go ten miles before the fleet to descry what he might of the enemies doings, and in his return to join the one half of his galleys to the one wing, and the other half to the other. In this sort they departed from MESSANA, The Christian fleet departeth from Messana to give the Turk● battle. with purpose to seek out the enemy: and not long after came to PAXO, where (of a small broil) at the first was like to have risen a great mischief: for the next day, whilst Don john stayed there to take a view of the Venetian galleys, and how they were furnished both of men and munition; he finding them but weakly manned for supplying of that want, appointed four thousand Spaniards and a thousand Italians to be put aboard into the Venetian galleys, where most need was. Amongst these soldiers was one company under the command of Mutius Tortona their captain, Mutius Tortona a Spaniard, raiseth a mutiny in the fleet at Paxo. a man of an unquiet and furious nature: who going aboard the galley of Andreas Calergus, first fell to words with the captain of the galley, and after much stir into plain fight; so that in a trice they were altogether by the ears, as well the soldiers as the captains: of all which stir Mutius was the only author. Venerius being not far off, and hearing of the matter, sent the captain of his own galley to appease the tumult: who thrusting himself into the midst of the furious multitude, was by Mutius in his fury foully entreated, and divers of them that came with him shrewdly beaten. Which thing Venerius (himself also of an hot nature) taking as done in disgrace of the Venetians, and therewith exceedingly moved; to the terror of others, Tortona and his ancient hanged. caused Mutius and his ensign-bearer to be hanged up at the yards arm of the same galley, to the great offence of all the Spaniards. The General also taking this execution in evil part, full of choler and indignation, grievously complained, That he himself as General, was therein not a little wronged; and that it became every commander to know what belonged to his place, and not to encroach upon his betters: so should the conditions of the league be the better kept, if every commander could keep himself within the bounds of his own authority. Venerius he said, Dissension betwixt Don john and Venerius the Venetian Admiral. whose authority was inferior unto his, could not of right without his command determine any thing against Mutius a Spanish captain: And that therein his honour was impaired: for which, if he had not a public and honourable amends, he threatened by force of arms to redress his wrong, and the league being broken, to carry away with him the king's galleys. Neither wanted there some who favouring Don john his quarrel, and angry with the Venetians, laid still more coals on the fire that was already too great. Hereunto Venerius sent word unto the General, That he should do well to moderate his anger, and at leisure to advise himself, and better to understand the matter, so should he plainly see, that there was never more just or wholesome execution done upon any, than upon those mutinous persons: But if he, carried away with the heat of youth, should attempt any more violent course than stood with the common quiet, it were not to be marveled if he afterward repent. He (as he said) was also in arms, and ready to show himself a man. The matter was grown to that heat, that it was not only not far from the breaking off of the league; but even at the point to have set all on a broil, and to have put the whole fleet in danger: had not Columnius the Pope's Admiral, against this tempest opposed himself: He with all his power laboured to cure the wounded mind of the General, and to appease his anger: telling him, That the common enemy would hardly be withstood by them all, being at unity and concord amongst themselves; but if unto the foreign danger were also joined domestical discord, than were the Christian commonwealth undone. But if he would moderate his anger, and more regard the honour and credit of the Venetian Admiral, than the punishment of a seditious man, even they which were unto him friends, and enemies unto the Venetians, would highly commend his moderation and staidness: yea, that howsoever the matter was done, it could not now be undone. But whatsoever Venerius had done, was in his opinion justly done, That it was always so accounted and observed, that when many princes joined their forces together in matters that concerned the common managing of the war, nothing was to be done without the command of the General: but in matters belonging to the private government of every man's regiment, every General had power of life and death over them that were under his command: which to be so, was as he said hereby to be understood; King Philip was king of many kingdoms, and that he might long so be, he heartily wished: Now if any Millanoys had committed any capital crime worthy death in the kingdom of NAPLES, should the judgement of that crime be of right to be referred unto the king himself, as the chief sovereign? or unto the Governor of MILAN, where the offender was borne? or rather to the civil magistrate of NAPLES, in whose jurisdiction the fault was committed, and so of right there to be executed? What difference was there then, but that Mutius might rightly seem to have been justly punished by Venerius, who although he were a Spanish captain, had yet raised a mutiny in a Venetian galley, which was under the command of the Venetian Admiral. Beside that, the discipline of war sometime required a severe and exemplare kind of punishment: For which cause it was both notably and truly said of Clearchus, That a General ought to be more feared of his soldiers than the enemy: and that amongst the ancient Romans it had been the custom even for private men with more severe punishment to restrain the factious citizen than the most cruel enemy: That the fact was not so much to be regarded, as the intention of him that did it: That it was the duty of commanders to withstand the madness of the mutinous. The author of sedition and tumult he said had suffered but condign punishment to his fact: who if he had escaped unpunished, would but have been the more disordered, but now by his exemplary punishment would deterge others from the like insolency. Besides that, the external danger was such, as aught to reconcile them, were they never so much enemies: That such men as they were should above all things regard what might profit or hurt the common cause, in contemplation whereof all private injuries were to be remitted: and the rather, for that the honour and dishonour of the good or bad success of such important an action should redound unto themselves, but especially unto the General. His own duty he had as he said discharged, in dealing so plainly and faithfully with him, and could no more but pray unto God, with merciful eye to behold the troubled Christian commonweal in such a most dangerous time. Don john still beareth a grudge against Venerius Thus was the mutiny at PAXO by the great labour of Columnius hardly appeased: nevertheless Don john could not afterwards endure to participate unto Venerius his counsels, or so much as to come in his company: all was done by Barbadicus the Venetian Proveditor. This Barbadicus was not inferior to Venerius in courage and valour, Barbadicus the Venetian Providitor, a notable man. but far beyond him in discretion; a tall and goodly and parsonage, well coloured, his beard grizie, though not for age, for why he was not above fifty years old: besides that, in his eyes and countenance appeared a vivacity or liveliness of spirit; in his very gate and comely motion of his body, he carried a certain grace and majesty: his talk and speech was always calm and temperate, his counsel grave and sound, so that he was both greatly honoured and beloved of all men: his chief endeavour also was, to further the hope of atonement betwixt the Spaniards and the Venetians, so well begun by Columnius. And so all things brought into some reasonable terms, they departed from PAXO, and came to CORCYRA; the spoil whereof well declared the enemies late being there. The Christian fl●et at Cephalenia. From thence they departed to CEPHALENIA: where they by letters from Pau. Contarenus, Governor of ZACYNTHUS, were advertised, That the Turks fleet of three hundred and three and thirty sail, of one sort and other, lay in the gulf of CORINTH, now called the gulf of LEPANTO. Whereupon they shortly after removed, with purpose to have gone to PETALA, an haven opposite overagainst the islands (or rather rocks called ECHINADES, but now CORZULARES, and so to the bay of CORINTH, to draw the enemy forth to battle: but stayed with contrary winds, they put back again into the valley of ALEXANDRIA, another port in the island of CEPHALENIA: from whence they afterward departed to the islands CORZULARES, where by the way they understood by letters out of CRETE, That FAMAGUSTA was lost: with which bad news they were no whit discouraged, but rather inflamed with the desire of revenge. From the islands they went to GALANGA, a good harbour, where they stayed one night, purposing the next day to have gone to the mouth of the gulf of LEPANTO, there to dare the Turks battle. The Turks Bassas Partau and Haly, who then lay in good safety within the gulf, hearing of the approach of the Christian fleet, began to consult with the rest of their most expert captains, Whether to give the Christians battle, or to keep themselves still within their safe harbour: upon which doubt they were amongst themselves of divers opinions. Chiroche dissuadeth the Bassas from giving battle unto the Christian●. Amongst the rest Chiroche a man of great years and authority, and withal a most noble captain, exhorted the Bassas, in no case, when no need was, upon a vain glory to adventure all to the fortune of an uncertain battle: it was (as he said) the part of wise and worthy commanders, to moderate with reason their happy fortunes, for that thereunto were incident many accidents whereby their former felicity might be disgraced: They had already run alongst the enemy's coasts, spoiled the frontiers of his countries, and were with much honour and greater spoil in safety returned, having increased the Turkish empire with many strong towns of the enemies: The island of CYPRUS was with wonderful good fortune brought under the Turks obeisance, the enemies great provision at sea frustrated, in such sort, as that having lost divers of their galleys, they were never yet able to draw their swords: They had with their fleet at their pleasure rome up and down the adriatic, and displayed their victorious ensigns almost unto the very city of VENICE. What could they then devise or wish for more honourable or glorious, than with the safety of their fleet, yea without any loss at all, to have performed so great matters? Now the three general commanders of the enemy's fleet to be so at discord amongst themselves, as that they were ready to fall in sunder of themselves; who now upon the approach of Winter, and for want of victual, must needs in few days return home with their fleet, never after to meet again with the like strength at sea: and therefore to what purpose were it, by force of arms and uncertain battle, with danger to seek for the sovereignty and command of the sea, which would forthwith of itself without any danger fall unto them? Neither should they by the doubtful victory so much increase their honour, as by the uncertain event of a battle blemish the same, if any thing should fall out otherwise than well. And that therefore they should do well to take heed, that in seeking to augment their former victories, they hazarded not their honour already gained; but wholesomely delay the war, and keep themselves in safety with their fleet within the gulf, and not to go out at the enemy's pleasure, but when they should see good themselves, at such time as the enemy was not so well provided: so should they (as he said) without any great labour or danger attain to the full of their own desires. Partau Bassa was of opinion, Partau Bassa standeth indifferent for giving or not giving battle. That the Christians would not at all offer him battle: which opinion the Christians had also of him: and in this question, for giving or not giving of battle, seemed neither to approve nor dislike that Chiroche had so gravely spoken, but as a man indifferent and loath to incur any blame, showed himself ready either to stay or to set forward, as should be thought best by the greater part. But Haly Bassa, a man of an hotter spirit, and the great champion of the Turks, could not endure to hear of any delay, but of present battle. The pleasure of Selimus, the hope of victory, the remembrance of the displeasure Piall Bassa had the last year incurred, for not giving the Christians battle, induced him now in no case to refuse battle, but forthwith to go out of the gulf, and to accept thereof, if it were offered. In which his opinion he was the more confirmed by the relation of Caracoza a famous pirate, and of great account amongst the Turks: who in a swift galliot taking view of the Christian fleet, had reported it to be much less than indeed it was: deceived as was afterward thought, by not taking full view thereof, by reason of his posting haste; or else blinded by the island, which lying behind the fleet, suffered him not perfectly to descry the same. Upon which report there was great rejoicing amongst the Turks, who now after their accustomed manner dreamt of nothing but victory and spoil. So that Haly vainly persuaded that his fleet was both the greater and stronger, would now needs fight, in hope that the Christians upon the first sight of the Turks fleet would either retire and save themselves by shameful flight: or else in adventuring battle at so great odds, by their foolish hardiness receive a notable overthrow. This opinion of the Bassa was also not a little confirmed by the persuasion of Cassanes, Barbarussa his son, Vluzales, and Chais-Beg, Governor of SMYRNA, all men of great mark and experience, especially in matters at sea. And although Partau the other Bassa stood wavering, as a man in doubt, and Chiroche Governor of ALEXANDRIA, with Carabuzes' Governor of CILICIA, and Mechmet Governor of EVBoeA, men of no less worth than the other, upon better consideration, were of a quite contrary mind, for not giving the Christians battle: The Turks resolve to give the Christians battle yet such was the authority of Haly, or rather his importunity, forced to his own destiny, that his opinion prevailed; so that now out they needs must, and fight. Albeit that two other espials sent out after Caracoza, & having more perfectly viewed the fleet, returning with speed, told the Bassas, as truth was, That the Christians, very strong and well appointed, were coming with ensigns displayed of purpose to fight: and that their fleet was in number much greater than was before supposed. With which news so far contrary to their expectation, the Bassas were exceedingly troubled: and demanding whether the foremost galleys were all Venetians or not: and being answered, that they were intermixed, some Venetians, some Spanish, and of the other Western countries: they began to doubt the worst, and became exceeding pensive. Nevertheless knowing themselves to be of all things well furnished, having new victualled in the bay of CORINTH, and there also taken in twelve thousand janissaries and Spahies, drawn out of the garrisons of AETOLIA, ACARNANIA, PELOPONESUS, and the other countries thereby, all resolute men, and four thousand other common soldiers; and that they could not now with their honour shrink back, they held it still for the best, to hold on their former resolution for the giving of the Christians battle. Yet before their setting forward, call together the captains and chief commanders of the fleet, Partau the more to encourage them, spoke unto them as followeth: Partau Bassa encourageth the Turks. We are to fight (said he) fellows in arms, with that kind of men whom our ancestors have driven out of EVBoeA, the RHODES, MYTILENE, PELOPONESUS, and TRIPOLI, and we ourselves but yesterday out of the famous island of CYPRUS: whose cities and strong towns, in number infinite, our emperor hath, as the rewards of his wars▪ whom we have always vanquished, as well by sea as by land: and shall it then now repent you, that you in this war imbrued in the Christian blood, have sunk or taken many of their ships and galleys? That you have carried away great and rich spoils? That you have taken whole islands and cities at the first assault? That we have by proof showed unto the world what force is in the Turk to subdue strong cities and towns? and what little power is in the Christians to defend the same? What direction brought us victory before, the same shall also at this present give us the like. Not to speak of that, that we far excel them both in number of men and galleys, this is more to be reckoned of, that we excel them in valour and prowess: for you being old expert soldiers, from your infancy trained up in the wars, hardened in infinite battles, and full of courage and strength, shall fight against weak, fresh water, and effeminate soldiers; who entertained for pay (of the refuse of all nations) know nothing belonging to the wars; or forcibly pressed out of cities, serve not because they would, but because they must neither will nor choose. But not to speak more of the manner of the Christian soldiers, who are nothing else than the perpetual exercise of your renown and prowess: and to come unto him, under whose fortune and conduct they serve. What should I say? should I compare either of us (who have spent our lives in victories and triumphs: who borne and brought up amongst arms, have with our right hands gained unto ourselves honour and fame) with this stripling and half months captain, who never saw battles but these? who in a less matter never showed proof of himself, why should he be accounted of in a greater? who in so weighty a cause needeth a tutor: and such a one, as indeed beareth the name of a General, more for his honour, than for any worth in himself. Besides, amongst the enemies is such dissension, that every man regardeth his own private, serveth as pleaseth himself, contemneth, and is contemned: Whereas with us is such consent, that it cannot be devised, how the soldiers in general should more trust their commanders, or the commanders their soldiers. What things were by the discipline of war or carefulness of a General to be prepared, all those you have abundantly and plentifully in readiness: only this last warlike labour remaineth; which once dispatched, our enemies shall be discomfited even in that wherein their greatest confidence resteth. They shall be despoiled of their honour and traffic at sea: and that * uz. Venice. city once subdued, which is alone the glory of the sea, there shall be no hope left for the Christians neither by sea nor land: and (that we have always wished) ITALY, fair ITALY (wherein these matters are plotted against us) shall be in our hand and power: wherefore let us with such courage assail our enemies as beseemeth most victorious conquerors, men so many times conquered: And so set forward, as if you saw our emperor himself encouraging you, and giving you the signal of battle; of his bounty, and the present victory, expecting all felicity and bliss. This comfortable speech with great gravity delivered by the Bassa, so encouraged the Turks, as that they all with one voice and mind, seemed to desire nothing more than battle: for they still possessed with the first report of Caracoza, and encouraged by the Bassa's speech, were in god hope to have fought the battle upon great advantage, The Turks fleet cometh out of the gulf of Lepanto. The islands Echinades or Corzulares. and therefore thought upon nothing but present victory. Whereupon setting forward with great cheerfulness, they came out of the gulf, and shaped their course for the islands ECHINADES, about midway betwixt LEPANTO and PATRAS; before little islands or rather obscure rocks, scarcely appearing in the sea, but now to be made famous throughout the world, by the most notable battle that ever was fought in those seas. The Christians also coming still on towards the enemy, the seventh of October in the afternoon, understood by their espials, that the Turks fleet was coming, and even now at hand: whereupon the General commanded the great ensign of the confederates (the appointed signal of battle) to be forthwith displayed, and a great warning piece to be shot off out of his Admiral galley. And himself glistering all in bright armour, with Cardona Admiral of SICILIA, and Soto his secretary, in a long boat went to all the squadrons of the fleet one after another, exhorting them with cheerful countenance to follow their leaders, and to play the men: remembering, that they that day carried in their hands, the wealth, honour, glory, and liberty of their countries; yea and the very religion of their forefathers; and that that days victory would bring unto them and theirs perpetual felicity: whereas otherwise, if they should as cowards suffer themselves to be overcome and vanquished, it would be unto them the beginning of all manner of most woeful calamities. To which and other his like speeches, the captains and soldiers (before of themselves cheerful enough) in every place where he came gave such applause with the joyful cry of Victory, Victory, so often and so cheerfully in all places resounded, as that it was taken as a lucky aboadment of the glorious victory shortly after ensuing. In like manner Auria in the right wing, and Barbadicus in the left (for the fleet kept the same order that they had appointed before at MESSANA) ceased not by all comfortable speeches to encourage their followers: showing unto them, That now the time was come they had so long wished for, wherein they not oppressed with multitude, might at length show their true valour against the false and faithless enemies: who being in deed nothing else but base and contemptible slaves, borne to bondage, and having lost their own liberty, came to impugn the liberty of others; bringing with them a greater terror of their name; than valour of their persons: and that therefore, if ever, they would now show themselves valiant and courageous, and that day wherein of all others true force was to be seen, to abate the pride of the barbarous and cruel enemy; and to make their rejoicing for the conquest of CYPRUS short, before they had well tasted the pleasure thereof. At which time also the captains generally throughout the fleet, with cheerful countenances and courageous speech, encouraged their soldiers: leaving nothing unsaid, that might hearten them on; or undone, that might further the victory. Neither were the Turks wanting to themselves (although it was fallen out much contrary to their expectation, to see the Christians, who they before thought durst not have showed themselves, now ready to dare them battle) but encouraged with their former victories, and furthered with a fair gale of wind, came on proudly with their fleet, orderly and gallantly set after their wont manner in form of a Crescent or half Moon, their fortunate ensign: nevertheless in their coming on they were much troubled with the brightness of the Sun, which then shining full in their faces with his bright beams, so dazzled their eyes, that they could not well see how to their most advantage to direct their galleys. The number and order of the Turks fleet. In this fleet of the Turks were two hundred and fifty galleys, fifty galliots, and twenty brigandines and other small vessels: all which a far off showed like a thick wood, but coming near hand, presented (as we said) the form of a Crescent. The middle battle in number much like the Christians, was conducted by the great Bassanes Haly and Pertau, attended upon with Agan master of the Turks Arsenal: Mastapha Zelibi, the treasurer: Achmat Bey, with Mahomet his younger brother, the sons of Haly: Achmat Aga, Governor of TEUTHRANIA: Assis Caiga, Governor of CALIPOLIS: Caracoza: Cassanes, the son of Barbarussa: Malamur, Governor of MITYLENE: Deli Solyman: Gider, captain of CHIOS: Cassambeius, Governor of the RHODES: Provi Aga, captain of NAUPLIUM: Giapar Zelibi, precedent of CALABA: Dordagnan: Dondomeni, and many others, whose barbarous names I purposely omit: all men of great account and place, and for their experience at sea, the chief strength of the Turkish empire. The right wing was by the appointment of the Bassas, commanded by Mahomet Bey with fifty six galleys, with whom were also many worthy captains: and in the left wing was Vluzales the old Archpirat, but now the Viceroy of ALGIERS with ninety five galleys, accompanied with Caraiolo and Arabey his two sons, with a multitude of pirates, men of his own profession, but most valiant and expert soldiers. In the rearward came Amurates Dragut with thirty galleys, and divers other small vessels. The great and notable battle betwixt the Turks and the Christian●, commonly called the battle of Lepanto. Now was the day well spent, when both the fleets were ready to give battle. The enemy still coming on, almost in the same order that the Christians did: for their middle battle came directly against our middle battle, and their wings against ours. So the signal of battle on both sides given by the shooting off of certain great pieces: the Turks, after their manner coming on with an hideous cry, first light upon the six galleasses, which lying at anchor almost a mile before the fleet as most strong bulwarks, out of their forecastles powered out their murdering shot upon the Turks, now come within their danger; and in their passing by, so plagued them by discharging their whole broad sides, first the one, and eftsoons the other upon them, that having received great loss, and divers of their galleys sunk, they were enforced to break their order, and to fall farther off. Which so much the more troubled the Turks, for that they had before supposed, those great carts and unserviceable ships (as they accounted of them) to have carried little or no great ordinance on their sides, after the manner of their galleys: for the use of the galleasses was not unto the Turks known, until now that they had received from them most notable harm: which as it was the beginning of their misery, so was it unto the Christians of greatest importance, for the gaining of the victory. At which time also the wind, which all that day had much favoured the Turks, was now (God no doubt fight his own battle) come about to the West, and with a pleasant gale in the time of the fight, carried the smoke of the great ordinance upon the Turks, to their no small disadvantage. Yet for all this loss and disorder in their fleet, the fierce enemy with wonderful pertinacy passing by these galleasses, quickly repaired again to their places, and made good their disordered squadrons, and with all their force assailed the Christian fleet. A terrible onset. The trumpets, drum's, and other instruments of war, had scarcely well sounded, when all shook with confused cries, flames of fire, thundering of artillery, and other noise of the mariners and seamen: wherewith many were so astonished, as if they had been both deaf and blind, having upon the sudden almost lost the use both of their sight and hearing. At which very instant, a man might have seen whole showers as it were of arrows and darts mixed with the deadly shot, flying from the one fleet to the other; the masts broken, the sail yards struck down, the tackles rend, and all confused with horror and fear. Haly beholding the Admiral galley (which was easy to be known by the flag) and using the surpassing cheerfulness of his mariners and rowers, A dreadful and doubtful sight betwixt the two Admiral galleys. ran upon her with such violence, as if he would have presently stemmed her: but being with like force encountered by the Admiral, they met together with such violence, that both their beaks were with the feaze broken off, and so fell into the sea. There began a most cruel fight betwixt those two great commanders, who had before drawn unto them the strongest galleys in their fleets, and the choicest men in their armies. In the Admiral galley of the Christians, were four hundred select men picked out of the whole army, most of them captains and ancients, men of approved valour: who not only valiantly repulsed the furious enemies, but with greater courage enforced them to shrink back, and pressing hard upon them entered the galley even to the main mast; where the enemy strengthened with new supply, fought courageously, repulsed the Spaniards, and cleared again their galley. Many were there wounded on both sides, and many slain. Don john seeing his men give way, sent in new supply; wherewith the other encouraged, bestirred themselves more lustily than before, and hardly charge the Turks: who with like hope and like courage encounter them. The battle was like unto the ebbing and flowing of the sea: Thrice the Turks were driven even unto the main mast, and thrice strengthened with new supplies, they with great slaughter repulsed the Christians back again. Venerius perceiving the danger of the General, Venerius coming to the relieve of Don john is encountered by Pertau Bassa. was about to have assailed the poop of Haly his galley, so to have endangered her being set upon both before and abathe: but in coming thither he was encountered by Pertau the other Bassa, who with a company of galleys opposed himself against him, and that with such celerity, that having made show as if he would have charged him affront, he by and by set upon his side. Which unexpected manner of fight so suddenly fashioned, at the first much troubled the Christians, who afterward gathering courage, notably defended themselves. Venerius upon whose valour the Venetian state rested, gallantly armed, not only encouraged his men, one while with entreating, another while with threatening, but was himself in the midst of them fight: whose great honour much moved the minds of his soldiers, but his reverend years more; to see him (being above threescore and seventeen years old) to perform all the parts of a brave youthful commander, in the very face of the greatest danger. The fierce enemy having slain many of the Christians, pressed on more furiously, and fight close together, entered the prow of Venerius his galley now bared of defendants, and with their multitude rather than true valour oppressed the Venetians; Venerius in danger. who had there no doubt been overcome, had not joannes Lauretanus, and Catherinus Malipetra, two valiant captains, and lying not far off, speedily come to their relief. By whose coming in, the fight was in the turning of an hand quite altered: so that they which a little before fiercely assailed led the Venetian galleys, were now glad to defend their own: so for a space the fight stood indifferent, but in process of the battle, Lauretanus and Malipetra slain those two worthy captains, whilst they also perform the parts of most resolute soldiers, were both slain; shot through with small shot. The fall of these notable men, did rather enrage than discourage the minds of their soldiers; so that blinded as it were with fury, and suddenly become other men, they desperately pressed in upon the Turks. So that whilst they on the one side kill and wound them, and Venerius more hardly chargeth them on the other; the terror of the battle was turned from them that were even at the point to have been vanquished, upon the victors. And our men after great slaughter of the Turks, took two of their galleys: Pertau the Bassa in a long boat escaped the danger, and so got him out of the battle. Not far off thence, Columnius the Pope's Admiral, as a valiant chieftain hardly assailed other of the Turks galleys, and made amongst them great slaughter: one singled from the rest, he took, and disordered the other. Lignius the Admiral of GENVA, with like courage thrust himself into the thickest of the enemies, & there made a notable fight. Many an enemy fell about the prince of PARMA, Rueres, Vrsinus, Cornea and justinianus; who for their present honour and future fame, fought most courageously. At the same time Chiroche or Sirocke (of some called Mahomet Bey) with his right wing with great confidence came forward against the left wing of the Christian fleet; but falling before he was aware into the danger of the galleasses, The right wing of the Turks fleet sore gauled by the galleasses. was from out of them miserably beaten with the great ordinance, having many of his men slain, and divers of his galleys sunk and torn, few of the huge and deadly shot falling in vain into the sea, by reason of the thick standing of the Turks galleys: where also divers of the enemies were burnt with pots of wild fire, cast into their galleys out of the tops of the galleasses. Chiroche to avoid the danger of the galleasses, and to shun the dangerous shelves betwixt him and the main (which the river Achelous running between the borders of ACHARNANIA and AETOLIA, and there falling into the sea, maketh) sent a great part of his galleys under the conduct of one Alis, a notable renegat of GENVA, to cast about aloof upon the right hand, and so to come upon the back of Barbadicus the leader of the left wing of the Christian fleet: Which he perceiving, forthwith turned his galleys, and with their prows received the first onset. A terrible fight betwixt Chiroche and Barbadicus. The great ordinance first on both sides discharged; divers of the galleys grappled fast together, in such sort, as that they encountered one another, not with their missive weapons only (as with their small shot, arrows, and darts) but with their drawn swords foot to foot. Amongst the rest, the fight of two of the Christian galleys was most notable, in the one was Barbadicus himself, in the other Marcus Ciconia, upon whom fell six of the enemy's galleys, and upon Barbadicus five: who although they were on every side distressed with a most doubtful and dangerous fight, yet did they most valiantly with worthy resolution endure the same. In the fury of this battle, Barbadicus encouraging his soldiers, and fight himself even there where most danger was, was hit in the left eye with an arrow, and so struck into the brain almost through the head: wherewith falling presently down, he was taken up for dead; howbeit he died not thereof until three days after. The supposed death of this worthy man much troubled the Christians, and both the armies felt his fall (such force there is in the valour of one worthy man) for the Turks now as conquerors lustily boarded the galley, troubled with the loss of the captain, and the Venetians as men discouraged, gave way: the galley had there undoubtedly been lost, had not Federicus Nanius and Silvius Porcia with their galleys speedily come to her relief: by whose coming in, such an alteration was made, as that the galley before half taken, was not only cleared, but divers of the Turks galleys also bourded, and some of them taken, not without the great slaughter of the Turks. In this so hard and mortal a conflict, Silvius was grievously wounded in the thigh, The death of Barbadicus. and in his right side. It is reported of Barbadicus, That lying that evening at the point of death, the battle then ended, he like another Epaminondas asked which part had got the victory: and being told that the Christians had got it, and that the Turks fleet was most part taken, and the rest sunk or burnt: he with his eyes cast up unto heaven, gave unto God immortal thanks therefore, and not long after joyfully departed this life, to live in bliss for ever. Ciconia hardly beset, and in danger to have been lost, is relieved. Ciconia in the mean time hardly beset with six of the enemy's galleys (as we have before said) was himself sore burnt with wild fire, and hurt in the face: and having endured a long and terrible fight, was now even at the point to have been lost; when sudden relief coming in, he was now contrary to all hope saved, and therewith so much encouraged, that with his weary and wounded soldiers, as men from death revived, he afresh charged the enemy, and took one of his principal galleys, with one of the Turks fairest ensigns, which in the Venetian armory is yet there to be seen: of his worthy valour, his honest wounds in his face and the forepart of his body, were most certain and undoubted witnesses. An hard fight betwixt Io. Contarenus and Chiroche. Not far off, in the same wing, joannes Contarenus, an honourable and valiant gentleman, did with his great shot exceeding great harm amongst the Turks galleys: Which Chiroche perceiving, and therewith enraged, ran so fiercely upon the side of Contarenus his galley, that with his beak he had well near stemmed her; & presently grappling fast with her, was like to have bourded her: whom nevertheless the Christians notably repulsed, with greater slaughter than was thought possible for so small a number to have made: neither did the enemies fall unrevenged; but all imbrued with the blood of the Christians. Seldom hath been seen a more cruel fight, or more resolute captains to encounter hand to hand. But after the battle had of long time stood doubtful, the hope of the Christians increased upon two causes, for which the courage of the enemy quailed: first for that many of the Turks being slain or wounded, they were brought to a small number; then for that both parties saw Chiroche himself slain: from which time the enemy, as well destitute of a leader to direct them, as of fresh supplies to relieve them, began to be cut down right, or taken. Which their danger was the more increased, because the galley, bulged with the great shot, was now leak, and in danger to sink: wherefore the Turks in that wing overcome with despair, began to think rather how to save themselves by flight than by fight, reposing their trust in nothing more than in the nearness of the main. But as they were turning about toward the shore, they were prevented by the Christians: who entering the galley, and having slain or driven over board almost all that were left, took Chiroche, yet breathing, but half dead; Chiroche slain, and his galley taken. and seeing small hope of his life, with fresh wounds made an end of him. divers and doubtful was the whole face of the battle: as fortune offered unto every man his enemy, so he fought; according as every man's disposition put into him courage or fear, or as he met with more or fewer enemies, so was there here and there sometime victory, and sometime loss. Many fights were in sundry places seen mingled together. Some galleys whiles they run to stem others, are themselves by others stemmed. Some, which you would think were flying away, An hard and doubtful battle falling by fortune upon one victorious galley or other, suddenly take them. Othersome as if they had been of neither part, row up and down betwixt the battles. The chance of war in one place lifteth up the vanquished, and in another overthroweth the victorious. All was full of terror, error, sorrow, and confusion. And albeit that fortune had not yet determined which way to incline, yet the Christians at length began to appear much superior both in courage and strength: and the Turks seemed now rather to defend themselves, than to assail their enemies. Bacianus in the rearward intentively marked all the whole fight, and ever as need required sent in present aid, without respect whether they were the Pope's galleys, the king of SPAIN'S, or the Venetians, that were distressed. In this long and terrible fight it chanced, that the Turks seeing the Christian General's galley hardly charged on the prow by Haly Bassa, to be almost bared of defendants in the poop, all the soldiers having their hands full before, were about to have bourded her abath, and to that purpose were fetching a compass about her: Which Bacianus quickly perceiving, glistering in bright armour, came speedily in with certain galleys, and by opposing of himself against them, stayed their course. In all the battle was not seen a more cruel fight: for having discharged many volleys of shot, and arrows and darts without number, they grappled at length together, and came to the sword, where with the foremost Bacianus not only with words but with his presence and valour wonderfully encouraged his soldiers, having received in his target of proof two small shot. Many were on both sides slain: the Spaniards attempting sundry times to have entered the Turks galleys, were with great loss repulsed: but not giving it so over, neither giving the enemy leave to breath, or so much as to look behind him, valour was vanquished by pertinacy: and the Spaniards having overthrown and slain their enemies, enjoyed their galleys. Now had Don john with like courage and strength, A terrible fight betwixt Haly Bassa and Don john. but with doubtful victory, fought three hours and more with Haly Bassa: when after so dreadful and dangerous a fight, and many a deadly wound on both parts given and received, our men began to faint, and brought to the uttermost of their devoir, were in danger to have been overcome, had not Don john betaken himself unto his only and last refuge. He had (as is beforesaid) reserved under the hatches four hundred of his best and select soldiers, for their valour chosen out of the whole army against all the events of so long and dangerous a battle: these men attentively attending every beck of Don john, upon sign given, as was before appointed, suddenly start out, and with a terrible cry and desperate onset assailed the enemy, before almost spent with labour and wounds. This fresh and unexpected company so suddenly grown up, first astonished, and afterwards confounded, and with a great slaughter vanquished the Turks, Haly Bassa slain. and possessed the galley. The Bassa deadly wounded in the head with a shot, and all imbrued with blood, was taken, and as a joyful spectacle brought to Don john: who seeing him ready to breathe his last, commanded him to be despoiled of his armour, and his head struck off. Which presently set upon the point of a spear, he for a space held up aloft with his own hand, as a trophy of his victory, as also with the sight thereof to strike a terror into the minds of the other Turks, who in the other galleys fast by fought yet right valiantly: neither was he therein deceived, for the Turks beholding the known countenance of the Bassa, The Turks middle bartell discomfited. their late General, and a flag of the cross set up in the top of his galley, and the noise of the Christians (crying victory) running through the army; were therewith so discouraged, that confounded with fear, they turned their galleys and with might and main made toward the land, which was not much more than a mile off. Which Canalis and Quirinus yet breathing with the late slaughter of the Turks, perceiving, with their galleys hardly pursued the flying enemy, and sunk and took divers of their galleys. Partau his son by the staying of the rest got time to run his galley on ground, and so forsaking her, saved himself and his men by running ashore: so did also diverse others run themselves aground and forsake their galleys, which presently became a prey unto the Christians. Caracoza the famous pirate slain. In this hot conflict was Caracoza the famous pirate (who abjuring the Christian religion, had turned Turk, and of long time done exceeding much mischief upon the coasts of the Christian countries) valiantly fight, slain by Buzzacharinus of PADVA, by whose death many were delivered of a great fear. Haly Bassa had brought forth with him his two sons Achmat and Mahomet, the one three and twenty years old, and the other thirteen, the nephews of the great emperor Selimus, by his sister married to Haly; them their father had placed in a great galley, with a strong guard of the janissaries: who seeing the discomfiture of the main battle, and the danger now drawing near unto themselves, were exceedingly afraid; and therefore to save themselves, though it best with all speed to make toward the main. But in so doing, they were prevented by Requisenius the great Commendour, who with his furious Spaniards boarding the Turks, already dismayed and running away, slew of them a great number; and after a great fight and much cruel execution done, took the galley, and that which pleased him more, the two sons of Haly both alive: in the time of which fight, the poor Christians, who fast chained in the galley, had as slaves long served in great misery: now perceiving the Christians to prevail, broke off their gives, loosed one another, and with such weapons as first came to hand lustily laid about them, and notably furthered the victory. Notwithstanding all this good success, the fortune of the battle stood yet doubtful in the right wing. There stood in either battle two of the most noble cheefetains, one against another: on the Christian part john Andreas Auria, the Spanish Admiral; and for the Turks Vluzales: both most valiant and expert commanders, well known the one to the other, for that they had of long used the same seas, equal for their military discipline, as also for their noble acts, but far unequal for number of their galleys: for the Turks had of one sort and other almost twice so many. The doubtful ●ying of john Andreas Auria with the right wing of the Christian fleet. Auria, whether it were for that he would in the beginning of the battle warily decline the danger, and not hazard his galleys, wherein his chief honour would be also endangered; or else afraid lest the enemy, who far exceeded him in number of galleys, should extend his wing at large, and enclose the Christian fleet behind; upon the signal of battle given, shrunk further off from the rest of the battle: but whether upon policy, that it might be at his choice either to fight, if the rest of the army prevailed, or to retire, if they should be overcome; or that he upon martial policy declined the force of too strong an enemy; divers men diversly glossed: but what the cause was indeed, the wisest could not surely tell. Howsoever the matter stood, it seemed his purpose was by policy to countervail what he wanted in strength. This his falling off seemed unto the Turks most strange, unto whom his quick departure seemed at the first in manner of a flight. Neither was Auria content with that space he had first separated himself from the army: but the second time fell off further, and there staying and hovering aloof off, seemed to await some good opportunity, to take the enemy at some advantage: having in the mean time one of the galeases of PISA lying before him, as it were in stead of a bulwark, which with often shot much troubled the enemy. Vluzales also extending his wing, took such a space, as that he seemed able to have compassed in and enclosed Auria; yet offered not battle, but rather lay as expecting if any advantage should be given him by the Christians, than rashly or unadvisedly to offer himself or his galleys to any desperate danger. He had not long so lain, but that according to his desire twelve of the Venetian galleys, Twelve of the Venetian galleys taken by Vluzales. which had withdrawn themselves from Auria (and without any order or direction rome too and fro) fell into his danger: these galleys cut off from the rest, Vluzales with wonderful celerity enclosed; and with the multitude of his galleys boarding them one by one, flew the defendants, and took the galleys. In this fight many of the knights of the Order of S. Stephen most valiantly fight, were slain. Benedictus Superantius, a noble Venetian, seeing most part of his men slain, himself mortally wounded, and his galley now almost taken, resoluting rather presently to die, than to fall into the hands of his enemies; desperately put fire to the store of powder he had in the galley, and so blew up himself, his soldiers that were left, with a great number of the enemies together. The report of the great ordinance, and noise of the battle in that part of the fleet being heard, they which had now in the middle battle got the victory, together turned their galleys thitherwards to aid Auria, but not in one squadron together, but coming along one after another, as every man had sooner or later cleared himself of his enemy: A notable fight of the knights of Malta. amongst the rest Petrus justinianus (Admiral of the galleys of MALTA) coming foremost, was encountered with three of the Turks galleys, with whom he with his knights had a great and most terrible fight. Which Vluzales beholding, and above all others hating the knights of the Order, speedily sent in other three galleys to help their fellows. So justinian hardly beset with six galleys, and oppressed with the multitude of his enemies, had lost fifty of his most valiant knights, with one of his ensigns, and with much ado hardly defended himself. But being now brought to the last cast, and the galley in the judgement of all men given for lost, lo two of the other galleys of MALTA, who had so valiantly fought with other three of the enemy's galleys that they were now upon point to have taken them all, seeing the danger of their Admiral, forsook their vanquished enemies, and with all speed came to rescue him: where they found him yet alive, but shot in with three arrows, and still fight courageously at the deck of his galley, with those few he had yet left, beset round with their enemies: but by the coming in of these two galleys, as if it had been by help sent from heaven, the Turks were notably repulsed, and the Admiral with his galley rescued, as a prey out of the mouth of the greedy lion. Vluzales ●●ieth. Vluzales understanding that the main battle and right wing of the fleet was overthrown by the Christians, for fear gave over the fight; and leaving the galleys he had taken, and hoising sail, was the first in that wing that fled. Which Cardonius perceiving, who was come in before the rest, suddenly showed himself at his back▪ and by assailing the hindermost galleys, did what he might to stay their flight until the rest of the victorious galleys were come in. But whilst he so eagerly pursueth the flying enemy, fifteen of the Turks captains enraged with such an unwonted disgrace, and mindful of their wont prowess, stayed their flight, and contrary to the expectation of the Christians, turned themselves and renewed the battle: What minds they bore, the event showed, for in a trice almost all Cardonius his soldiers and mariners were slain: nothing letted the taking of the galley, but that Vluzales seeing Don john, Columnius, and Venerius near at hand, and making towards him, and Auria also coming fast on, was afraid longer to stay, and therefore giving over the fight, fled as fast as he could: yet carrying away with him one galley of CYPRUS, and one ensign of the knights of MALTA, as testimonies of his own valour when he should appear before Selimus. The Christians hardly pursue the flying enemy. The Christians, although weary of the long fight which they had almost by the space of five hours endured, yet so long as they were in any hope to overtake any of their flying enemies, hardly pursued them in chase: but when they perceived it prevailed not to follow farther, and that it was more than time to see to their weary and wounded soldiers and mariners, they stayed from farther pursuit; for why the night came now fast on, under the covert whereof the crafty old pirate flying for life with sails and oars, escaped with thirty (or as some write, forty) galleys again into the bay of LEPANTO. It was a right horrible spectacle to see, how in this battle the sea stained with blood, and covered with dead bodies, weapons, and the fragments of the broken galleys: besides the great number of them that were slain, and beaten into the sea; many of the Turks blinded with fear, casting away their weapons, to escape the fury of the enemy threw themselves headlong into the sea: but finding no hope to recover the land, laboured again to come to the galleys; or else fainting by the way, were miserably drowned. Others, either half dead, weak, and unskilful of swimming, or overcharged with their armour, the sea also devoured: yea many that could well swim, wearied and wounded, sunk for fear. Others upon planks and the pieces of the broken galleys, sought to save themselves, and not knowing what to follow or what to shun, woefully perished. Othersome swimming and pitifully entreating their enemies, rather to take them prisoners than to kill them, were (as it oftentimes chanceth where things are done upon choler rather than upon discretion) without compassion slain: in which doing, the Christians thought they did rather revenge former injuries to them done, than to do them any wrong: with some mercy more prevailed than wrath, who remembering the common chance of war, chose rather to take the Turks prisoners, woefully craving nothing but their lives, than without mercy to kill them. The number of the Turks slain in the battle of Lepanto, diversly reported. The number of the Turks lost in this most famous battle, could hardly be known, by reason that many of them were drowned. Antonius Guarnerius writing the history of this war, reporteth two and thirty thousand to have perished: but they which write more sparingly thereof, report not passed half so many to have been slain: of whom these were of greatest name; Haly Bassa the General, Mahomet Bey (otherwise called Chiroche or Sirocus) Governor of ALEXANDRIA, Cassanes the son of Barbarussa, with his son Malamur Governor of MITILENE, Gider Governor of CHIOS, Cassambeius Governor of the RHODES, Provi Aga captain of NAUPLIUM, Mustapha Zelibi the great treasurer, Caracoza the famous pirate, with many others whom but to name were tedious. The chief prisoners there taken, were Achmat and Mahomet the sons of Haly Bassa, both afterwards sent as presents to the Pope▪ of whom the eldest died by the way at NAPLES; the young presented unto the Pope by Columnius at ROME, was there honourably kept prisoner: and Mechmet Bey Governor of EVEoeA: and about three thousand five hundred others were in that battle taken also. The chief of them that escaped by flight were Partau Bassa, who seeing all go to wrack, fled in time in a long boat to land: and Vluzales, who (as it was afterwards certainly known) but with five and twenty galleys and ten galliots fled to LEPANTO. Of the enemy's galleys were taken an hundred threescore and one, forty sunk or burnt: and of galliots and other small vessels were taken about sixty. The Admiral galley then taken amongst the rest, The surpassing beauty of the Admiral galley. was so goodly and beautiful a vessel, that for beauty and richness scarce any in the whole Ocean was comparable unto her. The deck of this galley was on both sides thrice as great as any of the others, and made all of black Walnut-tree like unto Ebony, chequered, & wrought marvelous fair with divers lively colours and variety of histories. There were also in her divers lively counterfeits, engraven and wrought with gold, with so cunning hand, that for the magnificence thereof it might well have been compared unto some prince's palace. The cabin glisteren in every place with rich hangings wrought with gold twist, and set with divers sorts of precious stones, with certain small counterfeits most cunningly wrought. Besides this, there was also found in her great store of the Bassas rich apparel, wrought with the needle, so curiously and richly embossed with silver and gold, that his great lord and master Selimus himself could hardly put on more royal or rich attire. His casket there also found with six thousand ducats in it, with a yearly pension of three hundred ducats, was given in reward to a Greek, The Greek● that slew the Bassa, honourably rewarded borne in MACEDONIA, which slew the Bassa; and was therefore also knighted by Don john: who had also given unto him the Burrell of the Turks standard, which at his return to VENICE (where he had of long time before dwelled, and served in the Arsenal) he sold unto a goldsmith: Whereof the Senate having intelligence, redeemed it of the goldsmith, paying for every ounce a ducat, and laid it up amongst the trophies of that most famous victory. It was all of massive silver, guilt and engraven round about with Turkish letters. On the one side was written: God doth conduct and adorn the faithful in worthy enterprises: God doth favour Mahomet. On the other side, God hath no other God, and Mahomet is his Prophet. This notable victory thus happily obtained, Don john the General, with Venerius and Columna, the other two Admirals, came together; whom the General friendly embraced, but especially Venerius, calling him father, and attributing unto him the greatest part of the victory. Afterwards, all together with their hands and eyes cast up towards heaven, they upon their knees gave immortal thanks to Almighty God. So did also the rest of the captains and masters, commending one another's valour and good service: but especially theirs, who for their religion and country had there most honourably spent their lives; which were in number about 7566. Amongst whom, the chief men that were slain, were Io. and Bernardinus, of the honourable family of Cardona in SPAIN, The number of the Christians slain in the battle of Lepanto. Horatius Caraffa, and Ferantes' Bisballus. Virginius and Horatius, noble Romans, of the honourable family of the Ursini. Of the Venetian nobility, Augustinus Barbadicus, Benedictus Superantius, Vincentius Quirinus, joannes Lauretanus, Marinus Contarenus, Catherinus Malipetra, Georgius and Andreas Barbadicus, Marcus Antonius Landus, Franciscus Bonus, Hieronimus Contarenus, Antonius Paschaligus, Hieronimus Venerius, all of the order of the Senators. Besides divers other honourable gentlemen, who well deserved to be enroled in the eternal monuments of fame. Of the knights of MALTA were also many slain, amongst whom of the German nation these were chief: joachim Sparta, Commendour of MOGUNTIA and FRANCFORT, Ro. of Hamberke, Commendour of HEMMENDORF, and Fra. Drost. Of them that were wounded, these were of greatest name: Don john the General, Venerius the Venetian Admiral shot through the foot, Paulus jordanus, Troilus Savell, and Mar. Molinus, with divers others of less fame, to the number of almost seven thousand. Great was the joy conceived of this victory, but to none more welcome than to the poor Christians fast chained in the Turks galleys, of whom twelve thousand were thereby delivered from most miserable thraldom, and contrary to all hope restored to their ancient liberty. A general rejoicing, especially in Venice, for the victory. Two days after this victory, Venerius sent Humfredus justinianus with news thereof unto the Senate at VENICE: who coming in at the adriatic port about noon the nineteenth of October, by shooting off of certain great pieces, gave warning unto the city of his coming, which at that time hung in great suspense betwixt hope and fear. The citizens' generally awaked with the report of the great ordinance, came flocking by heaps to 〈◊〉 port, every man longing to hear the first news. There they might see justinian coming afar off with his galley, but when he was come nearer, they might perceive all the mariners attired like Turks, and four of the Turks ensigns hanging behind at the poop of the galley, which filled their minds with the hope of good news, deeming it to be (as indeed it was) part of the spoil of the enemy. But after that justinian was landed (which he had much to do for the press) and was gone to the Court, with a world of people following after him, crying out for news; and had there delivered his letters, and at large discoursed of all the success of the battle; which was forthwith blown into the city; and the mariners also after his departure had reported the victory; and that the enemy was in a great battle overthrown: good God, how the people as men overjoyed, ran up and down the streets, doubling and redoubling the joyful name of victory. The Senators also rejoicing together, gave thanks to God with public prayers and joyful hymns in every church: and afterwards by ringing of bells, peals of ordinance, bonfires, and other such like things, showed all the tokens of joy possible. And to make this joy the more general, all prisoners were set at liberty, and all debts that exceeded not the sum of five and twenty crowns, paid out of the common treasury; which was generally done through all the Venetian signiory: and a decree made, That that day whereon the victory was gotten, which was the seventh of October, dedicated to the memorial of justina, should for ever be kept holiday: and for the perpetual remembrance thereof, a great mass of money was coined, with the impression of justina upon it, and an inscription declaring the victory. Many also their neighbour princes sent their ambassadors gratulatory to VENICE, namely, the dukes of SAVOY, FLORENCE, FERRARA, PARMA, MANTVA, and URBIN, and the knights of MALTA. In which so public joy no man was seen to put on any mourning garments, or to show any token of heaviness, although many had lost their dearest friends and nearest kinsmen; whose lives they reckoned not lost, but given unto the Christian commonweal. The like rejoicing was also made in ROME, in SPAIN, NAPLES, SICILIA, and MALTA, especially at such times as ambassadors from their neighbour princes, came to joy them of this victory: yea and afterwards in other countries further off was like rejoicing and signs of joy, as with us here in ENGLAND. This is that notable battle, commonly called the battle of LEPANTO, fought near unto the islands CURZOLARI, the seventh day of October, in the year 1571, the like whereof was never fought at sea against the Turk, wherein he lost his chief strength at sea, with most of his best sea captains: and might thereby well perceive what he and his successors were to fear, if the Christian princes at unity amongst themselves, all discord set apart, should in zeal of their religion join their invincible forces against them. In the midst of all this joy, A witty and fit comparison 〈◊〉 by a Turks, to show that the loss of Cyprus was greater than the loss of the battle a● Lepanto. generally conceived of the late victory, one of the chief prisoners of the Turks, hearing it compared with the loss of CYPRUS (for that Selimus had therein lost his fleet, his best men of war, with great store of ordinance) by a fit comparison showed it not to be so, saying, That the battle lost, was unto Selimus as if a man should shave his beard, which would ere long grow again; but that the loss of CYPRUS was unto the Venetians, as the loss of an arm, which once cut off, could never be again recovered. Declaring thereby the great inequality of the loss. The rich spoil taken from the enemy in this most glorious victory, The spoil of the enemy divided amongst the confederates. was thus divided amongst the princes confederate. Unto the Pope were allotted nineteen galleys, two galliots, nine great pieces of ordinance, two and forty lesser pieces, and fourscore and one prisoners. Unto the king of SPAIN eight and fifty galleys and an half, six galliots and an half, eight and fifty great pieces and an half, eight great murdering pieces and an half, an hundred twenty eight lesser pieces, and a thousand seven hundred and thirteen prisoners. Unto the Venetians were assigned for their share, nine and thirty galleys and an half, four galliots and a half, nine and thirty great pieces and a half, five great murdering pieces and a half, fourscore and six lesser pieces, and a thousand one hundred threescore and two prisoners. The rest were bestowed upon such other princes as had given aid aid, or otherwise well deserved in that service. The joy conceived of this victory was not so great amongst the Christians, but that the sorrow thereof was amongst the Turks far greater. Selimus himself was then at HADRIANOPLE, where eight days after the battle, news was brought unto him, That his fleet was overthrown and almost all taken or sunk by the Christians. Which so soon as he heard, he was strucken with exceeding grief: and overcome with melancholy, would not that day suffer any man to speak with him. And the rumour of the overthrow still increasing, had in short time filled all places with fear, tears, mourning, and heaviness: some bewailing their parents, some their children, some their husbands, some their friends or kinsmen there lost. But that which most grieved the Turkish emperor, was the loss of so many worthy and expert captains, of so many skilful masters and notable soldiers; who brought up all their lives at sea, were not thought inferior to any then living: besides the perpetual ignominy and unwonted disgrace, thereby inflicted unto him and his posterity for ever. Wherefore full of wrath and indignation, he was about to have commanded all the Christians in his dominions (in number infinite) to be put to death. Doubting indeed nothing more, than that they weary of the Turkish thraldom, and desirous of innovation, should with weapons put into their hands, rise up against him, and take part with the other Christians his enemies. But whilst the other Bassas (as men dismayed with the cruelty of the command) stood all silent, Muhamet Bassa for his former deserts in great favour with the tyrant, thought it good to make proof if his fury might by reasonable persuasion be mitigated, and some better course taken, both for the honour of Selimus himself, and the common good of the State: Yet well knowing how full of danger it was, in that tyrannical government, openly to speak any thing contrary to the good liking of the wilful emperor, he durst not apertly contradict him: but leaning as it were to his opinion and pleasure, by little and little to draw him from himself; and so before he were aware to lead him into his own devise, and by delay to moderate the rigour of his former fury. To which purpose, he cunningly set upon him in this sort. Muhamet Bassa cunningly dissuadeth Selimus from so rigorous a resolution, by filling his head with most necessary considerations. Your anger (said he) most magnificent and invincible emperor, against the Christians, is most just: and in this my desire exceedeth all others, That they should endure and suffer such punishment as they have of right deserved. Yet it behoveth us so to satisfy our wrath, as men better regarding their own good, than the hot desire of revenge. And for as much as I am for your many and underserued favours, in all loyalty bounden unto your highness above others; I reckon it in part of my duty, so much the more frankly to deliver my opinion, such as it is, in matters of so great importance. Neither will I attemper my speech in any respect to the comforting of your grieved mind: for how can it be that you, who following the worthy examples of your noble progenitors, have always heretofore showed your most heroical and courageous mind, contemning all the chances of fortune; should not for ever after show yourself to be rather dreaded of all men, than dreadful of any? Let others, whose kingdoms built upon uncertainty are subject to the revolution of time and change of fortune, yield unto their evil haps: as for you, whose empire is founded by the mighty hand of the most highest, and compassed about with an impregnable defence, and are yourself by the power of God appointed king and commander of nations and people in number infinite, fortune may well a little prick you, but never overthrow you. As for this late mischance, if it must needs so fall out, as proceeding from some immutable and eternal cause; must it be therefore always fix and permanent? Only those miseries and mischiefs which the cowardice or foolishness of men bring unto themselves, have their firm and certain calamities: other common events coming from other causes, have also their common and sudden changes: But how this late mishap at sea may be amended, and your former glory there again recovered, is hereafter to be considered. Now for the present (in mine opinion) this one thing, as of all others most necessary is to be provided; That the weak and worst fortified places of your empire, most subject to danger, may be presently strengthened with strong garrisons; and that by your present repair to the imperial city, you cheer up the minds of your heavy and dismayed subjects: which done, what shall let but that you may at your pleasure be revenged to the full of the Christians? For there is no cause why we should fear the Christians, six hundred times and more before overthrown: both our enemies and we are the same men we have been for many ages, we bear the same minds, the same bodies, the same strength, the same weapons, wherewith we have gotten infinite victories both of them and others. And although such be the state of man, as that he cannot otherwise but sometime or other taste of the worse tun; yet I think this present misfortune to be rather imputed unto some fatal cause to us unknown, than to the valour of the Christians. Besides that, we may well enough oppose one small overthrow against our so many and infinite victories: yea we are to give immortal thanks unto almighty God, that we have by force of arms subdued the rich and famous island of CYPRUS, and that your high designs have in that point sorted to your hearts desire. And hard it is in mine opinion to judge, whether this late unfortunate battle shall more hurt us, or the Christians: for besides that the multitude of the Turks hath no feeling of so small a loss, they will not as men discouraged, give themselves to mourning and vain lamentations, but with greater courage and fury come forth again into battle, and revenge this loss with the infinite calamities of the Christians: who after this their good hap, will according to their wont manner give themselves to excess, pleasure, carefulness and ease, unto their own farther confusion. Thus have I in brief faithfully declared mine opinion: yet with that submissive loyalty, as that whatsoever shall proceed from the mouth of your imperial Majesty, shall be of me deemed most wisely and magnificently considered of. The Bassa was in such grace and authority with Selimus, that his opinion in counsel prevailed, and the tyrant's wrath by his persuasion was well assuaged. But by the coming of Vluzales to court, the remainder of his former grief and melancholy was fully quieted: who after he had excused himself of the late overthrow, and declared what he had himself done in the battle, and in testimony thereof, presented him with one of the ensigns of the knights of MALTA, told him also how that he had left the Christian fleet so rend and torn as that it could not possibly be made serviceable against the next year: which news was both of Selimus and the rest gladly heard. In the mean time Selimus placed this Vluzales in the stead of Haly Bassa that was slain: and straightly commanded the great officers which had the charge of his navy, to build new shipping night and day: Selimus repaireth his ra●●e with all diligence possible. and farther enjoined every Governor out of his province he had in charge, to have in readiness one galley or two against the next Spring, as well for the defence of his own dominions, as to revenge the loss he had so lately sustained: whereunto also many of his great men put to their helping hands, and cheerfully furthered his desire. New supplies of soldiers were also presently raised and put into his frontier towns, great store of new ordinance cast, weapons and armour provided, and whatsoever else the necessity of the present time required. So with the Turks stood reason and industry, rather than with the Christians, who (as some note) rather wanted discretion how to use the victory, than valour to gain the same: which whether it chanced for that prosperity begetteth negligence, or that men joying in their present bliss regard little the time to come, I leave it to the judgement of the wiser to determine. After this so memorable a victory, The Christian fleet dissolved. the three great commanders of the fleet sat in counsel to consult, what farther course they were best to take. But for as much as Winter began now to approach, and that they could not much do until their fleet were new furnished and manned, they all resolved for that time to dissolve the fleet, and the next Spring in the beginning of April, to meet together again at CORCYRA. Whereupon Don john and Columnius returned to MESSANA, where they in safety arrived in November; and departing thence, and taking their leave the one of the other, arrived, Don john at NAPLES, and Columnius at ROME: where they were in both places with great joy and triumph received. The Venetians for all that grieved with the loss of CYPRUS, gave not so over, but repairing their navy with thirty galleys, wherein were embarked six thousand soldiers, won a castle in EPIRUS called MARGARITA: Suppoto again recovered by the Venetians. and also recovered the town of SUPPOTO, which the Turks had that Summer before taken from them; but now hearing of this overthrow, did upon the approach of the Venetian fleet, again forsake it. The galleys also of CRETE conducted by Canalis, intercepted many of the Turks vessels laded with captives and the spoils of FAMAGUSTA, as they were passing thence to CONSTANTINOPLE. Although upon the late obtained victory, a certain reconciliation had been made betwixt Don john and Venerius, yet of the former dissension remained an inward heartburning of one of them against the other: for which cause, the Spaniards requested the Venetians to appoint an other Admiral in his place. Venerius was now indeed a man of great years, and his strength far spent; yet for that in his aged body rested great wisdom and courage, and that they thought him for his great deserts worthy all honour, they were wonderful loath and unwilling therein to gratify the Spaniard: for why, they well knew there was no other cause of the Spaniards proud hatred, but that he had stood against them upon the honour of the Venetians: and farther, they liked not that the Spaniard should so presumptuously prescribe unto them, whom they should place or displace in or out of their honourable offices. Nevertheless, not forgetting what commodity came by concord, and what evils of discord, and that they might not against so mighty an enemy well spare the help of the Spaniard; they resolved to make choice of some other; who succeeding Venerius, might with one consent manage their wars together with Don john and Columnius. There was then one jacobus ●uscarinus their chief Governor in DAL●ATLA, who but a little before had notably fortified JADERA and the other frontier towns, and for the space of fourteen months had notably repressed the furious incursions of the Turks: of him then absent and not desirous of the place (as of a man of worthy desert) the whole State by general consent made choice for their Admiral and General by sea against the Turk: which most honourable place he received not with all the solemn ceremonies thereto belonging, at VENICE, as the manner was, but at JADERA; from whence he in the Admiral galley sent for that purpose by Aloysius Grimanus his successor in JADERA, sailed over to CORCYRA: where he found the old Admiral Venerius, with no less care providing for all things, than if he should himself have still continued the war. Of which great care Fuscarinus at his coming eased him by taking it wholly upon himself. Castronowm in vain attempted by the Venetians. Whilst Fuscarinus thus lay making his preparation against the next Spring at CORCYRA, Sara Martinengus who had the charge of the adriatic (by the counsel of Venerius, who was now returned to VENICE) upon the sudden landed his men, and besieged CASTRO NOVUM, a strong town of the Turks in the borders of ISTRIA; where at his first coming he took the suburbs, and had in short time brought the town to great extremity. But in the height of his hope to have won the town, hearing that the Beglerbeg of GRECE was with great power coming thither, he was glad to raise his siege, and with all speed to get him again to sea. The Turks in like manner, to distress the strong town of CATARO holden by the Venetians in the borders of DALMATIA, built a great and strong fort upon the passage from sea to the town, wherein they placed great store both of men and artillery: in hope by keeping them of the town from all relief by sea, at length to gain the town which they had many times in vain attempted by force; for by land it was already environed with the cruel enemy, possessing the country round about it. Superantius relieveth Cataro, and taketh a great fort of the Turks. jacobus Superantius the great Providetour, then lying at CORCYRA with the Admiral, understanding how CATARO a town of no small importance, was thus both by sea and land by the enemy distressed: with twenty galleys manned with the most choice soldiers could be picked out of the whole fleet, took upon him the rasing of the fort, and relieving of the town. Superantius with this select company, and certain other galleys which met him by the way, came by night before the mouth of the bay of CATARO, and there dividing his fleet, left the one part thereof at anchor before the fort, and with the other himself courageously passed by the fort, further into the bay: at whom the Turks out of the fort made divers shot, but (by reason it was dark) to small purpose. In passing by, Superantius took such view as he could of the fort, and by and by began on that side to batter the same; as did also the other galleys on the other side: and withal, landed their men on both sides; who upon signal given, ran resolutely to the fort, and by plain force entering the same, prevailed upon the fearful Turks, and put them to the sword every mother's son; so that of all that great garrison, was not one left alive to carry news of the slaughter. This fort was in length five hundred paces, but not strong towards land, from whence no such fear was doubted. In it was taken seventeen great pieces of ordinance, with much fair armour, and great abundance of victuals: and seven galliots which lay at anchor under the fort. CATARO thus relieved, Superantius with victory returned again to CORCYRA. 1572 Fuscarinus the Venetian Admiral with all things in readiness, having long lain at CORCYRA expecting the coming of the confederates, as was before appointed; sent Superantius the Providetour with five and twenty galleys to MESSANA, to hasten the coming of Don john, and to attend upon him by the way. But coming thither, and thinking to have found a great fleet and a strong power in good forwardness to have set forward; he found such small preparation, as well showed the Spaniards small care for repressing of the Turk, and that they would not be very forward in the service intended. Which filling him with grief and indignation, caused him to complain unto himself of their unfaithfulness, and to bewail the state of his country, with the whole Christian commonweal: for Don john had before solemnly promised unto the Venetian ambassador, that all things should be in readiness against the appointed time: but now a great part of Summer was past, when scarce some few companies and about fifty galleys were met together at MESSANA; and when Auria would come with the rest, no man could tell. So that the careful Providetour stood now no less in doubt of the Spaniards delay, than of the Turks fury. Selimus, after the great overthrow he had received at the islands CURZOLARES, for fear he should be driven quite out of the sea; was above all things careful for the renewing of his navy: And having partly new built, Selimus sendeth out Vluzales with two hundred galleys. partly repaired two hundred galleys, commended them to the conduct of Vluzales, with express charge, That by how much things had fallen out worse the last year, he should with so much the more care now beware the like danger; and not to go out of the bounds of the ARCHIPELAGO, or to adventure battle but upon advantage, or at leastwise upon an even hand. This Vluzales (otherwise called Occhiall) was an Italian borne in CALABRIA, who in his youth taken at sea by the Turks and chained in the galley, and afterwards renouncing his faith, by many degrees grew unto the highest preferments amongst the Turks, Vluzales a renegade Christian, and now the Turks Admiral. and so became an exceeding plague, as well to his own country as to all other of the Christians bordering upon the Mediterranean. He now Admiral for the Turk, after the manner of the proud Barbarians, threatened with fire and sword to be revenged upon the Venetians: which known at VENICE, much troubled them, as well acquainted with the fury of the old Archpyrat. Beside that, Ant. Barbarus their ambassador, all the time of this war kept in safe custody at CONSTANTINOPLE, had by letters certified them, what a great fleet, and what a strong army Selimus had provided against them: and that he himself told two hundred and fifty sail of galleys when they set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE, beside some other that were to meet with them at GALIPOLIS: and that therefore they should beware how they encountered with the Turks fleet, but upon equal strength. It was also at the same time commonly reported, that king Philip chief of the confederates, careless of the wars against the Turk in the East, was about to turn his forces upon the kingdoms of TUNES or ALGIERS, nearer unto him (as in deed he did the year following.) The Venetians entangled with so many difficulties, were even at their wit's end, and day by day the Senate sat from the rising of the Sun unto the going down of the same, consulting how all these mischiefs were to be remedied. But for as much as the greatest danger was to be feared from the Turks fleet, as then hovering even over their heads, they by letters commanded Fuscarinus their Admiral, That whether the confederates came unto him or not, he should forthwith take his course towards the East; and there according to the enemy's designs, and his own discretion and valour, to do what he should think best to be done for the common good of his country: and not to refuse to join with the enemy in battle, if he saw any good hope of victory. Neither ceased they at the same time (both by their ambassadors and letters) earnestly to call both upon the Pope and the king, to hasten their forces to encounter the enemy before he should come out of his own seas; and to carry the terror of the war home to his own doors, rather than to receive it at their own. The like message was also done to Don john, putting him in mind what his place, what the time, and what the danger of the time required: entreating him (if it were possible) of himself to add something unto that haste which the necessity of so important a cause required. Who nevertheless for all the messages and letters to him sent (which were many) went still on fair & softly, delaying from day to day; telling, that he would by and by come, and that the Spaniards would always be so good as their word. Which was so far from his thought, that afterwards finding one excuse after another, he not only stayed his coming, but called back again Requisenius also, whom he had sent before with 20 galleys to CORCYRA. Superantius hasteneth Don john Now were two months (fittest for the wars) vainly spent; when Superantius grieved to see time to no purpose so slip away, & fearing lest the rest of the Summer should to as small effect in like manner pass also, with great instance importuned him to hasten his journey. Then at length Don john answered, that the Venetians requested but reason, neither that he wished for any thing more than to satisfy their desires: but that a greater care hindered the less, which was first to be prevented: He was advertised (as he said) that the French king pretending the suppressing of certain pirates, had assembled a great fleet at ROCHEL, with purpose indeed to invade SPAIN, now that the king was busied in these wars against the Turk: & that therefore they must pardon him, if he preferred the regard of SPAIN before others, being expressly commanded from the king not to depart from MESSANA, until he had other commandment from him. But whether this his excuse by FRANCE, proceeded of a true fear or otherwise, the Venetians much doubted; and the rather, for that the French king understanding thereof by the Venetians, was therewith (as reason was) exceedingly offended: protesting, that he was ever so far from that purpose of hindering any the confederate princes in that their religious war, that if the troubles of his own country would have so permitted, he would gladly have given them aid therein. Many there were also, that thought, Envy the ancient enemy of virtue and valour, to have had a great power in this delay: doubting whether the Spaniards would more rejoice of the victory well hoped for, if they should join with the Venetians, or grieve if the same should by the Venetians be obtained without them. Superantius weary of discourses and long expectation, and almost out of hope of any help in time from the Spaniard; how untowardly soever things went, thought better yet warily to moderate his grief, than in so dangerous a time to give any occasion for the Spaniard to fall quite off. Yet spoke he not fauningly or flatteringly of the matter, but with a certain modest gravity declared, That he had thought heaven would sooner have fallen, than that Don john would not at the appointed time have come to CORCYRA. And withal besought him, and wished him to beware, that he brought not the common State into some great danger: if they had to do with such an enemy as might be delayed with, than he said he could easily abide delay; but now for that the war and the enemy was such; as wherein, or with whom never any General had dallied without loss, to what end did he longer defer or trifle out the time? or what other fleet did he expect? If they should divide their forces, than were they all too weak; but united together, strong enough to defend the common cause: The nearer the enemy came, the more haste were to be made to join with the Venetian fleet. And what could be (as he told him) more honourable or glorious, than for him a noble young gentleman royally descended, of whom the world had conceived a great hope, that he would in martial honour exceed the glory of his most famous ancestors, again to vanquish the proud Turk, the greatest and most mighty monarch of the world; to fight the battle of the highest, to assure the Christian commonweal against so puissant an enemy, and to purchase unto himself immortal glory and renown. As for the French, there was no such thing to be feared as was pretended, who with such slender preparation not worth the name of a fleet, was not so unadvised as to set upon a kingdom of such strength and power as SPAIN. Furthermore (he said) that it concerned not the Venetians more than the king himself, to have the Turk repressed whose kingdoms of NAPLES, SICILIA, and SPAIN, were no less than their territory, exposed to danger by sea. The good success of their affairs in the East, would open the way for the conquest of AFRICA: but if the Turk should prevail, than were they to despair, not of AFRICA, but of all ITALY, SICILY, yea and of SPAIN itself. The time (he said) and necessity of the war, with the extremity of the danger of the whole and common State, required that he should with all his power and speed possible, take upon him the defence of the common cause, or to say more truly of the Christian commonweal, than so dangerously impugned. These reasons drawn from the common good and the truth itself, Don john in doubt whether ●● send aid to the Venetians, or not. much moved the General: but the king's pleasure was to be preferred before all reasons or dangers that could be alleged. But hearing afterward what resolute command the Venetian Senate had sent unto their Admiral, he became exceeding careful: for he feared lest if the Admiral should without his help fight the battle and gain the victory, he would convert all the glory thereof unto himself; but if he should chance to be overthrown, it would turn to his utter reproach and perpetual infamy, that in so necessary a time he had withdrawn himself from the common cause. Wherefore as a man perplexed, and in doubt what to do, he stood for a while as one at his wit's end: yet at last, he upon deliberation resolved to take a middle course, and so neither without the command of the king (by whose prescript order, all was to be done) to depart with the fleet from MESSANA; neither altogether to frustrate the confederates of the expected aid. And to that purpose sent two and twenty galleys under the conduct of one Lily of ANDRADA (a noble gentleman) to the Venetian Admiral at CORCYRA; He sendeth Lily of Andrada with 22 galleys. with whom went also Columnius with the Pope's fleet. Now was Pius Quintus the late Pope dead, and Vgo Boncompanius by the name of Gregorius Decimus Tertius, Pope in his stead, who upon the same conditions with his predecessor, had entered into the league; and liking very well of Columnius, kept him still for his Admiral. Long had Fuscarinus expected the coming of the confederates, and albeit that the year was far spent, August being then come, and no such aid sent as he had expected; yet desiring to do something worth the remembrance and beseeming their honour, he earnestly persuaded Columnius and Lily to set forward with him toward the East, and with their united forces to give the enemy battle: telling them, That if they were all of like courage, they should go not only to the glory of the present battle, but to the great honour and advancement of the whole Christian commonweal. After that he extenuated the power of the enemy, saying, That he could not but marvel, from whence such a number of galleys as was reported, could so suddenly be gathered; or whereupon so great confidence and boldness was grown unto them, so lately overthrown and put to flight: The enemy's fleet (he said) was the year before overcome and dispersed, the captains and mariners slain; and that therefore it was not credible, that so many galleys could with such celerity be built, and such a number of mariners and masters as was needful, in so short time provided: That the provision of the enemy was by flying fame made far greater than indeed it was, or possibly could be; for why, they might easily guess what the enemy was able to do, by the Christians themselves, who could not without much ado and great labour build their fleets, and train up their mariners and masters: and that therefore letting fame fly, which commonly maketh things greater and more dreadful than they are, he was verily persuaded, that the enemy was glad to use most unskilful and ignorant as well mariners masters as soldiers; who suddenly taken up in the inland countries, and put into the galleys, knew not so much as the very names of the ropes and tackle, and other equippage: and then those galleys which they had, were like enough to be but weak, as of them which were the last year rend and bruised, and now again botched up; or in haste built of green timber, could not be nimble or greatly serviceable. Wherefore he exhorted them, as valiant men, to set forward against the enemy; and that with the greater courage, for that the last years victory had opened unto them the way for the gaining of another. Which if it should so fall out, as good hope there was, they should thereby take from the proud enemy both power and hope (but in long time) to be able to recover his strength at sea: so that they in the mean time without fear might at their pleasure take the rich islands in the ARCHIPELAGO. Now if the Turks declining battle, should retire themselves into the HELLESPONT, then might they with fire and sword spoil all the frontiers of their dominions on this side the straits, and open a way unto the Christians to do great matters. Hardly were Columnius and Lilly persuaded by the Admiral: neither did they thereunto give their consent, until it was decreed, That they should not in any case join battle with the enemy, but with their galleons and galleasses first placed in the front of the battle, in whom consisted the greatest hope of the victory. So setting forward toward the enemy, and come to COMMENTITIA, letters were brought unto them from Don john, certifying them, That he was now by letters from the king commanded to come towards the East, and to join his forces with the confederates; but yet that for certain days he could not come, until he were better provided of all things necessary: and that therefore they should in the mean time carefully look unto all things, promising so soon as he possibly could to come unto them. Upon these letters Columnius and Lilly began to doubt, Whether to go on further, or to expect the coming of the General: yet for as much as he had not expressly written any thing concerning their staying, and Fuscarinus urged them forwards, on they went, with the fleet divided into three battles. The whole fleet consisted of an hundred fifty five galleys, The number and order of the Christian fleet. six galleasses, and twenty tall ships: in the right wing was Superantius: in the left wing Canalius: and in the middle battle Columnius, Fuscarinus, and Lily: and in the rearward followed Quirinus. Before each battle went two of the galleasses, still in readiness for present battle. In this order they came first to ZACYNTHUS (commonly called ZANTO) and so to CERIGO: the next day after to COLVERARIA (commonly called DRAGONARIA, overagainst CERIGO:) Here Angelus Surianus, a valiant gentleman, sent before to discover the enemy and what strength he was of, returning unto the fleet, declared unto the Admiral, That the Turks fleet, consisting of an hundred and threescore galleys, threescore galliots, and four great ships, lay about MALVASIA, in the entrance of the bay called SINUS ARGOLICUS, upon the borders of PELOPONESUS, about fifty miles off from the Christian fleet. Shortly after the same fleet was again discovered, making for MALEA: whereupon the Christians before resolved to fight wheresoever they should meet the enemy, forthwith put themselves in order of battle, and so with their galleasses in the front, made with what speed they could toward him. The Christian fleet and the Turks almost equal. These two fleets were thought for many respects almost equal: the enemy was in number more, but inferior in strength. The Christian fleet by reason of the heaviness of the galleasses, made but small way; and the enemy afraid of the great store of ordinance the galleasses carried, durst not come near them. The Turks fleet was rather nimble than strong; but ours more firm and forward. Look wherein each exceeded the other, therewith they endeavoured to help themselves and annoy the enemy. The Christians fearing to be circumvented by the multitude of their enemies, opposed their ships and galleasses before them as a most sure fortress: and the Turk, by how much he had had the worse success the year before, was so much the more careful to beware how he endangered himself within the ●each of the galleasses. The Turk war●ly declineth battle. The Christians desired nothing more than to fight, & to come to handy blows: but the Turk, who thought it sufficient for the present not to be overcome, sometime made away as fast as he could, and by and by stayed again, if happily he might have taken the galleys separated from the galleys, never seeming willing to adventure further than reason and discretion were. The enemy seeing the Christian fleet coming still on, and ready to give battle, first seemed as if he would have done the like, but afterwards turned his course upon the right hand, and kept aloof alongst the coast of MALEA: At which time the Christians, although they were very desirous to have followed them, yet the Turks with their nimble fleet were quickly too far gone for the Christian fleet to overtake them, especially with their heavy ships. That day almost spent as it were in the chase of the enemy, towards the going down of the Sun the enemy put into the current of the sea betwixt CERIGO and the Heart's island, in breadth about ten miles; and there dividing their fleet into three parts, lay in good order, as expecting the coming of the Christians, with the prows of their galleys turned, as if upon the confidence of the place, which they had filled overthwart, they had purposed nothing more than to fight. Yet both fleets seemed resolved; the one not to fight without the galleasses, & the other not to come near those hot ships, from whom they had but the year before received so great harm. And although the enemy, Vluzales meaning nothing less, yet maketh show of battle. as was afterwards known, purposed nothing less than to fight, but upon great advantage: yet fearing by open flight to dishonour his lord and master, and by granting as it were of victory, to increase the fame of the Christians, the crafty pirate made a great show of that he lest indeed purposed. For pretending a great desire to fight, he indeed deluded the Christians hope: who although the wind had failed them, yet in hope the enemy would abide them battle, with much labour and rowing came so near him, that the great shot began to fly too and fro on both sides: but when the matter should have come to have been tried by dint of sword, The Turks politicly retire. than it plainly appeared what the enemy had indeed purposed; for still keeping the prows of his galleys upon the Christians, he by little and little shrunk back: and beside that the shadow of the night began then to approach, he caused all his great ordinance, charged only with powder, to be shot off, and so in the thick of the smoke retired unseen; colouring his subtle departure also by certain lights left in their cocke-boats, making show as if the whole fleet had still there stayed. By this means the Turks with great celerity escaped, being also holpen in this, that the Christians hindered by the heaviness of the galleasses, could not but fair and softly pursue them: for these galleasses, as they are vessels of great service, so are they also heavy and unwieldy, and not fit for chase. The departure of the enemy at length known, the Christians also unwilling to fight by night, returned to CERIGO. Two days after the Turks stayed in the bay of TENARUS, now called METAPAN, and the Christians at CERIGO; contented in that, that the enemy was the cause that the battle was not fought, and reckoning his wary and covert declining of battle, The Christians desirous of battle, go against the Turks. as a secret confession of the victory. The third day after, the Christians desirous of nothing more than to join in battle with the enemy, in their former order set forward from CERIGO, and sailing all the night, were in the break of the day descried from land by the Turks: whereupon Vluzales by shooting off of certain warning pieces, commanded all his men to go aboard, and to put themselves in readiness for battle. And now the Christians were not far off, when as the Turks (lest declining of battle might reprove them of fear) came out of the haven, with their fleet divided into three battles: whereof the left wing was extended a great way into the sea, the right wing still keeping near unto the main, and in the middle battle was Vluzales himself: who came all on no faster than the tide drove them, staying their course oft times of purpose, to have drawn the galleys of the Christians from the galleasses and ships. Vluzales seeing his fleet thus in order, and fearing nothing more than the galleasses, commanded both the wings of his fleet (having in each of them fourscore galleys) to fetch a great compass about, the one on the right hand, and the other on the left, aloof off from the galleasses, and so to assail the wings of the Christians on the sides or behind: in hope so to have disordered their battle, and without danger to have drawn the galleys from the galleasses and the other heavy ships. Which their intent the Christians perceiving, in their wings turned about their galleys also, in manner of the new Moon, their main battle still facing the middle battle of the Turks. The wings of the Turks fleet thus far separated from the middle battle, seemed to present unto the Christians a great advantage: which Fuscarinus (intentive to all the offers of good fortune) quickly perceiving, and calling unto Columnius and Lilly, and showing them the enemies main battle at hand, and the wings gone a great way off, requested and persuaded them, That not staying for the heavy ships and galleasses, they would with him upon the sudden assail the enemies middle battle, now destitute of the wings: not doubting, but so to overthrow the enemy's greatest strength there, before the wings could, now they were so far gone, join themselves to the battle again. What could as he said have happened more wishedly, than to have their battle divided? So that they might at more advantage fight against every part thereof, now separated, than against all three parts at once. If they had thought themselves not only equal, but too strong for the whole enemies fleet united, should they not the better overcome them apart and dispersed? The opportunity he said was but short, and therefore to be forthwith resolved upon. If they would take the present occasion of victory then offered, and as resolute men charge their enemies, little fearing any such thing, they should by their celerity and valour teach the Turks, what the Christian discipline of war and power was able to do: but if they would therein use delay, they should ere long in vain wish for the like occasion they had let slip, when as their battle was again strengthened with the wings. This the Admiral's speech was of most that heard it joyfully received, and his counsel well liked; and that with such a general cheerfulness of the soldiers, as showed in them no want of courage to have given the enemy present battle. But Columnius and Lilly being of the same mind they had been always, said it were dangerous so to do, for fear of drawing the whole three battles of the enemy at once upon them, against which they should be too weak, without the help of the galleasses and heavy ships▪ and therefore said flatly, That without those vessels, so much feared of their enemies, they would not in any case hazard the fortune of a battle. But whether Columnius and Lilly were of that opinion, for that they so thought, or were so charged by Don john (of whom they altogether depended) not to fight in his absence, many doubted. The wings of the Christians in turning about to confront the wings of the enemy, were a little disordered: which the Turks perceiving, and taking the present opportunity, with fifteen of their galleys were about to have charged the straggling galleys. Which Superantius perceiving, to stay their course, went out courageously against them with four galleys, and made with them a great fight: in the heat whereof, Superantius seeing forty more of the enemy's galleys making towards him, and doubting to be enclosed, with all speed sent for relief, which came presently in, namely, twenty galleys; with two of the galleasses: which forthwith sent their thundering shot so thick and furiously amongst their enemies, that in a little time eighteen of their galleys were by them all rent and torn; and the Turks therewith dismayed, were glad in such haste to return, as if they had rather fled than retired. Superantius having in that fight but one of his galleys shot through, returned again unto his place. Of this light fight many deemed what would have been the event of the whole battle, if the opinion of Fuscarinus had prevailed. Both the fleets falling again into their order, although the Christians could not so fast follow, as the Turks went before them; yet came they so near them, that oftentimes they changed bullets, as well with their small shot as their great. And yet for all that, it was by many signs gathered, that neither the Turks would abide present battle, neither the Christians longer delay, if by their enemies they so might. The Christians had agreed (as is before said) not to join in battle without their galleasses and tall ships: which Vluzales well understood both by the fugitives and his own espials, as also by their manner of sailing. And he himself although he had no great desire to fight: yet to be the better able to frustrate the endeavours of the Christians, who with great labour drew with them the galleasses and other heavy ships, sent his chargeable great ships to MALVASIA, there to be unrigged; whereby he discharged himself of a great burden, and made himself able at his own choice and pleasure to leave or take, to fight or not: and also with such soldiers and other necessaries as were in the same great ships, supplied the wants of his whole fleet. By which policy the matter was brought to that pass, that if the Christians would needs draw the enemy to battle, they must of necessity forsake their galleasses, their most assured strength: or if they would not leave them, than they could not by any means enforce the ready enemy to fight. The day now declining, the enemy supposing himself to have done enough for that time, both for the abating of the heat of the Christians, The Turks fleet at Corona, and the Christians at Cerigo. and encouraging of his own people, in seemly order, as one not afraid, sailed with his fleet to CORONA. The Christians in like manner retiring themselves to CERIGO. Whilst things thus went, Don john sendeth word to the fleet to meet him at Zacynthu●. Don john by a frigate sent of purpose gave knowledge to the fleet, that he was come to CORCYRA, sharply blaming the great commanders for their departure, and that they stayed not for his coming: and further commanded them as their General, all other things set apart, forthwith to meet him at ZACYNTHUS, there to resolve of all matters. Columnius wholly devoted to the Spaniards, and preferring the favour of Don john before the rest, hearing this message, was in such haste to have returned, that he would have persuaded Fuscarinus to have left the heavy vessels and other weak galleys at CERIGO, and with an hundred of the best galleys with all speed to have returned to the General. Of which opinion was also Lilly. But Fuscarinus more careful than the rest, as he whom the danger more concerned, would not yield to that persuasion: for that in so doing they should (as he said) leave the ships and galleasses, the chief part of their strength, in danger to be spoiled by the enemy; whom they now kept at a bay, without the help of the General; and should, as he well hoped, by often provoking of him, at one time or other draw him to battle, and have over him a notable victory. And therefore requested them for the love of God, and the zeal they bore unto the common good of all Christendom, not to depart further off, nor to suffer the enemy to escape out of their hands, neither by their departure to leave the islands of the Venetians subject to the fury of the enemy: whereas the General might at his pleasure and without danger come unto them, they lying betwixt the enemy and him. But Columnius and Lilly resolutely set down, hap what hap should, to do what Don john had commanded, would not listen unto the reasonable persuasions of the Venetian Admiral, but told him flatly, That if he would not in that they had said yield unto them, they would forthwith leave him unto himself, and with their galleys presently return to ZACYNTHUS, as the General had commanded. Whilst they were yet thus discoursing, news was brought, That the enemy was come with his fleet into the fret of CERIGO: which caused them all with one consent to resolve in such order to pass by the enemy, as if they should have given him present battle: whereas before, they were determined by the persuasion of ●uscarinus, to have gone to CRETE, and there leaving the ships and galleasses in safety, to have afterwards returned to the General. In such order the Christians passed by the enemy's fleet, which lay still in the fret of the sea without moving, standing as it were rather upon the guard of themselves, than resolved for battle. In three days sailing they came to ZACYNTHUS, where they found not Don john, but two of his galleys, and commandment, that they should there leave their heavy ships, and with their galleys come to CEPHALENIA, where they should not fail to meet him. Hereupon the Venetians were exceedingly grieved, and muttered through the whole fleet, That the Spaniards bearing themselves upon their wealth, were too proud, and in comparison of themselves regarded neither the conditions of the league, neither any other man's credit, but trod all men underfoot; and would now use the Venetians not as their friends and confederates, but as their slaves and vassals, feeding them in the mean time but with vain hope. Yet for as much as the time and necessity so required, they were content to be overruled: and so leaving their ships and galleasses at ZACYNTHUS, Don john sendeth for the fleet to Cephalenia, where he also faileth to meet them. went with the rest of the fleet to CEPHALENIA: whither Don john was not yet come, but had sent word thither, That if they had any desire to join their forces with his, they should yet come further back unto him to CORCYRA. This message, which they had rather feared than expected, much troubled the Venetians: who readier to suspect every mischief, Don john commandeth the fleet to repair unto him to Corcyra. than to hope for any good, began to fret and complain, That the Spaniards could very well tell the Venetians what they had to do, and forget in the mean time what was on their own part to be performed. A hard thing it was to say (and yet to be said) that now they had more to do with those their dallying friends and confederates, than with their enemies: for with their enemies they were to fight but in time of battle, but with them they were to wrestle and strive at all times and in all places. They were by them (as they said) drawn from the sight of their enemies, when as they might have been overthrown: not to the intent that with their united forces they might more safely fight against them, or under the conduct of Don john gain the victory; but rather lest any thing should have been done, which might be to the honour or profit of the Venetians: and that time which was to have been bestowed in the managing of the war, spent in linger and delaying, and vain going forward and backward to no purpose. One only way there was (as they said) to have dispatched with the Turk, which was, by overcoming him in another notable battle, and so to have utterly broken his strength at sea: which course the confederates made no less difficult by their ofwardnesse and delays, than the enemy by declining of battle: That they had long ago by many secret signs probably conjectured, that the Spaniards had more care to hinder and cross other men's doings, than to do any thing of themselves: That their endeavours were, to frustrate those great hopes which promised unto the Christian commonweal the greatest felicity and happiness, together with immortal glory: and, That the Turks, of late discouraged with the fortunate proceedings of the Christians, might again rejoice at their mishaps. The Venetians, notwithstanding all these their murmuring speeches, loath to fall off from the Spaniard, The Christian fleet altogether at Corcyra, setteth forward again towards the enemy. kept still on with the rest until they came to Don john at CORCYRA, who then lay with three and fifty galleys and eighteen ships at SPILCA, in the uttermost end of the island. At their first meeting, Don john showed himself not a little offended, that they had not with more duty before attended his coming: and they again not a little complained of his long stay, with many other their grievances, which were tedious here to rehearse. The fleet now all with much ado at length met together, which consisted of two hundred galleys, nine galleasses, and thirty six tall ships: it was by general consent agreed, that they should again set forward toward the enemy. They were not yet under sail, when two of their espials brought them news, that the enemy's fleet (weakly furnished both of mariners and soldiers) was come to NAVARINUM: which filled them all with good hope, that the Turks fleet so evil provided, might in that place upon the sudden be easily oppressed; and the rather, if they came upon them unexpected. Wherefore, because they would not be descried, they kept not their course on right forth, but sailing by night, kept aloof upon the right hand: and having passed ZACYNTHUS, came with great silence unto the STROPHADES, where they lay at anchor all that day. In the evening they loosed thence, so casting their course, that the more to terrify the enemy they might before day fall upon him; and be seen in the mouth of the haven where he lay, before there could be any report made of their coming thither. But this course so well set, the time was so evil cast, that it was fair day long before they could come to the appointed place; when the Turks out of their watch towers discovering a far off the coming of the Christian fleet, gave warning thereof unto their fellows: whereupon an alarm was presently raised in the town, and all men in arms ran headlong to the walls and to the haven. But the Turks out of hope with their evil rigged fleet to be able to withstand the Christians, and not daring to trust to that weak harbour, and all now in a great hurly burly, ran confusedly hand over head, soldiers and mariners aboard: and whilst they had yet time, got them in haste out of that harbour, and as men chased by their enemies got them into safe harbour at MODON, a strong town of PELOPONESUS about six miles off. Columnius was sent before the rest of the fleet to have pursued them: but they were got so far before him, that they had recovered the harbour before he could overtake any of them. The Christians offer the Turks battle. The Christian fleet coming before the harbour, and leaving a space as it were of purpose for the enemy to come out into, there lay in the face of the town, daring the Turks battle. But when they had so lain almost all that day, and no man durst come out; and now toward the evening certain signs of tempest appeared, the Christians fearing to be by force of weather driven on ground, put farther off again to sea. Then at length Vluzales sent out certain light galleys to follow in the tail of the fleet, when the confederates suddenly staying their course, and turning their prows upon them, drove them headlong again into the harbour: and afterwards retired themselves with the whole fleet into the islands OENVSae, now called SAPIENTIA, right opposite against MODON. The next day wanting fresh water, they removed unto the bay of MESSENA, there to water in the mouth of the river Pamisus, which there falleth into the sea: where in passing by CORONE, they were oftentimes shot at out of the town; and landing their men to water, were encountered by certain troops of horsemen, sent for that purpose by Vluzales. There was water dearly bought with the lives of many there slain on both sides: in the end, the Christian's prevailing, watered, and so again returned unto the OENVSae from whence they came. METHONE or MODON (for it is by both names known) standeth almost in an island stretching far into the sea, The description of the bay of Modon. where toward the West runneth out a long point of the land a great way into the sea; in the uttermost part whereof, standeth a great round tower. The town itself is on the one side enclosed with the sea, and toward the land so strongly fortified, as that it seemeth almost impregnable. Towards the South cometh in a fair bay about three miles wide, safe from all winds except the Northerly wind only: and shut up by a little island in the mouth of the bay, maketh a safe and quiet harbour, with two entrances thereinto on either side of the island. Within this bay lay the Turks fleet, with the sternes of their galleys toward the land, and their prows towards the sea. At the Southerly coming in of the bay standeth an hill, which the inhabitants call ALBUS; on the top whereof, the enemy had placed six great pieces of ordinance, wherewith to keep the Christians from entering that way. So had they also upon that point of the main, which (as we said) runneth out from the town, and upon S. Bernard's rock, planted other great pieces of ordinance to defend that passage also. The Christians coming unto the mouth of the bay, there lay with their fleet divided into four parts, but yet doubtful what to do: for beside that the entrances of the bay were but narrow, they were also far more dangerous to be entered, by reason of the great ordinance planted upon them. Nevertheless, the Venetian Admiral in hope of good success, and loath to let the fearful enemy so to escape out of their hands, would feign have persuaded the General, with his whole fleet to have entered the bay, and there in the harbour to have oppressed the enemy: which he showed to be no 〈◊〉 to do, for that the enemy was too weak in strength, and could not be from land relieved. In which doing, they should indeed overthrow but one fleet; but in the overthrowing of that one▪ cut in sunder all the sinews of the Turkish empire by sea: and raising a tumult in the bay, and filling all with a general fear, should undoubtedly at the first onset put the enemy to flight▪ Which done, what should let, but that carrying about with them the terror of the victory, they should with their victorious fleet, ●ake from the Turk all the islands of the AEGEAN▪ That truly and wisely it was said of Themistocles, That whosoever had the command of the sea, must needs also prevail in the rest, and at length carry away the victory by land also. It was (as he said) the part of good chieftains, not to be wanting unto themselves when occasion was offered: besides that, they were the same Turks whom they had but the year before vanquished; and what had that one year either taken from them, or given vn●● the Turks? or what should they fear six pieces of ordinance mounted upon an hill, who if they ●hould undertake the battle, were not to fear the great store of ordinance in two hundred and threescore of the enemy's galleys and galliots? I myself (said he) will be the guide and leader, in whatsoever shall seem most difficult and dangerous: and will in person myself be the first that shall enter the harbour, and adventure the first danger. Great victories (he said) were not to be gained but with great adventures; and that therefore the matter were to be hasted, before more aid should be sent unto the Turks. Wherefore they should as resolute men attempt that, the Turks thought the Christians durst not to have attempted; and with the same courage break into the bay, wherewith they had but the year before broken the strength of the same enemy; and by the power of God, carry away another notable triumph of the vanguished Turks: who overcome in a second battle at sea, Don john refuseth to follow the counsel of the Admiral. must needs depart with all their maritime territories. With evil liking of the Spaniards was the Venetian Admiral heard. And Don john the General, deeming both the time and place unfit for the attempting of so great an exploit; rehearsed on the one side, the strength of the enemy, the disadvantage of the place, the difficulty of the battle, with the manifold and great calamities received by the overhasty and rash attempts of their enemies: That the enemy's strength was not to be so much deemed by the eye, or by report, as by reason; and that many in seeking to increase their former glory, had in so doing overthrown the same: That the Christians in entering and adventuring the harbour, should on the one side be beaten with the artillery from the hill; and on the other with the artillery out of the castle of MODON: And that it was not like, that Vluzales should if need were, lack aid from land, who but the other day had sent great troops of horsemen to have kept the Christians from watering: That a matter of so great importance, was (by Fuscarinus his leave) not rashly to be taken in hand, upon an heat and haughtiness of stomach, but upon grave and mature deliberation: for if they should in a place of so great disadvantage, hazard the fortune of a general battle, it should seem that either he knew not that kind of fight, and force of the enemy, or else would make the bay of MODON more famous by the overthrow of the Christians, than was the CURZULARI by the slaughter of the Turks. Then what a shame would it be, if they which were about to oppress the enemy's fleet, should themselves be overthrown, and that in their own devise. He had rather (as he said) preserve his own fleet, than to take six hundred of the enemy's galleys; and to account the same for a greater honour. Which he determined not, for that he would not have any thing done, but that unripe occasions should not be too much hastened, and as it were thrust headlong forward: whereas time would give opportunity for the overthrow of the Turks fleet, so that they ran not blindly on headlong: and that in future time, the Venetians would rejoice that they had so moderated their desires. The Christians (he said) had sufficiently prevailed, if those things should fall out well, which were warily and advisedly considered and resolved upon. The matter thus on both sides debated, and nothing done, they returned with the fleet into the port of NAVARINUM. This proceeding, as it diversly moved the Spaniards and the Venetians, so brought it forth divers speeches, every man speaking in favour of his own nation. The Spaniard openly vaunted, that he had most providently resolved; for that how dear the counsel of the Venetian Admiral would have cost if it had been followed, the thing itself (as he said) showed, by the extreme danger thereof presented, not in the doubtful opinion of men, but laid open before their eyes. The Venetians on the other side more desirous of battle, the nearer they had seen the opportunity to have prevailed upon the enemy, the more impatiently they endured so assured a victory to have been let slip out of their hands: and thereof spoke accordingly. The Christians lying at NAVARINUM, The Castle of Modon in vain besieged by the Christians. consulted of many things what they were best to take in hand: and resolving at last by sea and land to besiege the castle of MODON, which kept the passage into the bay, and defended the Turks fleet; they returned again thither, and landed seven thousand of their best soldiers to besiege the castle. And at the same time, appointed the galleasses with certain galleys to batter it also from sea: which the more commodiously to do, they joined two of their greatest galleys together side to side, which they made fast with masts and strong ropes, and so bourded them clean over, whereon as on a platform, they placed gabions all affront, filled with earth, and great ordinance betwixt to have battered the castle. But when this engine (in manner of a floating fort) should have performed the service for which it was devised, it proved unserviceable, after it had with much ado been brought thither, being ready to sink with the weight of the great ordinance and other things wherewith it was overcharged. For which cause, and for that they understood a great number of horsemen to be come into the town, they gave over the siege vainly begun, and put again with their fleet to sea. It fortuned at the same time, that a tall ship of VENICE departing from ZACYNTHUS, and coming alongst the coast of PELOPONESUS with provision for the fleet, was descried by the enemy; who thinking to do the Christians a great dishonour, if they could almost in the sight of their fleet surprise her, they sent out certain light galleys to have taken her; Vluzales in the mean time with the rest of his fleet, lying in the very mouth of the bay, ready to come out if the Christian fleet should once stir to relieve her. Which the Christians perceiving, and well hoping that so the enemy would be drawn to battle, sent out Columnius with his galleys to rescue the ship; and others also which lying aloof, might get in betwixt the Turks galleys and the bay: Don john and the Venetian Admiral, lying ready to have given battle, if Vluzales should have come forth. But the Christians coming on with a small gale, the enemy being afraid, by shooting off of certain warning pieces within the bay, in time called back the galleys that were already gone out of the bay: who all forthwith came in, excepting Mahomet the nephew of Barbarussa, a most famous captain amongst the Turks, who as one of great courage, and desirous of honour, stayed a little without the bay, with greater courage than discretion, expecting who should assail him. Him the Marquis S. Crucis set upon, and had with him a great and terrible fight: but in the end, Mahomet slain. the Marques prevailing, slew Mahomet with all his Turks, and with honour carried away the galley. So the dishonour which Vluzales would have done the Christians, fell upon himself, having in his own sight lost one of his best captains with his galley. The next day, because the year should not pass without something done, nor the hope of so great a preparation come to nothing, the Christians determined to besiege the castle of NAVARINUM (which was in ancient time called PYLUS) more famous for nothing, than for that it was the native place of old Nestor. The city of NAVARINUM standeth upon a rising ground, stretching somewhat into the sea; whereinto it hath a large prospect, and a fair large haven, but subject to the Northwind. It is defended with a point of the main running compass into the sea, whereon standeth an old castle. Some sent before to view the situation of the place, brought word back, The prince of Parma in vain besiegeth Navarinum. that the castle might in three days be won. The performance of which exploit, was committed to Alexander Farnesius prince of PARMA, whom the Venetians furnished with munition and victual. He landing with two thousand Italians, a thousand Spaniards, and five hundred Germans, began with twelve great pieces to batter the castle. And albeit that the battery was planted so far off, as that it did the enemy no great harm; yet happily the enterprise had taken effect, if by taking the strait and troublesome passages through a rough and thick forest, the city had been kept from relief: but for as much as those passages were left free, the enemy cunningly opposed policy against force, for sallying out of the city, they gave the Christians an hot skirmish: and in the mean time whilst the Christians were so busied, by a port toward the forest on the other side of the city, received in great number both of horse and foot. The report of this new come aid caused the prince to raise his siege, and to go again aboard. And now rested all the hope of the gaining of the town in the strength of the fleet: and that not small, for that the Turks not relieved with victuals by land, were by the confederates kept from them also by sea: for at that time the Turks were troubled with two great mischiefs, the plague, and famine. For no provision had there been made, as in a thing not feared; and that little being spent that was in the town, they were enforced to seek for victuals further off: which coming but sparingly, as in time of dearth, was oftentimes by the way intercepted by the soldiers that lay about in the country villages, wanting victuals no less than they in the city. And the more men the Beglerbeg of GREECE brought down for defence of the sea towns, so much the more the wants of all things daily increased. So that no man doubted, but that in short time all would be brought to extreme penury. What a death the mortality had made, the want of men in the galleys well declared: for many of the galleys for lack of mariners and soldiers were sent away into EVBoeA, The weakness of the Turks fleet. or left at MALVASIA, or carried away to CONSTANTINOPLE. Those which stayed in the bay of MODON, were scarce an hundred galleys, and forty galliots: and they so slenderly manned, that the greatest galleys had scarcely an hundred and twenty men left in them, and they so meigre and faint, as that they could scarcely hold up their weapons. The Christians understanding of these things, were in good hope, that by continuing the siege, they should without danger gain a notable victory: For which cause Fuscarinus persuaded the Spaniards, of whose constancy he doubted, to hold it out, as men of resolution; showing them, that in the event of this action rested for them for ever to be feared or contemned of the Turks: who except they should be changed into fishes or into birds, could not (as he said) without a notable overthrow escape their hands out of the Bay. But unto this his hope and counsel the event was not correspondent: For the Spaniards, whether it were for the tediousness of the siege, or for want of victuals, or for the approach of Winter, or else moved with some other reasons, began to think of the matter diversly: and at the first a report was raised, That the Christians giving over the siege, would shortly return home: and the reason was, for that they wanted biscuit, and had scarcely victuals left for fifteen days, which was to be reserved for their long journey home: Besides that, the approach of Winter did call them from the action: and that having done what they might, they could never draw the enemy forth to battle; and that therefore having sufficiently and as far as was possible already discharged their duties, they were now also to regard their safety, and to foresee that their fleet, wherein the welfare of them all was reposed, were not too far endangered. At the first these speeches were divulged by the common soldiers and mariners of small credit or reputation; but afterwards by more, and they also men of better place and sort: Yea Don john himself, whether it were to some other purpose, or that he so spoke in good earnest, began to lay the fault upon others, why that he, so lately come from MESSANA, should in so short time want victuals and all things else necessary. The Venetians murmur against the Spaniards. With these unexpected reports, and so far different from the confederation, the Venetian Admiral with the rest of the Venetian commanders were exceedingly troubled and grieved above measure: for it seemed not credible, that they which but a little before were come from the most fertile and plentiful country of SICILIA, in all ages the most faithful and abundant granary and storehouse of ITALY, both in peace and war, could so soon want victuals. Could eighteen tall ships (which ought by the capitulations of the league to have come loaded with biscuit, victuals, and other warlike and necessary provision) become empty? or but to have brought so much as might but suffice for a month only? If this were done without the knowledge of Don john, where was then the care of a General? If he winking thereat, where was his zeal to the confederation? or to what purpose came he to CORCYRA? was it to avert the Christian fleet (having once or twice met with the enemy) from doing any good upon him? Could it come into any man's head (besides that in so doing he was therein to extinguish the glory of a most certain victory, like to work the Turks confusion) by the infamy of a voluntary return to increase the glory and renown of his enemy, and bring a perpetual ignominy and disgrace unto the honour of the Christians? verily the Spaniards, therein to show themselves not so willing to have the power of the Turks abated, as the strength of the Venetians not increased. These things Fuscarinus and the Venetians sometimes fretted at amongst themselves; The Venetian Admiral persuadeth the Spaniards in no case to return from the enemy. and otherwhiles the Admiral himself expostulated the same with Don john and Columnius: and in the presence of the greatest counsellors showed, not only how profitable but also how necessary perseverance was in all martial affairs: That it was an old and usual matter for men in besieging of their enemies to suffer many difficulties: if they should, having performed nothing, return with the fleet, who would doubt but that both their labour and charge was again the next year to be renewed? And what could this delay be else, but a prorogation of their further calamities? That therefore it much concerned the Christian commonweal, although they had not all things in abundance, yet resolutely and with patience to endure the scarcity of victuals. If want of biscuit were feared, the General might easily remedy that matter, by speedily sending for those ships which lay laded with victuals good store at TARENTUM; which thing might in short time be performed. In the mean time he promised to supply the Spaniards wants with part of his own store: and that he had rather his men should live with roots, than to let the enemies fleet cooped up, so to escape his hands: That the desire to protect the honour of the Christians, would overcome all difficulties. Besides that, the matter would be but short, if it were done at once, in one continued course; and would undoubtedly be by them performed, if they gave not over the thing they had so well begun, until they had accomplished it. They (as he said) might in good safety lie with their fleet in the ports of NAVARINUM, SAPIENTIA, and CAPRARIA: whereas the enemy, lying shut up in the bay of MODON, should have but a bad and dangerous Winter harbour; and October being now begun, should in short time be in danger to perish with blustering storms and rage of the sea, familiar unto that time of the year; or else enforced with the extremity of the weather, and with want, to adventure into the open sea and with their weak forces to join battle. What should therefore let, why they should not for ten or for fifteen days continue the siege, as best beseemed the honour of themselves, the valour of their soldiers, and worthiness of the Christian name? What a terror it would be unto the enemy, to see the Christians ready to endure all extremities and wants to gain the victory over the Turks? Again, what dishonour and discredit would it be unto themselves, if they should suffer the enemy (shut up and not daring to fight) to escape: especially, when as they might sitting still, end the war? The Senate of VENICE he said most rested upon the valour and courage of Don john, and therefore he requested him not to deceive the great hope they had of him conceived: For how much should he himself blemish his own honour, if when he had before relieved the afflicted state of the commonweal, he should now, when it was most of all to be holpen, forsake the same? Which should not be much unlike, as if a man should with great labour purchase great store of precious pearls, and upon an humorous passion cast them all into th● sea: That men generally held a great opinion of him the General, an honourable remembrance of his victory, and regard of his valour; all which, how much the more pregnant and honourable should they be, by the second vanquishing and subduing the most mighty monarch of the world: And that if the action well begun should be effectually prosecuted by the goodness of God, the direction of the commanders, and the resolution of the soldiers, in short time the Christians should carry the victory from the Turks, and make him their General equal not only with the great cheefetaines of the present time, but even with the most famous commanders of all former ages. Don john replieth upon the Venetian Admiral Whereunto Don john replied, That the action then in hand no less concerned the Spaniards than the Venetians: and that he had in his life desired nothing more, than to stand the Christian commonweal in stead: That he pointed at the same mark with Fuscarinus, and in zeal to do good unto the Christian commonweal, gave place to no man; but indeed to perform it, was a thing much more difficult than to say it: Lesser things he said were to be overpassed, to reserve themselves for the performance of greater: and therefore marveled that Fuscarinus alone could not see things most manifest before his eyes, who otherwise could with his piercing wit see through the deepest matters: Could he think by any other means to abate the power of the Turk, than if they kept their fleet whole? That it was ever the manner of the greatest and most worthy commanders, rather to shun the present dangers, than to increase their territories: That nothing was so well purposed, which might not be of some wrongfully suspected: but his faithful meaning to be pure and without spot; and albeit that the opportunity served not for him to show it, yet was his desire and endeavour nothing the less: And that Fuscarinus should do well more intentively to consider, what the cause, the matter, and the time required: That the manner of war at land and at sea, were much different: And that although wars of both sorts were to give place unto the most unseasonable time of the year, unfit for any kind of war; yet might men at land, better endure the winter storms in their tents and cabins than at sea in their galleys, where oftentimes, will, skill, wisdom, nor valour help not: but that (except it be so provided and foreseen, that the seasonable time of the year, and commodious for sailing may be taken) all must together perish by shipwreck. What, would he have them to strive above their power with the winter storms, and famine, the greatest extremities of nature? Besides that, he was verily persuaded, that the Turks enjoying the commodities of a good harbour, and of a rich city, would there in safety winter; the country of PELOPONESYS relieving them with all necessaries: When as the Christians in the mean time, except they in time returned home, should lie exposed to the rage of the sea, standing as it were in a continual watch, not laying away their weapons in the depth of winter and dead time of the year, which in reason ought to give rest to all men. And that therefore every man ought for the present to bear his own grievances, and not by the harms of his friends and confederates, to seek his own avail. And that he, bearing himself upon the inward integrity of his good will toward the Venetians, would this say, howsoever Fuscarinus should understand it, That if the king's fleet should by long staying there perish, it would no less concern the Venetians than the king himself: and taking God to witness, would solemnly promise, Nothing to be unto him more leifer or religious, than to be priest so soon as the time of the year would give leave, and by his endeavour to make all men to know, that he had no less care of the Venetian State than of the king's affairs; neither desired any thing more, than to be accounted, and in deed to be, a most constant upholder of that most Christian league; and that beyond all expectation, even in the judgement of the Venetians themselves: but for the present they must pardon him, if he gave place unto the necessity of the time. As for the offer of the communicating of their victuals, that would not be any help, but the destruction of both the fleets; for so they should both sooner feel the want: wherefore it were much better to preserve the fleet which they might use in the next years wars, than wilfully to cast away the same by famine, and the rage of the sea. In brief, what an indignity should the Christians sustain, if they themselves should by the same means be overthrown, whereby they had thought to have overthrown others. The Spaniards about to return without the knowledge of the Venetians. Now the Spaniards were so resolutely set down for their departure, that not only without the consent of the Venetians, but even without their privity, their departing was resolved upon, and secret commandment given unto the masters of the galleys, with all the haste that might be, to depart thence to MESSANA. Which the Venetian Admiral understanding, and therewith troubled as with an unexpected matter, came aboard the General, and greatly complained of his purpose, for so sudden a departure: requesting him a while to stay, until the two galleys made fast together in the harbour of NAVARINUM (as is before said) with the ordinance upon them, might be put in good safety; and neither they, or any thing else left for a prey unto the enemy. With much ado, Fuscarinus persuaded him to stay that night, that those galleys might be brought out of the harbour, and all things put in order for their departure. The rest of the night was spent in debating of the matter too and fro: where Don john would needs have it conceived into a public instrument in writing, That the fleet by the general consent of the three Admirals, returned for lack of victuals: whereunto the Venetian Admiral hardly consented. But when the instrument should have been made and confirmed, Don john better advised by one of his secretaries, That the same would redound unto the great dishonour both of the king and himself, that the fleet coming out of the fruitful country of SICILIA, should in a months space want victuals; changed his mind for the writing, and only requested the Venetian Admiral to credit him and Columnius, in that they had said concerning the want of victuals: promising him, that if upon the way he should meet with the victuals that were sent for, he would forthwith return and give him aid, as the time and occurrents should require: but in the mean time to proceed by common consent, to do that which was most needful. Hereupon they returned: and coming to CORCYRA, they met the expected ship laded with victuals. Now is not Fuscarinus unmindful of his duty, but coming to Don john, put him in remembrance of his promise; telling him, That it was not unlike, but that the enemy so soon as he understood of their departure, would come out of the bay, and return with his fleet towards CONSTANTINOPLE; and being but weakly man●●d, and worse furnished of mariners, might easily be overtaken upon the way, and overthrown. But Don john was not by any means to be thereunto persuaded, pretending, that he was by the king commanded forthwith to return. So the expectation of great matters to have been this year done, came to nought but vanished into smoke: and nothing performed worth so long a discourse, more than to see with what difficulty great actions are managed, wherein the hands of many great ones are required; who jealous of their own honour, or envying at others, corrupt with delays the fairest opportunities, and by their cross dealing, no less than the enemy, hinder the common good whereat they would all feignest seem to aim. From CORCYRA Don john departed to MESSSANA, and Columnius unto ROME. Fuscarinus with greater honour than success, returned to VENICE; where he was with great joy received, both of the Senate and the citizens in general: and so (no less famous for his patience and moderation towards the other confederates, than for his policy and valour) with the good liking of all men gave up his charge, in few years after to receive a greater. About this time, Am●da the exiled king of Tu●●● craveth aid of Don john. Amida king of TUNES (of whom much is before spoken in the life of Solyman) being but a little before driven out of his kingdom by the Turks (who had of long by little and little encroached upon him) and as a private man lived in exile with his two sons at GULETTA with Franciscus Tovares Governor thereof: hearing of the great overthrow of the Turks at LEPANTO, and of the good success of the Christians, sent ambassadors to Don john General of the confederate princes then lying in SICILIA, humbly requesting his aid for the recovery of his kingdom, promising to defray the whole charges of the war, and for ever to hold his kingdom of the king of SPAIN, as his vassal and tributary. Which his request well considered of, and the matter thought of no small consequence, for the safety of the Christian countries lying over against that part of AFRICA, to have so dangerous an enemy removed: Don john the year following (in the beginning of October) by the commandment of the king of SPAIN his brother, 1573 departing from DREPANUM in SICILIA with an hundred and five galleys and forty ships, arrived the next day about noon at GULETTA, where the galleys of MALTA came unto him; and shortly after, Io. Andreas Auria the Admiral with nineteen more; and Columnius the Pope's Admiral with fourteen more, all well appointed. At his arrival at GULETTA, he understood by Amida and the Governor, the whole estate both of the city, and of the kingdom of TUNES: and that the Turks and Moors, terrified with so great a fleet, were about to forsake the city. Wherefore having well viewed the place, he the next day after landed his forces about four miles from the city, and sent 2500 footmen before the rest of the army to the city; who found it all desolate, the Turks and Moors being before for fear fled, some to CARAVANA, some to BISERTA: who entering without resistance, came to the castle, wherein they found two hundred Moors, who said, they kept it for Amida their king; but yet would by no means suffer the Christians to enter. All which was forthwith made known to Don john, who then because it was almost night would not move, but early the next morning set forward with his whole army: and entering the city before abandoned by the inhabitants, and so coming to the castle, found nothing therein, but great store of oil, butter, and wool. Amida the late king, by the commandment of Don john, all this while stayed at GULETTA. But whilst Don john was yet at TUNES, news was brought unto him the thirteenth of October, That the Turks garrison before fled out of TUNES, with divers Moors, coming to BISERTA, were there kept out by the citizens and not suffered to enter: For which cause they began to burn and spoil the country thereabout. Whereupon the General sent Tovares the captain of GULETTA thither with part of the army; who encountering with those Turks, overthrew them, and had the city by the citizens peaceably delivered unto him. The kingdom of TUNES thus easily once again recovered from the Turks, The just judgement of God upon Amyda the late K. of Tunes. Don john thoroughly enforced of the faithless and cruel dealing of Amida the late king, and that in detestation of the Christians and their religion, he had already had intelligence with the Turks, and procured the death of some of the Christians: gave this definitive sentence upon him, being yet in the castle of GULETTA: That for as much as he had of long time been the author of great discord, and endless troubles in that kingdom, and had most unnaturally deprived Muleasses his father, first of his kingdom, and afterward of his sight; and in like manner tyrannised over his natural brethren, the rightful heirs of that kingdom, whereby the Turks had taken occasion both to invade and possess the same: he should therefore by the commandment of the king of SPAIN, be carried prisoner with his two sons into SICILIA, there to remain for ever. Which heavy doom he taking most grievously, and yet crying out for mercy, was forthwith thrust into a galley, and with his wife and children transported into SICILIA, there to live in perpetual exile: the just reward of his merciless and unnatural dealing with his father and brethren, God no doubt requiting him with the like measure he had before measured unto them. Mahomet, Amyda his brother, made king of Tunes, and vassal to the king of Spain. After that (the king of SPAIN so commanding) Mahomet, Amida his elder brother, and right heir of that kingdom, was appointed king in his place: who departing from GULETTA to TUNES, was received as king, and there by solemn oath promised for ever to be the king of SPAIN his vassal, and to do whatsoever he should command. There was before departed out of TUNES forty thousand Moors, who now came and offered their supplication to Don john, that they might again return and live with their new king: which their request being easily granted, they in great numbers every day returned into the city. Shortly after, fifteen hundred Turks, with three thousand of those wild people which some call Arabians, some Alarbes, sore troubled all the passages about the city; who were at last by the Christians overthrown, and an hundred and fifty Christians whom they had taken prisoners, rescued. After that, Don john by the advise of his most expert and skilful captains, commanded a strong castle to be built in the middle way betwixt GULETTA and TUNES: and for the performing thereof, lest Gabriel Serbellio with two thousand Italians, and Salazar a Spaniard with other two thousand at GULETTA. And so having performed that he came for, and disposed of all things as he thought best, returned again into SICILIA. A grief of griefs it is, and sorrow almost unconsolable, when worthy actions most happily begun, sort not to such happy end as was in reason hoped for. The greatest and the most famous victory of all ages gained against the Turk, seemed to have lightened the Christian commonweal: and great hope there was, that the Christians falling into unity among themselves, would by an happy exchange make the Turkish empire the seat of their wars; and to turn into the Turks dominions, the terror, slaughter, and other calamities of war, which had so many years afflicted the Christian commonweal. But by how much the more the joy was amidst such daily calamities and tears; so much greater was the sorrow, so great an hope to be come to nought, and men to be so blinded with the darkness of envy and disdain, that they could not so much as think with what dishonour and danger of the common state, they should shrink from so just, so honourable, and so needful a service, including in itself the general good of all Christendom. When posterity shall consider what things might then have been done, and the devices whereby the common cause was overthrown; it will worthily blame, and greatly lament so notable a victory and fit opportunity, sent as it were from heaven, for the effecting of great matters, The Venetians weary of the delaye●, and cross dealing of the Spaniard, resolve to sue unto the Turk for peace. to have been let slip and passed over so lightly regarded. This made, that they who before had reposed all their hope in arms, had now no other confidence or hope of their welfare, but in concluding of peace. Truly the Venetians both spoke and thought honourably of king Philip, as of a most faithful, just, devout, and honourable prince: yet greatly blaming his officers, and others of great authority about him, as men more regarding their own private, than the good of the Christian commonweal. In these perplexities of the Venetians, king Philip promised them to set forth a greater and stronger fleet against the next year, and to be sooner in readiness with all his forces and warlike provision, and so to help them in all he might: who for all that, gave small credit unto those promises, for that with the like they had been oftentimes before deceived. And therefore as trusting most unto their own strength, they with all carefulness and expedition entertained more soldiers; of whom, some they put into their fleet, the rest they placed in their garrisons, in CRETE, in DALMATIA, and their frontier towns in EPIRUS. Neither were the Turks then idle, as the report went; yet were they thought to manage that war with greater fame than strength: for they had of purpose given it out, That they would the next Spring with divers armies, invade the Venetian territories in CRETE, in DALMATIA, in EPIRUS, yea and in ITALY itself; and with their innumerable multitude both of horse and foot, so overwhelm the Venetians, that they should not be able possibly to hold out. This & more too they bravely vaunted of: but in deed Vluzales coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, had brought his fleet so shaken and so weak, as that it seemed not possible, but in long time to be again repaired, and furnished with soldiers and mariners, in stead of them that had been lost, some in fight, but more by the contagiousness of the infection. But howsoever the matter stood, the Venetians careful with the expectation of great matters, and in small hope of good success, comparing their own strength with the strength of the enemy: yet were they no less discouraged with the delays and cross dealing of the confederates, than with all the provision of the enemy. It stuck in their minds, how that the Spaniards at such time as CYPRUS might have been defended, delayed their coming so long, that NICOSIA. ●●●ng lost, it was time to return: Neither could they forget that linger delay to have been the cause of the great mortality amongst their men, lying in the fleet at JADERA: They remembered also, that the commodities, which of so notable a victory were most plentifully to have been reaped, were by the slender prosecuting of the same, so sparingly taken, that the former dangers still remained: And that Don john, who ought by appointment to have been at CORCYRA in the beginning of Summer, was scarcely come thither in the latter end of August: and that he in the third year of this war, at such time as their fleet was with great labour and charge again repaired, would not or listed not to adventure to have again overthrown the enemy's fleet, but in the very action to have always trifled away the greatest part of Summer, before his Spaniards could set forward: and when he might safely have come to CERI●O, to have called back Fuscarinus and the rest, then facing of the enemy, and even ready to have given him battle: It was then secretly suspected, the Spaniards to have stayed of purpose, and to have dallied on the time, that the Venetians having spent their forces might be the more exposed and subject to their injuries: It stuck fast not in their minds only, but even almost in their eyes, what things had happened of former times in their confederations with that nation: They were grieved in the space of three years an hundred times, twenty hundred thousand ducats to have been to little or small purpose spent in that war: Besides that, they doubted least the Flemings with their confederates should so entangle the king of SPAIN in defending of his own territories, as that he should not be at leisure to send any aid into the East: in which case, what hope or help were they to look for? How should they then defend the rest of their Signiory in the East? How should their empty coffers suffice to maintain so great armies both by sea and land, as might withstand so puissant an enemy? Long were the discourses, and effectual the persuasions, that the Venetians had amongst themselves, to induce one another, and all in general more circumspectly to consider, not only what had already passed, or was presently in hand; but also right warily to foresee, what would be the course and what the event of a matter so important: and betime to break off the confederation, which they had always found to have stood them in small stead. In revolving of these things, only one remedy seemed most effectual for the curing of their afflicted state: which was, By desisting from war, to conclude a peace with the Turk, howsoever: which they were the rather in good hope to obtain, for that divers speeches concerning the same had passed at CONSTANTINOPLE, and were from thence again reported at VENICE. All men thus inclining to peace, the Senate referred the proceeding therein unto M. Antonius Barbarus their ambassador (who all the time of these wars had lain in safe custody at CONSTANTINOPLE) willing him therein to use the help of the French ambassador, who had always been a persuader of peace. Selimus having got the island of CYPRUS and divers other places from the Venetians, Sel●mus himself desirous of peace▪ and yet well wearied with the harms and losses he had himself received both by sea and land, was also desirous enough of peace. So that the French ambassador might, as it was thought, have got a reasonable and indifferent peace, if he had but expected the opportunity of time: But he, (whether moved with the common harms, or some other secret causes to him best known) in making too much haste, and seeming too desirous of peace, much hurt the common cause of the Venetians, which he most desired to have furthered. Selimus having found him, resolved with Muhamet the great Bassa, M●hamet Bassa dealeth cunningly with the French ambassador, soliciting the peace in the behalf of the Venetians. what he would have done: who at such time as the same ambassador came unto him about the matter, told him, That he had himself many times moved, yea and so far forth as he might importuned his great lord and master for peace, but could never find him willing to hear thereof, until that now at length overcome and wearied with the continual solicitation of such as might do most with him, he had yielded thereunto. So the thing that Selimus himself undoubtedly desired, that the crafty Bassa seemed him with much difficulty to grant, rather upon the instance and contemplation of them that laboured for the same, than for any desire he had thereunto of himself. For certain days at the first the French ambassador was most courteously heard, and the Bassa with fair and cunning speech promised that the matter of pacification should easily and in short time be composed: and so at their first conferences things passed rather in general terms, than that any conditions of peace were particularly agreed upon: only this was on both parties consented unto, That the Venetians should send their ambassador of purpose, for the full concluding and confirming of the desired peace. Which charg●●as by the Senate committed to jacobus Superantius, The Venetians s●nd their ambassador of purpose to Constantinople, to entreat a peace. in whose wisdom and valour they had reposed great hope and confidence. He was no sooner come to CONSTANTINOPLE, and the Turks delivered of the fear of the Christian sword by the dissolution of the confederation, but that all things were changed; and the Venetians glad perforce to endure the proud looks of the Turks, their disdainful ears, their despiteful speeches, their long and insolent attendance, with many other shameful indignities: Yea the Bassa was so shameless, as proudly to ask them, How they durst be so bold, as to impugn the great emperor Selimus his fleet at sea? Whereunto the ambassador answered, That the Venetians had always honoured the majesty of the Turkish emperors, neither had at any time taken up arms against them, but in their own reasonable defence, when force was by force to be repulsed; a thing lawful even for the wild beasts in the wide wilderness to do. At the first entreaty of the peace, the Bassa seemed to put the Venetian ambassador in good hope, that the Venetians according to his request should enjoy their territories in DALMATIA in as ample manner as in former times, and bounded with the same bounds, whereof they had in these wars lost some part about JADERA. But when the matter should have come to the shutting up, the Turk began to shrink from that he had before promised, refusing not only the restitution of the territory they had indeed by treason got; but by cautelous expositions of his meaning, framing the conclusion of the present peace unto the form of their former leagues, required, That as the Turks had then yielded unto them MALVASIA and NAUPLIUS, so now they should redeliver unto them other two places of like worth and importance: As for not restoring the territory they had taken about JADERA, to colour their deceit, they pretended, That they might not by their law restore unto the Christians any town or place, wherein were any church or temple dedicated or converted unto the Mahometan religion, as was there; and further, That the same territory was already given by Selimus in reward to his soldiers, men of desert, from whom without great injury it might not be again taken. Hereupon the French ambassador complained, That promises were not performed: & the Venetians so fietted, that they were even about to have returned, as men shamefully deluded, without concluding of any thing. Yet when no better could be obtained, the Turk still standing upon so hard terms, the ambassadors by the appointment of the Senate concluded a peace with the Turk, A peace concluded betwixt Selimus and the Venetians. whereof these were the chief capitulations: first, That the Venetians should give unto Selimus three hundred thousand ducats; one hundred to be presently paid, and the other two hundred by equal portions in two years' next following: then, That the merchants goods should be indifferently on both sides restored: and lastly, That such places of the Venetians as the Turk was already possessed of, should still remain unto the Turks; but that such towns or places as the Venetians had taken in the Turks dominion, should be again forthwith restored. For the first payment of the money, the Turk was earnest, thereby as by a fine for an offence committed, to make this league unto him more honourable. This peace at CONSTANTINOPLE concluded the eleventh day of February, in the year 1574, 1574 was by the decree of the Senate confirmed: and afterwards the thirteenth of April following solemnly proclaimed in VENICE, to the great wonder of the other confederates. For the better satisfying of whom, The peace proclaimed at Venice. the Pope's Nuntio, with the ambassador of SPAIN, were sent for into the Senate house. And although there were many things that grieved the Venetians, yet did they forbear all hard speeches, and of that their moderation received so much the more honour, as it is more difficulty for an angry man to overcome himself, than others. The duke with calm and temperate speech, framed to the purpose, declared unto them, That anger and hope, two evil counsellors, being set apart, he had concluded a peace with the Turk: not for that he was desirous of the Turks friendship, which what account it was to be made of, he right well knew; but for the love he bore to the State, which was not only with loss, but even with death itself, to be maintained. How he had been spoiled of the kingdom of CYPRUS, he further declared: and that the Venetian state grew every day weaker and weaker by the continual war: and that therefore, before it were by loss upon loss come to the uttermost of extremity, they not able to maintain so heavy a war, were to take some better course for the preservation of that which was yet already left of their Signiory: for that the safety of the Venetian state should at all times be a sure fortress and defence for the Christian commonweal against all the furious attempts of the enemy, and uncertain events of time. The fame of this sudden and unexpected peace was for the just and common hatred of the Christians against the Turks, generally evil taken: and the Venetians for the concluding thereof hardly spoken of, as if they had betrayed the whole Christian commonweal, or at leastwise their confederates. For men were for the most part of opinion, That the Turks peace would be but feigned and deceitful; and that having gained time to set things in order, according to his desire, he would for the natural grudge he bore unto the Christians, come to his old course, and as he had always done, break the league, and take up arms. Some said, That the Venetians, forsaken of their friends and confederates, would in their own devices perish; yet so, as that their destruction should turn to the general harm of all Christendom: and these men were of opinion, That in that case, and against that enemy, a dangerous war was to be preferred before an uncertain and dishonourable peace. The peace by experience found profitable unto the Venetians. Nevertheless the Venetians, besides that they for the present eased themselves of many an heavy burden, so have they thereby enjoyed the fruits of a long and happy peace, and found the same unto their state both wholesome and profitable even until this day. It was thought by the sequel of matters, that Selimus was the more willing to have peace with the Venetians, that he might the better recover the kingdom of TUNES, and the strong castle of GULETTA from the Spaniards: who with the knights of MALTA now gaped more after TRIPOLI and the other port towns holden by the Turks upon the coast of BARBARY, than how to defend the Venetians their confederates. Thus with the loss of CYPRUS, and some part of the Venetian territory in DALMATIA, ended the mortal and bloody war betwixt Selimus and the Venetians. In the course whereof is well to be seen, what great matters the united forces of the Christian princes were able to do against this most mighty enemy, if all discord and contention set apart, they would in the quarrel of the Christian religion join with heart and hand against him, and fight the battle of Christ jesus. Selimus now at peace with them who before most troubled him: to keep his men of war busied, shortly after converted his forces against john, Vayvod of VALACHIA, and so at length joined all that province to his empire. This country of VALACHIA was in ancient time called DACIA: it hath on the East the Euxine (now called the Black Sea) on the South the famous river Danubius, on the West TRANSYLVANIA, and on the North RUSSIA. It is divided into two parts, the one called TRANSALPINA, and the other MOLDAVIA (of the river Moldanus running through the midst thereof) but far passing the other both in greatness and abundance of pasture. That part called TRANSALPINA, Mahomet (surnamed the Great, which won CONSTANTINOPLE) made subject to the Turkish empire; but upon MOLDAVIA, the other part, he only imposed a yearly tribute of two thousand ducats. After which time the Vayvods of that country, aided sometime by the Hungarians, and sometime by the Polonians, rise up oftentimes against the Turks, Selimus chaseth Bogdanus out of Moldavia, and placeth john Vayvod in his s●ead. and refused to do their homage. It chanced, that Bogdanus, Vayvod of that country, favouring the Polonians, and joining in league with them, lived much in RUSSIA, as purposing from thence also to have taken his wife. Which Selimus suspecting, with a great power chased him into exile, and placed in his stead one john (called of his countrymen Iwan, and of some juonia) the supposed son of Stephanus, sometime Vayvod of that country: who with jeremias Czarnievieczius (a Moldavian, who afterward notably betrayed him) having of long time lived amongst the Turks, to be the more gracious amongst them, renounced his faith, and being circumcised, turned Turk: and following the trade of merchandise, became among them a merchant of such fame, that he became very familiar & well acquainted with the great Bassas of the Court, and at length with Selimus himself. He understanding by his friends near about the Turkish emperor of his purpose for the removing of Bogdanus, corrupted with rewards the great Bassas, to be mediators for him to Selimus, that commended by them, he might be preferred to be Vayvod of MOLDAVIA; still increasing the suspicion Selimus had conceived of Bogdanus, and telling him, That he supported by the Polonians, was like enough in short time to reject his obedience to his imperial majesty. Selimus at the instance of the Bassas nominated this john to be Vayvod: who with a great power of the Turks horsemen entering into MOLDAVIA, easily possessed himself of the country, Bogdanus being then absent in RUSSIA, and as then suspecting no such matter: who yet afterwards attempted in vain by the help of the Polonians to have again recovered his country, but finding no possibility so to do, fled afterwards into MUSCOVIA, where he long time after lived. john now quietly possessed of MOLDAVIA, for some few years held the same with the good liking of the Turk, john the Vayvod falleth into suspicion with Selimus and the Bassas of the Court. paying him his wont tribute: but afterwards repenting himself of his wicked revolt from the Christian faith, and now eftsoons again embracing the same, and (ignorant of his own fortune) persecuting with too much severity those which withstood his coming into the country, especially such great men as took part with Bogdanus; and now after his return unto the Christian faith, not favouring the Turks as he was wont, but crossing them in many matters, became suspicious both unto Selimus and the Bassas his old friends. Which the Vayvod of the lesser VALACHIA (commonly called VALACHIA TRANSALPINA) understanding, he became a suitor unto the great Bassas of the Court for his brother Peter, and earnestly traveled with them, That as john supported by Selimus, had driven Bogdanus out of MOLDAVIA, so Peter his brother might in like manner by his help drive john out also. In which his suit he spared for no cost, neither ceased by malicious suggestions to increase the suspicion already conceived of john the Vayvod: who having rejected the Mahometan religion, and again embraced the Christian faith, would (as he said) in short time, as had Bogdanus, join hands with the Polonians, and cast off his obedience towards the great Sultan, by whom he had been so highly promoted. Beside that, this malicious man offered, That his brother Peter for such his preferment should pay yearly unto Selimus twice so much more as did john, namely an hundred and twenty thousand ducats by the name of a tribute. The Bassas before corrupted and moved with the greatness of the tribute, persuaded Selimus, by an ambassador to send for john the Vayvod, to come unto him himself in person, and to command him to give place to such a man as he should send thither in his stead: which if he should refuse to do, then to denounce unto him open war. Hereunto Selimus, who had even then much emptied his coffers with the loss of his fleet in the battle of LEPANTO, & the chargeable wars against the Venetians, was easily induced: and to that purpose sent his ambassador to the Vayvod; who having audience the one and twentieth of February, at the same time that Henry Valois, afterward the French king was crowned at CRACOVIA, delivered his message as followeth: The commanding speech of the Turks ambassador to john the Vayvod. Selimus the great emperor of the Turks sendeth me unto thee john, Vayvod of VALACHIA his tributary, with this command (whereunto his pleasure is, that thou shouldest without delay send him answer:) first he chargeth thee to send him not such a tribute as he was wont, but twice so much more, to wit, an hundred and twenty thousand ducats. If thou shalt refuse so to do, there is another ready to give it, both for himself and his posterity. But Selimus mindful of thy constancy, fidelity, and valour, will not be troublesome to thee in thy government, if thou forthwith send the aforesaid tribute. Which if thou shalt refuse to do, than his will is, that thou shouldest give place to another, and thyself return with me to CONSTANTINOPLE, there to answer the matter: otherwise I am in his name to denounce all hostility, and the calamities of war both unto thee and thy country. This proud message of the ambassador struck further into the mind of the Vayvod than any would have thought: yet dissembling his grief, he commanded him to be brought to the lodging appointed for him, telling him, That in a matter of so great importance, and so much concerning the whole state of his country, he could not give him so present answer as he required; but that upon mature deliberation had with his nobility and counsel, he would in short time answer him accordingly. The ambassador being gone to his lodging, the Vayvod forthwith began deeply to consider of Selimus his demands; and that in the Turks faith was no assurance, which he kept or broke with the Christian princes, as best fitted his own turn: and besides that, that if he should grant to pay that so great and heavy a tribute, in so great poverty of his kingdom, sore wasted with civil war, Selimus would not be therewith long contented, so long as any man would give him more, but happily would the next year exact a greater, and in the end such an one as he with all his subjects should not be able to pay; which it should not be safe for him at any time to refuse, so long as any man would give it. Wherefore calling together the nobility and states of his country, he broke with them in this sort. If ever you were to consult and deliberat of a most important and difficult matter, The speech of the Vayvod unto his nobility and subiect●. this verily is that time: for Selimus the Turkish emperor, inflamed with insatiable avarice, and I know not by whose persuasion, not contented with his wont tribute, exacteth of us twice so much more. If you shall grant it, it shall not much concern me, as not to be paid by me your sovereign, but by yourselves and your posterity: if we deny it, forthwith he denounceth unto us fire and sword, with all the calamities of war. And in this bareness of our kingdom, almost spoiled by civil wars, how shall we be able to pay it him? wherefore declare your minds. Verily I foresee, that if you shall in this yield unto Selimus, and grant him so great a tribute, he will not therewith long hold himself contented, but every year extort a greater, until he have altogether eaten us up. Wherefore it were better for us (in mine opinion) to lose our lives together with our wives and children, than to suffer so great an indignity: neither is it mine own estate that troubleth me, for why it is you that are to pay it, and not I. Wherefore if you list not to endure this so dishonourable and base a servitude, let me forthwith so understand from you: and I will for my part so provide, as that I will not only not pay unto the barbarous tyrant the new and heavy tribute he demandeth, but not so much as any tribute at all; so that you be not wanting both to yourselves and me. I know right well (beloved and fellows in arms) what I owe both unto you and the commonweal, for whose good and welfare I am always ready to lay down my life. He had no sooner thus said, but that a secret sorrow and unwonted silence, had as it were oppressed the whole assembly. At length, as men awaked out of an heavy and dead sleep, they murmured among themselves, that the Turkish emperor should so without reason oppress them, with doubling and redoubling of his tribute: and were generally of opinion, That the Vayvod had not so plainly as truly spoken of the intollerablenesse thereof: and that therefore they had rather die, than to endure so great dishonour, joined with so foul a slavery. And thereupon offered unto the Vayvod to serve upon their own charge, and with him upon the bank of Danubius to meet the proud enemy, and there in defence of their lives and liberty, to fight it out unto the last man. The Vayvod in few words commending their fidelity, and taking of them an oath for the faithful performance of that they had so resolutely promised, sent for the Turks ambassador, and gave him this short answer. ay, The answer of the Vayvod unto the Turks ambassador. for the ancient fidelity and allegiance which I owe unto my lord and dread sovereign, the mighty emperor Selimus, would willingly yield unto him the tribute he requireth, were it not that I know the minds of my people to abhor the same: wishing rather to endure all calamities, hap whatsoever hap may, than to yield unto so dishonourable and shameful slavery. Wherefore sithence I cannot by any means extort the same from my subjects, tell my lord Selimus, That I most humbly request him, not to take the same in evil part; whose amity I wish to be unto me, rather an ornament and refuge, than disgrace or hindrance. And that upon that good hope I both asked, and for my singular fidelity obtained of him the Vayvodship of MOLDAVIA: which my good hope I most heartily beseech him may not deceive me. With this answer he dismissed the ambassador unrewarded, and with a safe convoy brought him unto the bank of Danubius: which his homely usage of the ambassador, caused him not a little to be suspected, to be in mind changed from Selimus. The ambassador sent away, the Vayvod not ignorant of the sudden invasions of the Turks, forthwith began to raise his army: and at the same time, sent ambassadors unto Henry king of POLONIA his nearest neighbour, certifying him of the dangerous state of MOLDAVIA, the surest bulwark of the Polonian kingdom, which once overthrown, opened a fair and easy way for the common enemy into POLONIA: and therefore requested him, that as the kings of POLONIA had of ancient time, even for the safety of their own state, protected that country; so it would please him now in like manner in so dangerous a time, to give him aid; or at leastwise to give leave unto such of his subjects as were willing to serve for entertainment, to come unto him, whom he would with all honour and bounty use according to their place and quality. Whereunto the king answered, that for as much as he and his predecessors the kings of POLONIA, had for the space of more than an hundred years been in league with the Turkish kings and emperors, he could not either send him aid, or yet give leave unto any of his subjects to serve against the Turk as he desired. With this answer the Vayvod was much troubled, The Vayvod entertaineth the Polonian Cossackes. as there deceived where he most hoped for relief: yet hearing of certain companies of the Polonian Cossacks, which having long lain in hope of prey upon the side of the great river Borysthenes, were returning empty home, he by fit messengers sent of purpose, offered them great entertainment to serve him in his wars against the Turk; of which his offer, they (as men living for most part by service) gladly accepted; and so without the knowledge of the king went unto him, to the number of twelve hundred, with their captains, men of great courage and valour, of whom Suiercevius was chief: who were by the Vayvod honourably entertained, and did him in these wars right worthy service. These Cossacks are light horsemen, lying most commonly upon the borders of the Polonian kingdom towards the Tartars: an hardy and valiant kind of men, whose best living, is the spoil they take from the enemy; and their best lands, their horse and lance. For albeit that the Turks and Tartars are most commonly in league with the Polonians, and seem never so desirous of peace; yet do they oftentimes in great numbers, upon the sudden break into the countries of PODOLIA and RUSSIA, part of the Polonian kingdom, and there do great harm, if they be not in time repressed or cut off by the aforesaid light horsemen, who for that purpose lie always in wait for them, as doth the hawk for the prey. Selimus sendeth his forces against the Vayvod. Selimus understanding the answer of john the Vayvod, was therewith exceedingly enraged, and the more by the bitter complaint of the ambassador, who angry with the Vayvod that he was of him no better regarded nor rewarded, spared not to the uttermost of his power, to incense the angry emperor against him, as if his honour had been in the person of himself contemned and violated. Wherefore without delay, he sent thirty thousand Turks, and two thousand Hungarians unto the Palatine of VALACHIA TRANSALPINA, that joining those forces to his own, he might take john the Vayvod, and sending him in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE, to place Peter his brother, Vayvod in his place. The Palatine glad of this command, and having raised his own power, together with the Turks and the Hungarians, swum over the river Moldaws, having in his army about an hundred and two thousand fight men: a power, not only sufficient to have driven the Vayvod out of MOLDAVIA, but also to have shaken a right puissant king in his kingdom. The Palatine in the midst of so great a strength, little fearing, and less regarding the sudden coming of the Vayvod, suffered his men with their horses to lie disorderedly here and there, dispersed in the large meadows and pastures all alongst the fair rivers side; so the better to refresh themselves, weary of their long travel. In the mean time certain scouts came to the Vayvod then at dinner, certifying him, that the enemy with an huge army, the certain number whereof they could not well descry, was come over the river: and now resting themselves, had turned off their horses into the rich meadows thereabout, in such disordered and careless manner, as that they might with a small power be easily overthrown. The Vayvod glad of this news, forthwith sent before Suiercevius with his Cossacks, and five thousand other light horsemen, more certainly to descry what the enemy did, with the manner of his lying; and he himself with the rest of his army, followed fair and softly after. Suiercevius with great silence approaching the enemy's camp, suddenly light upon the enemy's scouts, in number about five hundred; who enclosed before they were aware, were taken every man by the Cossacks, and by them straightly examined of the state of their army and camp. Who for safeguard of their lives now in their enemy's power, frankly confessed, how that the Palatine lay securely there by, resting his army, not so much for the refreshing thereof after his travel, as with greater strength to set upon the Vayvod with his fresh soldiers: and that in the army were about seventy thousand Null, thirty thousand Turks, and three thousand Hungarians; who now dispersed, and sleeping in security, might easily be overthrown. Of all these things Suiercevius advertiseth the Vayvod, requesting him with all possible speed to hasten his coming, for the obtaining of a most notable and assured victory: he in the mean time lying close with his men not far from the enemy. The Palatine with the Turks overthrown by the Vayvod. The Vayvod certified of all these things, came without delay, and forthwith commanded Suiercevius with his men to give the onset upon the enemy: purposing himself with the rest of his army on the other side, to charge the disordered camp in three places. Suiercevius according as he had in charge, with a great and terrible outcry, suddenly set upon the secure enemies: who dismayed with the suddenness of the unexpected danger, stood as men astonished, not knowing which way to fly, or how to make resistance. But whiles Suiercevius with his light horsemen thus on the one side filleth the camp with tumult, terror, slaughter, and fear; behold, even as a sudden tempest cometh the Vayvod, bearing all the disordered camp down before him: neither had the enemies any means to fly, having put their horses a great way off from them into the rich pastures; but there taken unarmed, were miserably slain. In all the camp was lamentation and mourning, death raging in every place, with such fury, that of so great an army as of late passed the river, few or none escaped, more than the Palatine, with Peter his brother; who by great chance with much ado getting horses, swum over the river, and so came to the castle of BRAILOVIA in VALACHIA; all the rest were slain and left to be of the beasts of the field and birds of the air devoured. It was a most horrible spectacle to see the ground covered with the bodies of the dead▪ all stained with gore blood, and their weapons of all sorts lying by them. In the camp were found great riches, all which the Vayvod gave unto his soldiers, and there stayed four days to refresh his wearied men. After that, he with his victorious army entered into VALACHIA, the Palatines country, where he took many castles and towns, and put to the sword all that came in his way, men, women, and children, without respect of age or sex: and burned all the country towns and villages before him as he went; so that all that part of the country of VALACHIA TRANSALPINA, was covered with smoke and fire, to the terror of the beholders. The aged fathers were in every place drawn forth to slaughter, the young babes were cut in pieces, the matrons and virgins defiled, and afterwards slain; and in brief, all the cruelty that could be devised, performed: in the bloody execution whereof, the Vayvod commended his men, persuading them in like manner still to prosecute the victory, and that the rest of their labours was all but for prey and booty, for the enriching of themselves. In this havoc of all things, it was told him, that the Palatine with his brother Peter, the men whom he most sought after were in the castle of BRAILOVIA not far off: whereupon he forthwith marched thither with his army. The city of BRAILOVIA standeth upon the river Danubius, and had in it a castle of some good strength, defended both by the nature of the place, and a strong garrison of the Turks which Selimus had appointed for the keeping thereof, as the key of the country: not far from this city the Vayvod encamping his army, writ unto the captain of the castle, forthwith to deliver unto him the Palatine, with Peter his brother, his mortal enemies; who never wronged by him, had invaded his country, and sought after his life, and being overthrown in battle, were fled unto him: which if he should refuse to do, he threatened never to depart thence, until he had to his farther harm, constrained him by force to yield them. These letters he sent by two Valachian captives, to be delivered unto the captain of the castle: whereunto he returned answer by four Turks, two of the city, and two of his own servants, by whom he also sent ten great shot, and as many small, with two Turkish arrows, and this message. For that I know thee to be the servant of my dread sovereign Selimus, The blunt answer of the captain to the Vayvod. I regard thee: and will not deny the same men to be with me, whom thou so much requirest. But for as much as I understand, that thou of late hast slain a great number of the servants of the great emperor, who by his commandment were bringing Peter the brother of the Palatine into MOLDAVIA: I therefore tell thee, that except thou betime raise thy siege, I will feed thee and thy followers, with such dishes as these; whereupon thou and thine army gorged to the full, shall all afterwards dangerously surfeit and cast. Farewell. This rough answer so much moved the Vayvod, Barbarous cruelty. that he commanded hands to be laid upon the aforesaid four messengers: and their noses, lips, and ears being cut off, both their feet to be with great nails fast nailed unto a long piece of timber, and so with their hands hanging downward, to be set up before the city, and so left for the captain and the citizens to gaze upon. Signifying withal unto the captain that sent them, that he himself with the other fugitives his guests, The city of Brailovia taken by the Vayvod and razed down to the ground. should in like manner be served, if they fell into his hands. Immediately after he assaulted the city, and using the cheerfulness of his soldiers, by plain force took the same, the defendants being not able to hold them out. There was made great slaughter of the Turks, whereas no man was taken to mercy; the very babes were slain, together with their mothers, and blood ran like rivers into the Danubius. For the space of four days this bloody execution endured▪ no place served for refuge, even the most secret and obscure places were searched, and the poor creatures there found, drawn forth and slain. The fury was so great, that no living thing, no not so much as the very dogs, were spared. Much gold, silver, plate, jewels, and other rich spoil was there found, all which became a prey unto the greedy soldiers: for that city was of all others in those quarters the richest, as a place much frequented, & enjoying long peace, as after such time the Turks were fully possessed of GRaeCIA, not being troubled with any wars, until now, that it was by the Vayvod first ransacked, and afterwards razed down to the ground, and nothing thereof left standing, more than the bare castle itself: which the Vayvod durst not adventure upon, for that it was well fortified, and furnished with so strong a garrison, as that it could not without his great loss be taken. The Turks again overthrown by the Vayvod. Whiles the Vayvod was thus busied in the spoil of BRAILOVIA, news was brought unto him of the coming of fifteen thousand Turks to the relief of the castle: against whom he forthwith sent Suiercevius with his Cossackes, and other eight thousand Moldavian horsemen; who suddenly coming upon the Turks, disordered and fearing no such matter, slew almost fourteen thousand of them, and chased the rest unto the castle of TEINA. Of this victory Suiercevius in all hast certified the Vayvod; and withal, that there was another great power of the Turks coming, which might easily be also overthrown, if he leaving the siege of the castle of BRAILOVIA, would without delay come and join his forces with his. He glad of that news, and well perceiving how difficult and dangerous that siege would be unto him, rise forthwith with his army, and went to Suiercevius: and afterwards upon conference had with him, laid siege to TEINA: which city taken without much labour, he put to sword all the people found therein, not leaving one alive: and by the service of Suiercevius overthrew the Turks coming towards BRAILOVA. Selimus in doubt to have been thrust out of Valachia by the Vayvod. Selimus in the mean time much troubled with the proceedings of the Vayvod, and doubting to be quite thrust out of VALACHIA TRANSALPINA (which he was like enough to have been, had not the treason of Czarnieviche hindered the matter) prepared new forces for that service, and after the manner of the Turks, in time of their greatest distress appointed general supplications and prayers to be made unto his prophet Mahomet, for the better success of his wars, the undoubted sign of his fear. The Vayvod after so many victories against the Turks, purposing for a while to break up his great army, called unto him his old friend jeremias Czarnieviche, unto whom, as unto the man he of all others most trusted, he had resolved to commit the charge, with part of his army, to keep the Turks from passing again over the river Danubius into his country: and in delivering to him his charge, spoke unto him as followeth: The kind speech of the Vayvod to Czarnieviche. Sith fortune hath hitherto answered our desires (worthy Czarnieviche) with most rare and perpetual success against the Turks, our most cruel enemies, we are thankfully to take the same, and to render most humble and hearty thanks unto Almighty God, that it hath pleased him, the author of all victory, so to have prospered our endeavours against these fierce and devouring enemies. Now what remaineth for the present, but to disband mine army, wearied with labour and travel, and to give my soldiers leave to depart home to rest themselves, that so I may as occasion shall require again use their fresh forces for our better service: you in the mean time with thirteen thousand of my select soldiers, shall lie upon the side of Danubius, to keep the Turks from passing the river. Have good regard I pray you unto this your charge, which I upon an especial trust, grounded upon your ancient love and fidelity, have at this time imposed upon you. And let me from time to time with all expedition understand from you of every motion of the enemy, that so we may in due time provide for him accordingly. And so in token of his greater favour, taking his leave of him with a kiss (as the manner of those people is) gave leave unto the greatest part of his soldiers to depart home, yet with this charge, to be always in readiness whensoever they should be called upon. Czarnieviche having received his charge, and promising unto the Vayvod the uttermost of his faithful devoir, went towards Danubius, and there most carefully kept the passages with continual watch and ward. It was not long but that great numbers of the Turks were come down to the other side of the river, and more were still coming, yet none of them was so hardy as to adventure the great river; Czarnieviche with his horsemen lying in the faces of them, ready to receive them on the other side. Which the Bassa whom Selimus had sent with his army, perceiving, sent certain men picked out for the purpose, to Czarnieviche, to sound him, if he might by any means be drawn to come over, in secret to talk with him: and the more to move him, beside his conduct for his safety, sent him by the same messengers thirty thousand Hungarian ducats for a present. With which so fair a bait Czarnieviche alured, received the money, and faithfully promised to come. Czarnieviche hath secret conference with Peter the Palatines brother, who cunningly persuadeth him to give the Turks passage. And so shortly after, secretly passing over the river, had conference with Peter the Palatines brother, who then lay on the further side of Danubius, with a great power of the Turks. In this conference, Peter declared unto him in how great danger the Vayvod stood; and how highly Selimus was offended with him, That he his tributary and vassal should work the destruction of his so great armies: which his heavy displeasure he could no otherwise satisfy but with his head: and that therefore he should no longer rule in MOLDAVIA, for that government was by the great emperor given unto him. Wherefore (said he) if thou be wise, whilst it is yet in thy power, gain the good will of Selimus by some good desert: for an easy matter it is to begin any war, but an hard matter to end the same. For as much as it is not always in the same man's power to begin wars, and at his pleasure to make an end. Every fool may when he list enter into arms, but must lay the same down when it pleaseth the conqueror. Now you have a fair opportunity, and it is in your own power to procure his friendship for ever, better standing with your affairs then war. And albeit you may hope well of the power of the Vayvod, yet wisdom would not, that you should prefer uncertainties before things certain: you have now received thirty thousand ducats, the earnest of your further deserts; which shall hereafter have also their due rewards in most full and bountiful measure. Wherefore if you will do yourself good, and provide both for your safety and preferment, confound not your own good fortune, with the broken and desperate state of the Vayvod, but suffer the Turks to pass as friends over the river of Danubius. For I am come (said he) with a great and puissant army from the mighty Selimus, to take upon me the government of MOLDAVIA, and to send the Vayvod in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE: and of me, being once Vayvod, what is it that for so great desert thou and thine may not ask and obtain? Wherefore I pray thee conceal the coming of the Turks, and withdraw thyself from the river: so shall we, passing over the river with our populous army, easily oppress the Vayvod with all his power, and at once revenge all the former injuries and disgraces done both unto Selimus and us. With greedy men what will not the foul desire of gold work? Czarnieviche corrupted▪ giveth the Turks leave quietly to pass over the river of Danubius. Czarnieviche overcome with the golden promises of Peter, and forgetful of his faith before given unto the Vayvod, yielded unto all he requested: and drawing his forces further off from the river, as if it had been for his more safety, gave the Turks free passage. There was then in the Turks army two hundred thousand men, well appointed, and furnished with great ordinance and all other things necessary both for the field and for siege, who by the sufferance of the false traitor passed quietly over the river. Czarnieviche forthwith posting to the Vayvod, certified him, how that the Turks trusting to their multitude, had passed the river of Danubius, against whom he was not able (as he said) to make head: and that therefore he should do well, without delay to go against them with such forces as he had then in readiness; which joined unto his, might easily overthrow them. Glad was the Vayvod of this news, and filled with the hope of good success, demanded of him what strength the enemy might be of? They are (said he) not much above twelve thousand that be already come over, but are still coming more and more, and will before your coming thither be above fifteen thousand. The Vayvod lay then at the siege of the castle of TEINA (having before taken the city) but hearing this news, raised his siege, and so in four days came and encamped within three miles of the enemy: and forthwith sent forth Suiercevius with his Cossackes, and Veremias General of the horsemen, with six thousand horse, to take view of the enemy's camp, and to understand what might be of their designs. These two captains marching together, chanced to fall upon the Turks scouts, in number about six thousand horsemen, with whom they had a light skirmish, and in a short time put them to flight. Of these scouts they took one, and him grievously wounded: who being examined of the strength of the enemy, and feeling himself wounded to death, told them dissemblingly, that the Turks were not in number many. But the Cossackes doubting of the truth of that report, and probably conjecturing by so great a number of scouts, that the enemy was of far greater strength than was supposed or reported; quickly certified the Vayvod thereof, wishing him in time to provide for the safety of himself and his army, and not too much to trust Czarnieviche, whom they had a good while before suspected. But the Vayvod nothing doubting of the faith of him whom he had of long time found most faithful in the time of his hardest distress, and used as a most trusty companion in all his travels, answered nothing, but that he knew whom he trusted; and that it was not now time to stand in doubt, or to be afraid; and that he would ere long come and take a view of the enemy's camp himself: for that he was not come so far to fly, but to fight in defence of his country and subjects, even to the last gasp. And so fortifying his camp near unto a lake that runneth out of Danubius (for the more convenient watering of his army) he set forward with all his power against the enemy. near unto the enemy's camp was an high hill, from whence the Vayvod had thought to have descried the number of them, with the manner of their lying: but coming thither, he could descry nothing but four companies of scouts afar off, one company from another; who also upon the sight of the Moldavians withdrew themselves of purpose out of sight unto the army, which then lay in a low valley behind an hill, not to be discovered until a man were almost upon it. The Vayvod suspecting the enemy to be at hand, divided his horsemen, in number thirty thousand, into thirty companies, and placing before every company certain field pieces, so marched ready to give battle. His footmen, in number many, a rude and homely kind of people, but unto him of all others most faithful, and armed with such country weapons as they had, he placed by themselves. So marching on, he came to another hill, from whence he might not far off easily descry the huge army of the enemy, and how he had been by the treason of Czarnieviche deceived: whereupon he presently sent for him; who sent him word back again, That he could not now come, the enemy being so nigh at hand, but that he should forthwith see him in the field as forward as the forwardest against the enemy. Czarnieviche had then under his command thirteen thousand of the most choice soldiers in the army: who upon the signal of battle on both sides given (for the Turks were now also ready) first according to his promise set forward, Czarnieviche revolteth unto the Turks. as if it had been to have given the onset: but being come near unto the enemy, forthwith (as he had before agreed) caused his ensign to be let fall, and his men with their caps upon the points of their spears and swords, in token of their voluntary yielding and submission, to bow down their heads and bodies; whom the Turks with their spears and lances holden up on high, joyfully received as their friends, or rather as men taken to mercy. The rest of the army almost discouraged with this so sudden a revolt of so great a man, retired in haste to the Vayvod, crying out unto him, that all was lost. But he nothing discouraged therewith (as a most resolute man in the most sudden dangers) with comfortable words cheered them up, willing them as courageous men to follow him against the enemy, whom they in all things exceeded, excepting number, which always gave not the victory. The Turks perceiving the Moldavians lately revolted upon the joining of the battle (as men in conscience wounded) to shrink back, thrust them perforce into the head of their battle, Traitors justly rewarded. making of them no more account, but to blunt the enemy's swords; and such as hung back, they themselves slew: upon whom as false traitors the Vayvod caused his field pieces to be most furiously discharged; so that most part of these treacherous men there slain, some by the Turks, some by their own friends, received the just reward of their infidelity and treason, accompanied with perpetual infamy. Over the dead bodies of these traitors the Turks coming on, The battle betwixt the Turks and the Moldavians. were at the first notably encountered by the Moldavians; and after a most cruel fight, as if they had been discouraged, began to retire, but indeed of purpose to have drawn the Christians before they were aware, within the danger of their great ordinance, and ambushes, which they had before aptly and covertly placed for that purpose. Which Suiercevius well acquainted with the Turks fineness, perceiving, with much ado stayed their further pursuit, and so avoided the danger prepared for them. The Turks deceived of their expectation, came on again afresh, with no less fury than at the first: whom the Christians right valiantly received, and made with them a most cruel and mortal battle; wherein many both of the Turks and Christians fell, and never rise again. But what was so small a power against such a world of men? The Moldavians overthrown. After long fight, the Moldavians oppressed with the multitude of their enemies, began to give ground: and seeing no other remedy, but either to fly or to die, betook themselves to flight, wherein most part of them were slain, the furious enemy still hardly pursuing them at the heels: of the Cossackes were left only two hundred and fifty. The horsemen (the chiefest strength of the Vayvod) thus by the treason of Charniaviche overthrown, The Vayvod having fortified himself within the ruins of an old town, is besieged by the Tur●●●. the Vayvod with twenty thousand footmen, and such horsemen as had now after the battle joined themselves unto the footmen, retired unto a town not far off, which he but a little before had razed; but was now glad in the ruins thereof to fortify himself against the sudden and furious assaults of the Turks: who the same night so beset the Vayvods' camp with such a multitude of men, that no man could go in or out of the camp; or the uttermost part of that huge army be from any place descried. The next day (which was the eleventh of june) the Turks shot divers great shot into the Vayvods' camp, but to small purpose, for the Christians had (for so short a time) notably fortified themselves within the ruins of the old town. Which the Turks well perceiving, and withal considering how hard and dangerous a matter it would be to assault the Vayvod in his strength: they sent messengers unto him, to persuade him without delay to yield himself, and to repose more trust in the mercy of the Turks, than in his own broken forces; especially in his so hard distress, being so beset, as that he could not possibly escape, and out of hope of all relief; and therefore should by such voluntary yielding, seek for grace of his enemies, rather than by a desperate obstinacy to cast himself into a most certain destruction, where no mercy was to be expected. Whereunto the Vayvod answered, That he was not ignorant into what danger he was brought, rather by the treason of Charniaviche and his followers, than by the valour of the enemy; yet had left with him a strong power of most valiant and resolute men, who would in his quarrel and defence of themselves, sell their lives very dear unto the Turks: nevertheless, that to avoid the farther effusion of blood, he could for his part be content to yield unto his hard fortude, so that the great commanders of the Turks army would condescend unto such reasonable conditions as he should propound, and for the performance thereof give him their faith, not once or twice, but seven times by solemn oath to be taken. Of this his offer the Turks accepted, willing him to set down the conditions: which were, first that the Polonian Cossackes might in safety depart into their country, with their horses and armour: then, that they should without any violence offered to his person, send him alive and in good safety unto the great emperor Selimus, before him to answer his own cause: as for the Moldavians, he said he needed not to covenant any thing, for that the injury offered unto them tended also to the hurt of the emperor himself, and of him whom he should appoint Vayvod, whose subjects they were. These conditions (as reasonable) were well liked of the Turks, and so according to his desire, confirmed seven times by the solemn oath of every captain and commander in the army, both for themselves and their followers. Upon this agreement, the Vayvod brought all his army out of the trenches wherein they had lain strongly encamped, and there with heavy heart took his last leave of his soldiers, to the general grief of them all: amongst whom he divided such money and jewels as he had, as a remembrance of his kindness. And there in the sight of them all disarming himself, accompanied only with Osmolius a Polonian, went in manner of a suppliant unto the Turks camp, where he had full four hours talk with the great commanders of the army; until that at last Capucius Bassa (either offended with his speech, or unmindful of his faith before given) with his scimitar upon the sudden struck him a great blow overthwart the face, The Vayvod shamefully and perfidiously murdered by the Turks. and an other cross the belly: whom so wounded, and as yet but half dead, the janissaries took and cut off his head, which was forthwith set up upon a lance, for all men to behold. His dead body they bound by the feet unto two camels, and so shamefully tore it in pieces: and happy was he that could get any little piece thereof, or imbrue his sword with the least drop of his blood. This was the lamentable & woeful end of john the Vayvod of MOLDAVIA, a right valiant and worthy man, shamefully murdered by the perfidious Turks, who had he been more constant in the Christian faith, had not happily fallen into so great misery. Whose woeful fall may serve as a most notable example of the uncertainty of these worldly things: for as no man for a time had of the Turks more or more glorious victories, so in the end, and as it were in demonstration of man's fragility, no man perished more miserably. The Vayvod thus perfidiously murdered, the Turks with like treachery forthwith set upon the Moldavians, and slew them downright as beasts appointed for the slaughter. Which the Cossackes beholding, and hoping for no better measure, thrust themselves into the thickest of their enemies, and there valiantly fight were all slain, except some few of the better sort reserved for ransom, amongst whom was Suiercevius with some other captains; who were afterwards for great sums redeemed, when as they could by no means be persuaded to forsake their religion and turn Turk. All Vala●hia made subject to the Turks. After this victory and shameful murder of the Vayvod, the Turks overran all MOLDAVIA, and put to sword all the nobility of that country, with many of the country people: of whom they also as their manner is in countries new conquered, sent great numbers in Colonies into the farther parts of the Turkish empire: and for the more assured possession thereof, placed strong garrisons in every town and castle, as they thought it most convenient. Thus all VALACHIA (both the higher and the lower) fell into the Turks hands in the year 1574, The loss of Moldavia dangerous to Polania. and was by Selimus joined unto the Turkish empire, none of the least things by him done: For beside the gaining of so great a country (the most assured bulwark of POLONIA) he hath thereby opened a fair and easy way for his successors, at their pleasure to enter into PODOLIA, or RUSSIA, parts of the Polonian kingdom, yea and into POLONIA itself: which they will undoubtedly in time do, if God in mercy bridle not their immoderate desires, and with his mighty hand protect the dangerous state of that kingdom. Selimus at the same time, not a little grieved with the loss of the kingdom of TUNES, and that Don john had there done the year before; began forthwith to cast in his mind, how he might again recover the same, and withal, thrust the Spaniards out of the strong castle of GULETTA; which they had now almost forty years kept, ever since that it was by Charles the fifth taken from Barbarussa in the year 1535: for he well saw it to be a matter of no small moment, to whom that strong fortress (standing so commodiously in the frontiers of AFRICA) belonged. There was (and still is) upon that coast divers of the Turks adventurers, which living altogether upon spoil, had to that place safe recourse, as to a most assured refuge: and if no booty were to be met with thereabout, then would they run out towards MALTA, SARDINIA, SICILIA, and the other islands thereabouts; yea oftentimes into ITALY and SPAIN, and from thence carry away with them great booties both of men and cattle, and whatsoever thing else came in their way: for which cause, many of the Turks men of war resorted thither in hope of purchase. But after that GULETTA was possessed by the Spaniards, they were not only deprived of that so commodious an harbour, but many times intercepted even by them of that place, and by the galleys of MALTA: which two places served as two most sure bulwarks against the Turks and Moors adventurers, by whose means they many times came short home. For which cause the Turks, especially these pirates (of whom the Turk maketh great account, as not his least strength at sea) wonderfully desired to have both those strong places gotten out of the hands of the Christians. In the castle of GULETTA was continually a strong garrison of a thousand Spaniards, who kept them of TUNES in great subjection, and oftentimes cut short these pirates and rovers, who much troubled those seas. Wherefore the Turkish emperor Selimus, having made great preparation both for sea and land service, commanded Sinan, Piall, and Vluzales, his chief Bassas, and men of great experience, with all speed to pass over with his fleet into AFRICA, to besiege TUNES and GULETTA. Who when they had put all things in readiness according as they had in charge, set forward, and with three hundred sail of galleys came before GULETTA the thirteenth day of july: whither also resorted unto them other the Turks men of war, from ALEXANDRIA, ALGIERS, and other places, in such number, as that all that coast seemed to be covered with shipping. The Turks at their first arrival laid siege to the water tower, wherein were eight hundred soldiers well provided of all things needful for defence, who most valiantly maintained the place, until such time as that most of them being by the often assaults of the enemy slain: the rest by the commandment of the captain retired to him into the castle. In taking of this tower the Turks lost 3000 of their men. Guletta besieged by the Turks. After that, they began to besiege the castle of GULETTA, against which they cast up divers mounts, and from thence most terribly battered the castle: from whence the deadly shot was sent again amongst them not sparingly; so that in one day two hundred great shot were reckoned to have been shot out of the castle amongst the thickest of the enemies. But after many furious assaults, too tedious to report, and much harm done on both sides, the Turks to their great advantage took the channel of the lake of TUNES; and fearing least some relief should be sent to the besieged, maintained their assault day and night without intermission. Nevertheless, certain companies of Spaniards sent from the new castle by Serbellio, got into GULETTA; after which, they in the besieged castle sallied out, and the twentieth of August repulsed the Turks, with an exceeding great slaughter. But the Bassas fully resolved upon the winning of the place to gauge their whole forces, and without ceasing still bringing on fresh soldiers, after they had all the day continued a most terrible assault, Guletta taken by the Turks. at length about two hours after Sun set, they took the castle the three and twentieth day of August, when there was now scarcely two hundred soldiers left alive to defend the same; who altogether with the other weak people in the castle were without mercy cut in pieces. What wealth the Turks found in this castle, is hard to say; but certain it is, that they had therein great store of victuals, armour, shot, and powder, and four hundred great pieces of artillery. GULETTA thus taken, The new castle besieged. the Turks forthwith laid siege to the new castle, appointed by Don john the year before to have been built betwixt GULETTA and TUNES, which was not yet altogether finished: wherein the two ancient and valiant captains, Serbellio and Salazar (left there of purpose for the building thereof by Don john) lay with a garrison of four thousand good soldiers. The Bassas when they gave the first summons to the castle, the four and twentieth of August, The notable answer of Serbellio. required to have it forthwith delivered unto them: to whom Serbellio stoutly answered, That he had promised the king his master, to give him a better account of the place; and being now also very old, could not endure the Turks heavy yoke, but would therefore hold it out unto the last man: which both he and Salazar truly performed, not omitting any thing that was by men to be done for defence of the place; and sallying out, sometimes the one, and sometimes the other, made great slaughter of the Turks, giving them also repulse upon repulse when they came to the assault. But the great Bassas, little feeling, and less regarding the loss of men, so that thereby they might gain the place; after many most terrible and desperate assaults, at length (namely the thirteenth day of September) when they had with all their force for the space of six hours, The new castle taken. furiously assaulted the castle and slain most of the defendants, at last took it. Serbellio shot in with two bullets, and wishing rather to die than to fall into the hand of the enemy, thrust himself into the midst of the Turks, there to have perished: but by the hasty coming in of Piall Bassa, both he and Salazar were taken alive; as for all the rest that followed them, they were put to the sword. The Bassa in his rage struck Serbellio, and the more to grieve him, caused his son to be cruelly murdered before his face. Neither was this victory by the Turks obtained without blood, having in less than three months space that the siege endured, lost above thirty thousand men. These strong holds (the greatest strength of that kingdom) thus taken, Tunes yielded to the Turk. the Turks marched to TUNES, which they easily took, and afterwards overthrew the fortifications thereof, because it should no more rebel. Mahomet the young king, but the year before placed in that kingdom by Don john, was there taken, and in bonds sent aboard to be carried with Carr●ra captain of GULETTA, prisoners to CONSTANTINOPLE. And thus the kingdom of TUNES, with the strong castle of GULETTA, fell again into the possession of the Turks, to the farther trouble of the Christian countries lying over against it. The proud Bassas having (as they thought) best disposed of all things at TUNES and GULETTA, departed thence, and with their fleet of 400 sail, came the fourth of October within sight of MALTA. But understanding that they of MALTA were provided for their coming, and remembering what dishonour their most magnificent emperor Solyman had not many years before there sustained, whereof divers of them had been eye-witnesses, they turned thence, and sailed directly to CONSTANTINOPLE. Shortly after, Selimus' diet●. this great emperor Selimus spent with wine and women, unto whom he had given his greatest strength, died, the ninth of December, in the year of our Lord 1574; when he had lived one and fifty years, and thereof reigned eight, and lieth buried at HADRIANOPLLE. He was but of a mean stature, & of an heavy disposition; his face rather swollen than fat, much resembling a drunkard. Of all the Ottoman kings and emperors he was of least valour, & therefore least regarded, altogether given to sensuality and pleasure: and so dying, left his empire unto Amurath his eldest son, a man of more temperance, but not much greater courage; who nevertheless by his valiant Bassas and men of war did great matters, especially against the Persians, the mortal and dangerous enemies of the Turks, as shall be hereafter in his History declared. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Selimus the second. Emperors of Germany Maximilian the second. 1565. 12. Kings Of England Queen Elizabeth. 1558. 45. Of France Charles the ninth. 1560. 14. Of Scotland Queen Mary. 1543. 20. james the sixth, that now reigneth. 1567. Bishops of Rome Pius the V. 1566. 6. julius the XIII. 1572. 12. AMURATH. AMURATHES TERTIUS TURCARUM IMPERATOR SEXTUS: FLORVIT ANᵒ 1574 Non ego fortis eram: Q●is tanto nomine dignus? Ni fortem faciat mens generosa virum. Me tumidum fortuna tumens evexit in altum, Et par fortunae, mens mea semper erat. Sic quamuis tenero mihi nil nisi molle placeret: Nominis augendi raptus amore fui. Emisique meos ad fortia facta ministros: Per quos sublatum est, nomen in astra meum. Mustapha, Ferrhates, Sinan, & ter maximus Osman: Terrores orbis succubuere mihi Armenios' domui fortes Medosque feroces: Et mihi paruerat Regia Taurisij. Sed mihi quid prodest tantorum parta labour Gloria? Si subito maxima queque ruant? Et nihil est tanti, quod non brevis auferet hora Sic mea cum multis gloria victa jacet. RICH. KNOLLEUS. In English thus. The Worthies praise I challenge not: for who deserves the same? Except the noble Worthies mind, deserve the Worthies fame. Proud fortune set me proud aloft, in honour's highest grace: And still my haughty thoughts they were equal unto my place. So that although nought pleased but that best fitted my desire: Yet to increase my fame, I still▪ did more and more aspire. And sent my mighty Worthies out, to manage my great wars: By whose known valour my proud name, is mounted to the stars. Proud Sinan, Ferrat, Mustapha, all men of high degree: The terrors of the world so wide, were vassals unto me. Th'Armenians stout I vanquished, and filled the Medes with fear: And Regal TAURIS stately towers, at my commandment were. But what avails my glory great, got with such Worthies pain▪ If in the twinkling of an eye, it come to nought again? And nothing is of so great State, which Time shall not cast down: Even so with many others more, must perish my renown. R. Knolls. THE LIFE OF AMURATH, THE THIRD OF THAT NAME, sixth EMPEROR OF THE TURKS. THe death of the late emperor Selimus was for fear of the insolent janissaries notably concealed by the great Bassas, until such time as Amurath his eldest son, Amurath taketh upon him the Turkish empire the 25 day of December, in th● year 1574. then in ASIA, by speedy messengers advertised thereof about twelve days after, arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE: and there received into the Seraglio, took possession of the empire, the five and twentieth day of September, solemn amongst us Christians for the nativity of our Saviour Christ jesus. The description of Amurath. He was about thirty, or (as some write) seven and twenty years old, when he began to reign: of a manly stature, but pale and corpulent, wearing his beard thin and long: in his countenance appeared not the fierce nature of the Ottoman princes, being indeed himself of a peaceable disposition, a lover of justice, and in the manner of his superstition very zealous. The roiot and excess grown amongst the Turks by his father's evil example, he reform, by his own temperance, and the severe punishment of notorious drunkards: yet is it reported, that he would oftentimes himself drink plentifully of wormwood wine: he was much subject to the falling sickness, and sore troubled with the stone: more spare handed than was for the greatness of his state: and yielding more to the counsel of his mother, his wife, and sister, than of his great Bassas; which was of many imputed to him for simplicity. He pacifieth the janissaries, and augm●nteth their priuiledg●● At his first coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, to appease the murmuring of the janissaries (grieved to see themselves so disappointed of the spoil of the Christians and jews, which they were wont to take in the vacancy of the empire) he beside the usual largesse which the Turkish emperors at their first entrance into the empire bestow upon them, augmented also their daily wages, and granted them this privilege, That their sons as soon as they came to be twenty years old, should be enroled amongst the number of the younger janissaries, and be partakers also of their immunities; whereby he won their favours exceedingly. And immediately to rid himself of all competitors, He strangl●th five of his brethren. he after the unnatural manner of the Turkish policy, caused his five brethren, Mustapha, Solyman, Abdulla, Osman, and Tzihanger, to be all strangled in his own presence. The mother of Solyman pierced through with the cruel death of her young son, A disperat woman. as a woman overcome with sorrow, desperately struck herself to the heart with a dagger, and so died. At which so tragical a sight it is reported that Amurath let some tears fall, as not delighting in such barbarous cruelty, but that the state and manner of his government so required. In the beginning of his reign he established divers wholesome laws, altered the coin, and bountifully relieved the poor. 1575. And albeit that he was of a mild and peaceable nature, yet because he would not seem to degenerate from the Ottoman princes his progenitors, he prosecuted his father's wars, Russia invaded by the Turks. Leon. Gorecius de Bello I●oniae. and by the Tartars (called Praecopenses) in the month of October, in the year 1575. entered into RUSSIA, part of the Polonian kingdom, where he burned and destroyed two hundred noblemen's houses, besides an infinite number of towns and villages, made great slaughter of the poor country people, and carried away great numbers of cattle and prisoners bound in thongs made of raw hides. But whilst they were dividing the spoil with Peter the new Vayvod of VALACHIA, who had before solemnly promised to give the Tartars no passage that way, the Polonian Cossackes, who had lain waiting for their return upon the river Borysthenes, broke into the Tartars country, and there requited them with like harm, and brought back with them a number of old captives, who little expected that their so sudden deliverance. The Polonians at this time were at variance among themselves about the election of their new king (Henry Valois their late king being the last year, after the death of Charles his brother the French king, secretly stolen from them into FRANCE, to take upon him that kingdom: after whose departure some of the Polonian nobility made choice of Maximilian the emperor: othersome no less inclining unto the choice of the great duke of MOSCOVIE, and some unto others also.) Whereof Amurath understanding, and loath that either of those two great princes his enemies should be invested or strengthened with that so great a kingdom, and so near unto him: to hinder that their election, and to bring in another of less power, and so less dangerous unto himself, even in the beginning of his reign wrote unto the Polonians to that purpose, commending unto them Stephen Battor the Vayvod of TRANSYLVANIA, for their king, in manner as followeth: Amurath God of the earth, Governor of the whole World, the messenger of God, and faithful servant of the Great Prophet: unto the most honourable Nobility and Counsellors of the kingdom of POLONIA, greeting. Amurath his letters unto the Nobility of Polonia. It is not unto the world unknown (most honourable and mighty Senators) our noble progenitors to have of long time and for many years holden good friendship and religious leagues with the kingdom of POLONIA: For which cause it hath seemed good and reasonable unto us, to put you in remembrance of this so ancient a league and bond of friendship; for that we understand your kingdom to be of late become destitute of a king, by the departure of the noble king Henry, your crowned king (descended of the royal race of the French kings) our friend: who for the small regard you had of him (so great and worthy a prince) and for your disloyalty, is departed out of your kingdom, without purpose of returning any more into POLONIA. Whereupon, as it is reported unto us (but how truly we know not) you passing over your said crowned king Henry, are about to make choice of a n●w king, and especially of Maximilian the emperor, or of the duke of MOSCOVIE, both men of running wits, and of us greatly hated: for why, you may well know they will be troublesome and grievous not unto every one of you only, but even unto us also. Wherefore be you ware that you be not deceived; and take heed lest your confederations and leagues cannot long by their valour and prowess be established; and withal consider well the great dangers and losses which you may thereby fall into, whereof we have thought good to give you a taste: wherefore beware that heavier things befall not your State. We know there are right noble and wise men amongst you, which know better than they how to rule and govern: and if so be it please you not to make choice of any of your own nation; there is not far from you one Stephen Battor, prince of TRANSYLVANIA, a man of great honour and valour, by whose labour and dexterity you may easily procure the peace and quiet of your kingdom. Whereas if you shall do otherwise, we take to witness your God, and his servant our Great Prophet, to destroy all your wealth and goods, which together with you selves; your wives and children, shall be given for a prey unto our soldiers; with the chief men of your cities of CRACOVIA and LEPERIS: which for all that we say not, as any thing at all doubting of your fidelity and constancy towards us. As for the rest which it pleased us by word of mouth to have told unto you, we have given charge unto this our ambassador and counsellor, unto whom our desire is that you should give full credence. From CONSTANTINOPLE the last of September in the year of our Prophet Mahomet 983, and first of our reign. This the great Sultan's commendations so much prevailed with the Polonians, that notwithstanding that Maximilian the emperor was by the Archbishop of GNESNA and some others chosen king, yet was that his election by the greater part of the Nobility revoked, and both he and the great duke of MUSCOVIE being passed over, the noble princess Anne (of the most honourable jagellonian house) chosen queen of POLONIA, Stephen Vayvod of Transyluania upon the commendation of Amurath chosen king of Polon●●. yet with this condition, That she should marry Stephen the Vayvod of TRANSYLVANIA, to them by Amurath commended. Who afterward elected king, all the time of his life right worthily governed that noble kingdom, not only defending the same in such state as he found it, but also notably extending the bounds thereof, enlarging it with such territories as he by force of arms got from his neighbours, especially the Muscovite. Of this election Amurath would oftentimes afterwards boast and say, That he had given the Polonians their king. But of him and of the league by him made with Amurath, more shall be said hereafter. The year following great troubles arose in PERSIA, whereby the flourishing state of that most mighty kingdom was sore shaken, 1576 and opportunity given for the Turkish emperor to invade the same; which he laying hold upon, entered into that bloody war, which to the great quiet of the Christian commonweal, for long time after exercised the forces of those most puissant princes one upon the other. For the better understanding whereof, it shall not be amiss compendiously to set down the same troubles of the Persian kingdom, the very ground of the long and mortal war between those two most mighty Monarches. Old Tamas the Persian king, son to the noble Hismaell, who with great glory had more than fifty years worthily governed that large kingdom, and mightily withstood the often invasions of the Turkish emperors, The eleven sons of Tamas the Persian king. now spent with years, died the eleventh of May in the year 1576, leaving behind him eleven sons, namely, Mahomet the eldest, of an infirmity in his eyes surnamed Codabanda, a man of a peaceable and quiet disposition, more delighted with the sweet pleasures of a contented life than the careful honours of so great a kingdom: Ismahel the second son, of a more fierce and troublesome nature, so much abhorring quietness, that not regarding the league hardly concluded betwixt his aged father and the Turkish emperors Solyman and Selimus, he would now and then without his father's knowledge upon a youthful heat break out into the frontiers of the Turks dominions, and there make great spoil; for which doing although he was both of his father and the people the more regarded, yet was he by his father's commandment (who in outward show seemed to mislike of those his youthful pranks, tending to the breach of the league) restrained of his liberty, and sent to the castle of CAHACA, betwixt TAURIS and CASBIN; where he remained at the time of his Father's death: Aidere the third son, no less ambitious than was his brother Ismahel, but not of like valour, kept by Zalchan, Piry Mahamet, and other his kinsfolks, all men of great power and authority: The other eight were, Mamut, Solyman, Mustapha, Emanguli, Alichan, Amet, Abrahin, and Ismahel the younger. The old king before his death had by his last will and testament solemnly appointed Ismahel his second son to succeed him in the kingdom; Ismahel appointed by his father to succeed him in the kingdom. as of all his sons most ●it to take upon him so great a charge. Which thing Mahomet his elder brother seemed not much to dislike, contenting himself with such honours as his father had before bestowed upon him. Tamas thus dead, Ismahel was by the Sultan's scent for to CAHACA, to take upon him his father's kingdom at CASBIN; when in the mean time there arose a great tumult in the city, yea even in the king's palace: Aidere aspireth to the kingdom of Persia. for Aidere the third brother, who in the time of his father's greatest sickness had entered the chamber where he lay drawing towards his end, and in his sight most presumptuously set the royal crown upon his head, to the manifesting of his ambitious desires, for which he was then worthily reproved: now after the death of his aged father, carried headlong with the same aspiring humour, and supported by Zalchan, and other his mighty fauourits, had so effectually dealt with the great lady Periaconcona, his eldest sister, and the other Sultan's counsellors of estate, put in trust to see the will of the dead king put in execution, as that the succession could not be any longer kept from him, and preserved for Ismahel, but by the help of some fine and secret deceit. This lady Periaconcona (elder than all the young princes the sons of Tamas, her brethren, a woman of great spirit and deep conceit) left in great trust by her father, seeing the proceeding of her brother Aidere, durst neither openly to move any thing unto the Sultan's, prejudicial to his designs; neither could she in her heart endure so great an injury to be done to her brother Ismahel, appointed by his father to succeed him. Wherefore in this perplexity she cast in her wily head, how to satisfy her ambitious brother present, how to save the right of Ismahel absent, the honour of her dead father's will and testament, and the safety of the kingdom. For having thoroughly debated the matter with the Sultan's, she resolved, That Aidere invested in royal apparel, and settled in the great gallery, should attend the acclamation of the people, and be there openly enthronised, as the very elected king. With which vain show the unwise youth (blinded with ambition) suffered himself to be led: and being set in his majesty, verily persuaded himself, that he should now be honoured both of his friends and foes as king. But unto these his so hasty and prosperous designs, the success that sprung from the subtlety of those counsellors and his dissembling sister, were nothing conformable: for that she by their advise took order for the gates of the palace to be presently locked, leaving at every passage a sure guard, and only one wicket open, safely warded with a company of most faithful and valorous captains and soldiers, wholly devoted to Tamas and Ishmael: with straight charge, to suffer every man to enter in, saving only the known friends of Aidere. In this sort did she think to have entertained the young man, until such time as Ismahel should arrive from CAHACA, and so put in execution what he thought best for the honour of himself and the general quiet of the kingdom. Who joyeth now but Aidere? in conceit a king, replenished with unwonted joys, receiving honour from all men, saving from his best friends. By means whereof perceiving now the prohibition of them, and moved also with the great stir of Zalchan his greatest favourite (who discovering the deceit, and crying upon king Aider, threatened the lady, the Sultan's, and the rest that waited upon the feigned succession, indeed ordained but for the scorn and despite of the ambitious man) strucken with an exceeding fear, and full of sorrow, he withdrew himself closely amongst certain women of the Court, hoping so to find some way to escape with life. In the mean time so greatly increased the cries and threatenings of the friends and fauourits of Aidere (who now had all of them prepared themselves for some dangerous and pernicious attempt) that the counsellors with consent of the lady his sister, were enforced to take order, That to bereave this tumultuous & seditious people of all their hope and courage, Aidere should be deprived of his life. Aidere slain, and his head cast amongst his favourites. Whereupon Sahamal the Georgian, uncle to Aidere by the mother's side, by the appointment of the lady Periaconcona and the Sultan's, after long search made for him, at last found him hidden amongst the women, and without further delay taking him by the locks, struck his head from his shoulders; and in the place where Zalchan and the rest of his vn●ortunat favourites stood crying and threatening, amongst the thickest press of the proud conspirators flung the head all bloody, and as it were yet breathing for heat, crying aloud unto them: Behold there your king, enjoy him at your pleasure. At which sudden and horrible spectacle every man burned in rage and anger: neither for the present wanted there many a rash head, that vainly threatened most cruel revenge. But in the end, when they perceived the near succession of Ismahel inevitable, and the death of Aidere irrevocable, every man betook himself to his own private affairs, and so at last divided themselves one from another, and so departing from the palace, scattered themselves some one way some another every man as he thought best for his own safety. Ismahel saluted king. Shortly after Ismahel the desired king arrived at CASBIN, where he was of his sister and the Sultan's joyfully received, as their lawful and undoubted sovereign, and with the great acclamation of the people saluted king: who as soon as he saw himself possessed of the royal seat, and his power now answerable to his desires, he (after the manner of the Turkish policy) most unnaturally caused the heads of his eight younger brethren to be strucken off: He murdereth eight of his younger brethren. and withal used such further diligence, that not only all those which were near unto them in blood or affinity, were bereaved of their lives, but also all the fauourits of his late slain brother Aidere, were destroyed in that public slaughter: so that all the streets of CASBIN were defiled with blood, and all the city resounded with mourning and complaints. Which unexpected cruelty, altogether unworthy so worthy a thought king, so altered the minds of his subjects in general, that all their former hopes were now converted into new fears, and their joy into mourning. But much greater and far more lamentable did the miseries grow, as soon as it was given out, That he would change the religion of the Persians (who with great devotion honour their foolish Prophet Aly) into the superstition of the Turks (who with no less impiety observe and maintain the wicked rites of Ebubekir, Haumer, Osman, and others, by them supposed to be the most true successors of their great Prophet Mahomet.) For by means of this uncouth novelty and unexpected change, and by force of an edict concerning that matter, published by this new king, many of his profane priests, many of the governors of his friendly and subject cities (too much devoured to their former superstition) were driven some into exile, some clapped into prison, some had their eyes plucked out (among whom was the Caliph of CASBIN) and not a few others in sundry sorts deprived of their lives. Yea many ladies (joined in blood with Ismahel himself, and divers others of his kinsfolks, to whom neither sex, nor age, nor innocency could be a sufficient defence) endured sundry torments and strange calamities: so that in PERSIA was never felt greater troubles, or a more dangerous change. In this so great an innovation, and among these tumults, there went abroad withal a general rumour, not in the cities of PERSIA only, but in the regions of the Turks also, even as far as CONSTANTINOPLE, That Ismahel with a puissant army of such as favoured this new proclaimed vanity, was determined in person himself to go to BABYLON, now called BAGDAT, there to receive the crown of the empire, at the hands of him that he should find to be the successor of their great Caliph, and in the chiefest place among their unclean priests: as had sometime Solyman the great emperor of the Turks, and the Persian kings of ancient times. In this world of troubles, when as the fear of farther miseries increased, rather than any hope of ancient quietness; he was when he least feared, Ismahel suddenly murdered by the devise of his sister Periaconcona. by the help of the aforenamed lady Periaconcona suddenly bereft of his life: but whether overtaken in some of his own amorous practices, or poisoned by his said sister; or that she (as some probably affirm) having secretly conspired with Calil Chan, Emir Chan, Pyry Mahamet, Curchi● Bassi (being all at that time men of great account, and as it were precedents of the kingdom) who disguised in women's apparel and brought in by her, strangled him at such time as he had privately withdrawn himself amongst his parmours, is uncertain. Howsoever it was, sufficeth it, that he by the help of the said lady Periaconcona, was by unnatural death taken out of this world the four and twentieth day of November, in the year of grace 1577; 1577 to the exceeding joy of all those nations, who by his death thought themselves now freed of many great and dangerous troubles: when he had reigned one year, seven months, and six days. Ismahel thus taken out of the way, the lady began forthwith to persuade with the great Sultan's (the ministers of Ismahels' death) that as they had for the general good of PERSIA contrived the death of the late king: so now that they would take upon them the protection of that great kingdom, with the preservation of the majesty and liberty thereof, until such time as it were known who should worthily succeed in that crown, which now remained in their hands. There was at that time many of the greatest princes and Governors of that kingdom assembled at CASBIN, there gaping after such mutations of those troublesome times, as might best serve their private designs. Emir Chan burning in ambitious desires, was in hope by means of a match to be made with a sister of Periaconcona (who was already greatly inclining unto him) to be exalted to the sovereignty of all PERSIA. Mirize Salmas the chief Sultan, hoped on the other side to advance into the estate, either Mahamet Codabanda the eldest brother of the dead king, or else Hamze the eldest son of the said Mahamet; and by bestowing upon him his daughter in marriage (as afterwards he did) so to increase the glory of his house. Others there were, that thought they should be able to draw Abas Mirize (the middlemost son of Mahamet) out of HERI, and to make him king. Neither wanted the infant Tamas his aspiring friends, whose tutor waited likewise for some opportunity to settle him in the kingdom, and so by means of his greatness, to make himself greatest amongst his fellows. A number of others there were that secretly waited upon every occasion that time should present for their preferment. Howbeit in this so great variety of thoughts, the Sultan's answered the lady with one consent, and promised her in most liberal terms, all the protection that their forces could afford, or their weapons procure: and yet did every one of them, both in action and word, clearkly dissemble their several imaginations, whereunto their minds were as prone and ready, as their hearts were cunning closely to conceal them. Amurat the Turkish emperors now wakened, Amurat a●●en●iue to the 〈◊〉 in Persia. first at the death of the old renowned Tamas, and then at the rumour of the desire Ismahel had to pass with an army to BABYLON, as also at the fresh report of the Turkish superstition newly published in PERSIA; and withal thoroughly instructed what harm this late king had done in PERSIA, what dissensions he had raised, and how hardly the provinces of that empire had endured those calamities: began forthwith to think hereby a fair occasion to be ministered unto him, to take up arms against the Persians, and matter sufficient suggested for him to put in execution the great desire he had of some new conquest. For it is an ancient custom, which is grown to be as it were a law amongst the Ottoman kings, That they may not challenge their due honours in their life time, nor their proud monuments after their death, unless they attempt some great and ambitious actions and enterprises, and perform some exploit conformable to their majesty. Amurath therefore bend upon these great stirs in PERSIA, would not direct his mind any other way, or take any other war in hand, until he might first see what issue these marvelous innovations in PERSIA would bring forth: which in the person of Mahamet the succeeding king, seemed to be more pregnant than ever before, and ministered unto Amurath new occasions of victorious and strange hopes. For as soon as Ismahel was dead, the aforenamed Mirize Salmas (in dignity chief man among the Sultan's, though in blood and nobility inferior to them all) after many letters dispatched to and fro, at last assured Mahamet Codabanda, how with all quietness of mind and security of person, he might come and possess himself of the kingdom. He was also advertised by the said Salmas, of the whole conspiracy plotted against his brother to bring him to his end: and likewise made acquainted, how the fraudulent lady (with the Sultan's) had capitally consulted against himself; and how she favouring Emir Chan, and Abas Mirize of HARI (her nephew and his son) more than became her, did little regard the due and rightful succession of him being the eldest brother. Mahamet resolveth to take upon him the kingdom of Persia. So Mahamet bearing himself upon the faith and diligence of Mirize Salmas, and desirous withal to see his eldest son Hamze Mirize advanced to some such sovereign dignity, as he saw was due to the lively hope every man perceived to be in him, in regard of his virtue and prudence for managing the commonwealth, and matters of war (wherein also he showed himself unto his father jealous and suspicious, lest some other man should usurp upon him, that honour and authority which so properly appertained unto him) resolved in the end not to leave the kingdom in the hands of private persons, nor the lightness of an unconstant woman of suspected modesty, and a rebellious conspirator against her own blood, wherewith she had without any pity or remorse of conscience, now twice defiled herself. And therefore he wrote back again, That he was minded to take the rightful succession upon him, and that for the same purpose he was putting himself upon his journey: with strait charge notwithstanding, that Mirize Salmas should before his entrance within the gates of CASBIN, present him with the mischievous head of Periaconcona; a woman (in respect of the scorn exercised against her brother Aidere, and of the treacherous death of her other brother Ismahel, and of the perverse imaginations which she had conceived to cause the succession to fall into other men's hands, and of the prodigal familiarity which she had with some of the Sultan's) well worthy of a thousand deaths. Mahomet proclaimed king of Persia. The head of Periaconcona presented to Mahamet on a lance. Secretly did Mirize Salmas put in execution whatsoever Mahamet had privately enjoined him, so that by his means he was presently and solemnly proclaimed king of PERSIA. And afterwards having gathered together many squadrons of men, wholly devoted to the blood and name of Mahamet, the same Mirize Salmas met him on the way, carrying the head of that manlike Virago Periaconcona upon the point of a lance, with her hair dispersed, and some other uncouth sights to the terror of the beholders. From which novelties (one mischief as it were huddling upon the neck of another) there sprung up divers inward hatreds, sundry tumultuous seditions, and much civil wars: this new king by the instigation of Mirize Salmas, seeking on the one side to be revenged on the Sultan's for his brother's death; and they on the other side opposing themselves with all their power against him, the state of PERSIA began to fall into great inconveniences, and of these novelties to reap new losses. Sah●mal the Georgian fled into his mountain of BRUS, fearing the wrath of this new lord: Levent ogli likewise an other of the lords of GEORGIA, understanding of the flight of Sahamal his neighbour, estranged himself so far from his old love and ancient devotion towards the Persian kings, that he seemed now to desire some new innovation. The nations also that were neighbours to the Turks, and the people of MEDIA ATROPATIA, now called SIRVAN, disliked of this new king; and in the end it appeared, that PERSIA under this king through many mutations was in short time fallen into most notable misery, and the state thereof more weakened than it had been of long time before. Of all these things had Amurath from divers places intelligence, but more particularly from Vstreff of VAN, a city of ARMENIA the greater, situate upon the lake Actamar; who sent him most perfect information of all the stirs in PERSIA: Discoursing unto him of the death of Ismahel, the consultations of the Sultan's, the treacheries and death of Periaconcona, the broils between the king and the Sultan's, the nature of the new king (being diseased in his eyes, little esteemed of his subjects, besotted in affection towards his sons) the facility to overrule the chief Governors of the Georgians, and the people of SERVAN, evil affected towards the new king: and to be brief, whatsoever had in truth succeeded in PERSIA, and might inflame the mind of the ambitious Sultan, to convert his forces against an enemy of small counsel, and much confusion: adding thereunto, that never was there greater opportunity to overcome that king than now was offered; and therefore wished him, not in any case to let slip so fair an occasion, as the Ottoman kings had never before, for the obtaining of so certain and so glorious victories. Amurath of long time wholly bend to mark the event of the troubles in PERSIA, now stirred up with these advertisements from Vstref, settled himself more deeply in his former conceits to prove his forces in subduing the Persian king, the ancient enemy of the Ottoman emperors, and his only corrival and odious competitor in the East. But no one thing did more inflame him thereunto, than to think, how he should have to his enemy a king not acquainted with deeds of arms, doting upon his children, and weakened with the dissension of his subjects: and on the other side entering into the consideration of his own forces, of the infinite number of his men, both horse and foot, of the means he had to find money, of his artillery and engines of war, wherein he far surpassed the Persians; he did more and more resolve with himself, to take the occasion that was now offered him to begin th● war. For the compass of which his purpose he was greatly favoured by the present state of Christendom, at that time being wholly in league and amity with him. So not finding any thing contrary to his designments, he resolved at last to confer with the chief Bassas, which had the government of his empire, Whether it were better upon this occasion to begin the prepensed war; or if they thought not this opportunity to be so fit, then to lay it aside, and to convert his forces and counsel against the commonwealth of Christendom. For such is the barbarous policy▪ whereby this empire is managed, That it is lawful for them to break any league, be it by never so many promises or solemn oaths confirmed, No assurance in the Turks leagues. whensoever any enterprise is to be attempted for the advancing thereof. So that although this war could not be moved either against the Persians or Christians, without breach of their promised faith: yet among the manifold consultations that passed among the great Bassas, there was not any man found that made any account of that defect, but all with one accord, without further respect sought to set forward the ambitious desire of their proud lord and master. At last after long consultation and large discourses it was agreed upon by the great Bassanes Mahomet, Sinan, and Mustapha, That it would be better and less danger to attempt war against the Persians, than against the Christian princes. Mustapha among the rest preferring the valour of the Latins (whereof he had made good trial especially at FAMAGUSTA) before the armies and forces of the Georgians and Persians. Whereby it is apparent to the world, that neither the zeal of their religion, nor any injury received from the Persian king, but only the ambitious desire of Amurath (to subdue a kingdom, Ambition the cause of the Persian war. both in his own conceit and other men's relations, evil governed, by an effeminate and sottish king, and through civil dissension brought into great danger) was the first provocation of making this war. Upon this resolution there arose new consultations touching the manner thereof, A consultation holden amongst the Bassas about the manner of the invasion of Persia. and upon what coast they should begin their journey, for the more honourable success thereof. Which point Amurath greatly urged, protesting before his chief counsellors, That he would not enter into that war, except he were in great hope to bear away the victory. Some thought it most convenient to send the army to BABYLON, and from thence to SYRAS, called in old time PERSEPOLIS, the chief city of the country of PERSIA: others there were that gave advise, That the army should be directly sent to TAURIS, there to erect strong fortresses, and to take possession of all the country round about it: and there wanted not some (as it is reported) that thought it better to send two several armies for both the forenamed places; and so by bringing the enemy into a strait, to enforce him to yield to whatsoever should be of him required. But Amurath durst not repose such confidence in his forces, as to think, that with his battles divided and so weakened he should be able to conquer that enemy, who had always most valiantly fought against the monstrous and puissant armies of his ancestors. And therefore firmly resolved with himself, to send one only army, and so with his united forces to seek the overthrow of the enemy. And so preferring the strong hope he had conceived to conquer the country of SIRVAN, and the chief cities of MEDIA the great, before the difficulty of making war upon the coast of SCYRAS, reposing also great hope in the notable help that was promised him by the Tartars called Praecopenses, he confirmed the great Bassas his counsellors in the same opinion: and withal discovered unto them a matter, which to all of them, but especially to Sinan, seemed most strange; namely, that he was determined not to go himself in person with his army, but to send one of his worthiest captains in his stead. The causes why he so did, were many, but especially, for that he was troubled with the falling sickness, and feared greatly (and that not without good cause) lest his son Mahomet (being much favoured of the people) might peradventure in his absence be untimely advanced to the empire; beside the dangers that he suspected at the hands of the Christian potentates: and withal persuaded it to be unto himself a great honour to perform those things by his servants, which had in those countries been unfortunately attempted by his most noble predecessors in their own persons. While they were thus consulting about this expedition, and the great Bassas, Sinan, Mustapha, and others, made means to be sent as the sovereign ministers of their lords designment; he dispatched away sundry posts and light horsemen with order to the Bassas and Governors of VAN, BABYLON, and ERZIRUM, in the frontiers of his dominions, That they should by often inroads spoil the towns and castles of the Persians, and by all means to do them what harm they could. ustref Bassa beginneth the wars in Persia. Which they were not slack to put in execution, and especially ustref (or rather Husreve) Bassa of VAN: who with often incursions did much mischief, as well in the country's tributary, as subject to the Persian king. A forcible preparative for greater troubles to ensue. Now in these great preparations for the Persian war (which for many years after notably exercised the greatest part of the Turks forces, to the great quiet of the Christian commonweal) Stephen Bathor the late Vayvod of TRANSYLVANIA, but now by the commendation of Am●rath become king of POLONIA, in the beginning of his reign by his ambassador the great lord john of SYENNA, entered into a strong league and confederation with the great Turkish Sultan Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE. Which for that it showeth in what terms that famous kingdom then and yet standeth with the Turks great empire, and withal containeth matter well worth the Christian consideration, it shall not be impertinent to our purpose (omitting the long and glorious style of that barbarous Monarch, serving to no other end but to show the greatness of his power) plainly to set it down as it was on his part at the same time by him confirmed. The League betwixt the most puissant and mighty Princes, Sultan Amurath the Turkish emperor, and Stephen king of POLONIA, agreed upon and concluded at CONSTANTINOPLE, in the year of our Saviour Christ jesus 1577, and of the Prophet Mahomet 985. The League betwixt Amurath the Turks Sultan, and Stephen king of Polonia. I Sultan Amurath the son of Selym Chan, the son of Solyman Chan, the son of Selym Chan, the son of Bajazet Chan, the son of the Great Emperor Mahomet Chan, etc. Prince of these present times, the only Monarch of this age, of power able to confound the power of the whole world, the shadow of divine clemency and grace, Great Emperor of many kingdoms, countries, provinces, cities, and towns, lord of MECHA, that is to say, of the house of the glory of God, of the resplendent city of MEDINA, and of the most blessed city of JERUSALEM, prince of the most fruitful country of EGYPT, IMEN, ZENAN, ADEN, and many other such like: in most loving manner declare, That the most glorious and renowned Stephen king of POLONIA, great duke of LITHYANIA, RUSSIA, PRUSIA, MASOVIA, SAMOGITIA, KIOVIA, LIVONIA, and many other countries more, prince of the courageous followers of jesus, Governor of all the affairs of the people and family of the Nazarets, the welcomest cloud of rain, and most sweet fountain of glory and virtue, eternal lord and heir of the felicity and honour of the aforesaid noble kingdom of POLONIA, unto whom all the distressed repair for refuge, wishing a most happy success and blessed end to all his actions: offering unto us many religious vows and eternal praises worthy our perpetual love and most holy league, and with great devotion performing these and other like honours, as for the dispatch of his letters to our most glorious court, for the new confirming of the most sacred league and confederation with us, sending the honourable lord john of SYENNA (his most faithful counsellor) his ambassador to our imperial court; declaring his love and integrity, and purging himself of all the suspicion of hostility, hath requested the league and confederation to be renewed. At whose instance we have given these our letters confirming the said league of peace and confederation: wherein we command, that none of our Counsellors, Beglerbegs, Sanzacks', Generals of our armies, Captains or servants, shall do, or on my behalf presume to do any hurt unto the kingdom, countries, cities, castles, towns, islands, or whatsoever else to the kingdom of POLONIA belonging. And in like manner, that none of the Nobility, Generals, Captains, or others whosoever belonging unto the king of POLONIA, shall dare to do any harm unto my kingdoms, cities, castles, or towns confining unto the kingdom of POLONIA. In brief my will is, that he being a mortal enemy unto mine enemies, and a fast friend unto my friends, shall do no grievance or harm unto any my subjects, or things whatsoever unto my jurisdiction belonging. So in like manner communding also, that no hurt by any means, or for any occasion be done by our people unto the subjects, or whatsoever else unto the jurisdiction of the king of POLONIA appertaining. The creatures, ambassadors, messengers, and men of whatsoever condition else, shall on both sides freely without let or trouble come and go without any harm receiving, either in their persons or goods. It shall be lawful also for the king of POLONIA his subjects, to seek throughout out empire for any the Polonian captives taken before the time of this league; and the same so found (if they have not received the Turkish religion, but still remain Christians) to redeem, without the contradiction of any man. And that whatsoever shall be taken and carried away after the confirmation of this league, shall be all again freely and without any thing paying, delivered and restored. That the merchants on both parts may freely traffic with all kind of merchandise in the black and white sea, as also upon the main; and so paying their usual and lawful custom, to be in nothing wronged or molested. If any of the Polonian merchants shall die in our dominion, the goods of him so dead shall not be embeseled, but kept in safety until his brethren or other his friends shall come with the king of POLONIA his letters: upon the showing whereof, having also our letters mandatory, the goods shall be forthwith restored unto the dead man's heirs. In which sort also my merchants shall be dealt withal, if any of them shall chance to die in the kingdom of POLONIA. If any wrong be done within the limits of mine empire, unto any belonging unto the kingdom of POLONIA, after the date of these letters confirming the league; the doer of the wrong shall by my commandment be sought out, and being found shall be punished, and the wrong done, without any delay or contradiction, forthwith recompensed. And the like justice to be also on the behalf of the king of POLONIA administered. If any debtor shall depart out of mine empire into the Polonian territory, wheresoever he shall chance to be found by his creditor, he shall be brought to the judge of that place to be examined, and whatsoever it shall be proved him of right to owe, the judge of that place shall according to the equity of the cause make the creditor to be satisfied. But if the debtor cannot himself personally be found, no other man shall by reason of an other man's debt be taken, detained, or molested: neither shall the innocent be troubled for the guilty, in either or both our kingdoms. In brief, upon whatsoever conditions and capitulations the league of peace and confederation was in the time of my father, my grandfather, or great grandfather of famous memory, made with the kings of POLONIA, upon the same conditions and capitulations be it now made also. Whatsoever hurt hath hitherto been done to either part by reason of the disagreement of the Governors and captains, shall all be on both parties neglected and forgotten. Also after the time of these letters confirming the league and confederation, Whereas the king of POLONIA shall in time 〈◊〉 a certain sum of money used to be paid unto the Tartars; the Tartar Chan and his son Mirzeleby their princes, shall restore the same again, and not to dare to suffer his armies by any means to hurt the Polonian territories. So that on the part of the Tartars and their armies, no harm shall be done unto the kingdom of POLONIA: neither on the part of the Polonians to the territories of the Tartars. And if any harm shall by the Tartars be done in the king of POLONIA his territories, it shall by my commandment be again restored. And so likewise on the part of the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, or the inhabitants of the kingdom of MOLDAVIA, no harm shall be done unto the country's subject unto the king of POLONIA: but if any be done and certainly known, to be by my commandment again recompensed. On the part also of the king of POLONIA and his subjects, whatsoever harm shall be done unto the territory or subjects of the Moldavian Palatine, or Tartars; the harm so done to be recompensed, and the doers thereof punished. Also that all such fugitives as having done any notorious felonies or other villainies in MOLDAVIA, and so are fled into POLONIA, shall at my request, or at the request of the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, be restored, and in no case denied. That all the Polonian captives within my dominions, yet professing the Christian religion, may by the king of POLONIA his subjects be redeemed, not paying any more for them than their lords and masters paid: every such master of the slave taking his oath that he cost him so much. But such captives as have received the Turkish faith, to be forthwith set at liberty: and so the Turks slaves in the kingdom of POLONIA to be likewise manumised. That our ambassadors on both sides (so long as we are in league and amity) may freely come and go, and not be stayed in any place; and being willing to meet together, may at their pleasure so do. And being entered into the confines of either part, to be forthwith by some good and faithful guide appointed unto them, conducted unto the place they are to go unto. And this to be on both sides kept. No man to dare to hurt, or stay any Merchant, having paid his thirtieth part, or lawful custom. If any of our subjects shall have any suit with any of the king of POLONIA his subjects, the judges shall without delay be bound to administer justice. All thieves and robbers shall be diligently sought out; and being found, to be severely punished: and the goods taken away, without impeachment to be restored unto the right owners, their heirs, or to the king. The Sanzacks' of SILISTRIA and BOLOGRAVE, the Customers and water-baylifs shall not suffer any man but merchants and such as are sent in our service, to pass over the river Nyester; who passing over, if they shall bring with them any slave or bondman out of POLONIA, he shall be sent back again. The shepherds, if they will transport their sheep into the jurisdiction of the king of POLONIA, shall not so do without the leave of the Polonian Governors, before whom they shall also number their sheep: of whom if any shall be lost, the Governors shall cause them to be sought for, and to be restored unto the shepherds, as also to pay for their hey. The Zauzij, janissaries, or Posts, shall not dare in time of peace or war, to take any horses from the Polonian merchants, or other the king's subjects coming into our kingdom. The Palatines of MOLDAVIA, in whatsoever condition they have been towards the former kings of POLONIA, they shall now also still so be hereafter. The thirtiths and customs of both parts, shall continue in their old manner, and not be increased. The Polonian kings subjects and merchants, as well Armenians as of any other nation, whensoever they shall enter into MOLDAVIA, or any other part of our empire, shall not travel by uncertain and unknown, but by the common and high ways: wherein if they shall suffer any loss or harm, either in their goods or persons, the doers of such wrongs shall be sought for, and severely punished. Which merchant's shall be suffered without any molestation quietly to come and go, having paid their thirtiths: and no merchant to be troubled for another's debt. If any the Polonian kings merchants or subjects, be willing for ready money to redeem and carry away any slaves taken out of the Polonian kingdom, and yet professing the Christian religion; the judges shall in no case withstand them, neither presume to take them from them, or again to redeem them. But if any of such slaves have received the Turkish religion, they shall not be again demanded by the king of POLONIA. Such slaves as have not received the Turkish religion, if after a certain space they shall be set at liberty by their masters, and in the letters testimonial of their liberty, it shall be declared that they have received the Turkish religion; yet shall they not by the judges be therefore detained. In the city of BURUSA, the Polonian merchants having paid their usual thirtiths, shall not be farther pressed with any other unusual payment. My will is also, that the territories at this present in the possession of the king of POLONIA, 〈◊〉 hereafter to be by him taken from the Muscovite or any other the Christian princes, to be comprised within this league, and so to be royally by him possessed. And for the confirmation of the articles and conditions in these our letters of confederation contained, I swear by the power of the most mighty God, and of his most holy prophet; and by the most clean and pure spirits of all the prophets; that for all the days of my life, and so long as nothing shall on the behalf of the king of POLONIA be done contrary to the peace and league, nothing shall also on my part be done contrary unto the same. Witness the Almighty, the upright judge and decerner of men's actions. From CONSTANTINOPLE the year of the holy prophet Mahomet 985, the 14 of the month Cziemassi Eumel, and of Christ 1577. This league betwixt these two mighty princes Amurath and king Stephen▪ thus concluded, and after the death of Stephen by Sigismond the third (which now reigneth) renewed; as it hath been ever since unto the Polonian kingdom for the time commodious, so hath it as with an Adamantine band so bound that most famous kingdom, as that in the hardest distresses of the Christian commonweal, and most in deed concerning itself, it hath afforded no more help than hath the members farther off, which is (I rue to say it) none at all. As in these late and present wars betwixt the Christian emperor and the two last Turkish Sultan's, is too plainly to be seen: wherein had it in due time given but such reasonable helps as it might well have spared, much no doubt might have been done for the repressing of the common enemy, and the recovery of the greatest part of that is lost of HUNGARY: But thus bound, standeth as a dead member, serving to no use more than to the more speedy destruction of itself, together with the rest of the sick body. For what assurance it can have in this long (I must needs say) but evil assured peace, is well to be seen in that in the great consultation of this great Sultan Amurath with his Bassas after the Persian war, for the invading of Christendom; the Polonians for all this league so solemnly constrained, were nothing the more regarded, but laid in the same balance with the rest, and preserved only by the Providence that all governeth: which leading the Turk against the Christian emperor their neighbour, hath given them that peace they were otherwise hardly to have looked for. Unto whom for all that, having to his endless praise maintained a long and most chargeable war, they have not lent any great help or friendly hand; yet lying themselves still in the lions mouth, and like enough to be the next (God grant I be therein deceived) that is to be of him devoured. But leaving these the heavy conceits of a melancholy mind, and ominous forbodings of that I wish not, to return again toward PERSIA, Amurath his greatest care. Amongst many the ambitious competitors for the managing of these Turkish so great desseigns, was the great Bassa Mustapha (even he, Musta●ha Bassa made General of the Turks army. who in the reign of the late emperor Selimus conquered CYPRUS, carrying thence together with his victory perpetual infamy, for his faithless and cruel dealing with Bragadine the worthy and renowned Governor of FAMAGUSTA) appointed General of the Turks army into PERSIA: and authority given him, to provide whatsoever he should think needful for so great a war. And commandment given unto the Bassas, and other commanders of the greatest part of the Turkish empire Eastward, 1578 that they should themselves with their soldiers of all sorts, bound by their perpetual annuities to go to the war, in the beginning of the Spring this year 1578, repair to ERZIRUM, a city of CAPADOCIA bordering upon ARMENIA, there to attend the command of their new General. Who having his dispatch from CONSTANTINOPLE, and for fashion sake conducted by most of the court over the straight to SCUTARI, Mustapha cometh to Erzir●m and there mustereth his army. and from thence passing through the countries of AMASIA and SIVAS, in the very beginning of Summer arrived at ERZIRUM; and there stayed until such time as his people, victuals, artillery, and other his necessary provision was come thither. From whence he departed for SIRVAN, having first taken a diligent survey of his whole army, mustering the soldiers of every nation by themselves: namely, of the Mesopotamians twelve thousand, of the Assyrians and Babylonians fourteen thousand, of the Syrians two thousand, of them of the lesser ASIA (now comprehended under the name of ANATOLIA) ten thousand, of the jews and Philistims one thousand, and of the Cilicians four thousand. After whom followed the soldiers of GRaeCIA, the glory and hope of all the camp, valiant men to the number of ten thousand: and after them the familiar and faithful guard of the General, ten thousand janissaries of CONSTANTINOPLE with arquebusiers on their shoulders, and scimitars by their sides: of the city also of ERZIRUM, and the jurisdiction thereof, appeared four thousand under the ensign of Beyran Bassa their General. All these were stipendaries to the Turkish emperor: unto whom other voluntary adventurers joined themselves, in number not inferior to the rest, but better furnished, and of greater courage. So that in this general survey of the army were found about an hundred and ten thousand men, most part horsemen: yet was there not any stirred out of ARABIA, EGYPT, AFRICA, or HUNGARY, or other places alongst the sea coasts: neither were the provinces from whence these soldiers were drawn, left destitute or unfurnished of their ordinary garrisons. Besides this multitude of men, Mustapha brought with him five hundred small pieces of artillery, with many loads of money for his soldiers pay, with further order for the taking up of more at ALEPPO, and other places, if his occasions should so require. He caused also great quantity of corn to be transported by the Great sea called in ancient time Pontus Euxinus, to TRAPEZONDE, so to be conveyed to ERZIRUM, being but four days journey distant thence. To be short, having taken order for all things he thought necessary for the war, he in seemly array departed from ERZIRUM, Mustapha at Chars. and in eight days arrived at the ruins of CHARS, and in the fruitful country thereabout rested himself: but was there surprised with such a violent tempest of wind and rain, as rend in sunder his tents and did great harm, by means whereof many fell sick and were constrained to forsake the army. Having stayed three days at CHARS, the bounder of the Turkish and Persian empires, he departed thence with his army, and that evening lodged under the mountains of CH●ILDER, supposed to be part of the hills PERIARDO: where hearing the Persians to be in arms, he thought it best for the security of his army, Mustapha cunningly encampeth his army at Cheilder. so to pitch his tents as that he might well discover the coming of the enemy, and not to be assaulted at unawares. And therefore planting himself in the plain, he gave order that Beyran, Bassa of ERZIRUM, should take possession of a certain hill on the right hand; and Deruis the Bassa of CARAEMIT should keep another hill that stood on the left hand; and with them Osman Bassa, Mahamet Bassa, Mustafsade Bassa, adventurers, with many others as well stipendary as voluntary men, should likewise pitch their tents upon the same hills, in such sort, as that they making as it were two wings to the camp, might discover the coming of every man, and yet he himself being shadowed with the two hills, might lie unperceived of any. Mahamet the new king of PERSIA, as yet scarcely settled in his kingdom, stirred up by the fame of these motions, resolved in himself to stand upon the defence of his state, and for a time to dissemble the conceived hatred which he bore to some of the Sultan's of PERSIA, and princes of GEORGIA, and to make some apparent show that he was reconciled to them; for that without them he could not promise unto himself any form of an army, or defence: wherein (notwithstanding all the troubled state of his kingdom) he wrought so cunningly, that almost all the great men of account took upon them the protection of his state and kingdom. And so Tocomac a Sultan, Tocomac General of the Persians. the Chan and Governor of REIVAN, a famous man, well known unto the Turks, and of great reputation amongst the Persians, was chosen General of this expedition; with charge, That gathering together the greatest number of men he could out of ATROPATIA, out of MEDIA the greater, and other places near unto the Turks, he should by all means possible stop their passage into GEORGIA and MEDIA ATROPATIA. And thereupon precepts were sent out into all parts of the kingdom, That all the Chans, Sultan's, and soldiers whatsoever should come ready priest to attend upon their new General. Many obedient to the king's proclamation came, but many there were that would not stir a foot, for their obstinacy in the broils begun, and for the suspicion they had of unlooked for mischiefs: at whose disobedience the king much grieved; but now there was no remedy but to make the best of the matter, and for the safeguard of his honour to make the best resistance they could. So with those few which for the love of their prince and country were met together in those parts, being in number not above twenty thousand, Tocomac was dispatched about his business, if happily he might with these small forces oppress the enemy in some strait or troublesome passage, where the great multitude should rather serve to the confusion of themselves than to the help of one another. These twenty thousand were all horsemen, armed with scimitar and bow, with some harquebusies among, and furnished with very fine and well tempered armour; but above all, courageous they were and resolute, and well the more for the valour and prowess of their General. So provided of all things necessary, they set forward, and keeping the way of TAURIS and GENGE, they came to the turning of CHARS, where they were advertised that the enemy's army was already passed. They were now come within a days journey of CHIELDER, when they sent quick and faithful scouts to bring them certain news of the condition and number of the Turks army; who came thither even at the very time that Mustapha was encamping his army between the two hills, whereupon the two Bassanes Beyran and Deruis with their people had already pitched their tents. These scouts discovering the Turkish host aloft, persuaded themselves that there was not any other battle than those which they saw upon the hills; whereof with all speed they could they returned news to Tocomac, who at ease had followed these his scouts afar off. Tocomac thus misenformed by his scouts of the number of his enemies, held on his way boldly, with purpose to assault them: and having discovered their tents upon the hills, was thoroughly confirmed in the opinion he had before conceived of the number of his enemies and the scouts relation, and with so much the more confidence set forward to assail them. But Beyran and Deruis, who quickly from the hills perceived the Persians coming in the plain, although they knew them to be men of great courage, yet reposing an assu●ed confidence in their General's battle, with all speed mounted upon their horses and ran to meet them. So in the aforesaid plains under CHIELDER, within one hour after noon was joined a most bloody battle, wherein at last were slain seven of the Turks Sanzackes, with a very great number of soldiers, without any apparent loss at all among the Persians; who fight close together in great hea●, and all bebloudied, urged their happy and fortunate victory. But Mustapha who perceived all that had passed, Mustapha cometh with his battle to relieve his distressed people. and stayed waiting till the fight was at the hottest, and the medley at the thickest, that so the flight of the enemies, might breed their greater disorder: and now seeing that his people could no longer endure the fury of the enemy's rage (even as if it had lightened and thundered, and as though the earth had shaken) with such cries and exclamations as the Turks use in their assaults, for the more terror of the enemies, exciting his army, ran as it were headlong upon his adversaries, and so renewed a most terrible battle. The Persians with wonderful courage endured this unexpected and dreadful assault, and with incredible signs of valour, in that little time of daylight that was left (for the night began now to approach) continued their manifold slaughters, and at last being favoured by the darkness of the night, withdrew themselves with as little loss as possibly they might. Neither dared Mustapha any longer pursue them, but was glad by night to return to his camp. Of the success of this battle the Persians certified their king: as also of the greatness of the Turkish army, with their further purpose for the annoying thereof. And by the Turks also were presented to Mustapha (who had already sent away posts with news to Amurath) five thousand heads, which by their colour, countenance, and beards, bewrayed themselves to be Persians, and three thousand Persians alive. Of this victory Mustapha greatly rejoiced, and to make it seem the greater seeking by all means to conceal his own losses, A bulwark made of the heads of the slain Persians. and to raise a greater terror by the fame thereof among his enemies) caused the heads of those three thousand that were brought before him alive to be presently cut from their shoulders, and gave order, that of those heads there should be framed a bulwark in those fields for a most horrible and uncouth spectacle. The same day that Mustapha employed himself about this barbarous and cruel work, there came unto him certain messengers from Manucchiar, the younger son of the Georgian widow Dedesmit (a great prince in that country) who told him, That with his good favour and leave Manucchiar their lord and master was coming to salute him, and to offer himself unto him as his obedient and devoted servant. At which news Mustapha redoubling his joy, gave commandment, That all the Bassas and captains of the army with all solemn pomp, with trumpets, drum's, peals of ordinance, and all other signs of munificall and joyful entertainment should go forth to meet the said Manucchiar, and to accompany him to his presence. Which they did accordingly, and so encountering him with all signs of honour, conducted him to the great pavilion of Mustapha, who there caused him to be again saluted with like triumph. Manucchiar dismounted from his horse, and against his will beholding the strange and uncouth pile of heads, all pale and filthy to behold, and indeed imagining what the matter meant: yet notwithstanding, before all other things having done his due reverence to the great Bassa, and according to his degree placed himself next to his side, after he had presented him with such gifts as his country yielded, he gave him to understand, That for the honour and estimation which he bore to the Turkish valour, The speech of Manucchiar to Mustapha. he was always devoted to the house of the Othomans; and as he had oftentimes desired to spend his goods and life in their service, so at this present time, moved by his ancient desire, alured by the strange fame of this victorious and wonderful army, and stirred up by a particular fantasy, to learn the painful and hard precepts of the art military, under such a General, commander of other commanders; he offered him all devotion and service, more than ever he had done to any heretofore, and himself having nothing in the world more dear unto him, consecrated his own life to his commandments; desiring that the same might be employed in the conflicts of war under his banners, among warriors and soldiers of fame and renown: and therefore besought him to accept of him in the name of Amurath, whose obedient vassal he vowed himself to remain for ever. The answer of Mustapha. Graciously did Mustapha receive all this discourse from Manucchiar, and having showed him again the pile of heads, together with his battles, armour, and provision of war, told him, That as all these forces are the gift of God, who always favoured the righteous counsels of the Ottoman emperors, in such sort, that they Lord it over all the world, even to the astonishment of all that live in the world at this day: so had he for his particular chosen the better part, in coming now to yield himself, and to submit his obedience to his lord, although it had been better if he had done it before. And as concerning the desire he had to be his companion and fellow in these warlike affairs, he did very friendly accept of his coming, and promised him all good entertainment and assured safety. And so in exchange of the presents which he brought him, he appareled him in cloth of gold, honoured him with a battle axe and target, wrought with gold and enamel, and never permitted him to go from his pavilion without a train of his slaves following him. This Georgian prince thus solemnly entertained, the General gave order through his camp, That they should the next morning remove from those mountains: and now every man was putting himself in readiness, A terrible rain and tempest. when as there rise a most terrible tempest of wind and rain, mixed with thunder and lightning; which continued with such violence by the space of four days together, as if the heavens had been dissolved into waters. Whereby it came to pass, that out of the dead carcases and heads before mentioned, issued a most horrible stink: so that thereby, and by the foulness of the weather, with the other annoyances always attending upon so great a camp, the whole army was exceedingly troubled, and divers diseases arose among the Turks. But at the last the weather breaking up, Mustapha rise with his camp, and set forward toward TEFLIS: and being not able by reason of the foulness of the way to pass any further, that day stayed in the plains, where the lake CHIELDER GIOL standeth, and there refreshed his sick and wounded soldiers: removing thence, the next day about noon he came to the castle of ARCHICHELEC, sometime a castle of the Georgians, but taken from them by Solyman in his wars against Tamas, Mustapha surueyeth his army at Archichelec, and lacketh forty thousand of his men. and ever since holden by the Turks. Here Mustapha surveyed his army, and by diligent account taken, found himself to want forty thousand of his soldiers: whereof some were slain in the battle, some were dead of sickness, and many weary of so long and perilous a journey were by night stolen out of the camp and returned to take their ease at home. From thence the army removed, and lodged at night near the marish, called of the Turks PERVANA GIOL, or lake of slaves, and the next day came to TRIALA: where at this day are to be seen the ruins of a great city, and of many churches; whereof some are yet repaired and maintained by devout Christians, the relics of those happy and religious forces, that with so great and faithful zeal passed the seas and mountains through those barbarous nations into the holy land, men worthy of eternal praise. The next day the Turks ascended the high and craggy mountain that standeth upon TEFLIS: from the top whereof descending the day following, they seized upon a castle of the Georgians, called by the Turks GIURGI CHALA. Departing thence, and lodging in certain plains, the next day they came near to the river that runneth by TEFLIS. The Turks victuallers cut off by the Georgians. But in these four days march from ARCHICHELEC, where Mustapha took view of his army, many of the Turks, who in seeking for victuals for themselves and their horses, had straggled from the army, were cut off by the Georgian captains; who with a number of their own country soldiers secretly followed the Turks army, and well acquainted with all the ways of the country, lay in ambush upon such places as the victuallers were to pass through, and so suddenly setting upon them, spoiled them at once both of their goods and lives. Mustapha coming to TEFLIS, found that castle empty, for that Daut Chan lord thereof, hearing of the coming of the Turks, forsook the same, and betook himself to the fields: providing better for himself in so doing, than by staying still in the castle, to have been there taken prisoner. This castle for the convenient situation thereof Mustapha caused to be repaired and fortified, and planted therein an hundred pieces of artillery, and appointed Mahamet Bassa General Governor of that place, with a garrison of six thousand soldiers: which done, he departed for SIRVAN. At which very time those of SORIA which had brought a thousand loads of rend corn to the camp from ALEPPO, being themselves in number a thousand persons, with five hundred others of OMPS (in ancient time called HUS, the city of the patient job) and other places of SORIA, men neither of duty bound, nor of themselves willing to follow the camp, returned homewards towards their own country: but upon the way they were set upon by Alessandro, Ginsuf, and David (three of the Georgian lords) and all slain, except some few, who by the swiftness of their horses escaped with Nassardin their captain. Now after that Mustapha had passed the descent of the s●eepe mountains of TEFLIS, Alessandro the Georgian sends ambassadors to Mustapha. the next day he encamped in certain low plains: where the ambassadors of Alessandro surnamed the Great, son of Levent a Georgian prince, came unto him and told him, That their lord was ready, if it so pleased him to come unto him to do him reverence, and by word of mouth to promise him that devotion he had always in mind borne to the Ottoman emperors. With a glad heart and cheerful countenance did Mustapha receive these ambassadors: and presently sent them back to will their lord to come, and to tell him, That his friendship should be unto him most dear and acceptable. And after their departure took order with all the commanders of his army to receive him with all the signs of joy that might be; which at his coming was accordingly by them performed. Who after he had presented unto the General the rich gifts he had brought with him, he offered his obedience to the Bassa with most lively speeches he could possibly devise, calling Amurath his lord: seeming to take it in evil part, that he passed not through his territory, where he should (as he said) have had plenty of all things for the relief of his army; yet hoping, that in his return from SIRVAN, he would take it in his way, where as he should find him most ready to bestow all that he had in the service of his lord: telling him moreover, That although he could not for many urgent respects go with him into SIRVAN, yet he would always accompany him in mind, and continually pray unto the Creator of all things for his prosperity and most happy success. Courteously did Mustapha receive both his presents and submission, Alessandro courteously entertained by Mustapha. and in exchange thereof bestowed upon him certain gifts after the Turkish manner, and in magnifical terms gave him answer, promising him in his return to pass through his country: and so dismissed the Christian duke with like honour, wherewith he was entertained at his coming. Mustapha holding on his journey toward SIRVAN, through moorish and troublesome ways, in twelve days after he departed from TEFLIS came into the confines of SIRVAN, near to the river of Canac, and there rested on this side the river one day. At which time they of the city of S●CHI bordering upon the Siruanians and Georgians, four days journey from SUMACHIA, came to offer themselves to Mustapha, as subjects to the Turks. Of whose submission the General graciously accepted, promising to them his assured protection. The Turks army overwearied with the continual travel of twelve days march, The Turks army afflicted with hunger. but yet far more afflicted with hunger, not finding in those parts so much as one wild beast to assuage their greedy desire of meat, sought by all means every man for himself to get something, especially when they understood their General would pass the river into a country unto them all unknown, where they were altogether uncertain what to find for their relief. So whilst they were inquiring among themselves, who were able to conduct them to some such place as where they might supply their wants, behold certain Persians were taken; who being straightly examined on that point, after much resistance at last told them, That not far off, after they had passed certain marshes, where Canac dischargeth itself into Araxis, they should find many fields full of Rise and corn in the blade, and a little further certain fat herds of cattle, sufficient to relieve the whole army. Of this news was the General certified: who although he greatly doubted the subtleties of his enemy; yet to gratify his soldiers, and to make them more willing to follow him into SIRVAN, he licenced every man that had a desire thereunto to go and provide themselves of victuals, and so suffered all that would to go freely. Whereupon there went of themselves, and were sent by their captains about ten thousand servile persons, with camels, horses, and mules, to fetch away this provision of corn and cattle: but the event answered not to their desires. For Tocomac with the other Persian captains, and the rest of the soldiers that were escaped from the overthrow given them in the plains of CHIELDER, having gathered together the remainder of the army, and recovered such places as they thought safe and friendly for them, carefully attended the marching and passing of the Turkish army. And being certainly informed by them of REIVAN and GEORGIA what way they kept, and that of necessity they must arrive at the banks of Canac; they began to devise how they might in some measure be revenged of their former loss, and impeach their enemy's entrance into SIRVAN. But wanting rather strength than courage to assail the whole army, they thought it best to stay in ambush in some fit place, until some part of the Turkish army (alured with the prey of the corn and cattle) should for the relief of their common necessities descend into those fields. And the rather to draw them on, sent out divers men, who as if they had gone about their own business, and by chance at unawares had lighted upon the Turks camp, revealed unto them as a great secret, Ten thousand of the Turks foragers slain. what a good prey was hard by them. And so withdrawing themselves out of sight privily, awaited the coming of the Turks: when as within the space of three days it so fell out, that the aforesaid ten thousand foragers arrived at the wished place; where they had no sooner begun to charge themselves with the prey, but they were surprised by the Persians, and all slain, saving a few who by hasty flight saved themselves. The noise of this hot skirmish being heard into the Turkish host, caused Mustapha to imagine that the matter was fallen out even as in deed it was: and therefore rising with his whole army, hasted with all possible speed to have succoured the poor people, who were now all slain. And albeit he came not in so good time as to yield them relief, yet came he very fitly to revenge their death upon the Persians, staying too long to load themselves with the spoil of their enemies. The place from whence the Turks were to have had the aforesaid booty, was almost in manner of an island, enclosed with the rivers of Araxis and Canac: whereinto Mustapha entered with his whole power, Deruis Bassa leading the one wing as did Beyran Bassa the other, and he himself coming on in the middle with the main battle. The Persians seeing Mustapha with all his forces hasting towards them, and withal remembering the late overthrow by them received in the plains of CHIELDER; began to bethink themselves, how much better it had been for them to have contented themselves with the late slaughter of the foragers, and with speed to have got them away out of that straight, than by staying longer to be enclosed with the multitude of their enemies, as that they could now no way escape without most manifest peril. In this perplexity, discoursing among themselves whether it were better for them to fly, or with so great disadvantage to join battle, and so rather to die with honour than to live with reproach: at last they resolved to reserve themselves to the farther service of their prince and country; deeming it rather a point of wisdom than of dishonour, Not to adventure unto most desperate and assured death, so many worthy men as might in future time stand their country in great stead: yet did they not see how by flight well to escape, for that they were in such sort s●rained within the rivers, as that there was no ground left for them to escape by, than that which contrary to their expectation was by the Turks already possessed. In these difficulties every man began to betake himself to his own private conceit and fortune. The Persians ●lie, and in flying are many of them drowned in Canac. Tocomac with Emir Chan, and other the great commanders of the army were the first that turned their backs, and by the help of their courageous horses, got over the river of Canac: whose example moved many others to attempt the like, though not with like fortune; for that their horses being not of such courage, and out of breath, lay many of them drowned in the river. Wherewith others being amazed, as perceiving inevitable death in flying present before their eyes, and reposing all their hope even in despair, ran as it were headlong in a rage and fury upon their enemies, and in fight showed unspeakable valour: but what was one against an hundred? for there they were also all slain, though worthy of immortal fame. Thus was the Persian army quite discomfited in this demi island, being first stained with the blood of the enemy, and afterward with the slaughter of the neighbour and proper inhabitant: and so became the perpetual sepulchre of a most courageous and warlike people. The Turks in this last conflict, lost not above three thousand men, beside the slaughter of the ten thousand foragers: although Tocomac to make his loss to seem the more tolerable, made report to the king of a greater slaughter made. The Persian captains full of sorrow for this unexpected overthrow, with the licence of their General departed, every man to his several government: as Emanguli Chan to GENGE, Serap Chan to NASSIVAN, Tocomac himself to REIVAN, and all the rest to other cities, to the government whereof they were before by the king appointed, and so remained expecting his farther pleasure from CASBIN. Mustapha was now come to the river of Canac, which he was to pass over into SIRVAN, and therefore made strait proclamation through his whole army, That every man should be in readiness against the next day to pass the river. At which proclamation all his people suddenly arose in a tumult, and with injurious terms even to his face reproved his folly and inhumanity, propounding utter danger unto himself, and an universal con●usion unto the whole army: and therefore prayed him to surcease from proceeding any farther, unless he were minded to cast them all away. But his resolute mind was not by their threats or entreaties to be removed, neither gave he them other answer than this: That so had Amurath commanded: and that if all the rest should show themselves unwilling to obey their Sovereign, The resolute answer of Mustapha to his tumultuous soldiers. he himself would not nor could not, but would be the first man to attempt and perform that, which they all so abhorred and reproved. Valiant soldiers (he said) were discovered and known, not in idleness and ease, but in great pains taking, and difficult enterprises: who never ought to be afraid to change this momentary life for everlasting honour, or to shun death, if the service of their prince so required. And for mine own part (said he) I most earnestly request you, that after I have attempted the passage of the river, if any thing happen unto me otherwise than well, yet carry my dead body to the other side of the river: to the end, that if I cannot whilst I yet live execute the commandment of my sovereign, I may yet at least perform the same when I am but a speechless and lifeless carcase; for as much as the desire of my lord is not in any sort to be frustrated, for making too great account of mine own life. divers and sundry murmurings and whisperings followed upon this speech of the General, who notwithstanding the next morning did first of all wade over the deep and swift river himself: after whom presently followed the Bassas with all their slaves, by whose example the rest also were induced at last to do the like, and so continued until the darkness of the night interrupted their passage; by which occasion more than half the army could not then get over. In this passage, Eight thousand Turks drowned in passing the river. being with great tumult and disorder attempted, it came to pass that about eight thousand persons carried away with the violence of the river, were miserably drowned, with the great outcry of all the host. The like happened also to many mules, camels, and sumpter horses, upon whose backs divers persons being mounted, in hope to have passed dry over the river, were likewise headlong overwhelmed therein. With great complaints and blasphemous cursings was the whole night spent, by them that were yet on this side the river; whose fears were not a little increased, by the example of their unfortunate fellows before drowned. And like enough it was, some pestilent sedition to have ensued thereupon, had there not a shallow ford by great chance been discovered, which gave safe passage to those that were left. For in the passage which the people made that followed Mustapha, the gravel of the bottom of the river being raised and removed by the heavy hooves of the cattle, was driven down the river to a place, where by great good hap there was also a ford: and there gathered together in an heap, had in such sort raised the depth of the channel, that it made as it were a shelf for their commodious passage, so that the remnant of the army, carriages, and artillery passing over the same, there was not so much as one man that perished. So having with much difficulty at last got over the river of Canac, they rested themselves that day and the next, and there stayed until the whole army was mustered, and again put in order. Removing thence, the day following they encamped in certain barren Champains, where was neither corn nor cattle: neither could they perceive or learn, Famine in the Turks host. that in those quarters were any villages at all. By means whereof the hunger of their beasts increasing, they were enforced to give their horses and mules, leaves, and stalks of very dry and withered reeds, and such other like things of little or no sustenance at all: and the men themselves were feign to satisfy their hunger with those uttermost relics, which they were feign to pick out of such poor victuals, as now by corruption were become loathsome to man's nature: and that which worse was, they saw no end of these miseries they were so entered into. Notwithstanding there was now no looking back, but needs on they must, and follow the fortune of their leaders: among whom Mustapha before all the rest set forward on his determined journey. He had not long marched, but there was discovered good store of sundry plants, and shortly after a very large plain country all green and flourishing, and garnished with many trees: The Turks army refreshed. by the only sight whereof, every man was refreshed with the hope of relief; and with more than ordinary paces, hasted until they were entered into those Champains, abounding with all kind of corn and fruits that could be of an hungry man desired. In this place did every man satisfy his appetite, and forgot in part the forepast calamities. Through this fruitful and pleasant country Mustapha leading his army, at last arrived at ERES, the chief city in that coast of SIRVAN as you travel from GEORGIA. This city of ERES was forsaken of a number of her inhabitants, as soon as it was known that the Turks were come to Canac; who all followed their Governor Samir Chan: who with Ares Chan Governor of SUMACHIA, and other the Governors of SECHI and other places of SIRVAN, forsook the cities, and altogether withdrew themselves into the mountains, as places of more surety, attending the event of these so great motions. So that as the Turks entered the city undisturbed, so were they with the prey they found therein, nothing enriched: for that in this common danger, every man had carried away with him the best things he had. Here stayed Mustapha two and twenty days, during which time he erected a fortress in the said city: whereupon he placed two hundred small pieces of artillery, and for the keeping thereof appointed Caitas Bassa, with a garrison of five thousand soldiers. In the mean time also he commanded Osman Bassa (one of the voluntary captains) with ten thousand men to possess SUMACHIA, sometime the Metropolitical city of that province, with the title of Visier and Governor General of SIRVAN. Giving him farther in charge, that in any case he should clear the passage to DERBENT, and give present advertisements to the Tartarians of his arrival there: whom he supposed by that time to be come into those quarters, for that they had before so faithfully promised to Amurath▪ Osman coming to SUMACHIA, presently seized upon the city, and was friendly entertained of those that remained there: whom he likewise courteously entreated, without doing or suffering any outrage to be done upon them. Of which his courteous usage they of DERBENT understanding, sent presently to offer their city unto him, beseeching him to receive them into his protection, and to defend them from the Persians: under whom, although they had long lived in subjection, yet differed they from them in the ceremonies of their Mahometan superstition, wherein they better agreed with the Turks. Mustapha returneth out of Siruan. Mustapha having thus brought the country of SIRVAN into the Turkish subjection, and finished his fortress at ERES, and put all things in such order as he thought best: importuned by the janissaries and the people of GRaeCIA, and somewhat enforced by the season of the year which was now far spent; departed from ERES, and turned his course homeward toward the country of Alexander surnamed the Great, as he had promised in his late passage into SIRVA. And having traveled a long journey, he sent before him certain engines and pioneers to make a bridge over Canac, so without danger to pass over his army. Having passed the river, he gave notice to Sahamall (one of the lords of GEORGIA) of his arrival, who presently came and yielded himself as vassal to the Turks: and being entertained of the Bassa with great pomp, and rewarded after the Turkish manner, took his leave, and so returned into his mountain of BRUS. Mustapha setting again forward, and traveling by night because he would not lose the opportunity of the fair weather; by the error of his guides lost his way, and so fell into rough and difficult passages, whereby he was enforced to stay and wait for day light: which arising, did manifest unto them, that they were now entered into the countries of his friend Alexander. And therefore he gave forthwith proclamation through all his army, That no man upon pain of death should be so hardy as to molest or disquiet any of the subjects of Alexander, but to have good respect unto them, and to entreat them with all courtesy. The day following he still traveled on in the same country, when there arrived from ZAGHEN certain ambassadors of Alexander's, with great abundance of cattle, corn, fruits, and other relief sent for a present to the General, with a solemn excuse, that he came not himself, because the infirmity of his body would not suffer him. Wherewithal Mustapha rested satisfied, and leaving the city of ZAGHEN on the right hand, caused the messengers of Alexander to guide him the way to TEFLIS: which they so directly did, that within the space of three days they conducted him thither with his army, without the feeling of any annoyance; from whence they returned, being well rewarded for their pains by the General. Who now come to TEFLIS, found the garrison he had there left for the keeping thereof, Mustapha relieveth his distressed garrison at Teflis. so hardly pinched with famine, that they were glad to eat cats, dogs, sheepskins, and such like unwonted food: for neither durst they for fear of the enemy go out of the castle to provide for themselves; neither if they had so done had it any thing availed, such was the carefulness of the enemy in keeping of his things: but now by the coming of the General they were relieved with meat, money, and plenty of all things. Having stayed there two days, he put himself again upon his way, and with fire and sword destroyed whatsoever came in his way in the Champains subject to the said city: only the sepulchres of Simons progenitors (lord of that country) were left untouched by the Turks fury. The next day they traveled over rough and ragged mountains, full of a thousand difficulties, which were the more increased by wonderful great snows that were fallen: by reason whereof, many soldiers, horses, camels, and mules perished. In which distress the army continued two days; during which time the soldiers were fallen into such a disorder, that forgetting the fear of the enemy's country wherein they were, every man without regard took up his several lodging apart, some here, some there, where they might find either some thick bush or some small cottage, or some quiet valley to shelter themselves in from the wind, the snow, and the storms. Of which disorder certain Georgian lords understanding by the scouts which from time to time waited upon the Turks army, joined themselves together and in the night secretly approached unto it, expecting the opportunity of performing some notable exploit: and having observed, that Hosaine Bey had withdrawn himself with his regiment from the rest of the army under certain mountains, to defend himself from the storm and wind; they took the occasion presented, and so assailing him, slew his slaves and all his squadrons; took a great booty of many loads of money and apparel; lead away with them all his horses, and whatsoever else they could find, and scarce gave him leisure to save himself, by flying into the tents of Beyran Bassa. The next morning the Turks removed, and in the evening came to a castle called CHIURCHALA, where they stayed a whole day to make provision of victual: which was attempted by sending abroad many of their slaves into the fields, conducted by them of the castle; who were all miserably cut in pieces by the Georgians. From this place the Turks army departed in great hunger, over divers rough places of the Georgians, where they were feign oftentimes to rest themselves: and at last came to the confines of Dedesmit, of her called the widows country. The miseri● of the Turks armi● in passing the strai●● of Georgia. In the entrance whereof, they must needs pass through a narrow strait, between certain mountains, where the river Araxis windeth itself with a thousand turnings in the low valleys: a dangerous place, and so narrow, that no more but one man alone could at once pass through it. Between this straight and a very thick and hilly wood, they lodged upon the bank of the said river: and from thence they removed the next morning, and traveled over very steep mountains and rough forests, over ice and snow more harder than marble, and over other hanging rocks▪ in such miserable sort, that many camels, mules, and horses, tumbling down headlong into the river, there miserably perished. Through these ruinous crags and divers other miseries, they marched all the next day, and after that another day also, as miserable to the army as the former. And so at last being sore afflicted with hunger, spoiled of the enemy, tormented with the hard season of the year, and situation of the place, they arrived in the territories that lay under ALTUNCHALA, or Golden castle, the princely widows palace, where they had all manner of relief, for all the miseries they had endured since their departure from CHIURCHALA, by the space of six days: which if it had been a fair common traveled way, might have been performed in one only days journey. The widow, The Georgian widow submitteth herself, with her son Alexander to Mustapha. with Alexander her eldest son, came down from her castle, and went unto the pavilion of Mustapha; offering him divers presents, and promising unto him all faithful obedience. Whom Mustapha courteously received, declaring unto her, what honourable entertainment he had given to Manucchiar her younger son there present, who had been with him in all the expedition into SIRVAN. And for the present, dissembling the privy displeasure he bore against Alexander (whom he thought to have been one of them that spoilt the Sorians in their return from the camp) he embraced him courteously, and prayed her to be content to leave him also there with him: giving her farther to understand, that he would send both her sons to CONSTANTINOPLE to Amurath, with letters of credence for their yielded obedience, for their favour showed to his army, in giving it so secure passage, and so many helps: and lastly, that for their good deserts, they might be of the said great Sultan both honourably entertained and rewarded. The aged lady, although her mind was herewithal sore troubled, yet outwardly in her countenance showed herself pleased; and seemed courteously to yield, what she was of necessity constrained to grant: as well for that he was already possessed of one of her sons, as also for that both herself and her whole state were now in his power, and as it were at his devotion. And therefore leaving both her sons behind her, she returned herself heavy to her castle. Mustapha cometh to Erzirum, and dischargeth his army. In this place Mustapha having refreshed his army two days, departed thence toward CHARS, and after many days travel at last arrived at ERZIRUM, to the great rejoicing of the whole army, which was there presently discharged by the General, without any mustering at all, & leave given for every man to return into his country. Mustapha magnifieth his own exploits to Amurath. Mustapha settling himself in ERZIRUM, dispatched posts with letters of plentiful advertisements to his great lord and master, of all things that had passed▪ not forgetting to magnify his own exploits above measure. He certified him of the battles he had had with the Persians, the obedience he had received of the Georgians and Siruanians, the mutiny of his own soldiers, the fortress he had built at ERES, the garrisons left in that city with Caitas Bassa, and in SUMACHIA with Osman Bassa: and in brief, whatsoever else had passed; and whatsoever he had taken from the enemy. Neither did he fail to propound unto Amurath, what he thought convenient to be attempted the next year, for the strengthening of those places he had already conquered, and for preparing the way for new enterprises. And principally he put him in mind of a fortification to be made at CHARS, a place very fit for any passage into GEORGIA or ARMENIA, by situation fruitful and commodious both for men and cattle. And withal he sent unto him the widows two sons, Alexander and Manucchiar, the Georgian princes, certifying him of their submission, and that he had received in their country all good entertainment and friendly welcome: and withal declaring his opinion, That Manucchiar was the meeter man for government than his brother Alexander, and the readier to do him service. Greatly did Amurath commend the valour and diligence of Mustapha, and highly pleased himself with this conceit, That of these beginnings might grow mighty conquests, to the enlargement of his empire, and that by this means he should be able to surpass the glory of his predecessors. And the more his ambitious thoughts were occupied about these wars, the less he troubled himself with thinking how to annoy EUROPE with his forces. It was not long after the departure of Mustapha from ERES, but that the Tartarians having left the fens of MEOTIS, and the unmountable shores of the Black sea, and having passed over the rocks upon COLCHIS, and surveyed the frozen crags of the mountain CAUCASUS, were now arrived upon the confines of SIRVAN, and there attended the commandment of the Turks. These Tartarians being of them that are called Praecopenses, to the number of thirty thousand, conducted by their lord and captain Abdilcherai, a young man of great valour and fame, and of a comely parsonage, were come according to the faithful promise of Tatar Chan, with a full resolution to attempt whatsoever should be commanded them in the name of Amurath. Now Osman Bassa understanding of their approach, according to the charge before given him by Mustapha the General, invited them to enter into SIRVAN, and by increasing of the Turks forces to further these beginnings of Amurath his glory, and these his conquests (or more truly to say, these magnifical & famous terms of victory.) All which was most diligently put in execution by Abdilcherai: who having entered the iron gates where DERBENT standeth (which by the Turks at this day is called Demir Capi, and signifieth the gates of iron) and so from thence passing into the country of SIRVAN, there stayed, and thereof gave advertisement to Osman, as was by him appointed. Ares Chan late governor of SUMACHIA, who for fear of the great army of the Turks had abandoned the city the chief place of his charge, and betaken himself to the safeguard of the mountains, hearing of the departure of the Turkish General, resolved with the other Governors of ERES and SECHI (who following his example, had in like manner fled) now to return again to their forsaken country, and to make proof if he could by any means take revenge of the injury done unto him by the Turks. So passing under SUMACHIA, and having put to the sword certain of Osmans' straggling victuallers that were gone out of the city, he encamped with all his people a little from SUMACHIA, and by good fortune surprised certain messengers sent from Abdilcherai the Tartar, to certify Osman Bassa of his arrival, and to know his pleasure what he should put in execution. These Tartarians brought before Ares, after much torture disclosed the letters they carried: which the Persian captain read, and considering the great number of the Tartarians that were come (for the letters made mention of thirty thousand) he resolved not to stay any longer in those quarters, but presently raised his camp, and retired towards Canac, meaning from thence to certify the king of these novelties, and upon the banks of the said river to attend the king's answer. The Tartarian captain coming to SUMACHIA, was appointed by the Bassa to pass over the river of Canac into GENGE, the country of Emanguli Chan, with the spoil thereof to enrich himself, and by all means to make his arrival unto the Persians most terrible. With this charge the Barbarian departed, thirsting now for nothing more than for the blood and spoil of the enemy: and with posting journeys came to Canac, where Ares Chan was yet encamped: whom he upon the sudden most ●uriously assaulted, and like a devouring flame discomfited all his host. Ares Chan hanged at Sumachia And taking him alive, sent him to SUMACHIA to Osman, who forthwith caused him to be hanged by the neck out of a lodging in the same Statehouse where he had not long before sat as Governor. The Tartarian after that, swimming over the river, Emanguli Chan taken, & Genge sacked by the Tartarians. and coursing a little above GENGE, found Emanguli Chan with his wife, and all his family, and a great part of the nobility of GENGE in a valley hunting the wild Boar; and assailing him, put him to flight, took from him his wife, all the ladies, and many slaves, and slew many of the rest that were come thither to see the sport: and after that road on to GENGE, which he took, and yielded it wholly to the fury and lust of his barbarous soldiers, who left no manner of inhuman cruelty unattempted, in satisfying their immoderate and barbarous affections. And so being loaded with the spoils, and weary with the slaughter of their enemies, they returned merrily toward SIRVAN: and passing again over Canac, came to the hither side of ERES into certain low champaigns, environed about with hills, and there having pitched their tents, without any fear settled themselves to sleep and to rest their weary bodies. In the mean time, and long before these actions, were news come to the Persian Court of all the Turks proceedings: whereupon the Persian king having gathered new forces, had dispatched Emir Hamze Mirize his eldest son with twelve thousand soldiers to pass into SIRVAN, to see what hurt the enemy had done, and to attempt the revenge of the forepast injuries; but above all things to punish the villainy of them of SECHI▪ and the other cities of SIRVAN, that not induced with any necessity, had so voluntarily yielded themselves to follow the obedience and religion of the Turks. The Persian prince departing from CAS●IN, accompanied with his mother Begum, who would needs follow her beloved son, was on his way towards SIRVAN, under the guiding and government of Mirize Salmas, chief of the Sultan's; and had now left behind them the countries of ARDOVIL and CARACACH, when he was certified by the advertisements come from Ares Chan, of the arrival of Abdilcherai, with his great number of Tartarians; and was thereby at the first strucken into a great quandary▪ and almost out of comfort: yet pricked forward with an honourable desire of glory and revenge, he prosecuted his intended enterprise for SIRVAN, and hastening his journey, came to ERES long before the king his father thought he could have so done. Eres recovered by the Persians. This his notable celerity served him to great purpose, for that Caitas Bassa was boldly gone out of the fortress, and went spoiling the country, carrying away with him whatsoever he met withal, and committing such insolencies as hungry soldiers beyond all honesty use to do in strange and fruitful countries. But when he was in the midst of these spoils, and lest feared the enemy, he was suddenly assailed by the prince; and having no means to escape his fury in this extremity, after a fierce and bloody battle (wherein the Turks although in number few, yet showed many effects of valour) he was there slain with all his soldiers, leaving the fortress, the spoils, and the country committed to his custody, free to the pleasure of the victor: which the Persian prince having once again gotten into his possession, took away the two hundred pieces of artillery that were left in the fort by Mustapha, and presently sent them to CASBIN to his father. The prince encouraged with so happy a beginning, leaving his mother at ERES, followed on his journey toward SUMACHIA, but by the way descending the hills, he discovered where the Tartarians lay encamped. Whereupon he stood in great doubt, whether to adventure upon so mighty an enemy, or to content himself with the victory he had already gotten, and so to return into PERSIA: to return he thought it too great a shame, and chose rather to adventure himself to most manifest peril. And therefore descending the hill, and drawing nigh the enemy, he perceived that the army was all laid down to rest, and that their horses were some couched, some standing, but all unsaddled: whereupon without any stay setting spurs to his horse, he pricked forward with all his host, and most terribly assaulted the Tartarians, now buried in their spoils and sleep; & having slain their first and second watch, although with some loss, among the tumultuary soldiers he made an universal confusion and slaughter, putting some to flight, killing others, and taking divers of them captives. Among whom was their General Abdilch●rai, who was taken alive, and sent to the king in CASBIN. Sumachia besieged by the Persian prince. After these victories the Persian prince scoured to SUMACHIA, and compassed the city round about, wherein the Turkish Bassa Osman sat as Governor, to the reproach of PERSIA: and there encamping himself, sent word to Osman, That if he would yield himself, he would let him depart with life and goods: otherwise, if he would obstinately hold it out, and not yield the city, which he so unjustly possessed, he should be constrained to surrender it by force, and his life withal. Osman who as then knew nothing of the Tartarians overthrow, but still hoped of their return, thought it best to entertain the prince with fair words until their coming, and therefore gave him courteous answer, that he was very ready to yield up the city: but withal entreated him, that he would stay but for three days, and grant him time to put all things in readiness, that so he might freely depart, as it had pleased him in courtesy to offer. The prince glad of such an answer, supposing it to have proceeded of a sincere meaning, expected of the Turk the performance thereof. But Osman meaning nothing less, than to commit himself to the faith of his enemy, and seeing that the Tartarians, whom he looked for, appeared not, he resolved to save himself by secret flight; doubting, as he had good reason, that if he should longer stay, to be betrayed by the inhabitants of the city themselves: and therefore somewhat before the assigned term of the three days appointed for the surrendering of the city, he by the help of a dark night, and the covert of the high and rough crags, with great silence withdrew himself out of SUMACHIA, Sumachia yielded unto the prince. carrying away with him all his substance, and so in safety arrived at DERBENT. The next morning the inhabitants of SUMACHIA opened the gates of the city to the prince: who seeing their infidelity, first by giving of entertainment to Osman, and now by helping him to escape, without giving him any knowledge thereof, did put in execution the effect of his wrath and indignation, which even in CASBIN he had conceived in his mind against them; and with great cruelty did punish the miserable and unfortunate citizens, laying their houses even with the ground, rasing both the old and new walls of that city, of late so desired a receipt for the Turks. But when he was to depart thence, he stood in doubt, Whether to go on to DERBENT, or to return to PERSIA: the strength of that city, the appproch of Winter, and the long journey he was to take homeward, persuaded him to lay aside the enterprise for DERBENT, whereupon he resolved to return to CASBIN: yet first to make his return by them of ERES and SECHI, and upon them as upon rebels to inflict well deserved punishment. So making his present repair thither, spared neither sex nor age, nor any condition of persons, but upon them all poured forth his furious indignation, without exception. Which done, he with his aforesaid mother Begum, and his army, though somewhat diminished, yet victorious and triumphant, returned to CASBIN. Abdilcherai beloved of the Persian queen. Young Abdilcherai the Tartarian was kept safe in the king's palace at CASBIN, but with such easy imprisonment as was agreeable to his calling: which was day by day so enlarged, as that he seemed not to live as a prisoner, but rather as a companion of those of the Court, and as it were in apparent liberty. By which occasion having insinuated himself into the love of Begum the king's wife, he spent his time in courting of her, and she again in entertaining of him in all secret and covert manner. Yet these their mutual affections and interchangeable favours passed not so secretly, but that in the Court and all over the city it was a rife report, That the shameless lady, prodigal of her honour, had participated both her bed and herself with the Tartarian prisoner. Howbeit neither the king nor the prince knew any thing of it. But the king perceiving the young gentleman to be generally commended, valiant, courteous, and of a comely feature, and withal nobly borne (for he gave it out that he was the brother of Tatar Chan) persuaded himself, that it would stand with the great good of his state, of a captive to make him his son in law, by giving him his daughter in marriage: whereby he was in good hope there might grow such an amity and union between the Tartarian Praecopenses and himself, as that they would from thenceforth not only refuse to favour Amurath in those wars, but also become enemies unto him, and in the favour of PERSIA turn their arms and affections against him. Which his deep and considerate purpose so displeased the Sultan's of CASBIN, that they sought by all means they could possibly devise to avert the king from that so strange a policy: but all in vain, for the king being fully resolved, and now upon the point to make a conclusion of the marriage; the Sultan's entering into the palace with their followers, and finding there the unfortunate Tartarian, Abdilchera● slain in the Court. The Tersian queen 〈◊〉 away. ran him through the body, and cutting off his privy members, flapped them upon his mouth after a most barbarous and filthy manner. It is reported, that the queen was then also murdered by them: certain it is, that the poor lady never after that day saw the light of the Sun: but whether it was put in execution by the appointment of the king her husband, or that the Sultan's did it for the public interest, is not certainly known. Upon these murders sprung up many troubles, and much civil dissension, threatening the utter confusion of the Persian kingdom, to the singular benefit of Amurath. All which tumultuous disorders the king by bridling his own affections, and the motions of his son Emir Hamze Mirize, well appeased, procuring at last a perfect unity, as than most necessary for the defence of his kingdom. Osman Bassa being in DERBENT (the only place of refuge now left for the Turks in SIRVAN) ceased not with all carefulness to devise what he possibly could, for the assuring of that country (of late won, and now again almost lost) under the government of Amurath. For the better establishing whereof, together with his own safety, he thought it good to enter into friendship with old Sahamal the Georgian, lord of the mountain of BRUS. With this man did Osman practise many tokens of good will, and he again interchangeably towards Osman: whereupon there arose great friendship between them, at leastwise in outward appearance: whereunto in short time there was added a strait knot of alliance: for that Osman took to wife a daughter of the said Sahamals, the greatest sign of his sincere love towards him. Nevertheless shortly after Osman upon some reasonable conjectures began to suspect (as indeed the truth was) that Sahamal for all the fair show of friendship he made towards him, might for all that receive some secret order from the Persian king, to betray him, and to free the city from the Turks, and so to reduce all that province unto the ancient devotion: in which jealous suspicion he was fully confirmed by the speeches of his wife, the daughter of Sahamal; who ravished with the honour, valour, and riches of her husband, could not conceal any thing that she knew devised against him, but frankly told him, That her father being secretly reconciled to the Persian king, held friendship with him, and that letters went between them of great matters, and particularly of the affairs of SIRVAN. Hereupon the Bassa persuaded himself, that all the friendship of Sahamal was but deep dissimulation, and the marriage of his daughter nothing but a mean to procure his death. Nevertheless he made show unto his wife, as if he had made no such reckoning of it as indeed he did, but kept it in store to his own safety and the destruction of Sahamal, whom for all that he still entertained with all honour and kindness due unto a most loving father in law. But to prevent the malicious purpose of Sahamal, having invited him according to the custom to a certain solemn feast, he acquainted certain companies of his most trusty and valiant soldiers with his determination, enjoining them, that as soon as Sahamal was entered into his Court, even in the very dismounting from his horse they should all fall upon him, cut off his head, and put all his retinue to the sword. Which his cruel command was by him accordingly at Sahamals coming put in execution, Sahamal slain by Osman. he in lighting from his horse being slain, and all his followers murdered, when forthwith were sent forth by Osman two thousand horsemen to spoil and sack all the country of the said Georgian lord, to the great marvel and astonishment both of far and near. The Persian king hearing of these news, took the matter grievously, as foreseeing that the recovery of that country and province of SIRVAN would prove a matter of great difficulty, and fearing greatly that it would still remain (as indeed it doth) in the possession of the Turks. This was the end of the Turks attempts against the Persians in SIRVAN this year 1578, wherein they lost above seventy thousand men, devoured partly with the sword, and partly with famine, and the other miseries of war. And so Winter coming on very sharply, every man withdrew himself from the field, wholly attending the keeping of that they had already gotten, until the coming on of the next Spring. Amurath advertised by letters from Mustapha of all that had happened in the late expedition against the Persians, The consultations of Amurath. upon these prosperous successes (which the Bassa had for the advancing of his own credit described to be far greater than indeed they were) began to cast many devices in his head touching such matters as were to be attempted the next year. And first he thought it necessary to send his forces again into SIRVAN, to recover such places as were first conquered by Mustapha, but afterward again subdued by the Persian, so to establish his government in that country. But upon better consideration he ceased further to think of that matter, for the great hope he had conceived of the aid that was promised him by Tatar Chan, who had faithfully assured both him and Osman, that he would overrun that province anew, and do great matters in furtherance of the Turks designs: all which for all that fell out to be but windy words: yet in respect of this hope he laid SIRVAN aside, and committed the defence thereof to the false promises of the Tartarian, and the valour of Osman. And pleasing his ambitious desires with more haughty thoughts, he began to devise with himself, for sending his army directly to TAURIS, there to erect a fortress; which being strongly fortified and furnished with a garrison of most valiant soldiers, should never be again subdued by all the power of PERSIA; and by this means to keep in subjection all those great countries between TAURIS and ERZIRUM. Which his conceit being of great weight and importance, was much increased by the persuasion of others, very inward with him; every man being almost of opinion, That it was an easy matter for so great an host in few days to perform that service, and to pierce not only into TAURIS, but further to pass whether soever he would desire. Yet after he had more deeply considered of an enterprise of so great importance, and with more indifferent judgement compared his own forces with his enemies, he began to find many difficulties and dangers, which in the heat of his ambitious desires he at the first saw not: For beside the length and tediousness of the journey, he doubted that in sending his army for TAURIS, it might be on the one side assailed by the Georgians (of whose obedience he had as yet no great assurance) and on the other side by the Persians, and so brought into great danger; which he was always to fear, whensoever he should have occasion to send new supplies unto the fortress by him intended at TAURIS. Whereupon laying aside all his former conceits, as too eager and perilous, he resolutely concluded with himself, first to make sure his own borders, and afterwards by little and little to enter into the enemy's country, still fortifying in convenient places as he went, and so surely, although but slowly, to triumph over his enemies; rather than by thrusting his army headlong upon uncertainties into places strongly fenced both by nature and the power of most mighty enemies, to be enforced with shame to abandon the enterprise so hastily begun. Mustapha careful to put ●n execution Amura●h his command. Of this his resolution he advertised Mustapha by writing, giving him in charge, against the next Spring to provide all such things as should be necessary for the building of certain forts upon the way that leadeth from ERZIRUM into GEORGIA: that having made those ways safe, and brought the people under his obedience, he might afterwards attempt greater matters. Whereupon Mustapha presently directed forth precepts to the cities of ALEPPO, of DAMASCUS, CARAEMIT, and other places of SORIA and MESOPOTAMIA, for the taking up of cunning workmen, of pioneers, and such like, to the number of twenty thousand: and likewise wrote to all the countries, out of which he had raised his army the last year, That all their soldiers (yea and in greater number also) should be in readiness against the next Spring, to return to the wars. The rumour whereof he caused to be spread even as far as EGYPT. He commanded also the taxes and tenths of those countries to be collected, and further used the chambers of ALEPPO, and other places, for such masses of money as he thought necessary for these purposes. In this while the two Georgian brethren, Alexander and Manucchiar, sent (as we have before said) by Mustapha to Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE, in doubtful hope, expecting the end for which they were sent unto the Court, were both examined, and exhorted to embrace the Mahometan religion: Manucchiar turns Turk. whereunto Manucchiar easily yielded. Whereas on the other side Alexander his elder brother could by no allurements or means be induced to consent to so infamous and damnable a change of his religion; Alexander constant in his religion. although he knew he should therefore be deprived of his state: but protesting his obedience at all times to Amurath, and his love to his brother, requested only, That he might but as a private man go and live in his country, there to be buried amongst his ancestors. Which his request the Turkish emperor referred to the discretion of Manucchiar, to do therein as he saw good: who consented thereunto. Hereupon Manucchiar was circumcised, and the name of Mustaffa given him, with the title of the Bassa and Governor of ALTUNCHALA, and of all his mothers and brothers countries: and being thus created a Turk, had his brother Alexander a Christian committed unto him, and so both returned into their own countries. Emanguli Chan taketh upon him the defence of Siruan. Now in the Persian court at CASBIN, were many consultations had for the repressing of the invasions of the Turks. And among others careful of those matters, Emanguli Chan Governor of GENGE, doubting to lose his honourable government, by reason of the late sack of his city, and spoil of his country by the Tartarian; by those plots that were daily in contriving for the sending of men into SIRVAN, to impeach the dessignments of Osman Bassa, and (if it were possible) to drive him out of DERBENT; took occasion to offer unto the king, upon pain of his head to defend SIRVAN, and not to suffer Osman the Turk to attempt any new fortifications or further conquests in that province. Of which his offer the king accepted, and thereupon the government of GENGE, and guarding of the country of SIRVAN against the forces of Osman, was frankly committed unto him. And commandment given to the Governors of TAURIS, REIVAN, and NASSIVAN, and to divers other captains that were nearest, to be ready at all times with their power to assist Emanguli Chan, if it should fortune either the Tartarians, or Turks, with any great power to enter into SIRVAN: which order so taken, was thought sufficient for the security of that province. But how to protect the Georgian country, was thought to be a matter of greater importance, every man being almost of opinion, That some great power of the Turks should be sent thither, for the more assurance of the conquest thereof already begun; and for the succour of the fortress at TEFLIS, which must needs otherwise fall again into the hands of the Georgians. This matter so troubled the Persian king, as that he seemed to have bend his whole counsels and thoughts thereupon: when Simon a Georgian, a famous captain (sometime prisoner with Ismahel the late king, at CAHACA, and by the familiarity he had with him, seduced from the Christian faith; for defence whereof he had in the time of king Tamas chosen to live deprived of his liberty and state) thinking it now a fit time to obtain at the king's hand such help as he had long desired, for the recovery of his dominion usurped by David, otherwise called Daut Chan his younger brother (who for the obtaining thereof of king Tamas, had voluntarily renounced his Christian religion) offered now unto the king his faithful service, for the defence of that part of the Georgian country, wherein TEFLIS stood (being in right, part of his own inheritance) against the Turks: reproving by way of disgrace, his younger brother of cowardice, and promising the performance of great matters in himself, both for the defence of that evil defended country, and further annoying of the enemy. With great contentment did the Persian king consent to the request of Simon, Simon with Aliculi Chan sent for the defence of Georgia. and named him Chan of all that kingdom, which he possessed before whilst he was a Christian: and sent with him Aliculi Chan into GEORGIA, with five thousand horsemen and certain pieces of artillery taken at ERES, when Caitas Bassa was slain. Simon afterwards coming to GEORGIA, was joifully received of his countrymen, and there pressed about three thousand soldiers of his own and of his neighbours; excusing himself that he was become a Persian, not because he preferred the Mahometan superstition before the Christian religion, but only so to be delivered from his long imprisonment, & by that means to maintain his estate. And in this order were the affairs of GEORGIA assured, and strengthened in best manner that might then be. Now began the Spring to approach, 1579 and every man prepared himself to the discontinued travels of the wars begun: The meeting together of the Turks army at Erzirum. and now were met together at ERZIRUM, out of all the wont provinces, all the Turks forces, with all things necessary for the intended war. With this army in all things equal with the first, Mustapha set forward, and in twelve days came to CHARS, not perceiving in his soldiers any sign of discontentment at all. And for as much as here they were to stay, and to fortify both with walls and ditches that ruinated city, and that with as great speed as was possible; there was no remedy, but that beside the pioneers & engineers that were brought for that purpose, many of the Spaoglani, yea and of the janissaries also must be set to work. Whereupon they all suddenly in a tumult, began with bitter protestations to tell the General, That their stipends wherewith it pleased the Sultan to favour them, were not bestowed upon them to employ their forces and virtues in such servile works; but only with their swords and other weapons to exercise that force and hardiness for which they were esteemed worthy of that honour. Whereunto the General answered in most haughty terms; and not yielding one jot to their incivility, but using all means of authority and terror, brought them to work so much as he desired. Chars fortified in 23 days space. So that within the space of twenty three days, the towers and walls were erected, the ditches digged, the artillery orderly planted upon the walls, and the water brought round about it. Many inconveniences happened in the army while they were busy in this work; Snows at Chars in August. and namely upon the 25 day of August, when they had almost even finished the whole building, the soldiers endured a most sudden cold, by reason of the snow that then fell in great abundance. CHARS thus fortified, the General resolved to send succours into GEORGIA to TEFLIS; without which it was most certain, that that fortress would be yielded to the Georgians: but in what sort to relieve it, he remained doubtful. To send part of his army with some valiant captain, seemed dangerous: and to go himself with all his forces, would sound (as he thought) to his discredit with his great lord and master; whom he had already made believe, that he had subdued all the Georgians, and brought all that province to his obedience and devotion. In this ambiguity, the desire he had to preserve his credit with Amurath prevailed: Hassan Bassa sent with 20 thousand to the succouring of Tefli●. and so he made choice of Hassan Bassa of DAMASCUS, son to Muhamet principal Visier of the court, a gallant gentleman and of great valour, to whom he delivered between eighteen and twenty thousand soldiers; joining unto him one Resuan captain of certain adventurers, that voluntarily offered themselves to follow the forces of Hassan; assigning unto him likewise forty thousand ducats, and many loads of meal, rise, and barley, with other things necessary both for diet and war, and so sent him away for TEFLIS. Hassan with this charge set forward, fully resolved to put these succours into TEFLIS, or to lose all: and at length came to the famous strait of TOMANIS, where the overgrown woods on the one side, with the deep valleys and craggy rocks on the other, would astonish a right constant beholder. When upon the sudden, the Persians and the Georgians (under the conduct of Aliculi Chan and Simon) at unawares set upon the Turks, and joined battle with them. For these two valiant captains remaining for the most part in the borders of TEFLIS and TOMANIS with eight thousand soldiers, waiting for some opportunity to annoy either them of the fort of TEFLIS, or else such as should come to their succours; understanding by their espials of the coming of Hassan with this aid, had scattered themselves all alongst the said strait, in hope there to assail the Turks; and holpen by the advantage of the place, to drive them headlong into the deep valley, and at once to bereave them both of their goods and life. But Hassan careful of nothing more than how to avoid that danger, chose rather to make his journey through the thick woods, and so as he might to escape the ambush that the enemy might lay for him upon that strait passage. And so entering with his army into the wood, which he was to have left upon his left hand, The Persians assail the Turks, and make of them a great slaughter. to discover what might be plotted against him, he was hardly charged by the enemy, and constrained to fight with a thousand windings and turnings in and out, through a thousand crooked paths and doubtful cranks, in a most confused medley, with great slaughter of his men: who not accustomed to this kind of fight, nor acquainted with the situation of the place, were in the skirmish driven so far, that down they fell, and being not able to recover themselves, were presently slain. And thus with much ado, he at length passed the straight of TOMANIS. Hassan deeming himself much disgraced by suffering his enemies in number so far inferior, to have done him so much harm, and so to have escaped his hands: and farther, considering that in such places, sleights and stratagems more avail than open forces; burning with desire of revenge, would needs stay near unto those straits, as if it had been to refresh his wearied army; but in deed to try if the Persians would adventure again to trouble him, or no: and appointed Resuan Bassa with certain bands of the soldiers of GRECE, and of his own adventurers, to lie in ambush within the coverts of the straight, attentive to every stir of the enemy. Two days the Turks army lay thus divided, and were now resolved the third day to remove thence towards TEFLIS: when as the Persian captains, Aliculi Chan and Simon, vainly imagining that this stay of the Turks was for fear of the Persians, foolishly returned, and gave a fresh onset upon the flank of Hassans squadrons. The Persians overthrown, and Aliculi C●an taken. Who forthwith raising all his soldiers, and giving a sign to Resuan, with all speed compassed in his enemies, and straightening them on both sides, took some of them alive, cut in pieces othersome, and put the rest all to flight. Among others that were taken alive, was Aliculi Chan the Persian captain, who over rashly charging upon the face of Hassan, fell into his hands. The next day following (being the eleventh day after Hassans departure from CHARS) he joifully arrived at TEFLIS, where he found among the poor besieged Turks, many miseries; whereof some were already dead, and some yet sick: for they were so plagued with famine, that they not only devoured their horses, but even the very skins of the same horses, of sheep and of dogs, and in such most miserable wants had passed the time: The misery of the Turks in garrison at Teflis. whom Hassan at his arrival comforted with gifts and good words, exhorting them to persist constant in the service of their king, whose honour (as he said) was never more than there to be respected. And for as much as the soldiers of the fort did with one voice request Hassan to appoint them a new Governor, because they did all mislike Mahamet Bassa, who the last year was left by the General in that fort; Hassan removed the said Mahamet, and put Amet Bassa in his place: and so after he had filled up the places of the dead soldiers with a new supply, and set all things in good order, he took his leave, recommending the charge and custody of that fortress to their trust and valour. Hassan returning from TEFLIS, and being without any trouble come to the straight of TOMANIS, was advertised by his scouts, that it was so strongly possessed by the enemy, and so shut up with artillery, as that it was not to be passed through: for Simon thinking (as in deed it fell out) that Hassan would return that way, had so belaid that straight, as that the Turks could not without most assured loss pass the same: which thing much troubled the Bassa, and filled his head with many conceits, how he might make his journey some other way, and decline the danger prepared for him. Thus perplexed, and altogether doubtful what to do, or which way to turn himself: Aliculi Chan the Persian, (who to purchase his liberty could have been content to have done any thing) offered Hassan to show him a short and safe cut, whereby he might without danger pass with his army ou● of that troublesome country; yet covenanting before, that he should promise him to set him at liberty for his so good service. Which his request the Bassa bid not stick in large manner to promise, although he afterwards to his great dishonour performed not the same: so bending his journey on the right hand, he was guided by Aliculi through strange and uncouth ways out of those woods and dangers, not meeting so much as with any one of his enemies. But when the Persian duke well hoping for his liberty put the Turk in mind of his promise; he with deep and feigned sighs protested, That he was right sorry that he could not perform what he had promised to do for him, for as much as it lay not in his power to set any man at liberty, that was taken in battle by the soldiers of his great lord and sovereign: yet gave him his faith, that so far as his entreaties and favours with the General Mustapha could prevail, he would use all the most earnest means he could to procure his liberty and return to his own country. Simon the Georgian perceiving that the Turks were removed, Simon destroyed the rearward of Hassan● army, and taketh from him his treasure. imagined forthwith, that they had taken this new way. But being afterward certified by his faithful spies, that it was so indeed, he ran all headlong and as it were desperate to meet with this so happy an army. And all inflamed with rage for this great fortune of the Turks, he fell upon the tail of the Turkish host: which with unmeasurable fury he wholly destroyed, leading away with him all the people, all the horses, and all the treasure of Mahomet Bassa, which he brought from TEFLIS, and all the treasure of Hassan Bassa likewise. As for Aliculi Chan, whom Simon most greedily sought for, he was sent away in the front of the army, and so not to be rescued. Hassan holding on his way came to CHARS in the space of eight days after his departure from TEFLIS, and there presented unto Mustapha the General the Persian captain Aliculi, recounting unto him the dangers he had endured, and whatsoever else had happened in that expedition. Aliculi the unfortunate Persian was by the commandment of Mustapha carried to ERZIRUM, and there in the castle committed to prison. Not long after Mustapha returned himself also to the said city of ERZIRUM, with his army sore weakened and discontented, which was there presently by him discharged. About the same time that these things were in doing, Amurath to make a safer and more easy passage for his forces into GEORGIA, sent Vluzales his Admiral with a great fleet into the Euxine sea to MENGRELIA, Mustapha returneth to Erzirum, and there dischargeth his army. called in ancient time COLCHIS, who entering the famous river of Phasis (now Fassa) there fortified, and laid such a beginning, that it is now one of the Turks proud Beglerbegships, although those fortifications shortly after the departure of the Admiral, were for the present again by the Mengrelians demolished. And this was the end of the stirs of this year 1579. Of all these successes Mustapha afterwards sent advertisements to the Court to Amurath, recounting unto him the fortifying of CHARS, the deserts of Hassan, as well for the succouring of TEFLIS, as for the taking of Aliculi the Persian. And because the said General had the year before persuaded Amurath, That the country of GEORGIA and the people thereof were brought under his obedience, to the end he should not marvel at so many losses and so many battles, and thereby doubt of some false informations, he declared unto him, That all these troubles were not raised by the natural and homebred Georgians, but by two certain captains Aliculi and Simon sent out of PERSIA, who had made all these stirs: of which one of them now remained with him in prison, for him to determine of at his pleasure. With great delight did the Turkish emperor read all that Mustapha had written, Hassan Bassa for his good service rewarded by Amurath. and by two of his gentlemen ushiers sent to Hassan a battle axe all guilt, and set full of stones, a target of gold and pearl, and a rich garment of cloth of gold, in reward of his good service for which he greatly commended him: and withal gave order, That Aliculi should be kept where he was in the castle of ERZIRUM, in diligent and safe custody. These invasions of the Turks much troubled the Persian king in his court at CASBIN, considering that now they had both thoroughly acquainted themselves with all the passages into GEORGIA (in the difficulty and roughness whereof consisted the chief defence of that province) as also that divers of the Georgian princes were more than inclining unto the Turks service: so that he could not but justly fear, that his enemies would in time begin to pierce into the noble cities of MEDIA the Greater, yea and peradventure even unto TAURIS before any of the rest: which his care of foreign invasion was doubled with domestical fears: Mirize Salmas his chief Visier, and upon whom he most rested, still filling his head with a jealous suspicion, That Abas Mirize his son (made Governor of HERI by Tamas his grandfather) was about (in these troubles with the Turk) to proclaim himself king of PERSIA, to the great ignominy of his father, and prejudice of Emir Hamze his eldest brother, the worthy and undoubted heir of that great kingdom. This Mirize Salmas (according to his longing desire) had married a daughter of his to the said Emir Hamze with the consent of the king his father: but yet not content with that great honour, ceased not continually with ambitious devices, to seek out means how to bring to pass that the Persian estate might wholly remain to his son in law, undivided and entire from the participation of his brethren: and therefore little regarding the perils that might happen from the Turks, and blinded with the desire of his own greatness, he went about to turn the king (being a man very credulous and inconsiderate) against Abas Mirize; either to take him and commit him to prison, or at least to bereave him of all authority and command. And the better to persuade the king thereunto, he discoursed unto him how little Abas Mirize his son had respected him in divers occasions; and that in these late wars, he had not so much as sent forth one man against the Turks, but had forbidden such as were of his jurisdiction of HERI to come to CASBIN, at such time as they were summoned both by letters and commandment to have passed with Emir Hamze into SIRVAN; by reason whereof not one of them would stir a foot, answering, That they were enjoined so to do by Abas Mirize their lord: who had not only caused himself to be called king of HERI, but had given it out, that he meant to claim the succession in the whole kingdom. These complaints much prevailed with the king, both in respect of the love he bore to Emir Hamze his eldest son, and also of the credit he gave to his Visier: especially being accompanied with the crafty packing of the said Visier; who as he was very cunning in such practices of himself, so did he make them much more effectual with the effeminate king by the means of divers great ladies, and other devices that were to him very familiar and usual. Insomuch, that the king carried away with light belief, did continually bethink himself how to find opportunity to repress the boldness of his disobedient son: not forgetting for all that to make such preparation against the Turks, as should be sufficient to stay their passage to TAURIS, if they had any purpose so to do. But leaving the Persian king to his troubled cogitations for a while, let us again return unto the Turks General, the great Bassa Mustapha. Mustapha discharged of his Generalship, and called home to Constantinople. He now lying at ERZIRUM (after many troubles abroad) was surprised and almost overwhelmed with unexpected quarrels at home, many grievous complaints being made of him to Amurath, whereby he was induced afterwards to take from him his Generalship, and to call him to the court to give account of his actions. Which seemed not to be done without cause, he having before raised a great discontentment in the mind of Amurath, by sending such a strong power to the succours of TEFLIS, whereby he conjectured, that the affairs of GEORGIA, were not in such security as Mustapha had already informed him they were; and also generally offended the minds of the soldiers of his army, who all in an uproar accused him of improvidencie and prodigality, for that now this second year he had with so much ado gathered together such a number of soldiers, to the trouble of the whole empire, and infinite charge of their lord, & yet performed nothing worthy the glory of Amurath, or answerable to so great a charge. Which complaints, although they were of some moment, yet would the Turkish emperor for the great favours he bore unto him his ancient tutor, never have construed them so hardly against him, as for the same to have been induced to have deprived him of his place, if the inveterat envy of Sinan Bassa had not ministered strength and force to these hard accusations, and set (as it were) an edge upon Amurath to do what he afterwards did. But forasmuch as the course of time and process of the present history, A comparison betwixt Sinan Bassa and Mustapha, two ancient enemies both to themselves and the Christian common ●eale. bringeth now forth these two mighty champions of the Turks together; the envious competitors the one of the others honours; who living many years together, have left the woeful remembrance of their greatness and valour unto the world, but especially unto the afflicted state of Christendom, the large wounds by them made, as it were, yet bleeding: stay with me a while, and without grief if thou canst behold the lively counterfeits of two so great enemies (who both lived within these few years, and the latter of them died but the other day) as they are by the skilful hand of the cunning workman most perfectly described, and thus to be seen. MUSTAPHA. Quid Cyprum tactas? Quid Medos mart subactos? Quid fusos Persas? Quid tua facta refers? Dum te perfidiae damnet Bragadinus: & ipse Theupulus indigna morte peremptus erit. RICH. KNOLLEUS. What dost thou boast of CYPRUS won? or of the Medes o'erthrown? What of the Persians put to flight? or of thy deeds so known? Whilst Bragadinus thee condemns of extreme perjury, And Theupulus to thy disgrace, a shameful death did die. SINAN. Mitte Sinane tuos nimium iactare triumphos: Et rigido vultu verba superba loqui. Vltar namque aderit mox Transyluanius heros: Qui tumidum coget te dare terga fugae. RICH. KNOLLEUS. Proud Sinan cease to vaunt too much of thy great triumphs won, Or with stern look for to extol the deeds by thee erst done: For why the Transyluanian prince will take revenge of thee, And swelling in thy greatest pride, enforce thee for to flee. R. Knolls. This Sinan was a most ancient enemy to Mustapha, and in all things thought himself his match: For if Mustapha had subdued CYPRUS, so had he conquered TRIPOLI, GULETTA, with the kingdom of TUNES in AFRICA: and if Mustapha were a man of great courage, and reverend for his years, Sinan would be his equal both in the one and the other: yea and did not stick to think himself his better too, for that in the enterprise of GIAMEN in ARA●IA, he performed such an exploit as Mustapha neither durst nor yet knew how to put in execution, so carrying away the glory of that famous conquest: for which ever after there was between them a continual heart burning, one of them envying at the others glory, and both in word and deed, as occasions fell out, in all things opposing themselves one against the other. At last happens this opportunity for Sinan: who taking the occasion of the complaints of so many against Mustapha, caused a great number of them to frame their supplications to Amurath (which he for his part did in most malignant manner enforce and exaggerate against his old adversary) accusing him that this second year he had most manifestly showed himself to have gone unto the wars not as a worthy General desirous of noble and honourable enterprises, Sinan accuseth Mustapha to Amurath. but as a man that would make merchandise of blood, and of his soldiers pays; employing the most liberal provision of corn and money not as rewards of well deserving men, nor to the erecting of such fabrics as were needful, and might have been built therewithal, but only to his own proper gain; so to enrich himself with his people's losses, to the great shame of his lord, and consuming of the public treasure: adding hereunto, that if the things done by Mustapha were well searched, it would be found, that he had neglected many good opportunities, attempted many things in vain, and not done any good either to the emperor or his soldiers, but only to himself: whom rather than they would follow again, as their General, all his people in an uproar showed themselves ready and willing to adventure themselves in any other far greater labour that by their lord and sovereign should be commanded them. These and such like complaints, with the hard opinion already conceived against him by Amurath, were the occasion why he resolved to put him from his place. Beside that, he thought it a thing dangerous to his state, to suffer one and the selfsame General any long time to command over so great armies, deeming it not so much for his honour still to employ one man, as to show that he had variety and choice of subjects, Io. Leuncla. in supplement. Annal. Turcicorum, pag. 79. worthy of so great a charge. And therefore being desirous to find out the truth of that was reported to him concerning Mustapha, he sent the chief of his gentlemen porters with fifteen others to bring him to the Court, with his Chancellor and Treasurer, to show the accounts of such moneys as he had received, and to give up an account of their whole office. Unto this messenger had Amurath delivered three divers letters, which he should warily show as occasion served: one of them was so written of purpose, that Mustapha in the receiving thereof might by the same messengers be strangled: in the second was the emperors warrant for the doing of that was to them commanded: and in the third was contained, that Mustapha should forthwith send his chancellor and treasurer to the Court by those messengers. Mustapha in the mean time by divers means, but especially by the guilt of his own conscience, venting the displeasure of the emperor towards him, and suspecting (as the truth was) his life to be by those messengers sought after, at such time as the captain porter came to his camp, found many delays to put him off, and would not in any case be spoken withal. But when the messenger would endure no longer delay, he was at length admitted to his presence, having a circle appointed for him, out of which he and his companions might not stir or approach nearer unto him, the Bassas guard standing in arms round about him. The messenger perceiving the Bassa's wariness, wilily plucked forth the third letters, concerning the sending of his Chancellor and Treasurer to the Court. Then began the crafty old Bassa to find many excuses to have delayed the matter: but being hardly pressed by the messenger, and seeing no other remedy, he with much difficulty delivered them both, covenanting before with the messenger to have both their lives spared: who coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, were forthwith clapped fast into the tower called JADICULA, as there to have been severely examined of all the doings of the Bassa. Mustapha by the mediation of certain great ladies appeaseth the displeasure of Amurath. But Mustapha after long delay coming at length to CONSTANTINOPLE the ninth of April in the Spring following, and using the mighty and potent mediation of divers great ladies and other his gracious friends in Court, prevailed so much in that corrupt government, as that he was again at length received into the favour of Amurath▪ without any further proceeding against him, his chancellor, or treasurer, who by his means were afterwards also enlarged and set at liberty: yet was he never after admitted to those honours, which he persuaded himself were of right due unto him, for his good and faithful service of long time done to the Ottoman emperors. In this time that Mustapha was General at ERZIRUM, Muhamet the Visier Bassa was treacherously slain at CONSTANTINOPLE: after whom shortly after died also Achmet Bassa, who succeeded in his place: so that the said sovereign dignity, in honour next unto the Turkish emperor, was by rightful succession due to Mustapha the next Bassa; but that he was not thought worthy of it by him that might and of right aught to have gratified him therewith, as shall be a little hereafter declared, when we have briefly set down the sudden and strange death of the said Muhamet the Visier, worthy in all histories to be registered, as a mirror for all such as administer justice in so great place, to look upon. The strange death of the great Visier Bassa Muhamet. This Bassa, a man of as great fame as ever was any that had government in the Ottoman empire, in the time that he all commanded, had for some light causes deprived a certain soldier of CONSTANTINOPLE of his yearly pension, which with many labours and dangers he had gotten to maintain himself, which pension the Bassa bestowed upon another soldier, so that the other poor soul remained in misery, altogether unprovided for. Unto which miserable estate seeing himself now brought, and not guilty to himself of any fault worthy so great punishment, he determined with himself to revenge the injury with the blood of that great Bassa, and to bereave him of life that had bereft him of living: which because he could not by any fit means put in execution (by reason of the guard of slaves that keep the person of the Visier, so that no man can come near him that holdeth that high place) except he could by some means acquaint himself in the Viziers house, and so insinuate himself into his acquaintance; he resolved to take upon him the rude habit of those religious which the Turks call Deruislars, and after their manner to present himself every morning before the Visier to ask his alms: and so he did, counterfeiting withal a certain kind of folly and lightness of mind, as do those Deruislars, to make the people believe, that they contemn all worldly things, as men ravished only with heavenly cogitations, which yet was by some that knew him thought to have happened in him, through the grief he had conceived for the loss of his stipend. Muhamet not only the first time, but also at all other times that this counterfeit hypocrite came before him, caused him to be comforted with his alms, and as it were with a kind of private stipend, enjoined him every morning to come unto him into the Divano, and there together with others appointed for the same purpose, to say his devout prayers, and in singing praises to their wicked Prophet, to entreat God for his salvation: for it is a custom of all the noblemen, that at ordinary hours of prayers all their priests assemble themselves in the Divano, which is made ready for them, and there all together the infidel wretches do with their unclean mouths mumble up their superstitious prayers or rather most abominable blasphemies. By this means did this dissembling companion so insinuate himself into the Viziers acquaintance, that the counterfeit fool went in and out of the Divano at his pleasure, no man gainsaying either his going in or coming out, but daily sat in the presence of the Visier, and so having said his prayers, and taken his alms, with all reverence quietly departed. At last when the crafty hypocrite thought that the time was come wherein he might most fitly execute his purpose, having utterly resolved with himself to die, so that he might satisfy the desire he had of revenge, so long covertly fostered in his heart; having conveyed a very sharp dagger secretly into one of his sleeves, he went according to his custom, to require his alms, with an assured resolution (when he had said his prayers, and reached out his hands to receive his wont alms) speedily to charge upon the Visier, and with the dagger to strike him to the heart. According to the accustomed manner was the counterfeit hypocrite (for who would ever have suspected so long and so traitorous a designment) admitted into the Divano, where Muhamet the Visier sat in his house, to give public audience, and after the usual manner, before any of the suitors that attended for answers and dispatch of their business suspected any such deceit, he was admitted near unto the Visier, and sitting right against him, according to his old wont poured out those vain devotions which those hypocritical Barbarians use to mumble up in their prayers: which being finished, whilst the Visier simply reacheth unto him his wont alms, the traitorous villain in receiving it suddenly drew out his dagger, and once or twice stabbed it into the Viziers breast, out of which so deadly wounds gushed out his blood and life together. Whereupon the standers by astonished with the strangeness of the fact, ran in, but lo the old hoary Visier lay all soiled in his own blood, deadly pale, and breathing forth his last gasp. The mischievous murderer they presently laid hands upon, and bound him fast: but the rumour of the strange fact did by and by fly unto the emperors ears: who suspecting that some of the other great Bassas desiring to mount into that high dignity, had provoked the traitor to do this detestable act, would needs understand of the traitorous murderer, What occasion had moved him so treacherously to kill his Visier. Who resolutely answered him, That he did it to deliver the city of CONSTANTINOPLE from the tyranny of him, by whom he was undeservedly deprived of his pension. But when he could get no other answer of him, he delivered him into the hands of the slaves of the dead Visier, who with most exquisite torments put him to death. Muhamet thus dead, after him succeeded Achmetes the ne●t Bassa, who (as is before said) shortly after died also; so that it was now Mustapha his course to succeed in that chief room, for that he was the third in the order of the Bassaes. But when he had used all the means that he possibly could, to have obtained that so honourable a place by order due unto him; yet could he not find so much grace in the sight of Amurath his great lord, as to have it granted him under seal, although in effect he made him sit as Visier, and all matters of state were brought unto him as chief Visier: but in his stead the seal was sent to Sinan Bassa, who was now made General for the Persian wars. Which disgrace not a little discontented Mustapha, fearing lest some other strange accident should in short time light upon him. After that Mustapha was thus displaced from his Generalship, 1580 Amurath nominated Sinan Bassa to be General in his stead for this expedition against the Persians, Sinan Bassa chosen General for the Persian war. and for the preservation of CHARS and TEFLIS; giving him sovereign authority to command, and to set in order all such preparations as he should think necessary for such enterprises as he should think good to attempt in his first year: who although by reason of his great favour he grew haughty and glorious, yet did he not foreslow to discourse thoroughly with himself upon all his dessignments: and namely, beside the succouring of TEFLIS, he determined to build a fort at TOMANIS, to assure the passage thither from CHARS; and withal to attempt all the means he could to induce the Persian king to send ambassadors for peace, with such conditions as should be acceptable to Amurath. With these and such like discourses did he busy himself whilst he was yet making preparation to set forwards towards ERZIRUM. Of all these changes and alterations was the Persian king advertised, as also that this new Turkish General Sinan was careful, how this long war might by some means be appeased and a good peace concluded. Upon which occasion, and by the persuasion of Levent ogli the Georgian, and of Mirize Salmas his Visier, he was induced to send ambassadors to CONSTANTINOPLE, to demand peace of Amurath. The Persian king sendeth Maxut Chan his ambassador to Amurath. Upon which resolution he dispatched Maxut Chan, (of some called Maxudes) his ambassador, with direction that he should go to Sinan, and of him to receive guides to conduct him to CONSTANTINOPLE with letters to Amurath, and as much as lay in him to labour for the pacifying of all these troubles: and in any case to conclude upon it, so that he would be content with CHARS and TEFLIS. With these instructions the ambassador departed, and at length arrived at CHARS, and so came to ERZIRUM, and was from thence conducted towards AMASIA. But when he came to SIVAS, he found Sinan the General there encamped, gathering together his army for the execution of his dessignments: for Sinan upon the arrival of Mustapha, departing from CONSTANTINOPLE the five and twentieth day of April, was now come so far on his way. Of the coming of this ambassador, the Turks received great joy, and news thereof was in post sent by Cicala Bassa to the court. The Persian ambassador informed Sinan of all that he had to treat with Amurath on the behalf of king Mahamet; and laboured earnestly to persuade him, of the equity of the cause, and of his request: declaring unto him, that for as much as both the nations were conjoined under the law of Mahomet their common prophet (though there seemed some small difference not worth those troubles) it were a very inconvenient thing for them to contend among themselves, and to seek the overthrow or utter destruction of one another: and that therefore he was in good hope to obtain of Amurat this desired peace, if he had no other cause wherewith he found himself aggrieved, as in truth he had not. Wherefore he besought the General, that he would with safe convoy conduct him to Amurath, to the end that if it were possible these bloody wars might take end; at the very report whereof the rest of the world rejoiced, and stood attentively waiting to see what would be the issue thereof. This ambassador, Sinan entertained after the best manner the rudeness of his nature would afford: and thinking that the very fame of his valour, had wrought in the minds of his enemies this resolution to come to demand peace, granted unto the ambassador a sure convoy to conduct him to CONSTANTINOPLE; and wrote to Amurath in his letters, all that he thought was fit to be demanded, representing unto him what great and important matters (he hoped) might now be obtained. But before he dismissed the said ambassador, he advised him not to go to Amurath, The admonition of Sinan to the Persian ambassador. without resolution to offer unto him some great good conditions, and to yield unto him all that country which he by force of arms had before conquered: for he knew the mind of Amurath very well, that he was resolved in himself, not to yield so much as one hand breadth of that ground which he had won with the sword. Which motion of the proud Bassa so troubled the ambassador, that fearing he should not be able to conclude any thing, he stood in doubt whether to proceed on his journey to CONSTANTINOPLE, or to return back again into PERSIA: but considering better what belonged to his duty in so weighty a business, and hoping to receive more reasonable conditions from the mouth of Amurath himself; he gave large words to Sinan, and so with a safe convoy departed from SIVAS, and by long journeys came to SCUTARI, and so passing over that little strait, the fourth of August arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE. The Persian king in the mean time, stirred up with the report of the Turks preparations; to cause it to be noised, The preparations of the Persian king against the Turks. that he likewise intended some important matters, commanded all the Chans and Governors of his kingdom, to meet together with all their forces at TAURIS, where he himself with the prince Emir Hamze his son met them. And after many consultations there had for the repressing of the Turkish invasion (for as yet it was not certainly known what Sinan meant to attempt) he resolved to send soldiers into GEORGIA towards TEFLIS, whither of necessity succours must be sent by the Turks to them of the fort: and withal, determined also to go himself with all his army from TAURIS to CARACACH, a place very commodious and near to guard both TAURIS and SIRVAN, being situate even in the midst between the one and the other; and there to expect the removing of Sinan, whose ambitious nature the king knowing, doubted that he to surmount Mustapha, would attempt some great enterprise, yea peradventure to run even upon TAURIS. But when it came to the point that he should send some of his captains into GEORGIA, he made choice of such as had best experience of those countries, and were nearest unto them: with whom he sent Tocomac also, and the rest whose service he had before used against the Turks; commanding them to join their forces with Simon the Georgian, and by all means possible to annoy the enemy: whom if they should perceive to bend for TAURIS, they should not fail to follow him; to the end they might join together with him, and so encounter the enemy's army. All those captains were resolute men, and led with them ten thousand soldiers; which being joined with them of GEORGIA, amounted to the number of thirteen thousand: who arriving at GENGE, gave knowledge to Simon of their coming, and that in his behalf they were ready to do great matters. Now was the Persian ambassador with all due honour received at CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was honourably entertained by the great Bassas of the court, but especially by Mustapha, who within two days after suddenly died; of a surfeit taken of eating too much of musk Melons, and immoderate drinking of Zerbet (a kind of pleasant drink which the Turks use, made of water and sugar:) but most men thought him to have poisoned himself, as fearing the former indignation of Amurath to be again inflamed by the new complaints of the Persian ambassador against him, for that he in the time of his Generalship had dishonourably suppressed certain embassages sent from the Persian king; which he now fearing to be called in question for, the former storms as yet scarce well appeased, made himself now away. After his death it was commonly reported, that if he had longer lived he should have been undoubtedly strangled: which to prevent, he became the worthy executioner of himself, that had most unjustly caused others to be most shamefully murdered. Which was the more like to be true, and the rather believed, for that the infinite wealth he had of long time scraped together, was immediately after his death taken into the king's treasures, some small portion thereof being left unto his nephews: a most certain token of Amurath's indignation against him. The Persian ambassador having audience the seventh of August, with many lively reasons and much eloquence, persuaded the Turkish emperor to desist from the war begun, as contrary to the will and pleasure of their common Prophet Mahomet: as also to the peace, which was so royally, and with so many capitulations, not long before concluded between Tamas and Solyman his grandfather; and was not to have been broken and wars raised, but upon some great quarrel or injury done; which the Persians had not at any time offered, but had always wished unto him all happiness; as they had manifestly declared, by sending unto him an embassage to that purpose by Sultan Tocomac: whereby he might plainly perceive, the good mind and zeal the Persian king had for the maintenance of the peace. And although in the short reign of Ismahel, there was some rumour raised that he meant to go unto BABYLONIA, and some such like news: yet that was but a youthful part, and an effect of that heat which is commonly proper to such as being kept long in strait prison cannot use their liberty with moderation, and had therefore received due punishment for it, by sudden and unexpected death. But as for the king that now is, he did above all others embrace amity with his majesty; and therefore did most earnestly desire, that it would please him to temper his anger conceived, which had incensed him to take up arms against a king so much his friend▪ being of the same religion, and better affected towards him than all the rest of the nations in the world. This ambassador the Turkish emperor dismissed without any resolution at all; but only gave order, that whatsoever he had to say touching this peace, he should communicate it with his Visier. Many were the discourses that happened; for that the Turk required all those cities and countries, which till that time he had conquered with the sword, or (as their proud manner of phrase is) whereon his General's horse had trod, to be yielded again unto him: and the ambassador on the other side, had no warrant from his king to yield any more than that part of GEORGIA which is on this side the river of Araxis. Whereupon the said ambassador began to fear, lest he should be suspected for a spy, and so be evil entreated: wherewithal he did find himself too manifestly charged by the hard speech that the Visier used towards him. Being thus doubtful whereupon to resolve, perceiving himself strained to the grant of these demands, and receiving also some threatenings withal, he determined with himself to enlarge his speeches with the Visier in divers and sundry particularities, and to give him good hope that he should be able to persuade with his king, the yielding up of so much as Amurath had and did demand. Hereupon was Maxut Chan the ambassador in friendly manner and without any outrage sent from CONSTANTINOPLE to CHARS, and commission given to Sinan (then at CHARS) that without delay, and with all fidelity, he should cause the ambassador to be conducted to VAN, and from thence into PERSIA, wheresoever he did desire: all which was faithfully performed. But to return again to Sinan the General, Sinan mustereth his army at Erzirum. who from SIVAS had sent the said ambassador to CONSTANTINOPLE (as is before declared:) and being departed thence, arrived at ERZIRUM, where he took a survey of his army, and other provision necessary for this expedition: and so from thence was now come to CHARS, from whence he dispatched the Persian ambassador, much discontented that no other conclusion for peace could be wrought. Maxut Chan at last arriving at the Persian Court, Maxu● Chan reporteth unto the king what he hath done, and is for his good service by him rewarded. reported unto the king all that had happened in this his embassage: the sum whereof was, That Amurath would not condescend to any condition of peace, unless the whole country of SIRVAN might be yielded unto him, for that he had once (as he said) conquered the same. Neither did the same ambassador forbear to tell the king, the suspicion Amurath: had conceived of him, to have been a spy rather than an ambassador; and of the large promises he was feign to make to the Turk, to avoid the manifest danger of imprisonment or death: all which for all that, now lay in his majesties power to perform or not. The king for the present remained well satisfied with that Maxut had done, and in reward of his great travel and expenses, gave him the charge of the chamber at TAURIS, naming him the chamberlain of that rich and great city. Of which new office (though very honourable and of great importance) he took small pleasure, for that one Emir Chan his ancient enemy was chief Governor of that city, from whom he feared some dangerous treachery: wherefore he appointed his deputy for the execution of the office, and withdrew himself from TAURIS to CASSANGICH, a place of his own, there to pass away the time until it should please the king otherwise to dispose of him. But Emir Chan, who still nourished in his mind the ancient hatred he had conceived against him, took this as a most fit occasion to bring him into disgrace with the king: certifying him, That Maxut not contented with the great preferment it had pleased him to bestow upon him, had in contempt of his rewards abandoned TAURIS, and subsisted in his place a most base person to represent the king's majesty and to manage his treasure: and that he absented himself far from that city and the court there, having withdrawn himself into the confines of TURKEY, no doubt for some mischievous intent, either to yield himself unto them, or else to have intelligence with them, and was like enough to be guilty to himself of the great error he had already committed, by offering SIRVAN unto the Turkish king; and making promise of so large conditions, whereby he had obtained such a sure and sa●e convoy to conduct him; when as he had before discovered himself to be a favourer of the Turks, and a traitor to his own king: and that therefore it were good to make trial of his inclination▪ and so peradventure to decline some great mischief, tending to the danger of the Persian state. This malicious accusation slily contrived, so wrought in the mind of the suspicious king, that he commanded Emir Chan secretly to apprehend Maxut, and to bring him to the Court, and (if he could not by other means) then by torture to wrest from him the truth of all those matters. Glad was Emir to have his enemy thus put into his hands, and thought it long 〈◊〉 he had brought this shame upon Maxut: who having already heard some inkling thereof, resolved with himself to do any thing, rather than to fall into the power of his hateful enemy. And therefore at such time as fifteen tall fellows were for that purpose sent unto him from Emir Chan, who in the king's name summoned him to the Court, he without making any show that he took the matter otherwise than well, entertained them courteously, and made them great cheer: but when he perceived them to be overcome with sleep, which crept upon them by reason of the excess wherewith they had overcharged themselves, he caused them to be straightly bound, and with long cords hanged them down into a deep well, and there shut them up, secretly covered. Then gathering together the most precious things he had in his house, and setting his wives, his children, Maxut Chan fl●e●h unto the Turks. his brethren, and nephews on horseback, fled with all his family in the evening, and the next day arrived at SALMAS, and was there friendly entertained by the Turkish Bassa, and from thence conveyed to VAN, where he was also courteously welcomed by Cicala Bassa, and honourably accompanied, sent to Sinan the General, who very glad of his coming, sent him with all diligence to CONSTANTINOPLE to Amurath. And this was in effect the end of the first enterparlance of peace betwixt the Persians and the Turks. Sinan remained at CHARS eight days, and there again surveyed his army and provision, and afterwards set forward towards TOMANIS, with resolution there to build a fort. But being come thither, he could by no means put that his designment in execution, by reason of the immoderate rain, which continually by the space of eight days fell in such abundance, as that neither did the Sun appear, or the sky clear. Beside that, Sinan greatly feared lest the enemy taking the opportunity of this rain, of the strait, and of the building, should assault his army, and finding it in evil plight and out of order, greatly endamage it: Wherefore casting off his former determination for fortifying at TOMANIS, he removed thence, to carry succours to TEFLIS. But as soon as he was risen with his army, and past the straight, Tal-Ogli captain of the janissaries of DAMASCUS, and Homar Sanzack of SAFFETO, having received secret intelligence that hard by a little out of the way, was good store both of corn and cattle, resolved with themselves to go thither to fetch in that booty: and so with two thousand soldiers greedy of prey they set forward. Now Simon the Georgian and the Persians, following the Turks army afar off, had divided his soldiers into all such places as where there was either corn, or water, or any such thing as might allure the Turks to scatter themselves from the camp: and perceiving these hungry Turks carelessly to run headlong to lay hold on this desired booty, he suddenly fell upon them, and cut them in pieces, being disordered, so that of those two thousand escaped but Tal-Ogli the captain of the janissaries only, Homar the Sanzacke, and all the rest being left dead upon the ground. Sinan cometh to telis. Sinan holding on his way, in two days came to TEFLIS, where presently he called a counsel of all the chief men of his army, taking order, That every man upon his oath should depose the truth touching the greatness of TEFLIS: which he did only in reproach of Mustapha the great Bassa, who most untruly had informed Amurath, That it was as great and populous as DAMASCUS; whereas in truth it was not in any respect to be compared unto that so famous a city. After that he divided the treasure and succours he had brought, amongst the soldiers of the fortress, cheering them up with good words and promises of great matters. And because the soldiers there in garrison complained greatly against the Bassa their captain, he caused a bill of complaint to be framed against him, and finding him guilty that he had converted the soldiers pay to his own use, he condemned him to the restitution thereof, and so immediately discharging him of his office, placed in his room Giusuf Bey, a lord of GEORGIA, who for the ancient enmity between him and Simon, had yielded himself to the Turks, and was of them so welcomed, that Sinan trusted him with the custody of that fort, which with so many dangers had been maintained and defended till that day. All things thus set in order at TEFLIS, Sinan departeth from Teflis. Sinan with his army departed thence, and having again passed the straight of TOMANIS, there came unto him Mustafsad Bassa, afterwards governor of ALEPPO, declaring unto him, That not far off was great store of corn and cattle, and no body but only a few Georgians to keep the same, and therefore wished him to send forth some to fetch it in: whereof (though it had been much more) his army then stood in great need. Sinan was well affected unto this Mustafsad, and therefore the easilier induced by him to send for the aforesaid booty: but moved with the fresh remembrance of that which had happened to Tal-Ogli and Homar, he gave order, That to fetch in this corn and cattle there should go● out ten thousand horsemen and their servants, among whom was also the same Mustafsad as their General. Now stood Tocomac, Simon, and the other Persian captains in secret ambush, waiting when any of the Turks should come to fetch in this booty. Whereupon the aforesaid soldiers being now come, as they desired, and having almost charged all their mules and horses with that which best pleased them to make choice of: the hidden Persians all on a sudden issued out of their lurking places amongst them, Seven thousand Turks slain by the Georgian● and Persians. and with great slaughter put them to flight, and with such fury pursued the victory, that they slew of them seven thousand, carried away many prisoners alive, and the mules and horses laden with the stolen booty. Mustafsad was the first that fled, and the first that brought the unhappy news of that overthrow to Sinan: which was forthwith confirmed by the report of such as had by speedy flight escaped the fury of the enemy. Whereupon Sinan dispatched away the Bassa of CARAMANIA with a great power, charging him wheresoever he should find the enemy, to set upon him: and presently rising himself with his whole camp, followed the said Bassa. But all too late, for the Persians after the aforesaid victory without staying had withdrawn themselves into their strong places, known only to such as were well acquainted with the difficult passages of GEORGIA: and having there disposed of their prey, were now returning to await some fresh occasion of new slaughter. But when they descried the whole army of the Turks upon the rising of a certain hill, they were afraid to meet them, yea and stood in some doubt also, lest Sinan should descend from the hill, and so assault them: for which cause they retired themselves again into the strength of the mountains: yet not with such speed, but that the Turks overtook some few of them, and slew about fifty or threescore of them, whose heads in sign of triumph they carried a good part of their way upon the points of their spears: and took prisoners about threescore and ten more. At last Sinan with all his army having passed these dangerous places of GEORGIA, arrived at TRIALA, where it was told him, That the Persian king in person himself being already departed from TAURIS, with an exceeding great army was coming to bid him battle. At which news he caused proclamation to be presently made through all his army, That every man should put himself in readiness for the voyage to TAURIS, whether he himself meant to go to meet with the king his enemy. In the mean time (as is reported) he dispatched certain posts to the Persian king, then at CARACACH, to entreat him to send another ambassador to Amurath for peace, thinking by that means (as some do conjecture) to remove the king from the resolution of coming to assail him, if he had any such meaning. After this proclamation made, he descended into the open and large plains of CHEILDER, where presently he mustered his whole army, and gave it out, That before he would set forward toward TAURIS, he would make trial of the readiness and nimbleness of his soldiers, in such sort, as if they should presently join battle with the enemy: which without further delay he put in execution the next morning, formally ranging his whole army in order of battle; and then sending out some few others, to show themselves upon the top of certain hills, as if they had been enemies that came to seize upon his army; he caused all his artillery to be discharged, and commanded every man to skirmish and bestir himself, altogether after the same manner as if the enemy had been there present before them: where the thundering of the great and small shot, the thick storms of arrows, with the brightness of the armour and weapons, yielding forth lightnings as if it had been fiery beams, and the noise of drums and trumpets and other instruments of war, with the ensigns of blue and yellow flying in the wind, made such a medley of all things, as if it had been the turmoil of a very battle indeed. In the end he caused the retreat to be sounded: and then setting all his army in order again, made the like show the second time, and so the third time also: which was indeed performed with the great scorn and derision of his soldiers, Sinan de●id●d of his soldiers. who deemed it rather children's play, than any commendation to the proud Bassa. These counterfeit shows of war thus finished, yet did he not set forward toward TAURIS, as he had given it out, but loitered eight days in those plains of CHIELDER. At which time there arrived out of PERSIA one Aider the Aga, as an ambassador from the king, who was by Sinan with great joy entertained. divers were the things by this ambassador propounded, such as had Maxut Chan before: but the conclusion of all was, that the Persian king would be content voluntarily to relinquish CHARS and TEFLIS, and so remain (as he did before) in amity with Amurath, and so desired Sinan to conclude a peace with his master if it might be: as for himself, this message done, he was presently to return into PERSIA. For this peace Sinan promised to deal with Amurath, so that the Persian king would send another ambassador to CONSTANTINOPLE. Upon which conclusion the said Aider returned into PERSIA, and at TAURIS declared to his king what he had seen, what promises he had received of Sinan, and withal exhorted him to send a new ambassador unto the Turkish Court. After this, when the public rumour of the coming of the Persian king, was found to be false, Sinan in stead of going to TAURIS returned to CHARS, where he idly stayed a whole month with the general marveling and murmuring of all his army, astonished to see themselves (to the great charges of their king, and the disturbance of his whole kingdom) brought forth not for any honourable conquest, but as it were only of purpose to make a vain show of war. At last he departed from CHARS, for that now Winter was come on, and the frosts and snows did his army great harm: Sinan cometh to Erzirum, and there breaketh up his army. and so coming to ERZIRUM, there presently dismissed every man to go and winter in his own country, but remained still himself in the same city: from whence he by speedy posts diligently informed Amurath of the succours he had left at TEFLIS, of the losses he had received from the enemy, of all that which was by Mustapha misreported, of the coming of the Persian ambassador to him, of the promise made unto him touching a new ambassador; and to be short, of all his whole actions. Besides all this, he advertised Amurath, That the enterprise of PERSIA was a very hard, long, and difficult matter, and such a one as needed another manner of preparation than had been as yet appointed for it: and that if he desired to subdue PERSIA, it were then very necessary that he should speak with him at large, and discourse upon many particularities, which could not so well without exceeding tediousness be declared die writing. After that he sent other messengers also to solicit Amurath for his return to CONSTANTINOPLE, continually telling him, That it was not possible for him to signify by writing, what he purposed to report to him by word of mouth, for the better accomplishing of the enterprise begun. Nothing in the world did Sinan abhor more than this war, having his mind altogether bend against the affairs of the Christians in EUROPE, and therefore sought by all means possible for the diverting of those wars from the East into some other quarters. At last he wrought so much, he entreated so much, he writ so many letters, and solicited the matter so earnestly, that Amurath was persuaded to send for him to CONSTANTINOPLE, as soon as ever he was certified of the arrival of the new ambassador from PERSIA, of whom Sinan had before advertised him: for he was resolved either to grow to a peace with the said ambassador, if he came with honourable conditions; or if he came not, or that after his coming they could not agree upon the peace, then to put in execution those his conceits whereof he must needs in particular talk with Sinan by word of mouth. At length the promised ambassador called Ebraim Chan, a man of great eloquence, and highly honoured in PERSIA, came to Sinan; whereof Sinan gave present intelligence to Amurath, beseeching him again to permit him to come to CONSTANTINOPLE: which his request Amurath then granted. Whereupon Sinan forthwith returned to the Court, where he attended the universal government of the whole empire. At his first coming to the presence of Amurath (wherein he discoursed not with him of any thing, but of the coming of the Persian ambassador) the conditions were set down which they were to require for the reducing of the capitulations of this peace to a good end. After which agreement the ambassador (being now come, and most magnificently received in CONSTANTINOPLE) had audience: at which time he with much glorious speech laboured to persuade Amurath, That his king had a most ardent desire to be reconciled unto him, and to join his forces with his against the enemies of the Mahometan religion, and that for that purpose he was now especially come thither: which his good purpose, if it were answered with like zeal on his part, there would thereof ensue the greatest unity and friendship that ever was between any Mahometan princes. Whereunto Amurath gave him no other answer, but that he should thereof talk with his Visier, and with him en●●eat of all matters concerning the peace: and so he was by Amurath entertained and dismissed, both at one time. Now had Amurath called to CONSTANTINOPLE his eldest son Mahomet (who afterward succeeded him in the empire) being then about sixteen years old, 1581. to circumcise him according to the custom of the Turks; Amurath circumciseth his eldest son Mahomet. following therein the inveterat law of the Hebrews. Unto which solemnity, many Christian princes were solemnly invited; who accordingly sent thither their ambassadors with great gifts and presents, in token of peace and confederacy, namely, Rudolphus the emperor, Henry the third the French king, Stephen king of POLONIA: the State of VENICE, the king of PERSIA, the Moor kings of MOROCCO and FES, the princes of MOLDAVIA, VALACHIA, and others. With all triumph and joy was the circumcision of this young prince solemnised, by the space of forty days & forty nights, in the great market place of CONSTANTINOPLE, where all the ambassadors aforesaid had their scaffolds prepared and furnished according to their degrees and states, and received such entertainment as might be showed at such a kind of barbarous spectacle: Only the Persian ambassador, who had also his scaffold several to himself, but not regarded as the rest, rejoiced not at these feasts and triumphs: for among sundry other wrongs and scorns done by the commandment of Amurath unto the Persian nation (as by hanging up of certain counterfeit pictures of Persians made of laths and sticks, and then burning them, and in many scornful sorts abusing them) the Turk, for the great displeasure he had conceived for the harm done to Osman Bassa and the Turks in SIRVAN much about that time, and for the disdain he had taken against Ebrain Chan (as one not condescending to the conditions of peace which he expected, nor yielding to any more than the other ambassador had done before, seemed to have come as a spy to mark the Turkish affairs, or to mock Amurath, rather than to put in execution any good matter to pacify the minds of the two mighty princes) commanded the standing before appointed for him, in disgrace of him to be cast down, and himself with all his followers to be shut up as close prisoners in the house of Mahamet Bassa at CONSTANTINOPLE: where he was so straightly kept, that though an hundred of his followers there died of the plague, which shortly after began to wax hot in the city, Io. Leuncls. suppl. Annal. Tur●. pag. 82. yet could he not obtain so much favour as to be removed to some other place, but there was enforced to tarry it out, until that afterward order was taken, he should be carried thence as prisoner to ERZIRUM. To end these solemnities, Mahomet the young prince was circumcised, not publicly, but in his father's chamber, by Mechmet one of the inferior Bassas, sometime the emperor Soliman's barber. Now whilst Sinan as great Visier sat commanding in CONSTANTINOPLE, the garrisons in CHARS and TEFLIS (kept in by the enemy, and having received none other relief than a little which Sinan before his departure from ERZIRUM had by good hap caused to be secretly conveyed unto them) were thought to be driven to great wants. Which thing Sinan right well knew, and fearing least those two places which had with so much ado been both gained and maintained, should for want of new succours fall again into the hand of the enemy: he both boldly and freely counseled Amurath, to send a new garrison to VAN for the safety of the country thereabouts; and then under the conduct of some valiant captain, to send succours to TEFLIS. Upon which point Amurath asked Sinan his opinion, and willed him to bethink himself of some fit man. Hereupon Sinan propounded divers unto him, but none of them pleased him; for why, he was before resolved, in despite of Sinan and of his counsel, to bestow this charge upon Mahamet Bassa, nephew to Mustapha the late Bassa, and for his sake hated of Sinan. This Bassa Mahamet he sent to ERZIRUM, with the title of the Bassa of that province; honouring him withal with the name of General of the army for TEFLIS. And presently gave commandment to Hassan the Bassa of CARAEMIT, to Mustapha sometime called Manu●chiar the Georgian, to all the Sanzacks', the Curdi, and the soldiers of ERZIRUM, that they should resort to the standard of Mahamet their General, and so to follow him to TEFLIS. Whereupon there assembled together out of all the said places about five and twenty thousand soldiers, with all things necessary for the relief of the distressed garrison in TEFLIS. Commandment was also given to the Bassas of ALEPPO and MARAS, to repair to VAN with all their soldiers, and there to abide till Winter: which they accordingly did, not molested nor troubled by any enemy. In the end of August Mahamet Bassa departed from ERZIRUM, with the Bassa of CARAEMIT and all his army, carrying with him money, corn, and all other things needful for the relief of TEFLIS: and in eight days came to CHARS, and from thence to ARCHELECH, not troubled by any. At ARCHELECH he found Mustapha (otherwise called Manucchiar the Georgian) with all his soldiers, whom the General most joyfully entertained and honoured with gifts: and withal admonished him to continue in his obedience to Amurath, and to conduct him with his army the shortest and safest way to TEFLIS: for that some were of opinion, that it were best to go by TOMANIS, and some other by the way of Mustaffa his country: wherein Mustaffa did readily resolve him, that the easiest and shortest way lay through his own country, being also in his opinion the safest. This counsel of Mustaffa pleased Mahamet greatly, so that he made choice of him to be the guide of his army, reposing himself wholly upon his good direction: and so departed thence towards TEFLIS, passing through ALTUNCHALA, and CARACHALA, both belonging to the said Georgian, abounding with all things necessary for the sustenance of man, neither were they ever disturbed by any enemy. Having passed Mustaffa his country, they came to a friendly castle called GORI, from whence they discovered in certain fields a great army of the Georgians, mingled with Persians, but appareled after the manner of GEORGIA: these were those captains of PERSIA, sent from the Persian king (as in other years before) to aid the Georgians; who secretly conjoined with Simon Chan the Georgian, had changed their apparel, because the treaty of peace should not be disturbed, and their king accounted unjust of his word; who under the colour of a treaty of peace, whiles Amurath attended nothing else but to succour and defend his conquered countries, without purpose to annoy any other places, went about to procure the destruction of the Turks. These then as soon as they saw the Turkish army, and perceived that they also themselves were by them descried, sent Heralds unto them with haughty words of defiance, and to offer them battle. With great grief of mind did the Bassa receive this proud defiance; but having no other purpose but only to bring his succours safe to TEFLIS, he dismissed the Heralds, and studied by all means he could to shun battle. Mahamet Bass● refuseth battle offered by the Georgians and and Persians. That evening he was favoured in his purpose by the great and continual rain which then fell, ●●d served for a reasonable excuse of his delay: but the next day proving fair, and the Sun shining bright, both the armies marched in sight the one of the other all day, until about four hours and an half before night; at what time the Turks arrived near to a river that separated the one army from the other. There the Bassa fell in consultation with Mustaffa, whither they should pass over the river before night, or stay on that side they were until the next morning. In which case Mustaffa advised him to stay, as fearing lest the enemy should set upon the army disordered in passing the river, and so annoy them. Notwithstanding the General disliked this advise of Mustapha, having taken a strong conceit, even upon the first discovery of the enemy, that there was some intelligence and compact between Mustaffa and the Persians, and that to that end he had maliciously persuaded him to come that way, and not by the way of TOMANIS: & therefore the Bassa thinking, that if there were any such plot laid between Mustaffa and the enemy, to set it in some confusion, would not in any case follow the counsel of the suspected Georgian, to stay that night; but commanded, that with the greatest speed that might be, all his soldiers with their treasure & corn should pass over the river; to the end that before night he might on the other side of the river encamp his army in some good place, to the scorn and derision of his enemies. Mahamet his lieutenant, a bold young man and an hardy, was the first that ventured over, and after him the carriages of money and of corn, and then the whole army, with such speed, that some of the confused multitude were drowned in the passage, being rather trodden down with the horses and camels, than brought to their deaths either by the depth of the channel or swiftness of the river. As soon as the Georgians perceived that the Turks had passed the river, without any staying until they might settle themselves in any good order, they in great haste and fury ran upon them, and presently assailed them whiles they were yet all in confusion and out of order: by reason whereof, the Turks, although they turned their faces upon their enemies, and made some good resistance, yet in short time you might have seen the banks of the river in many places stained with the Turkish blood, and many carcases of the Turks here and there scattered, without any apparent loss among the Georgians and Persians. Amongst them that fell in this slaughter, were a number of Sanzackes, The Turks discomfited, and the treasure and corn taken by the Georgians and Persians. of the Curdi, and Mesopotamians; which the rest perceiving, and by the overthrow of their own conjecturing the loss of others, turned their backs and fled: the like did the remnant of the Mesopotamians, and after them at last the whole army: whom the Georgians pressed so sore in their flight, that many of the Turks seeing no other way to escape, cast themselves into the river, and so (though hardly) escaped with their lives. Great was the shame, great was the confusion, but greatest was the loss they received, for that in the heat of the battle the king's money and corn was taken by the Georgians and Persians, every man saving only so much for himself as he could secretly hide upon his own body, or convey by the means of some trusty slave, which by the help of their swift horses was preserved rather by fortune than by valour. The Turks thus discomfited and spoiled of their relief; Mahamet with his discomfited army cometh to Teflis. the next morning gathered themselves together again, one with another cursing the heavens, their king, and their adverse fortune: some of them also threatening the Georgian renegade Mustaffa, as though all this mischief had happened through his treachery and secret intelligence with the enemy. Notwithstanding, when they found that they had still remaining so much money and other easements as might suffice to comfort the afflicted minds of the soldiers, besieged in the fort, they resolved to hold on their way towards TEFLIS, and in their journey used such speed, that the day following they arrived there in the evening. But when they of the fort saw their friends, whom they had so long expected, arrived in such bad sort, and so evil furnished, they were astonished, and wonderfully grieved at this common loss, and all in a confusion protested to Mahamet, That they would abandon the place, if they had not forthwith necessary provision made for them. But the General after he had with large promises mitigated their first furies and insolencies, presently in the morning caused a Divano or counsel to be called in the castle, where having gathered together all the chief men in his army, he spoke unto them in this manner: For as much as it hath pleased God, The Oration of Mahamet Bass● in the castle of Teflis. that so great and important an occasion of victory, which was offered unto us for the honour and glory of every one of us, is now fallen out so unfortunately, that it hath not only not ministered unto us any matter of triumphing over our enemies, as we should have done, but rather hath made them (I know not how) to carry away from us both the triumph, and also our armour, our horses, our slaves, and our spoils; yea and (the remembrance whereof doth most grievously trouble and afflict me) our Sultan's money, and our public munition and forces solemnly delivered to our conduct, is now become a booty and prey unto them; that the honour which might have made every one of us famous among noble and valorous soldiers, is now fallen from our foreheads, and to our great detriment doth adorn the heads of strangers, or rather of our enemies; and that notwithstanding all this, we are now come to those courageous soldiers, which with their great valour have defended this fort, even in the midst of their enemy's weapons and treacheries; and to whom we should yield that aid and relief, which the virtue of every one of their minds doth deserve, and which king Amurath had put into our hands to bring hither unto them: there is now no remedy, but to resolve upon some good means, that we fall not wholly into the utter disgrace of our lord and king, and that is, To maintain these soldiers in the custody and defence of this sort: and though it be with all our own wants and all our own dishonours, to comfort these that have so long time looked for us, and so well deserved all manner of relief. We cannot excuse ourselves, that our enemies were better than we either in number or instruments of war, for both in the one and the other we were far beyond them; neither yet can we say, that they set upon us by night, or at unawares: for when we saw their number, their weapons, their horses, and finally their approach, and their manner of assault, yet we would needs pass over the river, and join battle with them: which we now know hath fallen out very lamentable to us, because we were more ready to take our flight than to endure the fight, and to use our feet than to occupy our hands. And therefore it is very requisite, as well to satisfy the rigour of justice, as to perform the duty of soldiers, that we suffer not our lord and king to lose his money, which he trusted into our hands, and which we have lost, not by greater strength, nor by any treacherous stratagem of our enemies, but by our own too too important fear, and too base a regard of our lives, before which it was the duty of every one of us, to have preferred the care of honour. For if by fight and courageous sustaining the assaults of our enemies, though they had been stronger and better armed than we, this misfortune had happened unto us, and that we could in any sort have represented to the king and the world an honourable and bloody battle, we should not now have had any need to seek means how to repay this loss, and to restore the thing that violently was taken from us by such as were more mighty than ourselves, and these honourable soldiers also should more easily have digested with us this lamentable calamity. But we have lost that money, and in very deed having as it were willingly bestowed it upon the Georgians and Persians to redeem our lives and to save us from their fury, are bound to repay it, or else for ever hereafter to be challenged as lawful debtors to the king for it. And therefore my good friends and companions, if you will take a good course, let every one of us, without any further consultation put his hand into his private purse (if he have not foolishly cast that also into the hands of the ravenous enemy) and with our own money let us succour the necessity of these men, and have regard to the honour of our king. So shall we make our flight less blame worthy, we shall justify our actions more honestly (and that which is of greatest importance) we shall the better pacify the wrath of Amurath, which he might most justly conceive against us. I myself before you all am most ready to disburse four thousand ducats towards it: if it shall please you all to follow me accordingly, we shall deliver these soldiers from their great necessity, and acquit our s●lues from the intricat bonds of most troublesome displeasures. The Turks among themselves make a purse of 30000 ducats, for the relief of the garrison of Teflis. There might a man have seen a thousand countenances changed a thousand manner of ways; for one softly whispered many a curse and shame upon the king, upon Mahomet, yea and upon God himself, another denied to disburse any thing, another determined privily to steal away, and some said one thing, and some another; but in the end every man was induced to follow the example of Mahamet: and thereupon having made a purse according to every man's ability, there was collected thirty thousand ducats among them. And presently after, word was sent to Levent Ogli at ZAGHEN, to send thither grain, muttons, and other necessary provisions that they might the better continue the defence of the fort. Two days only stayed Mahamet in TEFLIS, and having changed such soldiers as desired to be dismissed, and also appointed Homar Bassa Governor of TEFLIS in stead of Giusuf, that there governed before, he departed. But before his departure consultation was had, Whether they should keep the way of TOMANIS, or the way they came through the country of Mustaffa the Georgian: and in the end they resolved to keep the way of TOMANIS, and thereupon order was taken, that they should all pass the river. The Curdi were the first that went over, and had already pitched their tents upon the further side of the water; when the General began to revoke his former order, and sent them word, That they should return, because he was now determined to go back the same way he came. At which message all the Sanzackes were in a rage, and in plain terms sent him answer, That these mutabilities beseemed not them, being men accustomed to war, but to be rather children's play than manly resolution, and that for their parts they were not minded to change their journey, but would go on the same way they had begun: and so forwards they went (say the General what he could) and by the way of TOMANIS arrived at CHARS long before Mahamet, who was much grieved at this their so great disobedience: but seeing no other remedy, he with the Bassa of CARAEMIT, and Mustaffa the Georgian, put themselves on their journey even by the same way they came to TEFLIS. At last Mahamet arrived at ALTUNCHALA, the chief castle of Mustaffa the Georgian, and burning with the desire of revenge of those losses which he thought himself to have received by the treachery of Mustaffa; or (as some thought) seeking by this means to make Amurath believe, that in truth all the forepast mischiefs had happened not through their cowardice, but through the treacherous and malicious devices of the Georgian, and so to make their received losses seem more pardonable; he devised with himself, how to find out such a plot, as that Mustaffa might upon the sudden be taken away, as guilty of so foul a treason: and that he had devised was in this sort. Mahamet deviseth how to betray Mustaffa the Georgian. To call a counsel into his own pavilion, as if he had received some commandment from the Court, and having caused Mustaffa to come into that room, whiles the said counterfeit commandment should be in reading, to cause his lieutenant with those chief of his band that stood about him, to fall upon him, and presently to cut off his head. This pretended counsel was accordingly called, wherein sat the Bassa himself, and with him the Bassa of CARAEMIT, certain Sanzackes subject to the jurisdiction of ERZIRUM, the Capigi Bassa or chief gentleman ushier, and the General's lieutenant; with whom he had upon their solemn oaths for secrecy communicated his intended deceit. The Georgian Mustaffa was also called accordingly: who both because he was beloved of more than one, and had also used all diligent circumspection, but especially having heard in the army some privy whisperings of such a matter, knew full well of all that was devised against him, and therefore provided also for his own defence. But as touching his going to the counsel, he thought he might not deny so to do, least by his absence he might seem guilty of the fault whereof he was (peradventure not without cause) suspected; and thereby to leave his cities for a prey to their enemies, now in the heart of his country. And therefore resolving to go, he devised how so to do with most safety; and so; as if need should be, he might be able to turn the mischief intended against him upon the head of the General himself. And therefore having chosen out fifty of his most faithful and resolute soldiers, he commanded them to follow him to the counsel appointed in the General's pavilion: and being come thither, to stay there ready and attentive at his first and one only call, suddenly and forcibly to rush into the pavilion with their weapons, & rather than any wrong should be done unto him, to show their valour against the Turks, without exception of any person whatsoever. These men by nature enemies unto the Turks, understanding well his meaning, settled themselves upon the execution: and taking unto them some other also of their faithful and trusty friends; followed him even to the pavilion of Mahamet: where Mustaffa entering into the place of counsel, desired of the General to know what his pleasure was; who presently caused the counterfeit commandment to be read, whereunto Mustaffa gave an attentive ear. But when the other Bassas and Sanzackes began to sit down (contrary to the manner of the Turks, who whensoever any commandment of the emperors is in reading, use always to stand up, and not to sit down until it be full read) the Georgian took his leave, promising to be ever ready to perform not only that order of the kings, but also whatsoever else he should command. And so being about to depart, the Capigi Bassi (or great usher) of Mahamet came unto him, and plucking him by the sleeve, would have forced him to sit down. Then Mustaffa crying out aloud, drew his sword, Mustaffa notably revengeth himself of the treachery intended against h●m by Maham●t the General. wherewith he struck Mahamet's lieutenant, that was right against him, and with his left hand having reached the roll from his pate, with his right hand suddenly (to the great astonishment of all that were present) at one only blow parted his head, his neck, and his breast i● twain, even to his very stomach; so that he died (a strange spectacle to behold) being thus cut in sunder, with his cleft head and two shoulders hanging down upon their several sides. After this first, he redoubled his second stroke, aiming at the head of the Bassa of CARAEMIT: but it being defended with the writhen rolls of the turban, it slipped down by his ear; yet so, that with a piece of the said turban it carried his ear quite away, with a little also of the flesh of his cheek: and all enraged, eagerly assailed Mahamet Bassa the General (who now all in confusion was risen up in the tumult) and wounded him with five mortal wounds; which were yet afterwards by cunning hand healed, when they had brought him even to death's door. At the cry of this Georgian all his people rushed in together: upon whose confused tumult, and the fear that Mustaffa through his fury had struck into the Turks, the camp was presently raised: and every man with all speed departing thence, put himself on his way towards CHARS, whether also were brought the two wounded Bassas and the rest that were ill handled and greatly scared with these sudden and uncouth stirs. Of all this treachery intended against him, Mustaffa sent present information to the Turkish emperor, finding himself greatly grieved at the false suspicion that Mahamet had wrongfully conceived against him, to his great dishonour: and wrought so cunningly, that Amurath in token of his good liking and contentment sent him both cloth of gold and a battle-axe all gilt. Mahamet on the other side intermeddling here and there with all the art that possibly he could devise, all hateful and injurious terms, sent large advertisements of all the misfortunes that had happened, and aggravated to the king both the treacheries of Mustaffa, and also the slender security of those ways and countries. As soon as Amurath understood the calamities of his soldiers, the loss of his money, the great dishonour of his people, and the apparent danger wherein the fort of TEFLIS stood, when it was like to be abandoned: all inflamed with rage and anger, he called unto him the Bassas of his court (among whom sat as chief the proud and haughty Sinan) and rated them all exceedingly, reproving their lewd counsel, and recounting the losses that he had from time to time received, as if they had happened through their defaults, and especially Sinan, as the principal occasion of all these mischiefs: Who like an improvident fool (as he said) would needs relinquish the charge of his army, and like a king sit idle at CONSTANTINOPLE, standing (as it were) at some public triumph to behold and hear the miseries and misfortunes of others: having before in the time that Mustapha was General, most vainly boasted, with the like power that he had to fetch the Persian king out of CASBIN, and to deliver him in bonds to Amurath, but had in deed performed nothing worth the remembrance. Sinan could do no less but make answer to the wrathful king, yet not with such mildness and modesty as in such a case he should peradventure have done, but in proud and peremptory manner, without any reverence or regard, The proud answer of Sinan to Amurath. told him plainly: That as the last year a little before his return to CONSTANTINOPLE, succours had been conveyed to TEFLIS without any loss or trouble (as in truth they were) even so had they been this year also, if he had put his advise in execution as much as he despised and contemned it: for he did then give him to understand, that Mahamet Bassa could not be a fit man for so great a charge, and that it was necessary to have chosen in his room some other captain of valour and discretion; but seeing he would needs make choice of the same unfit man, he was not now to blame any other for this error, but only himself. As for his coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, it was a thing long before thought most needful, not only for his advise how the matter of peace might be brought to some good pass; but also because if that treaty came not to the desired issue, than he had to talk with him how he might compass the overthrow of his enemy: which thing as yet he had no fit time to declare unto him, but was now ready to reveal it, if it were so his pleasure. Wonderfully was Amurath grieved with this sullen answer, when he considered that a slave of his own, should so arrogantly and manifestly reprove him of folly and improvidence. Notwithstanding, being desirous to know of him what that secret and important matter was, which he had to reveal unto him for the easy compassing of his commenced enterprise, he dissembled his discontentment conceived against him, and commanded him to disclose those his devices which he had to utter. Sinan in brief, of all his advises, propounded these two things: first his counsel was, not to proceed in this war as they had hitherto done, by seeking with forts and fortresses to hold and keep the enemy's countries; for that their treasures were not able to yield such store of money, as was sufficient for the maintenance of so many and so great garrisons: contrary to the opinion of Mustapha (of late dead) who with great pertinacy had persuaded that dangerous, chargeable, and difficult manner of war. His second advise was, that the true means to bring this war to wished end, consisted especially in the resolution of Amurath himself; who if he would go in person himself, and against so mighty a king oppose the person of a king, then might he most assuredly promise unto himself all speedy and honourable victory: for that at the only name of his coming, the Persians would easily come to any agreement; or if not, he might then proceed in his wars, and so obtain most glorious conquests. This his advise so little pleased the effeminate king, that in stead of the great opinion he before held of him, he now conceived an envious affection against him: and a further suspicion (fostered by the great ladies of the court, especially Amurath's mother) That Sinan had thus counseled the king himself to go in person, not for any good could come thereof, but only that so he might find means for the prince his son to make himself king, and to drive out his father. Which suspicion was in such sort nourished in the mind of Amurath, especially being assured of the great affection which the prince carried towards Sinan, and he likewise towards him, that he resolved to rid him out of his sight; and so depriving him of all charge, presently banished him the court, and out of CONSTANTINOPLE to DEMOTICA (a city of THRACE) from whence afterwards he by most humble supplication obtained to be removed to MARMARA, Sciaus Bassa made Visier in Sina● place. a little beyond SELYMBRIA. And into his place of Visiership was preferred Sciaus Bassa (who had married Amurath his sister) an Hungarian borne, a goodly parsonage, and of honourable judgement: but above all men a seller of justice and preferments, and yet a great friend to the peace with the Christian princes, which Sinan had always most wickedly maligned. 1582 The Persian captains in the mean time, with their spoils and divers of their enemy's ensigns, were with great joy received at home in PERSIA: but when the discord that fell out between Mahamet Bassa and Mustaffa the Georgian was also reported, the former joy was redoubled; every man being of opinion, that these discords might be great impediments unto the Turks further attempts into PERSIA, which it was feared they would the next year attempt, to the great danger of NASSIVAN and TAURIS. Upon which occasions, the Persian king perceiving that he could not have a fitter opportunity to employ himself against Abas Mirize his son (then with him it disgrace) determined with himself, Mahamet the Persian king resolveth to go to Heri against his son Abas Mirize. to leave the matters on this side of his kingdom in their present state, and to march toward HERI: whereunto he was earnestly solicited by his elder son Emir Hamze Mirize, but especially by Mirize Salmas his Visier. Upon which resolution, committing the defence of REIVAN, NASSIVAN, and that side of his kingdom, to Emir Chan Governor of TAURIS; he set forward himself with his army towards CASBIN, and so marching through divers provinces, arrived at length at SASVAR, being on that side the chief of all the cities subject to the jurisdiction of HERI: which city he took by force, and without delay caused the Governor thereof to be beheaded, although he alleged a thousand excuses for himself, and objected a thousand accusations more against the seditious Visier. The king after this departing thence▪ and having also put to death certain captains and Sultan's, that were accused by the Visier to be confederates in the rebellion of his son, Mahamet cometh to Her●. he arrived at last at the desired city of HERI. Very strong is this city, by situation compassed about with a good wall, and watered with deep channels of running springs, conveyed into it by Tamerlane their founder, or restorer: besides that, there was in it many valiant captains, enemies to Mirize Salmas, ready to lay down their lives in defence of themselves and of Abas their lord; so that the winning thereof, could not but prove both long and difficult. As soon as the king approached the city, he felt in himself many troubled passions arising of grief and piety, it grieved him to think that he should beget so graceless a son, who in stead of maintaining his state and honour, should seek his ruin and destruction: it grieved him also to remember the blood of his subjects, before spilled upon so strange an occasion; and scarcely durst he enter into the cogitation, thenceforward to shed any more of the blood of his people. Nevertheless, being still more and more solicited by his Visier, he attempted to understand the mind of his son, and (if it might be possible) to get him into his hands. But whiles the king traveling with these thoughts lay with his army before HERI, Abas Mirize in the mean time, writ divers letters to his father and to his brother, wherein he besought them, That they would make known unto him the occasion of this their stir: For if desire of rule had moved them to seek the deprivation of him, being their son and brother, from the honour he lawfully possessed, and which his father himself had procured for him of his grandfather Tamas; they ought to abandon that imagination, for that he was always ready to spend his wealth and his blood together with his estate in their service, and acknowledged his father to be his good father and king: But if they were not induced hereunto for this cause, but by a desire to revenge some trespass that he had committed to the prejudice of the crown of PERSIA, or his father's honour; he was most ready to submit himself to any amends, and with all reason to yield unto them the kingdom, yea the whole world, and even his own life, the rather to satisfy their minds with a more full contentation. With twice and thrice reading over, were these affectionate letters considered and digested: and at last both the father and the brother perceiving in them such liberality of words, and overcome with pity, or if not with pity yet with great admiration and contentment, they determined to put the matter in practice, and moderating their desire of revenge, to attempt the reducing of the young man's mind to some good pass. Whereupon they wrote back unto him, That no greedy desire to usurp his government, had induced them to make so great a voyage, to trouble so much people, and to shed such abundance of blood; but only his disobedience and presumption, in that he had caused himself to be called the king of PERSIA; and had not sent so much as one captain to aid them in the late wars against the Turks. Glad was Abas the young prince, when he understood the accusations that were laid against him, hoping to make it manifest before all men, how the king and his brother were misinformed in these particularities: and therefore incontinently did write back unto them, That if they would faithfully promise him, honourably, and without any outrage to receive his ambassadors, he would send unto them such evident matter, and so clear information touching those his accusations, as that they should not only clearly perceive that there was never any such kind of though in him, but also that he had always desired & laboured the contrary: and would moreover open unto them such matter, as in respect of other men, and not of himself, might cause their coming to prove profitable and commodious to all the kingdom of PERSIA. Which his request they both solemnly promised faithfully to perform, being very desirous to understand what those strange novelties should be. Whereupon Abas Mirize sent unto them two of his chief counsellors, men of great account and reverence both for their years and wisdom, with full instructions: Abas Mirize by his ambassadors purged of treason. Who after many speeches, in the end swearing (according to their custom) by the Creator that spread out the air, that founded the earth upon the deeps, that adorned the heaven with stars, that powered abroad the water, that made the fire, and briefly, of nothing brought forth all things; swearing by the head of Ali, and by the religion of their prophet Mahomet, that such perverse thoughts never entered into the head of Abas Mirize: they alleged many testimonies and manifest proofs, that most loially in all due time, as well when he was advanced to the kingdom of PERSIA, as also in his battles against the Turks, his son had always caused devout prayers and supplications to be made to God for his prosperity, neither ever desired to hear any other but happy and fortunate success of him. They brought with them a thousand and a thousand precepts and royal letters, which the young man had caused to be written, as occasions required to the Governors that were his subjects, for the government of the State, wherein he never named himself king of PERSIA, but only, Your king and Governor of HERI. They prayed the king also, to cause a diligent process to be framed against his son, and if there should be found in him any sign or shadow of so wicked a suspicion, then to take from him his estate and liberty; offering themselves to remain as hostages for him. The ambassadors of Abas accuse Mirize Salmas the Visier. But when all this should be done, and Abas found altogether free from these unjust accusations, than (falling even to the earth and kissing it) they besought him, and as it were conjured him, not to leave the matter thus imperfect, to the prejudice of his blood, but returning to his counsellor, to take information likewise upon what mind and consideration he had advised the king to take upon him this unorderly and dangerous voyage; where no doubt he should find nothing in him, but malignant, ambitious, and wicked affections; and such as even deserved, that with his blood there should be revenged all the blood of those which till that hour had been brought to their unworthy and undeserved deaths. And for as much as nothing remained, whereof the Visier had informed the king against his son, but the commandment that was given by Abas Mirize to the Governors under him, That they should not go to the wars against the Turks: they confessed in truth that such an order was taken, but not to that wicked and traitorous end and purpose as was reported to the king by his great counsellor, but only in respect of an invasion justly feared in those quarters by the Tartarian jesselbas'; who by divers inroads had already done great harm in the country about HERI, and put young Abas and his counsellors in such a fear, that they durst not disfurnish their cities of their guards and forces: and therefore had commanded the said Governors, not to go to war against the Turks, but to stay and expect further direction. And that all this was by writing signified unto the Visier himself: which he of a malicious mind had concealed, only to try, if in these common troubles he could bring to pass, that Abas Mirize and the king might be taken away, and Emir Hamze succeed in his place; and so he himself remain the superintendant of his son in law, and Moderator of that most famous kingdom. Of which so treacherous a purpose they (for all that) thought Emir Hamze the young prince altogether ignorant (knowing his honourable disposition and love towards his own kindred) but imputed it only to the immoderate and ambitious desire of the wicked traitor Mirize Salmas. Of these grave speeches of the ambassadors, Mahamet the father (by nature credulous) began to make great construction; and deeply to consider of their so earnest and important requests, which seemed unto him so upright and equal, as that he could not choose but hearken unto the same. And therefore calling unto him the Governors, the captains, the judges, and treasurers of all the cities that were subject to to HERI: he demanded of them, how and in what sort they esteemed of Abas Mirize, and in what degree of honour he desired to be esteemed of them: and of them all received one answer, That they held him for their lord as lieutenant to the king of CAS●IN, and that he himself had always desired to be so taken and thought of: for proof whereof, every one of them brought in divers letters, precepts, and orders, wherein he never caused himself to be honoured with any other title, but only, Your king of HERI. He demanded further, whether any such wars were attempted by the Tartarian jesselbas' or no: whereof he received a large and solemn information, that so it was, to the great detriment of all those territories. And thus the king was thoroughly persuaded of the innocency of his son; who before was noted unto him by his Visier, to be an obstinate rebel. Upon which occasion only, although he might justly have put him to death, as author of so great troubles and bloodshed; yet because he would be better informed of the truth of the accusations laid against him by the ambassadors, he resolved to make a curious and diligent inquisition thereof: and therefore first of all, in great secrecy he examined Emir Hamze his eldest son, wherefore he had advised this journey against his brother Abas, whom he had found guiltless of all those crimes that were objected against him? whereunto the prince answered, That he had no other certainty of the pretended evil behaviour of his brother, but only that which proceeded from the great credit that he always gave to his father in law Mirize Salmas, to whom as to a chief counsellor, his father in law, and protector of the kingdom, he had always yielded assured credence: and so discharged the whole tempests of all those mischiefs upon the Visier. Touching whom the king made diligent inquisition, as well among those of the court as of the army; and thereby found him guilty of all that the ambassadors of HERI had accused him: and that being always acquainted with the true occasions which restrained the Governors of HERI (subject to Abas Mirize) from going to the war against the Turks, he had most maliciously concealed the same, of purpose to hatch such a strange and dangerous discontentment, as had wrought the unworthy death of many great men, Mirize Salmas the Visier found guilty of treason and beheaded. and almost defiled the hands of the father with the innocent blood of his guiltless son. For which so foul a treason the false Visier was worthily condemned to die, and his wily head by the commandment of the king struck from his carcase. justly rewarded, with the same punishment which he unjustly sought to have converted upon others; and with his own destruction pacified the dissensions and hatreds that were risen between the two princes. And so the two brethren being reconciled together, and the son to the father; after that Abas had again promised his wished obedience (which he afterwards most dutifully performed) king Mahamet returned with the prince towards CASBIN: where by reason of new and unexpected motions of the Turks, he had now been long looked for and desired. Amurath through the rough speeches of Sinan, was more and more settled in his purpose for the continuing of the Persian war; accounting it so much the more to his own glory, as it should in happy success fall out contrary to the opinion of many: and thereupon began to bethink himself whom he might choose for his General, to whom he might commit so great a charge. Among the Bassas of the court there was one Ferat, a man of ripe years, but yet fierce of courage, tough in opinion, in counsel as hardy as might beseem his age, ready for all sudden and strange adventures, but above all a vassal most devoted to the king: Of this man, at last he was resolved to make choice to have the leading of his army: and therefore calling him apart, declared unto him what he had in himself purposed, Ferat Bassa chosen General of the army in Sinans place. encouraging him to take the charge upon him, with a firm resolution to perform all things answerable to so worthy an enterprise, with the opinion he had conceived of his valour. Very willingly did Ferat accept of this new office, and thought himself (as indeed he was) highly favoured by the king: and thereupon made him a large promise, to employ his strength, his wit, and uttermost devoir, to put in execution whatsoever should be offered unto him, either by occasion, or by his royal commandment. At first Amurath had no other purpose to employ him any further, but only to assure the passage to TEFLIS, and so into all GEORGIA; and to have destroyed the country of Mustaffa the Georgian, who had so audaciously injured the lieutenant of Amurath, and put his whole army in confusion: but being certainly advertised of the troubles in PERSIA between the king and his son, he changed his purpose, and commanded Ferat to employ all his forces to erect a fortress at REIVAN, a place belonging to Tocomac, and to assure the passage from CHARS to REIVAN; for so they should be revenged of many harms they had received by him, and lay open the way to the city of TAURIS, to the great glory of Amurath. As for Mustaffa the Georgian, although he had well deserved to be chastised for his rash attempt against Mahamet Bassa, being then his General, yet he willed Ferat to dissemble his evil opinion of him, and (if it were possible) so to work, as to use him as an instrument to convey treasure and succours to TEFLIS: for by this means the passage, being made safe, all GEORGIA would without any more fortresses be subdued, and then the next year they might attempt the enterprise for TAURIS. Highly did Ferat commend the devices of Amurath his lord, 1583 and showed himself ready for any attempt. And so the time being come wherein it behoved them to set on foot their important dessignments, in the beginning of the year 1583, commandments were sent out to all the cities of the empire, which were wont to make their appearance at these wars, That upon fresh summons, they should be ready to return against the Persians, and to put in execution that should be enjoined them by their new General. The fame whereof flew as far as SORIA, JURIE, PALESTINE, MESOPOTAMIA, BABYLONIA, to BALSARA, to SIVAS, to MARAS, to all BYTHINIA, CAPADOCIA, CILICIA, ARMENIA, yea and beyond CONSTANTINOPLE to the borders of HUNGARY and GRECE, and in brief to all the regions that were wont to come to this war: all which sent their captains and soldiers accordingly. And so at the last General Ferat departing from CONSTANTINOPLE, General Ferat d●parteth from Constantinople. and passing over to SCUTARI by the way of AMASIA and of SIVAS, came to ERZIRUM, where he took a view of all his army and provision: and from thence in eight days arrived at CHARS, conducted by the Persian fugitive Maxut Chan: and from CHARS set himself on his way towards REIVAN. Three days before he came to REIVAN, of certain ruins of an old castle which the Turks call AGGIA CHALASI (or the Castle of strangers) he erected a new fortress, and left in it a garrison of four hundred soldiers, He cometh to Reivan. with a Sanzacke, and certain pieces of ordinance, and then went to REIVAN. This country is distant from TAURIS eight or nine days journey; between which two places are situate NASSIVAN, CHIVL●A●, MARANT, and SOFIAN, all enriched with goodly gardens and pleasant greene's: but in the way are many craggy mountains to be climbed, and sundry hard passages either for army or traveler. Ferat in the space of fifteen days buildeth a ●or● at Reivan 750 ya●d● about. Here then did Ferat encamp himself with his army, and taking advise of his chief captains where he should build the fort, they all with one consent advised him, to seize upon the houses and gardens of Tocomac, and there to fortify. Which he accordingly did, enclosing the gardens with strong walls and deep ditches round about, whereinto he conveyed water from a certain river, that coming down from the mountains, ran into Araxis. Which work was performed with such expedition▪ that within the space of fifteen days the fortress was finished, being in circuit seven hundred and fifty yards. It grieved Tocomac exceedingly thus to lose his country and dwelling, and so much the more, because it happened so suddenly, and as it were unlooked for. He himself as soon as he understood that the Turkish army was coming to that coast, having withdrawn himself and his men of war out of the city he could not keep, sought by all means to be revenged, if not altogether, yet in some part of this so great an injury. And therefore he wrote unto the king at CORAZAN, to Emir Chan at TAURIS, to Simon in GEORGIA, he gathered soldiers out of the villages, and used all his possible endeavour to enable himself to annoy the enemy's army: But from none of these places could he receive any help, the king being so far off in wars against his son, the Georgian being busied by hindering any relief to be brought to the besieged in TEFLIS; as for Emir Chan (who by solemn promise unto the king before his departure to HERI, had undertaken the defence of that side of the kingdom against the Turks) he either would not, or could not stir; neither sent so much as one soldier, having as some supposed secret intelligence with General Ferat, not to disturb him in this his work. So Tocamac destitute of all other help, and not able of himself to do much against so mighty an enemy; yet ceased not to lay such privy ambushes for the Turks as he could, killing of them sometimes 100, sometime 150, and sometimes more, as they fell into his danger. And to ease his stomach against Emir Chan (who sitting still at TAURIS as it were to behold his misery, would not so much as shake a sword against these spoiling Turks) he spared not to dispatch certain horsemen in haste to the king at CORAZAN, and by eloquent letters to amplify the cowardice of Emir Chan; intermeddling withal some causes of suspicion, that he had some intelligence with the Turkish General. Ferat having thus built this new fort at REIVAN, as Amurath had commanded, and furnished it with artillery, and all other things needful for the defence thereof; appointed Sinan Bassa (the son of Cicala a renegat of GENVA, and by Selimus the late emperor, in the flower of his youth created Aga or captain of the janissaries) with a garrison of eight thousand soldiers to keep the same. And so departing thence, by the way of AGIA CHALASI, in ten days arrived with his army at CHARS. Ferat had not long stayed at CHARS, but strange news were brought thither, That Mustaffa the Georgian (to whom Amurath had sent thirty thousand ducats, by two of his Capigi and two of his Chiaus, to have by him been conveyed to TEFLIS for the relief of them in the fort) was revolted from the Turkish obedience, and being now become a rebel, had left that fortress in manifest danger to yield, if by some other means it were not relieved. Which strange novelties exceedingly troubled the General: who to know the certainty thereof, called before him all such as were the messengers of this misfortune: by whom he was certainly informed, That Mustaffa, the two Capigi, and the Chiaus, having put themselves upon their way towards TEFLIS with the treasure, guarded with a convoy of five hundred of his soldiers, in the mid way had met with his cousin Simon the Georgian, by whom he was persuaded to return again to his ancient faith and religion, which he had to the great peril of his soul so profanely abandoned, and to shake off the service of Amurath, which would yield him no other recompense than an hard and infamous captivity, and in the end some fraudulent and treacherous death: and that his persuasion had so prevailed with Mustaffa, that he caused the two Capigi and the Chiaus to be apprehended and presently beheaded; and dividing the treasure, with his said cousin had with him and his other kinsmen vowed a solemn and perpetual confederacy: and so having withdrawn themselves to their wont passages, lay there in wait for such succours as should by the Turks be brought to TEFLIS. When Ferat understood these and such other particularities, he all in a fury swore that he would not return to ERZIRUM until he had put all the country of Mustaffa to fire and sword: yet first he thought it needful to relieve TEFLIS, which would otherwise be in danger to be yielded to the enemy: and for that purpose made choice of Hassan Bassa, who in the last year of the Generalship of Mustapha had most courageously conveyed the like succours, and taken Aliculi Chan. Unto him therefore did the General assign forty thousand ducats, with other provision necessary for that service, and for the more surety appointed him fifteen thousand of the most choice and valiant soldiers in all the army to conduct the same. In ten days space Hassan Bassa went and came from TEFLIS, having in his journey too and fro had many skirmishes with the Georgians, wherein he lost some few men, without any other loss worth the remembrance. After this the General sent one Resuan Bassa with six thousand soldiers to spoil the country of Mustaffa the Georgian the late renegade, but now become a rebel to the Turks: which Resuan, without any long stay overran all his territory, burnt his towns, and committed most uncouth outrages, which extended even unto the poor insensible trees, and carried away with him many captive souls, with much corn and cattle, like a raging tempest destroying whatsoever came in his way. Now was the General also retired to ARDACHAN, whether came Resuan to meet him with his foresaid booty. But because they had now performed what they had before intended, and the approach of Winter persuaded their return, they removed from ARDACHAN, and by the way of OLTI retired to ERZIRUM, Ferat cometh to Erzirum, and there breaketh up his army. from whence all the soldiers were licenced to depart to their several places of abode, and a memorial sent unto Amurath of all the actions had been performed; and especially of the good service done by Hassan Bassa, who for the same was now once again honoured by the king with cloth of gold, a battleaxe and target all gilt. About this time one Podolovius a gentleman of POLONIA, sent by Stephen king of POLONIA to CONSTANTINOPLE, by the leave of Amurath to buy certain horses in ANATOLIA; returning homewards with four and twenty goodly horses which he had bought, was notwithstanding the great Turks Pass, by his commandment stayed upon the way, all his men (in number four and thirty) slain, excepting one boy, who getting into a wood escaped, and Podolovius his head struck off. The horses brought back to CONSTANTINOPLE, were by the appointment of Amurath some bestowed into his own stable, and the rest given among the Bassas, oftentimes pointed at with the fingers of the Turks in derision of the Polonian king. This Amurath commanded to be done in revenge of an outrage done by the Polonian Cossackes against the Turks, whereof news was but even then brought to the Court. The nine and twentieth day of November of this present year 1583, The death of Hama Cadum, Amurath his mother. died Hama Cadum, the widow of the late emperor Selimus the second, and mother of this Amurath, and lieth buried by her husband Selimus and his five sons, strangled by their brother Amurath. All the rest of this year 1583 Ferat spent at ERZIRUM, 1584. and afterwards sent out his ordinary commandments to all the accustomed cities, to summon the soldiers against the next Spring in the year 1584., Ferat raiseth a new army. gathering together a greater number of pioneers and engineers than ever had been gathered in these wars heretofore: and withal gave it out, That he would go to NASSIVAN, and there do great matters. At which report the Persians were much moved, and began to cast many things in their heads about it: but above all others the king, who understanding at CASEIN of all that had before happened at REIVAN, and of the new preparations of the Turks, The Persian king with a great army cometh to Tauris. began to fear that they would this year pass to TAURIS, or at least as was reported to NASSIVAN, and in those places build new fortresses, to the great danger of the Persian empire: and therefore retaining still such forces as he brought with him from HERI, and commanding as many more as he could out of all the cities that were subject unto him, to follow him to TAURIS, he arrived there with his army not long after the arrival of Ferat Bassa at ERZIRUM. This unexpected coming of the Persian king with so great an army to TAURIS, filled the world with expectation of great matters to have been done by him against the Turks: insomuch that Ferat the General, before he would proceed any further, thought it good to advertise Amurath of the matter: declaring unto him, That his desire was to go to NASSIVAN, and there to build a fortress, according to his commandment, so to lay open the passage to TAURIS; but having received certain intelligence, That the Persian king was come to TAURIS with an huge army, and full resolution to encounter him, he thought it his duty not to put in execution his aforesaid determination, without his express commandment. Unto whom Amurath presently wrote back, That the matter so standing, he should not go to NASSIVAN, but only employ his forces to assure the passage of TOMANIS and LORI, that so the fort of TEFLIS might the year following be relieved by some small band, without sending of any great army for the conveying of succours thither. This new commandment of his lord, Ferat kept secret to himself, causing the rumour of his going to NASSIVAN to be more and more increased, of purpose to feed the opinion that the Persians had before conceived of his coming thither; and so deluding them, with less danger to build the forts he had intended, for the quieting of those most dangerous passages of LORI and TOMANIS. Upon this resolution Ferat having gathered together his people, with all things necessary for his purpose, removed with his army from ERZIRUM toward CHARS, where he stayed ten days, to take a new survey both of his soldiers and provision. And so departing thence, set forward toward LORI, sending before him Hassan Bassa with five thousand light horsemen to scour the country even to TOMANIS, and to learn what he possibly could of the enemy's purposes, and the state of GEORGIA. Which thing Hassan dutifully performed, speedily scouring over all the woods, and disclosing all the passages from thence to LORI, and so to TOMANIS, without meeting with any upon whom to assay his valour, more than certain robbers upon the high way, whom he caused to be slain (as men altogether ignorant of the Georgian and Persian affairs) and their heads to be set on the tops of their lances, and so returned again to LORI: where having stayed one day, he met with the General, to whom he recounted all that had happened in that his excursion. Ferat being come to LORI, there encamped his army. This place did sometime belong to Simon the Georgian, well strengthened with an high castle, compassed about with very deep ditches and a thick wall, almost a mile in circuit, but was then somewhat weakened with time: it is distant from TEFLIS about two days journey, of a carriers pace. Upon this castle Ferat seized, and having repaired the walls and strengthened the breaches, he placed therein Ali Bassa of GREECE with seven thousand soldiers for the defence thereof, and planted upon the walls two hundred small pieces of ordinance. And so when he had set all things there in good order, departed thence with his army towards TOMANIS; having before commanded Ali Bassa at some convenient time to fortify SAITAN CHALASI, a castle about ten miles distant from LORI, and therein to place a convenient garrison of soldiers and artillery. Four days were they going from LORI to TOMANIS, being ordinarily but one days work from the one place to the other: For at cutteth down a thick wood at Tomanis, and biuldeth a fort upon the straight. but now the General would needs so make it, to take the spoil of those rich fields, abounding with corn, cattle, and fruit, and to leave unto the country people a lamentable remembrance of his being there. At last being come to TOMANIS (in times past a castle of Simons, but by reason of these wars, by him then abandoned) he began to consult with the other captains, how and where the fortress should be erected, for the assurance of that country. But after many discourses, it was at last concluded not to fortify in that castle, as being too far from the straight, to make that dangerous passage safe and secure; but to go a little further, and to build a fortress upon the very mouth of the straight. So the army marching forward a few miles, at the very entrance of the narrow passage found the ruins of another castle, and near thereunto stayed themselves. This steep headlong castle was so compassed round about with a thick wood, which hindered all discovery a far off, that it was not convenient to found such a castle there, from whence their ordinance could neither avail them to whom the defence thereof should be committed, neither endamage those that should come to offend it. And therefore the General commanded, that every man with all his endeavour should lay to his hand for the cutting down of that thick wood, and making way through thick and thin to lay it for an open champaign, that was before the receptacle of a thousand dangerous treacheries. In very short space were the trees laid along on the ground, the place made lightsome and open, and a very commodious situation prepared for the foundation of a castle. The compas●● of the castle bui●t a● Tomanis by Ferat. The plot of the old ruined castle was compassed about with a wall of a thousand and seven hundred yards, and in the midst thereof was erected a strong keep, sundry lodgings and chambers builded, and two hundred pieces of Ordinance distributed upon the new walls. After that, the General sent Resuan Bassa and the Bassa of CARAEMIT with twenty thousand of his most choice soldiers, to convey succours to TEFLIS: who marching closely together in the direct way, in one day arrived at the said fort; wherein they bestowed their supplies, and changing the Governor thereof, substituted in his room one Bagli, being then upon this occasion only called a Bassa. Whilst Resuan yet lay thus encamped under TEFLIS, Daut Chan the brother of Simon, who in the beginning of these wars, at the coming of Mustapha the Turks General into GEORGIA, had fled out of TEFLIS, came now with all his family, offering himself as a subject and devoted vassal to the Turkish emperor; whom Resuan entertained with great promises and large assurances of all good success, according to his desire. In the mean while news were brought to Simon, That General Ferat staying at the straits of TOMANIS with his army, had sent Resuan Bassa with a far less number than indeed he had, to succour TEFLIS: Upon which report he took courage to encounter Resuan, and to give him battle. Upon which resolution without further delay being accompanied but with four thousand Georgians, partly subjects of his own, and partly of Manucchiars, he with all speed possible went against Resuan. But whilst Simon was going thitherwards, General Ferat fearing the worst, had already by chance dispatched away the two Bassas of CARAMANIA and MARAS, with ten thousand soldiers, to the end that joining themselves with the soldiers of Resuan, they should at all adventures be so much the stronger. Now Simon going resolutely on, found Resuan encamped with six thousand soldiers only at the foot of an hill, on the back side whereof lay all the rest of his army, and presently gave a charge upon him, when the soldiers behind the hill being aware of his approach, were ready all at once with their weapons to receive him. Who now perceiving his error, repented himself to have so rashly assaulted his enemies, seeing now no other remedy but to be utterly undone. But seeing that he had now so far engaged himself, as that he could not by flight but increase his grief and make the issue more lamentable, with those few soldiers which he had he endured the fury of the great army of Resuan, so that on both sides there was joined a most cruel battle: wherein the strange and unusual valour of those few Christians was much to be wondered at. Yet in the end the huge number of the Turkish swords and spears so prevailed upon that small number of the Georgians, as that they were brought to great extremity: yea Simon himself having his horse slain under him, Simon in danger to have been taken, escapeth by a strange chance. fell down headlong to the ground, and in his fall was very near to have been taken prisoner, as was his lieutenant and many other his followers, had he not been relieved by an unexpected and marvelous chance: for whiles the battle was even at the greatest heat between them, Resuan discovered the two Bassas of CARAMANIA and MARAS, who (as is before said) were newly sent by General Ferat to succour him, but both by the said Resuan and also by the rest of his army were indeed thought to be Persians; whereupon they were incontinently surprised with a sudden fear, insomuch that they now became very doubtful of the victory, whereof they thought themselves before assured. In this suspense and doubtfulness of mind the battle was also intermitted, and the victory by the sight of those their friends disturbed: whereby the Georgians, and especially Simon, whose state was almost desperate, took the opportunity to escape and save themselves, leaving behind them most sure signs of their valour among the Turks; of whom many remained there slain, many wounded, and many filled with great marvel and unexpected fear. Thus escaped poor Simon with the remainder of his followers into his known places of refuge, there to bewail the death and captivity of his subjects. But Resuan after he had discovered the Bassas approaching towards him, to be his known friends and well-willers, fretted in himself exceedingly, that Simon had so escaped his hands: yet holding on his way to TOMANIS, he arrived there in great triumph, drawing the standards of Simon all along the ground, and causing many of the heads of the Georgians to be carried upon his soldiers lances, to the great joy of General Ferat; to whom he delivered all the prisoners taken in the battle, and wicked Daut Chan, who having in times past renounced his first faith, was become a Persian, and now again despising the vain superstition of the Persians, had yielded himself to the vanity of the Turks, and made himself a voluntary slave to Amurath. Now was the year so far spent, that every man began to fear the Winter's approach, and therefore the General determined to remove thence, and to withdraw himself into places of more safety. And so having set all things in order in the new fort, he appointed Hassan to be the Bassa of TOMANIS, and left with him eight thousand select soldiers, chosen out of all the army for the defence of that fort, and the country thereabout. Deeply had Ferat laid up the outrage committed by Mustaffa the Georgian (being now returned to his old name of Manucchiar) in taking away the king's treasure, and killing the two Capigi and the Chiaus: and therefore he resolved with himself not to return to CHARS or ERZIRUM, unless he had first passed into the country of the said Georgian, and in most cruel manner revenged those notable injuries before received. A wonderful dearth in the Turks army at Triala. In three days he arrived at TRIALA, and there encamped. But lying there such an unwonted dearth and scarcity of all things rise in the army, but especially of victuals, that every five bushels and an half of Wheat was sold for five hundred ducats, to the universal calamity of the whole army. From this place the General was minded to go on forwards towards the country of Manucchiar, but whiles he was upon the raising of his tents, one Veis Bassa of ALEPPO, came unto him and told him, That it was not good now to spend the time in wandering about those countries, for that there were three very great enemies confederate together, to make this enterprise very difficult, and almost impossible and desperate: one was the season of the year, being now full of snows, frosts, and tempests; another was, the want and scarcity of all things necessary, especially of victual; the third was, the people of GEORGIA, who by a common uniting of themselves together, and peradventure aided by the Persians, might work some notable mischief against the army. This speech of Veis so much offended the General, that he most sharply rebuked him, and with bitter terms reproved him, telling him flatly, That he well perceived he was brought up among mountains and villages, and of a villain (as he was) upon some superfluity of grace, or foolish importunity, advanced to the honour of a Bassa; and that therefore he should not have presumed so much as to think it lawful for him, so impudently and malapertly to come and give him such advertisements; whereas it had been his duty rather to have held his peace, and to have harkened unto the commandments of his betters and superiors, yielding himself obedient and devoted with all his power to perform the same. With this rebuke the General passed on to ARCHELECH, burning and in a manner destroying the country before him, though indeed it was in amity and confederacy with the Turks. But the inhabitants of ARCHELECH upon the coming of the Turks had abandoned the city, and for fear withdrawn themselves into the mountains. In ARCHELECH Ferat encamped, & stayed the space of four days among the rocky crags and in a barren soil, yielding necessary sustenance neither for man nor beast; so that every man there endured unspeakable miseries: yet for the space of four days the soldiers with patience endured this so great a calamity. But in the end the fall of an huge snow being added to these extremities, did so greatly increase their griefs, that all the janissaries and Spaoglans of CONSTANTINOPLE arose in a tumult, and coming before Ferat, in despiteful and contemptuous manner with very haughty and resolute terms said unto him: The insolent speech of the mutinous soldiers against Ferat their General. And how long shall we endure this thy tedious and insolent government? Where is the due commiseration that thou oughtest to bear towards the vassals of thy Sovereign, thou rustical and unreasonable captain? Dost thou think happily, that we keep our harlots as thou dost under thy sumptuous pavilions, all fat and in goodplight, with delicate viands, whilst others live in misery? Dost thou believe that we have, as thou hast, our dainty sugars, spices, and conserves, whereby to restore us, in the common calamity of others? And that we have at command meat and precious wines, which thou minglest with thy clear and pleasant waters, partly provided for thee by the art of the cunning doctors, and partly brought to thee from far places? From this day forward it will be no longer endured, that so much people should continue in this famine, afflicted with nakedness, and many other inconveniencies: and therefore get thyself up, and return toward ERZIRUM, otherwise we shall be enforced to do that which will breed more displeasure unto thee, than to any man alive. The General in a great agony presently called a counsel, wherein it was concluded, That they should all send their strong sumpter horses to ARDACHAN, and the rest to follow him into Manucchiars' country, whither he had appointed to go, only to make an inroad, and with the spoil and booty of that country to refresh the minds of his soldiers afflicted with the miseries both past and present. This commandment of the Generals they all readily obeyed, as well because he promised them a speedy voyage, as also for that every man desired the sack of ALTUNCHALA, and other the territories of Manucchiar. So Ferat holding on his journey through certain low valleys between the high and craggy mountains, continually accompanied with great famine and scarcity, at length brought his army to CLISCA, a place belonging to Manucchiar, but as then for fear of the Turks quite abandoned and forsaken by the inhabitants; who with their wives and children and all the best stuff they had, were fled into remote and safe places, until the fury of the enemy were overpassed. In the fields near unto this place (abounding with corn and cattle & plenty of fruit) the General refreshed his whole army, and hoping that all the soldiers would like it well to stay a while in such good ease, determined with himself to erect a fort in that place. And with this resolution gave commandment to Resuan Bassa to go up to the tower, and in the top thereof to set up an ensign with a proclamation and public report, That he would in the name of Amurath there erect a fort, and fortify it as he had the other forts before. Resuan accompanied with Amurath the Bassa of CARAMANIA, according to the commandment of the General, in the top of the tower set up an ensign or two: which as soon as the soldiers had espied, the forenamed janissaries and Spaoglans, thinking themselves too much abused by their General, arising again all in an uproar, replenished with fury and indignation, ran up in a rage to take down the ensigns that were set up upon the tower, and taking them in their hands, rapt the said Resuan once or twice about the pate, discharging withal a thousand injurious and despiteful words upon him, and sharply rebuked him. And then returning to the General (who was now come thither himself to countenance the action of Resuan) with gestures full of despite, contempt, and disdain, reviling him with many shameful and scornful terms, they protested unto him: That they were not come to the wars to exercise the occupation of masons and daubers, The mutinous soldiers against threaten their General. and to be employed in such vile and dishonourable offices, but only to manage their weapons, and thereby to demerit their ordinary wages, and to purchase to themselves glory and renown at the king's hands. And therefore if he loved his head, and would not see those arms turned against himself which hitherto had been the revengers of the enemy's injuries, he should resolve with himself to leave these new buildings and these unseasonable designments; and giving place to the contrary season of the year, to have due care of their common desires and necessity. Whiles they were yet thus expostulating the matter with him, one more bold than the rest, and more forgetful of his duty, did not stick to assault the General, and to threaten him to wreak his fury upon him: which in that tumult had happily been done, had not the Bassa of CARAMANIA lent the General his own horse, and so conducted him to his pavilion. Yet was he nevertheless still pursued by the tumultuous soldiers, and again sharply accused for the stay that he made there, and for not resolving presently to remove thence: and at last after many reproachful speeches told expressly, That if he did not the next morning remove out of those quarters, without all fail he should lose his life for it. For all that, Ferat disdaining to yield to them that should of duty have been ready and obedient at every beck of his, and seeking by all means (notwithstanding all this stir) to stay there so long time as should be sufficient to build a fort, that would so much offend Manucchiar, answered them again. That he made no account of their threatening him with his life, The stout answer of Ferat. which he had always offered to lay down for any service of his king. But if they had no care to serve their sovereign in this new building, they might go their ways; as for himself, he was resolutely minded to obey his lord in whatsoever he had commanded him, for the honour of whom, every one of them ought to think their lives very well bestowed. Upon this answer there followed divers railings and cursings against the king, against the General, and against them all; and in this confused tumult every man betook himself to his weapons: in every corner was heard grumlings and whisperings, full of wrath and indignation: so that there was a great fear of some dangerous event, The soldiers overthrow the General's tents, and threaten to kill him. but greater was the suspicion of the General's life. And now every man had withdrawn himself to the guarding of such things as he esteemed most; when suddenly and in a trice you might have seen the pavilions of all the Bassas and captains fall down flat to the ground, all the cords thereof being cut in sunder by the wrathful soldiers: and as it were in a moment, all the muttons and other cattle which the General and Bassas led with them for their ordinary use, were seized upon by the same soldiers, and guarded with all diligence possible. And so far was it off that any man durst challenge or revenge this their insolency, that they themselves turning afresh upon their General (being now in a maze and deadly fear) began now the third time to threaten him, That if he did not forthwith remove from those countries, and turn his journey towards ERZIRUM, those valleys and fields should without all fail become the sepulchres of the Bassas, and those hills retain the eternal memory of so bloody a day. With a little liberality might the General have done with this people whatsoever he had listed, but being loath to gratify them with any thing, he was enforced to perform their proud and arrogant demands, and to his great shame to obey them whom with right usage he might have made obedient to himself: and therefore to avoid their despiteful threats, to his exceeding great reproach, he was glad even as they had commanded to remove out of those quarters. The first day he arrived at ARDACHAN, with the great trouble of all his soldiers: for whereas the journey was wont to be two ways work ordinarily, as well in respect of the length of the way as the difficulty of the passage, the General would now needs have it done in one, the rather thereby to grieve his soldiers. But of this his wilfulness, he received even the same day the just reward; for that the chariots wherein his women road, were conveyed away, together with the eunuches that were their keepers: some say by the Georgians, that lay in wait for such a prey; some others say by the janissaries, who the more to dishonour their General wrought him this injury. Great was the reproach that Ferat received in the army, but far greater at CONSTANTINOPLE, when these news were there known: but there was no remedy, he must now perforce endure it, Ferat at Ardachan breaketh up his army. and discontented as he was, keep on his way towards ERZIRUM. In ARDACHAN he took a survey of his army, and there gave his soldiers leave to depart: himself afterwards arriving at ERZIRUM, hated of all his soldiers, envied by his captains, derided for the loss of his women, and fallen into the disgrace of every man. No less than the rest was the Turkish emperor discontented with him also: first for that he had done nothing worth the speaking of in revenge of the shameful injury done by Manucchiar the Georgian, and yet so mightily discontented his soldiers: and secondly, for that without any care he had suffered Aliculi Chan the Persian prisoner to escape away; about whose flight it was thought he could not choose but have some intelligence. For Ferat, after he was by new order from the court to divert his journey from NASSIVAN to the straits & narrow passages of GEORGIA, being desirous to be thoroughly informed of those dangerous ways; in this second year when he removed from ERZIRUM, took Aliculi Chan out of prison, of purpose to use him as his guide in those dangerous straits, and therefore carried him under a guard (whatsoever it was afterwards) of his most faithful vassals, still entreating him well, and taking such order as that he wanted nothing: at last being come to the straits of TOMANIS in GEORGIA, where the Castle (as we have before said) was erected, he from thence secretly escaped into PERSIA. The manner of his escape is diversly reported: some say that Ferat in discharge of his promise, for his good direction had gratified him with his liberty: others say, that Ferat corrupted with money, gave him opportunity to escape: some others (with more probability) that this escape was made, neither for money nor discharge of promise, but by the only vigilancy of Aliculi himself, and the sleepiness of his keepers; and that watching the opportunity of the night (a friend to all escapes) he started away. Howsoever it was, in fine he was delivered from his long captivity to the discredit of Ferat, and returned into PERSIA, to perform such enterprises against the Turks▪ as shall be hereafter declared. General Ferat (before his departure out of GEORGIA) had commanded Aly the Bassa of GRaeCIA (whom he left, The dangerous passage from Reinan to Te●li● secured unto the Turks. as is before declared, in the new castle of LOR●) to fortify a certain castle called SAITAN CHASI (in our language, the Castle of the Devil) which he with great diligence performed, and left therein fifty pieces of artillery, and a thousand soldiers under the charge of a Sanzacke: and so quieted the passages from fort to fort, as that all the ways from REIVAN to CHARS, and from CHARS to TEFLIS, were made easy and safe, and all the means taken away whereby the enemy might be able to plot any new treachery upon those passages: which was no small piece of good service. The Persian king in the mean time lying at TAURIS with his army, understanding that the Turks had changed their purpose from NASSIVAN to GEORGIA, so that there was no further need to employ his army against them for the defence of TAURIS or NASSIVAN: at last resolved with himself to licence his soldiers to depart, and to apply himself to more private revenges. For calling Emir Chan unto him, whom he had left Governor of TAURIS, and General for that part of his kingdom; he required of him the occasion, why he had not performed the great promises which he had made to him before his departure to HERI, nor done his endeavour to hinder the Turks Fabrik at REIVAN: and why he went not ou● with other soldiers appointed for that purpose, and namely with the Turcomans (as he had promised) to revenge so great an injury, and in best manner he could to have endamaged the Turkish forces? Sundry excuses did Emir Chan allege for the colouring of his manifest default, but none sufficient to clear him of the crimes objected against him by the king and the Sultan's: Emir Chan having his eyes pu● ou●, dieth miserably in prison. wherefore he was by the king adjudged to have his eyes burnt out with an hot iron; and so deprived of his sight, to be despoiled of all his goods and shut up in close prison. Which heavy doom was without further delay accordingly put in execution: whereof within the space of a few months, the wicked Chan (but yet a famous soldier) miserably died in prison. Whose death so highly offended the Turcoman nation (who had him always in great estimation) that they absolutely denied their defences for the crown of PERSIA: and the more, when they heard that the king had bestowed the room of Emir Chan upon Aliculi; who although he had in many respects deserved all preferment, yet for that he was an ancient enemy to certain Turcoman captains, they would not in any wise endure that he should be exalted to so great an honour. And therefore they waxed more disdainful and ill affected towards the king, whereby the Persian forces became the more weakened and divided. The Turks notwithstanding the league yet in force between Amurath and Rodolph the Christian emperor that now is, did many times make incursions into the upper part of HUNGARY, burning the country villages, and carrying away the people into captivity: but in their return, they were oftentimes cut off by the emperors soldiers, and slain. Which being reported at CONSTANTINOPLE much moved the Turkish tyrant: but when he understood that his men had without any cause made those inroads into the territory of the Christians, and so received the foresaid losses, he was again appeased, and in the beginning of this year 1584., renewed the league betwixt him and the emperor for eight years more. Ferat from ERZIRUM advertised Amurath of all that had happened in his late expedition, desiring him to command what he would have taken in hand the next Spring. But besides this information from him, there wanted not many others which did the like also, although in another manner: declaring unto the king (and that in an odious sort) the whole proceedings of Ferat, the escape of Aliculi Chan, the shameful loss of his women, his quarrels with the janissaries▪ his falling out with vieth Bassa, a man well regarded of Amurath himself, the disorders of his whole camp for his want of discretion; and to be short, the particularities of all such actions as had not altogether so honourably been by him performed that year: causes of themselves sufficient to induce the king to remove the said Ferat from his Generalship. To which occasions, were also added sundry other secret respects: for ever since the last departure of Ferat from ERZIRUM, Amurath had still in his head, the next year following to attempt the enterprise of TAURIS, and thereby to stir up through the world a famous report of his conquests correspondent to his greatness. Now among the captains whom he esteemed to be worthy men, to whom he might with trust commit this so great an enterprise, he bethought himself of Osman Bassa, left at SUMACHIA in SIRVAN by General Mustapha in the first year of this war: who having in that province remained ever since, had without any help of the Tartarians, by his own industry and valour, to the great contentment of Amurath, brought that large country into a reasonable obedience of the Turkish empire: and that which most of all pleased the Turkish emperor, had in a country so far distant maintained his army, wherewith he had done all this without any expenses at all to his king; having now a good while levied his soldiers stipends upon the lands and territories of that region; and still exercised a kind of government and sovereignty over those places. Of all which his good proceedings, he had caused intelligence from time to time to be sent unto the court: by which means, and other favourers which he had about the king, there was fostered in the mind of Amurath a wonderful good opinion of him; so that now without delay he resolved to send for him to CONSTANTINOPLE, and for that purpose, Amurath sendeth for Osman into Shuan. before Ferat was arrived at ERZIRUM, he had dispatched certain Capigi and Chiaus to call this famous warrior unto him: yet wanted there not some (and those not of the meanest sort) that went about to hinder both his coming to the court, and also these designments of so great importance. For Sciaus the chie●e Visier (who rather for the comeliness of his person and alliance with the king, than for any other his virtues, was mounted to that high room) did greatly fear lest Osman, whose course it was to sit next unto him in the order of the greatest Bassas, partly for his experience in matters of war, and partly for the good affection the king did bear unto him, should at his coming to CONSTANTINOPLE persuade the king to what he listed, and so peradventure take from him the chiefest office, and get into his hands the whole government of the empire, whereby so great wealth was to be gained. Wherefore to rid himself of these fears, he cast about by all means to keep him from coming to the Court: but because that to attempt the same openly, might prove a matter both difficult and dangerous, he thought it better to make trial of a more commodious and secret means. This Sciaus in consideration of many gifts bestowed upon him by Mahomet the Cuman Tartar king, had many times excused him to Amurath of divers accusations which Osman by his letters had laid to his charge, For not aiding him in the subduing of SIRVAN, as he was both by promise and duty bound: and for all his oversights alleged such reasons in his behalf, as if they did not altogether persuade Amurath to be kind unto him, yet at the least not to carry a mind of revenge against him: and had so far proceeded in countenancing this Tartarian king, that there was betwixt them confirmed an interchangeable amity and mutual confederacy. Him Sciaus imagined to find willing and ready by all means possible, to hinder the coming of Osman his enemy to the Court, if he were but made acquainted with the matter. And therefore Sciaus, as soon as he understood the certain resolution of Amurath to call Osman to the Court, secretly wrote to the Tartar king, who lay encamped near to the haven of CAFFA upon the Fens of MEOTIS, certifying him, That Osman was to come to the Court, and that therefore it were good for him to call to mind, how great an enemy he had been to him, and how much he had endeavoured by letters to Amurath, to turn all his hatred and displeasure against him: and withal, That if he was able to do so much by letters, as if Sciaus had not defended him with very reasonable excuses, the king had executed his wrathful indignation upon him to his great danger; he should then imagine with himself, what Osman should be able to do when he should come in person to the presence of Amurath, and without any mediator, between themselves determine of all matters what they should think convenient. These, and peradventure worse letters which Sciaus wrote to the Tartar, ministered matter enough unto him to resolve to do what he might, not to suffer so pernicious an enemy of his to arrive at CONSTANTINOPLE: and especially perceiving that Sciaus, in whose breast he reposed all his hope and all his protection, The Tartar king sendeth twelve thousand Tartars to lie in wait for to kill Osman did so greatly fear his coming. Wherefore to rid himself of that fear, he commanded twelve thousand soldiers, that changing their weapons and appparell, they should go and lie in wait for Osman in the borders between COLCHIS and I●ERIA, towards the Tartarian Nomads, by which way he was to come; and so making an assault upon him, to bereave him of his life. Hoping that such an outrage once done could not, or would not be imputed to his procurement, but rather to the Tartar Nomades, or to the Mengrellians, or to the Georgians, or to the Moscovites, or to the robbers by the high way; and to be short, rather to any body else than to him. This commandment of the Tartar king, was accordingly by the soldiers put in practice: who without further stay joined themselves together, and so road towards the place appointed. And now were the messengers sent from Amurath, come to Osman, who readily put himself on his way towards CONSTANTINOPLE, having left behind him at DERBENT and SUMACHIA two Bassas, thought to be the most sufficient men in SIRVANIA: having also appointed very good orders in the same, and an assured establishment of all those countries and places which Mustapha first had subdued, and he himself had afterwards maintained under the obedience of Amurath. He had also provided for the safety of his own person, in passing those troublesome and dangerous passages through which he was to travel, by choosing out four thousand soldiers which he had tried in divers battles, and brought up under his own discipline; through whose valour he doubted not safely to pass through the treacheries of the Albanians, and the populous squadrons as well of the Tartarians as of the Mengrellians. Thus departed he from DERBENT, and coasting along the rocks of CAUCASUS (that at all times of the year are all white and hoary with continual snows) leaving on his left hand MEDIA, IBERIA, and COLCHIS, and on the right hand the famous rivers of Tanais and Volga, even at his first entrance unto the shores of the Euxine sea, Osman assaulted by twelve thousand Tartars. he was by the abovenamed twelve thousand Tartarians, being appareled like thieves that lie upon those ways, suddenly assailed and fought withal. But like as an huge rock lying open to tempests and waves, standing fast and unmovable in itself, resisteth the thunderings and rushings of the great and fearful billows: so stood Osman fast and firm, and courageously sustained this treacherous assault, turning the bold countenances of his resolute soldiers against the rebellious multitude of those traitorous squadrons: who as is their manner in the beginning used great force, but finding so stout resistance in those few, whom they had thought with their only looks and shoutings to have put to flight, they began at length to quail. Osman overcometh the Tartar● Which Osman quickly perceiving, courageously forced upon them, and in a very short space and with a very small loss of his own, put those Tartarians to flight, killing a number of them, and also taking many of them prisoners: by whom Osman was afterwards informed (as the truth was) that their king for fear that he had conceived, lest when he came to CONSTANTINOPLE he would procure his destruction from Amurath, had sent this army to seek his death. Of which treason Osman caused a perfect process to be made, together with the depositions of the Tartarian prisoners, which he sent the shortest way he could devise to Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE; with letters declaring all that had passed, inflaming him to revenge so grievous an injury and so wicked a practice. Amurath receiving these advertisements from Osman, according to the necessity of the matter took order that Vluzales his Admiral with certain galleys well appointed, should pass over to CAFFA to fetch Osman; and withal to carry with him Islan, a brother of the Tartar kings, commanding Osman by letters, that he should (to the terror of others) put to death the treacherous king, and place his brother in his room. This Tartar king was one of those mighty princes, who basely yielding to the Ottoman power, led under them a most vile and troublesome life, as their tributaries and vassals, always at command: whose younger brother Islan (presuming of the sufficiency of himself and the favour of the people) going to CONSTANTINOPLE, became a suitor unto the Turkish emperor, to have his eldest brother thrust out of his kingdom, as a man for his evil government hated of his subjects, and to be placed himself in his room. Which his suit was so crossed by the ambassadors of the king his brother, who spared for no cost in the behalf of their master, that the ambitious youth was sent from the Turks Court to ICONIUM, and there clapped fast up in prison: where appareled like an Eremit, he led his life altogether conformable to his misery, with such a kind of external innocency, as if he had been void of all hope or ambitious desire of a kingdom, but rather like a forlorn and unhappy wretch with vain affliction and impious devotion to prepare himself to a laudable and honourable death. But whilst he thus lived, sequestered from all worldly cogitations, upon the discovery of the king his brother's rebellion he was in more than post hast sent for to CONSTANTINOPLE, and put into the galleys bound for CAFFA, with letters to Osman of the tenor aforesaid. Osman strangleth Mahomet the Tartar king, with his two son●, and placeth Islan his brother in his s●ead. Now in the mean time Osman had by cunning means got into his hands this Tartar king, being as is reported betrayed by his own counsellors, corrupted with the Turks gold: whom with his two sons Osman upon the receipt of the aforesaid letters from Amurath, caused to be presently strangled with a bowstring, and Islan his younger brother to be saluted king in his place, yet as vassal to Amurath. This shameful death, the usual reward of the Turkish friendship, was thought justly to have happened unto this Tartar king, for that he not long before, supported by Amurath, had most unnaturally deposed his aged father from that kingdom, just vengeance now prosecuting his so great disloyalty. Osman embarking himself in the forenamed galleys at the port of CAFFA, passing over the Euxine sea, and entering into the Thracian Bosphorus, arrived at CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was received with great pomp and singular significations of good love. But with most evident and express kinds of joy was he saluted by Amurath himself, when by his own speech and presence he declared unto him every particularity of the matters that had happened in his long and important voyage, and in lively manner represented unto him the perils and travels that he had passed, and the conquests that he had made in SIRVAN. After all which discourses Amurath who longed after nothing more than to see the Persian king somewhat bridled, and the famous city of TAURIS brought under his own subjection, Amurath demandeth Osmans' opinion concerning the enterprise of Tauris. began to enter into conference with Osman about that enterprise, and in the end would needs thoroughly know of him, what issue he could promise him of this his desire▪ and in what sort by his advice and counsel the forces should be employed, and the armies disposed for the subduing of that city, which overall the nations of the world was so famous and so great an honour to the Persian kingdom. To all which demands his answer and resolution was, Osmans' resolution. That for so much as the matters of GEORGIA were now well settled, the treacherous passages by the new built forts assured, and the province of SIRVAN under his obedience established, there was now no cause why he should any longer foreslow so famous an enterprise, but by the conquest of TAURIS, & erecting of a fort in that proud city, to bring a terror upon all PERSIA, and to raise a glorious renown of so mighty a conquest among the nations of EUROPE: for the accomplishment whereof he thought that either the same army, or at the most a very little greater would suffice, so that it were raised of the best and choicest soldiers. By reason of one of the letters which Sciaus Bassa had written to the late Tartar king, and by the instigation of the young Sultan Mahomet's mother (jealous of the near alliance of the great Bassa with her husband, as prejudicial and dangerous to her son) Amurath had in the open Divano deprived the said Sciaus from the office of the chief Visier, and hardly pardoning him his life, at the intercession of his wife, being his sister, had banished him the Court, so that he lived afterwards about CHALCEDON, upon the borders of ASIA, not far from CONSTANTINOPLE, in a close palace he had there built for his own pleasure: Osman Bassa made chief Visier and General of the army. in whose room he appointed Osman to be chief Visier; and to honour him the more, nominated him the General of his army against the Persians. Such power hath virtue, that even from the very scum of the rascal sort, and out of the rustical rout of mountain peasants (which notwithstanding cannot be truly justified of this Osman, his father being Beglerbeg of DAMASCUS, and his mother the daughter of the Beglerbeg of BABYLON) it doth oftentimes in the course of this variable world draw divers men into princes Courts, and advance them to the highest dignities. Truth it is, that from a private soldier, though well borne, he by sundry degrees grew up to the highest honours of that so great an empire, and was at one instant created the chief Counsellor and General of the Ottoman forces. Great was the joy that Osman conceived hereat, and great was the desire he had to make himself worthy of so honourable favours; and the greater confidence he perceived that Amurath had reposed in him, the more eagerly was he spurred on to do any thing possible whereby he might show himself to have deserved the same. And therefore advising with himself, that for as much as the greatness of the enterprise required a greater army than was levied in former years, so it was necessary also for him the sooner to send out his advertisements into all his subject provinces, and by his own example to stir up the other captains and soldiers even in the Winter (though it were as yet somewhat troublesome) to pass over to SCUTARI, and from thence to ANGORI, to AMASIA, to SIVAS, and there in those territories to drive out the time, until his soldiers which were summoned were all gathered together. And because upon this his great speed it might peradventure fall out, that the enemy misdoubting his purpose for TAURIS, might provide a greater army than they would otherwise, he caused it to be given out, That he must go for NASSIVAN; to the end, that the Persians so beguiled, should not regard the gathering of so mighty an army as they would have done if they should have heard of the Turks coming to TAURIS: and so the general cozening rumour flew, not only through all the cities subject to the Turks, but into the countries of the Persian also: who notwithstanding being very jealous of the city of TAURIS, and fearing that the matter would fall out, as indeed afterwards it did, ceased not to make most curious and diligent enquiry about it▪ And although the disgrace offered to his ambassador at CONSTANTINOPLE, dissuaded him from sending any other for treaty of peace: yet to spy out the secrets of the Turks, and to understand the certainty of their purpose for NASSIVAN or TAURIS, he sent divers messengers to Osman, as if he had meant to feel his mind touching a peace, but in very deed for nothing else but to sound his designments: which for all that he could not with all the cunning he could use, possibly discover, but still remained doubtful as at the first, the fame still running for NASSIVAN. In the beginning of this year, now growing towards an end, Amurath sent one Mustapha, one of the meanest of his Chiaus, unto Stephen king of POLONIA, to excuse the death of Podolovius (so shamefully murdered as is before declared) as if the same had happened by the insolency of certain soldiers, and not by his commandment: who the better to colour the matter, had brought with him two base fellows, as authors of that outrage, for the king to take revenge upon; but were indeed no such men as they were pretended to be, but rather (as it was thought) men before condemned for some other fact worthy of death, and now sent thither to serve this purpose: for whom the Chiaus (in proud and threatening manner in the name of his master) required to have present restitution made of all such goods as the Polonian Cossackes had not long before taken from the Turks, and the captain of the said Cossackes to be delivered also unto him, to be carried to Amurath: and so hardly urged the matter, that (notwithstanding the unworthy death of Podolovius and his followers, and the taking away of his horses) all the goods taken by the Cossackes, were forthwith restored: which the Chiaus almost in triumphant manner presented unto Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE. This Summer also Amurath disporting himself with his Muts, was almost dead. These Muts are lusty strong fellows, deprived of their speech; who nevertheless by certain signs can both aptly express their own conceits, and understand the meaning of others: these men for their secrecy are the cruel ministers of the Turkish tyrants most horrible commands, and therefore of them had in great regard. With these Muts mounted upon fair and fat but heavy and unready horses; was Amurath, upon a light and ready horse, sporting himself (as the manner of the Turkish emperors is) riding sometime about one, sometime about another, and striking now the horse now the man at his pleasure; when suddenly he was taken with a fit of the falling sickness, his old disease, and so falling from his horse, was taken up for dead: insomuch, that the janissaries supposing him to have been indeed dead, after their wont manner fell to the spoiling of the Christians and jews, and were proceeding to further outrages, had not their Aga or captain to restrain their insolency, to the terror of the rest hanged up one of them taken in the manner, Io. Leunel. sup. Annal. Turcicorum, pag. 91. and certain others in the habit of janissaries. Nevertheless, Amurath shortly after recovered again, and to appease that rumour of his death (openly upon their Sabbath, which is the friday) rid from his palace to the temple of Sophia; where I with many others saw him (saith Leunclavius) his countenance yet all pale and discoloured. This year also happened such a chance as had like to have raised new wars betwixt the Turks and the Venetians: A most barbarous outrage committed by Petrus Emus a Venetian. which for as much as it is worth the reporting, I thought it not good in silence to pass over. The widow of Ramadan Bassa, late Governor of TRIPOLI in BARBARY, with her son, her family, and a great number of slaves of both sorts, being about to depart from TRIPOLI to CONSTANTINOPLE, had rigged up a fair galley for the transporting of herself and her substance, reported to be worth eight hundred thousand ducats: unto which galley for her more safety she had joined two others, as consorts. Thus embarked, she came to the mouth of the adriatic, where sailing by CORFV, she was by force of tempest driven into the gulf of the adriatic. At which time one Petrus Emus, one of the Venetian Senators, with certain galleys had the charge for the keeping of that sea against pirates and all other enemies whosoever. He hearing of the Turks coming into the gulf, without delay set upon them, and being too strong for them, took them all: and having them now in his power, exercised most barbarous cruelty, as well upon the women as the men: for having slain the men, in number two hundred and fifty, and the son of Ramadan in his mother's lap, he caused the women, being before ravished, to have their breasts cut off, and afterwards to be cast overbourd into the sea, being in number about forty. The brother of Emus chancing upon a beautiful virgin, was by her most earnestly entreated to have spared her honour; and the rather for that (as she said) she was a Christian, taken prisoner about twelve years before in CYPRUS, since which time she had lived in most miserable captivity among the Turks, and being now fallen by good hap into the hands of a noble Venetian, was in good hope to be set at liberty inviolated: which she most humbly besought him for the love of God to do, and not to imbrue his hands with her guiltless blood, or to dishonour himself by forcing of her. But all she could say prevailed nothing with the cruel and unbridled youth, who after he had at his pleasure abused her, cast her with the rest into the sea. The villainy discovered. It is thought that Emus suffered this so great an outrage (and so far unbeseeming the honour of the Venetians) to be done, to the intent that none should be left alive to bewray the greatness of the booty, or of the villainy there committed: which was nevertheless (God so appointing it) revealed by one of the Turks, who saved by a surgeon of CRETE, which knew him, and afterwards coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, openly declared the same. With the odious report whereof the Turks were so enraged, that in every corner of the city a man might have heard them threatening unto the Venetians most cruel revenge: yea they had much ado to hold their hands from the Bailo or Governor of the Venetian merchants in CONSTANTINOPLE, and to forbear to spit in his face, as he went in the streets. At that time was one Io. Franciscus Maurocenus (or as they commonly called him, Moresin) Bailo at CONSTANTINOPLE: who understanding that Amurath in his rage was about to send one of the great gentlemen of his Court, whom the Turks call Zausij (the great Turks usual ambassadors) to VENICE about that matter, found means to have him stayed at CONSTANTINOPLE, and another of less authority sent to expostulat the matter with the Senate, and in the name of Amurath to require to have the offender punished, Amurath sends a messenger to Venice, to ●xpostulat the injury done unto his subjects. and the galleys with the slaves and goods restored: so should the league betwixt him and them continue firm, whereas otherwise he should be constrained by force of arms to revenge the wrongs done to his subjects. This message being by the said messenger delivered at VENICE, the Senators after diligent examination of the matter, returned this answer: That the widow of Ramadan with her family coming to ZACYNTHUS, an island of theirs, was there honourably entertained, and presented with certain courteous presents; but departing thence, and coming to CEPHALENIA, another of their islands, her people running on land, contrary to the conditions of the league, made spoil of whatsoever they could light upon, sparing neither man nor beast: Of which their insolency their Proveditor understanding, and making after them, found them in arms within the gulf; and coming near unto them, was neither by them saluted, as the manner at sea is, neither was any top sail struck, in token that the command of that sea belonged unto the Venetians, all which they ought by the league to have done: for which their outrages and proud contempt their Proveditor had taken so sharp a revenge: nevertheless, they promised in that case to do what beseemed them in reason and justice to do, for the satisfying of his desire. With which so reasonable an answer Amurath seemed to be well contented, but being indeed loath to entangle himself with wars against that mighty State at sea, his wars against the Persians being not yet finished: Petrus Emus beheaded. yet shortly after Emus was for his dishonourable and cruel dealing with the lady and her family worthily condemned and beheaded, and the galleys with all the goods and slaves restored. This great woman had in those galleys four hundred Christian slaves, all which upon the taking of the galleys were (as the manner is) set at liberty, Io. Leunel. sup. Ann●l. Turcicorum, pag. 92. for whom the Venetians made restitution of as many others of the Turks. Ramadan Bassa, the husband of the aforesaid great lady, was Governor of TRIPOLI in BARBARY and of the country thereabouts: who having wars with one of the barbarous kings of the Moors, went out against him with all his forces, wherein were certain companies of janissaries, sent by Amurath from CONSTANTINOPLE. Now in this country, as in many other places of AFRICA, are great and de●art sands, over which whosoever is to pass, must provide himself both of victuals and skilful guides, without which they are not without danger to be passed: Ramadan with his army unprovided both of the one and the other, having entered these deserts, was at length brought to that case, that he could neither go forward, neither without loss of his men return. Ramadan Bassa slaire by th● insolent janissaries Yet at length he retired, and got home, but not without the loss of some of his people, and the manifest danger of his whole army: for which his improvidence the janissaries fell into such a rage, that not respecting the honour of the man, or regarding the displeasure of their sovereign, they fell upon him and slew him. At which their insolency, if Amurath did wink and pass it over unpunished, let no man marvel: for why, the ancient obedience of those martial men is not now as it was in former times, when they were with a more severe discipline governed; but now grown proud and insolent (as the manner of men is, living in continual pay) with weapons in their hands doubt not to do whatsoever seemeth unto themselves best, be it never so foul or unreasonable. Which although it be in many places of this History to be seen; yet for the more manifestation thereof I thought it not amiss here briefly to set down an example or two of their notorious insolency. Not many years before, Achmetes Bassa Governor of Cyprus' slain by the janissaries. the janissaries in CYPRUS with like insolency slew Achmetes Bassa Governor of that island: pretending for the colour of so foul a fact, That he had defrauded them of their pay, and oppressed them of the country with intolerable exactions. Amurath highly offended with this their disloyalty in killing their General, whom they had never before complained of; thought it much to concern the majesty of himself, and the repressing of the like insolency in others, not to suffer it to go unpunished: and for that purpose sent another new Governor into CYPRUS, with ten galleys furnished as well with other necessary provision, as with such a convenient number of soldiers as might suffice to chastise the insolency of the chief offenders. This new Governor arrived in CYPRUS, dissembling the secret commandment he had for the executing of the transgressors, by certain trusty men gave it out among the janissaries, That Amurath was so far from being angry with the death of Achmetes, as that he thought him worthily slain by the janissaries for defrauding them of their wages, and oppressing of his other subjects: which report the new Governor had of purpose given out, to put them in security, and without farther trouble to bring them into his danger. Hereupon the janissaries cheerfully and with all due reverence received their new Governor: but shortly after to be sure, Another insolency of the janissaries. they by an unexpected guile when as nothing was less feared, compassed in all the new come soldiers, and slew them every mother's son; and not so contented, seized also upon the galleys that brought them. Which second outrage, though Amurath took in evil part as seeing his majesty therein contemned, yet was he content to pass it over, being loath to add domestical troubles to the great wars he had in hand with the Persian. But to end this matter with the opinion of one of their own greatest Bassas concerning these maisterfull men: Busbequius legationis Turcicae, epist. 3. It fortuned, that whilst Busbequius ambassador for Ferdinand the emperor unto Solyman, lay in the Turks camp (at such time as Solyman in person himself was gone over the straight into ASIA, to countenance his eldest son Selimus against his younger brother Bajazet) that upon a light quarrel (though heavily taken) between the followers of the said ambassador, and certain janissaries washing themselves at the sea side; the ambassador for the quieting thereof, was glad to use the help of Rustan the great Bassa, Solyman his son in law; who understanding the matter (by a messenger sent of purpose) advised the ambassador to cut off all occasion of contention with those most naughty fellows: ask him farther, if he knew not that it was now the time of war, in which time they so reigned, as that Solyman himself was not able to rule them, but stood in fear of them. Which speech fell not rashly from Rustan, a man right well acquainted with his lord & master's grief: for that most notable prince feared nothing more, than least some secret & dangerous treason should lie hidden among the janissaries, which breaking out upon the sudden, might work his final destruction; whereof he needed not to seek for any farther example, than to his grandfather Bajazet. For, as true it is, That great are the commodities of a perpetual army of a princes own; so are the incommodities also not small, if they be not carefully met withal: but especially for that the prince is ever in doubt of rebellion; and that it is still in the power of those armed soldiers, at their pleasure to translate the kingdom to whom they list. Whereof there have been many great examples, although there are many ways for the remedying of the same. But now that we have by occasion of the occurrents of that time a little stepped out of the way, let us return again unto the wars of PERSIA, 1585. the chief object of Amurath's haughty desires. Now according to the commandments gone out through all the cities of the empire, the soldiers of all sorts began to flock together: and all those that were either desirous to be established in their former charges and governments, or ambitiously sought to be now promoted, repaired to Osman as unto a king, and the sovereign moderator of the Turkish empire, presenting him very large and liberal gifts, whereby he gathered together a huge heap of infinite treasure: and so entertaining them with all affable courtesy, and promising both rewards and honours to such as would follow him in his purposed expedition, he levied a wonderful great number, both of men and moneys. And now was the time come that called him away to go towards ERZIRUM, where he was greatly expected of his huge army there assembled together. And notwithstanding the great dearth of victual that commonly reigneth in those quarters, yet thither he must, where he arrived about the latter end of the month of july in the year 1585.: and there taking a view of his whole army, and of all the provision necessary for so important and famous an enterprise, he daily laboured to hasten his departure▪ In this city of ERZIRUM were met together all the soldiers of the provinces that were wont to send help, but yet in a greater number than ever was gathered by any General before: for that every man forsook his own private business, and upon assured hopes of new rewards and unwonted honours, were all induced to follow the fame of this their new Visier and General▪ only the people of EGYPT and DAMASCUS were busied with other more private quarrels at home, whereof because they were both of great importance, and also fell out at this very instant (leaving Osman with his army for a while at ERZIRUM) I will in as few words as I may make a brief rehearsal. Hassan Bassa the queen's Eunuch sent to Cairo to govern there. Amurath had heretofore taken Hassan Bassa the Eunuch out of the Seraglio, from the charge he had there to serve in the queen's Court, and at her instance sent him as Bassa to CAIRO the great city of EGYPT. Which great office, beside the honour belonging unto it, is also beneficial to them whose good hap it is to be advanced thereunto: the riches the multitude of people inhabiting therein being so great, that it seemeth not to be one city, but rather to contain within the large circuit thereof many cities. This man being exceeding covetous, and therefore desirous to handle the matter in such sort as that he should little need to seek for any more such grants at the king's hands, sought by all manner of means to oppress the whole nation, and by all importunities to wring and extort from them rewards and bribes, without regard of honesty or reason. By which his sinister and corrupt dealing, he had now made himself so odious and intolerable to the people in general, that they in great number, and many times, began to go to CONSTANTINOPLE, and with humble petitions to request the king to take from them such a cruel and unjust Governor; so that generally in the Court there was no talk but of the villainies and mischiefs that were reported of the covetous Eunuch. At last Amurath seeing that these public exclamations went daily so far, as that he could not for shame let them go any further without due punishment, he resolved with himself to call him to the Court; and having sent unto him certain messengers, admonished him sundry times to return home. But the Eunuch loath to leave so fit an occasion to enrich himself, did still delay his return, alleging divers feigned excuses for his longer stay. Which thing when Amurath understood, thinking himself thereby deluded, he determined to provide for so great a disorder, and by punishing of the mischievous Eunuch, to satisfy in some part the discontented minds of his oppressed subjects in CAIRO. Ebrain Bassa in speech to marry Amurath's daughter. There sat at that time among the chief Bassas of the Court one Ebrain (or as most call him Ibrahim) by nation a Sclavonian, a young man of the age of two and thirty years or thereabouts, of very fair conditions, and of a reasonable judgement: upon whom Amurath himself had determined to bestow his own daughter to wife, and so to make him his son in law. And therefore being now minded to remove the Eunuch from his office, and to satisfy the city; and being also willing withal to give means to his said son in law to enrich himself: he resolved to send him as general Syndic, and sovereign judge into EGYPT, giving him in particular charge, to remember how wickedly his predecessor had dealt before him. And so this new Bassa took his journey towards EGYPT, although there ran before him a great rumour of his coming, and of the great authority wherewith he was sent. At which report, as the Egyptians rested content and joyful, so the Eunuch waxed very sad and sorrowful: persuading himself, that this alteration could not but engender some strange issue and effect against him. Whereupon advising himself, to provide better for his own affairs and the safety of his life, he resolved not to stay the coming of the new Governor: but departing out of EGYPT, with great care and circumspection for fear of meeting with Ebrain, he traveled towards CONSTANTINOPLE in hope to appease the king's wrath, or at least by mediation of bribes, and by the intercession of the queen to find him more favourable than he should find Ebrain; who without doubt would not have spared any extremity or cruelty, to have bereft him both of his goods and life together. Amurath advertised from Ebrain of the sudden flight of the Eunuch Bassa out of EGYPT, and hearing withal that he kept not the high way from CAIRO to CONSTANTINOPLE, began to fear least when he came into SORIA he should fly into PERSIA to the king, and so work him double and treble damage; as one that had already gathered a huge treasure, and having long lived in the Court, knew the most secret affairs thereof, and had learned all the privy devices and fashions of the Seraglio. Whereupon he with all diligence dispatched his Imbrahur Bassi (whom we may call Master of his horse) with forty of his Capigi (all gentlemen Ushers, and officers of most secret & nearest rooms about him) with charge and commandment, that if they met him they should bring him to the Court; using all the aid and assistance of his people that might be requisite: and for that purpose delivered unto him very effectual and large letters, after the best manner of the Court. This messenger with his appointed train departed, and without any extraordinary enquiry found the Eunuch in SORIA, encamped in the plains near unto the city now called AMAN, The wariness of the crafty Eunuch. but in times past APAMEA; the principal city of that country. As soon as the Eunuch understood of the coming of the Imbrahur himself, he gave order to his guard of slaves, which in great number with spears and harquebuses did ordinarily keep his pavilion, that they should not grant entrance into his ten● to any, but only unto the Imbrahur himself, and if need were, by force to keep the rest of the Capigi from coming in. Which order was in very good time given; for as soon as the king's officer had discovered the tents of the fugitive Bassa, in all hast he ran towards the same, and seeking out the greatest among them, went presently thither to have entered with all his followers: but the slaves being in armour opposed themselves against them, and permitting only the Imbrahur to enter in, entertained the rest of his train without. The Imbrahur being come in, read unto him the commandment which he had from the king to bring him to the Court, and most instantly moved him, that without any further resistance he would quietly go with him. To whom the wary Eunuch answered: Behold, how without any calling of the king, or conducting by you, I come of myself, well assured to find not only pardon and pity, but also favour and grace in the sight of my lord; whose upright and mild nature, the wicked treacheries of my false accusers cannot abuse, to the prejudice of me an innocent. And so without more ado they went all to CONSTANTINOPLE: the Eunuch yet still standing upon his guard. The politic and crafty Eunuch had in this mean time dispatched divers posts with letters to the Sultan ladies, certifying them of his coming, and principally beseeching the queen to protect him, The Eunuch cast in prison a● Constantinople, and his evil gotten goods confiscated. and to appease the kings wrathful indignation, that happily he might have conceived against him; and so at length they arrived at SCUTARI. As soon as Amurath understood of his coming thither, he caused all the treasure which he had gathered to be taken from him, with all the rest of his private substance, and the wretch himself to be clapped up in prison in the jadicula or seven towers. Where after he had languished many days, still fearing some deadly blow, he at length received from the queen, an unexpected, but most welcome advertisement, That he should be of good cheer and quiet himself, for that his wealth had already saved his life, and that she hoped in short time to procure him also his liberty: Which in deed she brought to pass; for she herself made earnest petition to Amurath her husband, that for as much as he had bereft her Eunuch of all his goods, he would yet at least deliver him out of prison, and restore him unto her again. Which request of the queens was granted accordingly, and the Eunuch enlarged: but the treasure that he had so unjustly scraped together in EGYPT, that remained still among the gold and other jewels of the kings. But Ebrain Bassa with his new commission now arrived in EGYPT, had in short space by far more sinister devices than had the Eunuch before him, scrapped together such an infinite heap of riches, as was able only of itself to make him worthy of his promised wife, and therefore he was called home to the Court to accomplish the intended marriage. With this commandment to return to CONSTANTINOPLE, he received also in charge, to make his journey through the people of DRUSIA; and such as he should find loyal, to confirm them in their due obedience, and to make them pay their ancient duties; but such as he should find stubborn and disobedient, he should quite root them out and destroy them. This commandment Ebrain presently put in execution, and having packed up together all the riches he had gathered in the time of his government, and raised good store of soldiers in that province, he took with him thirteen Sanzackes, that were ordinarily accustomed to sit as assistants under the government of the Bassa in the ruling of the populous territories of CAIRO: and so set forwards towards GAZA, passing over those vast and huge wildernesses of sand that lie between CAIRO and GAZA. From GAZA, joining the Sanzacke thereof with him, he went to JERUSALEM: & from thence causing the Sanzacke there also to follow his train, he turned by SAFFETTO, by LEZIUM, by NAPLOS (called in times past SAMARIA) still taking with him the Sanzackes of all those places, and at last turned himself towards DAMASCUS: so that before he joined with the band of DAMASCUS, he had gotten together eighteen Sanzackes, with all their squadrons of soldiers and slaves. Besides these, he had also his own private Court, which was wonderful populous, and two hundred janissaries of CONSTANTINOPLE, whom Amurath would needs have him to take with him at his departure from the Court, so that he had in his army almost twelve thousand horsemen. From DAMASCUS, vieth the Bassa was come as far as JERUSALEM to meet him, with all the soldiers under his government, in number about two thousand persons. Besides that, there came unto him by the way of SIDON the Aga of the janissaries of CYPRUS, with all the band of that desolate and destroyed island: which captain with his soldiers was transported over into the main in those galleys that by the king's appointment were sent to fetch E●rain: who now strengthened with all these soldiers, had purposed the utter ruin of the disobedient Drusians, and the raising of his own glory, by triumphing over them. The Drusian people what they are. These Drusians, against whom these great preparations were now made by this new captain, and of whom the Turkish emperor is so suspicious and doubtful, are supposed to be by descent, Frenchmen, the relics of those that with great devotion did in times past fight those memorable and Christian battles in JURIE, and recovered the holy city: but being afterwards brought low, partly by the plague, and partly by the fury of the Barbarians, mingled their seed with the circumcised nation, and so together with their authority and command lost also their first faith and religion: yet so, that they grew into an hatred of the Turkish superstition, and abhorring the circumcision of the jews, betook themselves to a new prophet of their own called Isman, whose doctrine they follow. The right Drusians live uncircumcised, neither do they forbear wine as do the Turks: they make it lawful among them (most unlawfully) to marry with their own daughters: the Turkish government they have sought by all means to eschew, and notwithstanding all the endeavours and attempts of the Turkish tyrants, but especially of Selimus the second, yet have they always been subject to their own natural princes, and would never admit any captain or governor of the Turks within the countries which they possessed. They are a people very warlike, stout, resolute, and religious observers of their own superstition: in battle they use the harquebus and scimitar, yet some of them at this day do serve with lances and darts: they are appareled after the manner of the Eastern people, with a turban on their heads, and breeches they never wear, but in stead thereof they cover those parts with their coat, which reacheth down to their knees, buttoning it up before. Their feeding is gross, and of mountain meats. The country which the Drusians inhabit. They inhabit all the country that is environed within the confines of JOPPA, above CaeSAREA and PALESTINA, and within the rivers of Orontes and jordan, stretching itself even to the plain of DAMASCUS, near to the hills that compass it about upon the coast of mount Libanus. Five chief rulers or governors among the Drusians. They were all in times past good friends and confederates, so that they were greatly esteemed: but now being at variance, through greediness and covetousness, they were divided among themselves, one seeking the destruction of another. At this time they were governed by five chief captains or governors: one of them was called Ebneman, and of the Turks Manogli; another Serafadin; the third Mahamet Ebne-mansur; the fourth Ebne-frec; and the fifth Ali-Ebne-Carfus, by the Turks called Ali-Carfus-Ogli. Under these, who indeed carry the title and authority of an Emir (that is to say, King or Chief) there are divers their lieutenants or deputies, whom they call their Macademi or agents. Ebneman or Manogli inhabited the mountains and fields that are contained under the jurisdictions of CaeSAREA, of PTOLEMAIDA, of TIRUS, and of SIDON, and had his residence for most part upon the hill, in a town called ANDERA: he was very mighty in men and armour, and since the time that by treachery his father was murdered by Mustapha then Bassa of DAMASCUS, always a deadly enemy to the name of the Turks. Ebne-frec, Ebnecarfus, and Ebne-mansur, were always great friends, but now especially at the coming of Ebrain Bassa they showed themselves more straightly confederated together. Serafadin and Manogli were ever opposite against them: so that the one side procuring the overthrow of the other, they lost their strength, and left no means to defend themselves against the Turks, who had long lain in wait for their liberty. Now as soon as the news came among them, That Ebrain being departed from CAIRO, was coming into SORIA to subdue them; the three confederates above named resolved among themselves to go and meet this great Bassa, and to submit themselves unto him, of purpose to turn all the intended mischief upon Serafadin and Manogli their enemies. And so having packed up great store of money, cloth of silk, cloth of woollen, and cloth of gold, with many loads of silks, and other things of exceeding value, every of the three being accompanied one with some two thousand, another with some three thousand men, they put themselves upon their journey towards Ebrain, and met him at JERUSALEM, where he was already arrived. This their coming Ebrain took in wonderful good part, Three of the Drusian lords meet Ebrain a● jerusalem with rich presents and a great 〈◊〉 of men. and courteously accepted those their rich and great presents which they brought him; and by the offers of their fidelity, and the grievous accusations they made against the other two Drusian lords their enemies, began to conceive great hope of his intended enterprise: for why, he saw that nothing could more easily compass their overthrow than this their discord. Being thus accompanied, he came by the way of DAMASCUS to the champaign of BOCCA, and there encamped. This was in the month of july this year 1585. The whole army that was with Ebrain, reckoning also the soldiers of the three Drusian lords, was about the number of twenty thousand horsemen strong. In this place there came people out of all quarters thereabouts with presents to honour the Bassa, to whom he likewise yielded such small favours as his covetous nature could afford them. From this place also Ebrain presently sent letters to Serafadin and Ebneman, whereby he invited them to come unto him, to acknowledge their obedience unto the Sultan: for that otherwise they might assure themselves to be in short time deprived both of their estates and lives. For all that, Manogli would not by any means come in. But Serafadin being poor both in wealth and forces, resolved to come, in hope by rich presents to purchase his atonement with the great Bassa. Serafadin co●meth with presents to Ebrain. And therefore having packed up together divers loads of silks, great store of money, and many clothes of good value and beauty, and also attended upon with divers of his subjects, he arrived at last at the pavilion of Ebrain with these his rich presents; which were there readily received, and he himself with great attention heard: whose speech in effect tended to no other end, but only to persuade the Bassa, That he had always been a devoted vassal unto Amurath, and that he had carried a continual desire to be employed in any his service: and that now being led by the same affection, and assured of his favour, by the friendly and courteous offers made him in his letters, he was come to show himself unto him to be the same man, and so proffered him whatsoever lay in his slender power to perform. Whereunto Ebrain made no answer at all, but only asked him the cause why he lived continually in discord and brawls with the three Emirs (who also sat at that time in the same pavilion.) Whereunto Serafadin answered, That it was not long of him, who as one desirous of peace, had not at any time taken up arms but in the just defence of himself, against the injuries of those his enemies; who because they were more mighty than he, sought continually to oppress him. Hereat the three conspirators arose, and with their grim looks bewraying their inward hatred, falsely charged him to have been ever the author of those brawls: adding moreover, That his insolency was at that time grown so great, as that no strange vessel durst for fear of him arrive at the ports of SIDON, TIRUS, or BERITO, nor any merchant or merchandise pass over the plains: but that those countries, as though they were a prey and spoil to the thieves of ARABIA, were generally shunned of all travelers both by sea and land, to the great hindrance of the Sultan's customs. Serafadin would hereunto have gladly replied, but prevented by Ebrain, and surcharged with many injurious words, was committed to the custody of the two hundred janissaries of CONSTANTINOPLE. And so being by them brought into a rotten tent that was appointed for him, was every night from thence forward put in the stocks fast chained, and continually guarded with a trusty guard of the same janissaries. In the mean time came the answer of Manogli, who wrote back unto the great Bassa Ebrain as followeth: To the Lord of Lords, A letter of Man Oglies ●o Ebrain Bassa. Sovereign above the great ones, the mighty, the noble captain, cousin to the grand Lord, and the worthiest among the elect of the Prophet Mahomet, the noble and famous lord Ebrain Bassa, God give good success to his haughty enterprises, and prosperity in all his honour. I wish (even as thou dost lovingly invite and exhort me) that I might come before thee, and follow thee, and serve thee always in any occasion that it may happen thee to stand in need of my help: For I know that thou wouldst rest assured of the reverence that I bear towards thy lord, and of the most fervent desire wherein I live to serve him, and to employ both my substance and my life in his service: whereof I have also given some testimony, though but small, in the managing of his customs that I have received: wherein I have always so carried myself, as that I am not his debtor of one Aspie▪ a thing 〈◊〉 that Ebne-Mansur (who is now with thee) hath not done. For although by his coming to meet thee even as far as JERUSALEM he would make a show of his fidelity, yet doth he usurp more than two hundred thousand ducats of the kings, which he doth most unjustly detain from him of his customs. But my hard fortune will not grant me the favour that I may come unto thee: for there are at this present with thee three of mine enemies, who (I know well) being not contented to have always disquieted and troubled my estate, do now seek to bring me into so great hatred with thy heart, that if thou hadst me in thy hands, thou wouldst without any consideration bereave me of my life. And I am assured, that this sending for me importeth no other thing, but only a desire thou hast to imprison me, and so to kill me. For I know how much thou art given to great enterprises. Besides this, my coming is also hindered by mine ancient oath that I took: when being as yet but a child, I saw mine own father so villainously betrayed by the murdering sword of Mustapha, being at that time the Bassa of DAMASCUS: who under the colour of unfeigned friendship got him into his hands, and traitorously struck off his head. For in truth I carry the image of my father's reverend head, all pale, and yet as it were breathing, imprinted in my mind, which oftentimes presenteth itself unto me, as well sleeping in the darkness of the night, as also waking in the light of the day, and talking with me, calleth to my remembrance the infidelity of the murdering tyrant, and exhorteth me to keep myself aloof from the hands of the mighty. And therefore I neither can nor may obey thy requests, and in that respect it grieveth me, that I shall seem disobedient unto thee, being in any other action and in all my cogitations wholly addicted to do any service not only to thee, who art most worthy to be reverenced of far greater persons than I am, but also to every the least vassal of Amurath's. Thou wilt pardon me I hope, and thou shalt well perceive, that if there be any thing near me that may be acceptable to thee, all that I have whatsoever, though in respect of thyself it may seem vile and base, yet is it thine, and is now reserved wholly for thee, and not for me. Farewell, and command me, and hold me excused upon these just causes which thou hearest, for my being so backward in coming to honour thee, as my duty requireth. The poor and the least among the slaves of the grand Lord, The Son of man.. Ebraim burneth 24 towns of Man-oglies. Ebrain perceiving by this letter the resolution of Manogli, resolved also in himself to go upon him with all his army, and either by force or sleight to get him into his hands, or at least to draw from him so many harquebuses, and as great gifts and tributes as possibly he might: and therefore rising with his camp, and turning himself toward the country of Manogli, he burned and destroyed four and twenty of his towns; and so mounting up certain rocks of LIBANUS, upon the top of a large hill (that standeth over ANDARA and other places belonging to Manogli) he encamped himself. Veis Bassa and his son discomfited by the D●usians. But whiles the army was thus marching forward, Veis Bassa of DAMASCUS with a great part of his people, and his son the Sanzacke of JERUSALEM, with his soldiers likewise, to the number of fifteen hundred persons, having separated themselves from the rest of the army, in manner of a rearward; as they were busy in raising their tents, upon the sudden were furiously assaulted by a great band of Drusians, of the faction of Manogli, and discomfited. Which victory the Drusians so prosecuted, that they became lords of the pavilions, the wealth and armour of the Turks: and leading away with them their horses and their carriages, put to the sword five hundred persons, and scarce gave any leisure to escape either to the Bassa the father, or the Sanzacke his son, who fled strait to JERUSALEM, and never returned again to Ebrain; but Veis his father still followed the army with those few which he had left, and was thought worthy of all men to be pitied. Upon the hill aforesaid Ebrain continued four and twenty days together, with abundance of all things necessary for victual: during which time he attended nothing else, but to try all devices how he might draw money and presents from Manogli, or how he might train him into his hands. Ebrain sendeth for harquebuses to Manogli. For the compass whereof, he dispatched one Gomeda (Ebne-Mansurs Agent) to Manogli, being in ANDERA; to tell him, That for as much as he would not give credit to the promise which was made him, nor adventure himself into the hand of his friend, he should send unto him all the harquebuses he had: for that the Sultan's pleasure was, that his people that went not to the wars in his service, should not be furnished with so great store of weapons, to the danger of their neighbours, and of the subjects themselves. With great grief of mind did Manogli behold the messenger, as the man whom he well knew to be the Agent of his deadly enemy; yet in regard of him that sent him, he forbore to do him injury, or to give him any reproach; telling him, That all his people and weapons were dispersed abroad over his territory, so that he could not tell what harquebuses to send him: with which cold answer Gomeda returned. Which thing when Aly Bassa of ALEPPO understood, he offered himself to the General, that he would go unto him, and that to some better purpose. Many reasons did Aly Bassa use to persuade the wary Drusian to come and yield his obedience to Ebrain, swearing that no harm should be done unto him: and withal promising him great and honourable favours. But never could he remove the resolute and provident mind of Manogli, or win him to yield himself into the hands of a man, whom he thought to be so murderous: yet at last with much ado he prevailed so much with the Drusian lord, that in sign of the reverence he did bear towards the General, and of his obedience towards Amurath, he was content to send a present to Ebrain. And thereupon gave him three hundred and twenty harquebuses, twenty packs of Andarine silks, and fifty thousand ducats to carry to the Bassa for a gift, and to reconcile him unto him. For the better effecting whereof, he sent his own mother to the great Bassa, who in the behalf of her son performed a very worthy message, excusing him as well in respect of his enemies that sat there so near unto him, as also in regard of his oath which he had solemnly sworn, That for the treachery of Mustapha he would never commit himself into the hands of a Turk: and therefore besought him to accept of the gifts that were sent him, and withal, a mind and heart most ready to serve and obey the king in all occasions; and that he would hold him excused, for that his excuses were both just and reasonable. The notable dissimulation of Ebrain Bassa. Whereunto the Turk replied, That although she had found so foul a fault in Mustapha, who under the assurance of his promise and fidelity had betrayed her husband: yet for all that she ought not to fear any such wicked or infamous act at his hands, who stood upon his honour and the word of a soldier: And so by oath protesting all faithful and constant friendship towards him, in token of his sincere meaning he cast a white vail about her neck, and put another upon himself, and the third he gave her in her hands: willing her to report to her son the oaths he had made, and to carry him that vail and bring him with her, protesting no otherwise to entreat him, but as a friend and a brother. The peaceable old woman went her way accordingly, but she neither could nor would go about to alter the purpose of her son, but returned to Ebrain such answer as did not greatly please him. After which time, he sought more than ever he did before, to get the wary Drusian into his hands, or at least without regard of shame to draw from him more presents and weapons. And therefore once again he sent the crafty Gomeda, to exhort him upon the faith and promise given, to come unto him: but for all the craft and lying speeches that the treacherous messenger could cunningly use, he could obtain nothing of the Drusian lord, but good words only. Yet at last after much fineness he prevailed so much, as that Manogli was contented by him to send another present to Ebrain, with an express condition notwithstanding, that he should cause Ebrain to depart out of those quarters, and that he should not himself return any more to request any thing farther of him. Which he very largely promised, only desiring him to send a good number of harquebuses, thereby to content the Bassa fully: so he gave him fifty thousand ducats more, and four hundred and foursescore harquebuses, with a thousand Goats, an hundred and fifty Camels, an hundred and fifty Buffs, a thousand Oxen, and two hundred Wethers. With this rich present came Gomeda to Ebrain, declaring unto him that this he had got from him, upon promise that he should not molest the Drusian any more. For which promise so made, Ebrain sharply reproved Gomeda, and threatened to make him know what it was to take upon him so dangerous a liberty: and for the greater despite both to the one and to the other, Ebrain would needs have Gomeda himself to return again with like message to trouble the Drusian. Whereunto although he went in great fear of some mischief by the hands of Manogli, yet was there no remedy but needs he must follow the command of him, in whose power it was to take from him both his honour and life; and therefore on he went. But as soon as Manogli saw Gomeda (thinking as truth was, that he came again about his wont requests) he was with the very sight of him so far moved, as that he was even at the point to have thrown a dart at him, and so to have dispatched him, had not the regard of more dangerous effects stayed his fury; yet spared he not with ignominious words and deadly threats to disburden his choler. Notwithstanding Gomeda could do no less but accomplish the effect of his fraudulent requests, and so wrought with him, that he drew from him four burdens more of harquebuses, ten swords and ten guilt daggers, certain silver belts, ten packs of silk, and some few pence: causing him withal to protest unto him, never to suffer himself to be persuaded to come again unto him; for if he did, he threatened to kill him, happen afterward what might of it. With exceeding joy and triumph did Ebrain receive this present, and thinking now with himself that he had gotten a sufficient booty from him, he determined to rise with his army, and to sack all the rest of Man-oglies country. Which he performed accordingly, and being conducted by Emir Ebne-frec, burnt ANDERA the place of Manogli his residence, and in two days burnt and destroyed nineteen other of his towns, with unspeakable cruelty committing all things to fire and sword. After all this sacking and rasing, Ebrain sent divers messengers to Manogli, to try whether he would yet be persuaded to come unto him, but nothing could move the resolute Drusian to commit himself into his hands, but rather increased his constancy to avoid a most certain death. Emir Ebne-frec antiseth Manogli his Macademo or lieutenant to come to Ebrain. Now the great Bassa still thirsting after blood and revenge, understanding by a spy, that the captain of ANDERA (being one of the Factors of Manogli) with three hundred and fifty soldiers was got up to a certain hill, into a place of great security, he sent Emir Ebne-frec to entice him, and to tell him, That seeing his lord Manogli would not come and yield himself, he should come unto him; which if he would do, he would assuredly in despite of Manogli make him a Sanzacke of some of those places which he most desired. The ambitious and unheedie Macademo suffered himself to be easily persuaded, and being accompanied with his three hundred and fifty followers, went with the said Ebne-frec, and came at last to the pavilion of Ebrain, having first caused his aforesaid men to stay behind in a valley two or three miles off. But Ebrain would not so much as see the Macademo, although both in respect of the nimbleness of his person, and also the fierceness of his looks he was worthy to be looked upon: but commanded him to be kept in a several place from Serafadin, and in the mean time devised how he might with least loss of his own men, put to death those three hundred and fifty the Macademoes' followers: which was by training them, by means of the said Ebne-frec, into a certain vineyard, and so having brought them into a straight, suddenly to set upon them and kill them. Which was accordingly performed: for being by the treacherous Emir brought into the place appointed for their slaughter, fearing nothing less, they were suddenly enclosed by the Turks Sanzackes and janissaries, and slain every mother's son. This massacre thus finished, Ebrain commanded the Macademo to be brought before him, and without delay to be stripped and flaid quick: who being come, stoutly upbraided Ebrain with his promise and his oath; and amongst other speeches which he uttered whiles they stripped him, said: Cut me off my members, and first putting them into the privities of that infamous Ebrains' wife, put them afterwards into the mouth of himself: for so (I trow) he will be contented and satisfied with my flesh. And to them that were the executioners of his painful death, he said: It is your great good fortune in deed, that with such violence and needless deformity, ye are now able to spill my blood and to take my life from me: whereas none of you all had been able, or once durst man to man to have drawn one drop of it from me, no nor to have endured my countenance. But go to, proceed in your wicked and unsatiable desire of my blood, and fulfil the cruel command of your Visier: for in the end there will also light upon you the just reward of this so villainous a fact. With these and other such like speeches the miserable wretch was stripped, The Macademo by the commandment of Ebrain ●laine quick. and three great slashes made on his back, where they began to slay him; he in the mean time not ceasing to blaspheme their religion, & to curse their king, and their false prophet also. But the barbarous soldiers proceeding in their cruel action, made other like gashes upon his breast and stomach; and so drawing the skin downward, could not bring it to his navel before he was with the extremity of the pain dead. After this, Ebrain caused the followers of Serafadin (in number about 150) to be cruelly slain, and all his country to be most miserably wasted: he himself still remaining in chains. Whilst the fire and sword thus raged in the Drusian country, Ebrain by speedy posts sent to SIDON, where his galleys lay at road, commanded, That disbarking four thousand soldiers, they should sack all those countries alongst the sea coast even as far as CaeSAREA in PALESTINE, sparing neither age nor sex, nor any person of condition whatsoever. Which his cruel command was presently put in execution, and three thousand souls brought away captives, great booties made of much rich merchandise, many towns burnt, sundry castles razed and laid even with the ground, and to be short, all the whole country of Serafadin and Manogli laid utterly waste and desolate. Ebrain was now in readiness to depart for CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was by Amurath expected, as well for his gold as the accomplishment of the marriage. But bethinking himself, that whatsoever hitherto he had done would be accounted either little or nothing, unless he provided in some sort for the quieting of those people under the Turkish obedience, he determined to nominat one of the three Drusian Emirs that came to him to JERUSALEM, to be Bassa of all those regions. And because Emir Aly Ebnecarfus was the richest and most obedient of them all, he thought good to commit that charge unto him, and honoured him with that dignity; yet not without a bribe, but for the price of an hundred thousand ducats. Wherefore he appareled him in cloth of gold, gave him a horseman's mase, and a sword all guilt, and delivered unto him the king's commission, causing him withal to swear faith and obedience to Amurath. And so having (at least to show) set in order the affairs of those mountains, which an hundred of the Turks great captains had in former time vainly attempted, he returned to DAMASCUS, where he stayed twelve days, by shameful shifts extorting money from divers persons. At last having no more to do in those parts, he turned himself towards GAZIR and BARUTO, places under the government of Ebne-mansur, where he arrived with all his army, and found the galleys which he had left in the port of SIDON, now in the haven of BARUTO as he had before commanded. Now upon a certain hill above BARUTO near unto the sea, Ebrain had pitched his own tent only and none other; Ebrain notably dissembleth with Ebne-mansur. and having sent all the rest of his best and goodly things which he meant to carry with him to CONSTANTINOPLE aboard the galleys, shrouded himself only under that narrow and base tent. Thither he called Ebne-mansur, and in pleasant manner told him, That now it was time for him to make payment of the debt of an hundred and threescore thousand ducats, which he ought the king his lord for the custom of TRIPOLI and BARUTO: for that he could not longer stay in those quarters, but was to return to CONSTANTINOPLE, which he knew not how to do unless he carried with him the discharge of that debt. Whereunto Ebne-mansur made answer, That it would not be long before his Macademoes' would come with his moneys, and that then he would without farther delay make payment. Which thing Ebrain well knew to be but an excuse, and therefore determined with himself to thrust him into the galleys; and because he could not carry the money unto the king, yet at the least to bring him his debtor. But for as much as he doubted to put this his determination openly in execution, for fear of some insurrection amongst the people, as well for that he was within the territories of the said Ebne-mansur, as for that he saw him greatly beloved and favoured of the other two Drusian lords, Ebne-frec and Ebne-car●us: he therefore thought it better policy by concealing this his purpose, to show him in his outward actions all good countenance, and by secret and subtle means to take him prisoner. Whereupon he deceitfully told him, That for as much as he was to stay there for his business that night, and was resolved the next day to make a road into the country of Manogli, he therefore prayed him to do him the favour to be his guide: and for that purpose, when he should send for him at midnight, that he would come unto him very secretly, because he was minded to depart without any stir, only with five hundred men in his company. Ebne-mansur in chains sent to the galleys. The Drusian lord verily believed the matter that so it was, and withal was in good hope by that means to find some way to escape his hands. Whereupon being called up at midnight, he readily went to the tent of Ebrain, who presently charging him (whom all men thought he had especially affected) with many abominable and foul terms, caused a chain to be cast about his neck and his arms, and so fast bound to be carried into the galleys. And yet not so contented, took the spoil of all his country, whereby there was levied such a prey as was marvelous to behold: for besides money (whereof there was a very huge sum) the store of clothes of silk and gold was such and so great, as might better beseem some great prince, than such a mountain rustical lord as he was. When the Bassa had conveyed all this into his galleys he sailed to TRIPOLI, where he found Serafadin in the custody of Veis Bassa and Ali Bassa: and having stayed there some few days, wherein he committed sundry villainous and abominable robberies, he caused the said Serafadin to be put into the galleys, with all his silks and other wealth, and so departed for CONSTANTINOPLE: where at such time as he entered into the channel of the city, accompanied with four and twenty galleys, he was encountered and received by a wonderful number of his friends and fauourits, and saluted with an honourable peal of artillery out of the Seraglio. john Thomas Minadoi the best reporter of this history, as also of the late wars betwixt the Turks and the Persians, being then at CONSTANTINOPLE, and having (as he reporteth of himself) good means to see the bountiful and beautiful presents which the spoiling and ravenous Bassa gave the Turkish king, reporteth the sum thereof to have been a million of gold, The rich presents given to Amurath by Ebrain. besides the yearly revenue of CAIRO amounting to six hundred thousand ducats, with threescore horses most richly garnished, of singular beauty, but especially of the Arabian race, a live Elephant, and a live Giraff●e (which is a beast like a Camel and a Panther) two great Crocodiles dead, a chair of massy gold richly set with precious stones, a casket also beset with precious stones and gold, many packs of most fine clothes, woollen and silks, certain other clothes with fringe of gold and silver and the Barbarian cutwork, most fine linen of ALEXANDRIA, and all the harquebuses taken from the Drusians: besides sundry rich presents given by the proud Bassa to the great ladies of the Court, Io. Leuncls. sup. Annal. Turcicorum, pag. 95. reported by Leunclavius to have been worth two hundred thousand Sultanines. But now for as much as we have before made mention of the Sanzacke of JERUSALEM, and his flight, it shall not be altogether impertinent to our history (though somewhat out of time) in few words to declare what passed between him and the Arabians of PALESTINE, a little before the coming of Ebrain the great Bassa into those quarters: by which little, the desirous Reader may easily perceive the woeful and troublesome state of that sometime most blessed and fruitful but now most miserable and barren land of JURIE, and of those places in holy Writ so much renowned. The land of jury much troubled with the Arabian thieves and robbers. In the confines of SODOM, and in the places that lie not only between the lake ASPHALTITES and DAMASCUS, but also in the plains and in the valleys of JERICHO, and of SAMARIA, and in other places about BETHLEHEM, EMAUS, BETHANIE, BETHFAGE, CAPHARNAUM, NAZARETH, LEVIR, BETHSAIDA, NAPLOS, and other towns of name thereabouts, there do haunt and live sundry Arabian captains; who spreading themselves even as far as RAMA and JOPPA, overrun at their pleasure all the countries there round about, and continually commit grievous outrages as well against the said cities as also upon the goods and wealth not only of the inhabitants there, but also of strangers: yea and their insolency oftentimes groweth so great, that they dare to assault the fenced cities, beside the spoiling of travelers, that by reason of their business have occasion to pass from one city to another. They are good horsemen, but use no armour: their horses are very swift to run, and spare of diet, and are themselves bold and adventurous thieves. These Arabians having had intelligence, that the aforesaid ambitious youth, appointed Sanzacke of JERUSALEM, was in mind to raise all the Sanzackes thereabout; and joining himself with them, and his father the Bassa of DAMASCUS, to restrain their insolent liberty, and to work their destruction; resolved with themselves not to stay until he and his confederates were ready, but rather by sundry invasions upon him, even unto the gates of JERUSALEM, to provoke him to come out into the field. And the rather to induce him so to do, they compacted with a certain Subbassi of BETHLEHEM, their friend, to encourage and animate the Sanzacke thereunto, by promising unto him good success and prosperous events. The ambitious young man, seduced with the glorious persuasions of the false Subbassi, of whom he made good reckoning, and provoked by their insolencies, resolved (as they had wished) to issue out of the city into the open field: and thereupon having armed an hundred of his vassals, and raised all the horsemen that were under his government, to the number of six hundred, he made a road towards JERICHO, sending before defiance unto them: against whom the Arabians came accordingly, and with their arrows and Indian canes overwhelming his harquebuses, as if it had been a raging flood, wrought him great woe: when in the very nick the battle yet being at the hottest, the traitorous Subbassi fled towards BETHLEHEM, and left the soldiers of JERUSALEM in the hands of the Arabians, who put most part of them to the edge of the sword, and scarcely gave liberty to the Sanzacke to save himself by flight. The Sanzacke certainly informed of this fraud of the dissembling Subbassi, to be revenged upon him, began also in like manner to dissemble with him, feigning that he would once more try his forces against the same Arabians; and so used the matter, The Subbas●i of Bethlehem slain quick. that the Subbassi arming himself, came unto him, without any suspicion of the mischief intended against him. But as soon as he was come, the Sanzacke took him alive▪ and presently caused him in most cruel manner to be slain quick. Thus having passed over the troubles that stayed the people of EGYPT and DAMASCUS and the countries thereabouts, from resorting to Osman the Turks great General at ERZIRUM: let us again return thither where we left him, taking a view of the preparations against the Persian; and prosecute those affairs, which of all others most exercised the forces of the two mightiest Mahometan monarches, and with the expectation thereof filled the world from the East to the West. The strait commandment from Amurath, together with the fame and reputation of Osman the General, had drawn together such a world of people of all sorts to ERZIRUM▪ as that it seemed not the power of one king alone, but rather the united forces of many kings. Wherefore Osman perceiving that he had gathered together too great a number of people and too huge an army, and that it might so fall out that he might want victual for so great a multitude; neither so greatly fearing his enemy's forces, as that he needed to lead so populous an army against them; determined to discharge a great number of such as he thought most weak, and least able to endure travel: so that out of this great multitude he drew out about forty thousand persons, who liberally according to every man's ability redeeming the ordinary perils of the wars, returned home to their own dwellings. And so in Osmans' army remained the number of an hundred and fourscore thousand persons or thereabouts. The number of Osmans' army. With this multitude the General departed from ERZIRUM (about the eleventh of August this year 1585.) towards TAURIS, continuing for all that the speech for NASSIVAN. But he had scarce marched two days, when divers soldiers of GRaeCIA and CONSTANTINOPLE presented themselves before him, upbraiding him with great improvidencie, and telling him that they began already to feel the want of victual, by wanting the same day their ordinary allowance of corn for their horses: so that if in the beginning, and as it were in the entrance of so long a journey they felt such want, they could not tell with what judgement or discretion he meant to lead so great a company so far as NASSIVAN, nor by what cunning conceit he had presumed to sustain so great an army in the service of their lord. Osman quietly heard their complaints, and presently provided for them, by causing such store of barley to be distributed among them, as they desired; and severely punished the officers that had the charge for the allowance of corn, who most covetously began to make merchandise of the common provision, by converting it to their own private uses. And having thus quieted their troubled minds, he proceeded on his journey, and by the way of HASSAN CHALASSI and of CHARS arrived upon the Calderan plains, famous for the memorable battles there fought between Selimus and Hysmaell. In these plains he took a general review of his army, wherein there wanted a number, that by reason of sickness being not able to continue the journey were enforced to stay behind, some in one place, some in another. Removing thence, he took the way not to NASSIVAN, as he had still hitherto given it out he would, but now directly to TAURIS. Which so sudden an alteration of the journey, as soon as the soldiers of GREECE and CONSTANTINOPLE heard, they fell into a great rage, and coming again before the General, reveled with him in this sort to his face. And what are we thou villain, The most insolent speech of the soldiers of Constantinople and Greece unto Osman their General. thou Turk, thou dolt, whom thou handlest in this sort? We are neither oxen nor sheep of the mountains, for the leading of whom thou thinkest thou art come out: neither can we brook these thy lies and deceits. If thou hast publicly professed to lead us to NASSIVAN, and by that speech hast trained us from the furthest bounds of GRaeCIA, to what end now after thou hast wearied us so much, dost thou deceive us with such vanities, and prolong our journey, and set before us such strange and important dangers as our minds never once thought on? But if this was thy first purpose and intent, and that now not foolishly or by chance, but upon premeditation and good advice thou changest thine opinion, why didst thou dismiss so many soldiers, as might have made the army more terrible and stronger for the enterprise of TAURIS? Dost thou think that by suffering others to redeem their liberties, and so to increase thy riches, thou shalt set our lives to sale, and to make us slaves to the Persians? At these arrogant speeches the General was exceedingly troubled, Osman wis●ly appeaseth his mutinous soldiers. seeing his good meaning, and the earnest desire he had to advance the majesty and glory of his king, taken in so evil part, and those his best soldiers so highly offended. And although he could indeed have readily used the sharpest and hardest provisions and remedies for it, that in such occasions are ordinarily applied: yet upon good advice he forbore so to do, and in stead of rigour and punishment resolved to work by more easy means. Whereupon causing many of the captains and chief men amongst those seditious soldiers to come before him, he first persuaded them: That the former speech for NASSIVAN was not raised at all by him, nor that he was minded at that time to go for TAURIS: but all that was done, he had done to fulfil the commandment of the Sultan, who had charged him so to do, to the end to lessen the Persian preparations; which they would undoubtedly have made far greater, if the speech had been given out at the first for TAURIS. Which his princely care of their safety they for their parts ought willingly to further, for that in so doing they should still preserve that great opinion, which both the king and the world had conceived of their valour and fidelity. Neither needed they to fear, that the soldiers which were dismissed might weaken the army, for that they themselves were not only sufficient to pierce into TAURIS, and to open the way upon the enemies, but to daunt them even with their looks: and that those which were discharged, had but purged the host of all cowardice, and left nothing in it but virtue and courage. By this mild answer of the General the tumultuous soldiers were sufficiently pacified, but much better apaid and contented they were, as soon as he put his hand to the common purse, and bestowed among them all a small quantity of moneys: for by this his kind usage all their stomachs were overcome, and they themselves became so willing and so courageous, that now they durst venture not to TAURIS only, but to CASBIN, yea even to the furthest parts of all the Persian kingdom. These important outrages thus appeased, the General turned himself with all his army towards COY, a city situate beyond VAN, in the midst between TAURIS and the Martian Mere, where he refreshed his army with all things he could desire. From COY he passed to MARANT, a city subject to the Persians, plentiful also of all things needful for man or beast. From thence he leaned down towards SOFFIAN, a fruitful place, subject also to the Persians; from whence he began to discover TAURIS. Great was the joy of the whole camp, and now the mutinous soldiers of GREECE and CONSTANTINOPLE could highly commend the advice of the General, The Turks re●oi●e upon the discovery of Tauris. or rather of Amurath himself, in giving out the rumour of NASSIVAN for TAURIS, as the only means whereby they were in quiet come so far, the Persians being wholly occupied (as they supposed) about NASSIVAN: insomuch that every man being waxen courageous, and replenished with joy, without any fear at all began proudly to plot unto themselves nothing but sackings, pillings, taking of prisoners, ravishments, robberies, and all those insolent and outrageous actions that use rashly to proceed from the greedy affections of those barbarous victors; especially they of the vauward, who being desirous of booty, and to discover the enemy's country, descended down toward certain pleasant gardens full of all sorts of trees, springs, and fruits: where having satisfied their appetites, they withdrew themselves to a certain little river near to a bridge called The Bridge of salt water, and there stayed at pleasure attending the coming of the army. The Persian prince overrunneth the vauward of the Turks army. But even whiles they were thus enjoying the water, the fruits, the shade, the green grass, and other delights of the place, the Persian prince Emir Hamze, king Mahamet's eldest son, who with ten thousand good soldiers had closely couched himself, watching still when some of the enemy's bands should come down to those resting places, suddenly set upon them with such speed, courage, and fury, that as if it had been a lightning and in a manner without any resistance he overran all those Turks, and dispersed them, putting to the sword about seven thousand of them. And so leading away with him many prisoners, horses, slaves, with sundry ensigns and Turkish drums, he withdrew himself back towards his blind father, who lay then encamped about twelve miles from TAURIS with fifty thousand soldiers or thereabouts; Aliculi Chan Governor of TAURIS being left in the city with four thousand soldiers only. A greater army than this, not exceeding the number of threescore and four thousand men, was not the Persian king able to levy; the principal occasion whereof was the death of Emir Chan, for which the Turcoman nation being waxen rebellious and disobedient, would not by any means be brought to defend that city, whereof Aliculi Chan their capital enemy was now Governor: and from GHEILAN and HERI there came not so much as one soldier to relieve the necessities of PERSIA. So that with these small forces in comparison of the enemies, the Persian king had no stomach to meet the Turkish army in plain battle, but sought how he might with as little loss to himself as possibly he could, make trial of his forces, and by all politic means to weaken and annoy his strong enemy. Osman understanding of this discomfiture of his vauward, forthwith dispatched Sinan Bassa the son of Cicala, Osman sendeth two Bassas with 14000 soldiers to overtake the Persian prince. and Mahamet the Bassa of CARAEMIT, with fourteen thousand soldiers to pursue the victorious prince: who in their pursuit used such expedition, that at length they overtook him in the way towards his father's camp. But as soon as the prince saw the Turks so near him, that without a shameful and dangerous flight he could not avoid the battle, courageously he turned his face, and joined with them a most bloody conflict: which being begun two hours before night, was most fiercely maintained, until that the darkness of the night bereaving them of the use of their weapons, enforced both the one side and the other to retire. Which was done with the notable loss of the Turks, who in this second conflict (as it was commonly reported) lost six thousand men: and had (as it was thought) suffered a general slaughter, had not the night interrupted so uncouth an action, well worthy of a thousand daylights. So that hitherto the Turks sustained the loss of more than ten thousand soldiers, and yet had scarce discovered or seen the city which they so greedily longed after. The next morning the Turks camp removed and came within two miles of TAURIS, where they encamped. But whiles they were setting up their tents, Aliculi Chan issuing out of the city with all his garrison, and such of the citizens as were fit to bear arms, set upon the face of the vauward being now renewed, and with many cunning turnings and windings so charged them, that with great loss he forced them to retire even unto the main battle: where after he had espied the great artillery, he without hurt withdrew himself again to the city. The confusion of the Turks in this skirmish was notable, for in a very small time the vauward was disordered, and almost three thousand slain. But Aliculi not so contented, in the shutting in of the evening sallied out of the city the second time, and swiftly running along that side of the army that lay towards TAURIS, slew the Bassa of MARAS, and did great hurt in that quarter: which done, without any stay he fled to the king's camp, and forsook the defence of that sorrowful city which he could not hold. Nevertheless the Taurisians (as many of them as remained in the city) gathered themselves together to the gates of the city, well armed, prepared to make a bloody entrance for the Turks whensoever they should come. All the night was spent in watching without rest on either side, and yet nothing attempted: but upon the break of the day, a great multitude of the servile sort of the Turks, and of the common rascal rout, without any order from their captains, armed with corselets, spears, and swords, went to the city with resolution to have sacked it, and so to have enriched themselves with the spoil and pillage of that wealthy city. A great slaughter in the gates of Tauris. But when they came to the guarded gates of the city, they found there contrary to their expectation, a terrible rescue, and were enforced there to join an hard and mortal battle; so that the walls, the entrance, yea all the ground thereabouts was bathed with blood, and as it were covered with weapons and dead carcases. And yet for all that, though the Persians stood fast and firm at the arrival of this servile rout; at the last they were constrained to yield the entrance, being overcome by the multitude of them that out of the camp flowed in upon them like a flood; and retiring into the city, now astonished and amazed on every side, they fortified themselves in their houses under the ground, and in the corners and winding turnings of the streets: from whence with their arrows and some few harquebuses, they did the Turks that entered great harm. Yet were they not able to kill and destroy so many of their enemies, but that at the last they were too mighty for them, and wrought many grievous mischiefs in that woeful city. And so a great number of this rascal people that remained ali●e, returned to the Turkish camp, carrying away with them too manifest tokens of the poor oppressed city: wherein the miserable women and impotent souls stood embracing and straining the doors and posts of their houses, and kissing their native soil, with prayers, mournings, and complaints, bewailing their present misery, and yet fearing worse to come. Osman the Turks General now made acquainted with these calamities, caused proclamation to be published, That no man should be so hardy as to molest the Taurisians, & in the mean time went himself about the city, viewing thoroughly the situation of it, and surveying the place wherein he might both encamp himself safely, and with better foundation and greater security erect a castle or fort, for the more assurance of that conquered country. The city of TAURIS is seated at the foot of the hill ORONTES, The description of Tauris. about eight days journey from the Caspian sea, and is subject to winds, cold, and snow: yet of a very wholesome air, abounding with all things necessary for man's life: and wonderful rich, with perpetual concourse of merchandise brought thither out of the East, to be conveyed unto the West; and also of others brought out of these Western parts, to be dispersed into the East. It is very populous, so that it feedeth almost two hundred thousand persons: but yet open to the fury of every army, without walls, and unfortified. The buildings (after the manner of those of the East) are of burnt clay, and rather low than high. For all things it carrieth the name, and was the place of the Persian king's residence, until such time as that the late king Tamas removed his seat from thence farther into his kingdom to CASBIN: nevertheless both before and since, although it had been sundry times molested by the inroads and fury of the Turkish emperors, yet was it still in great estimation and renown. Of this city Osman Bassa having taken diligent view, caused his tents to be pitched on the South side thereof, where was a spacious garden all flourishing and beautiful, replenished with sundry kind of trees and sweet smelling plants; and a thousand fountains and brooks derived from a pretty river, which with his pleasant stream divided the garden from the city of TAURIS: and was of so great beauty, that for the delicacy thereof, it was by the country inhabitants called Sechis Jennet (that is to say) the eight Paradises: and was in times past the standing house of their kings, while they kept their residence in this city, and after they had withdrawn their seat from thence to CASBIN, became the habitation and place of abode for the Governors of TAURIS. Of these gardens and places Osman made choice to build his castle in; whereof he gave the model himself, and commanded that all the whole circuit of those pleasant greene's should be environed with walls, and trenches digged round about them to convey the water from the foresaid river. Which was accordingly begun with the greatest care that possibly might be: the foundation of the embatteled walls laid, the ditches digged fourteen foot broad, & a man's height in depth; The castle of Ta●●ris built in 36 days. and in the space of six and thirty days the whole work finished and brought to an end: great store of artillery mounted upon the walls, and divers baths, lodgings, and such other houses necessary for the Turkish uses built within the castle. The first day of this building Osman fell sick of a fever with a bloody flix, which happily was the cause both of the slowness of the building, and of many other losses that afterwards happened, as shall be hereafter declared. Eight janissaries with certain Sandglasses ●ound s●●angled in a bath at Tauris. Five days after the building of the castle was begun, news was brought into the Turkish camp, That eight janissaries and divers Spaoglans were seen strangled in a bath within the city of TAURIS. Whereupon the Zaini, Spahini, and janissaries came presently unto the General, declaring unto him, That although he had with too much clemency given order that no man should hurt or molest the Taurisians, and that according to his pleasure every man had used modesty towards them and obedience to him: yet the Taurisians themselves had most audatiously strangled in one of their baines eight janissaries and certain Spaoglans, which injury and insolency (they said) in their judgement was not to be suffered. This outrage so moved the General, that without any farther delay he commanded the city to be sacked, leaving it wholly to the pleasure of his soldiers: who forthwith so used the matter, not as if they would have revenged an injury, but rather at once have brought an utter destruction upon the whole city. Every place was filled with slaughter, The misery of the Taurisians. ravishment, rapine and murder; virgins were deflowered, man-children defiled with horrible and unspeakable sins; younglings snatched out of their parents arms, houses laid even with the ground and burnt, riches and money carried away; and in brief, all things ruinated and wasted. Neither were these mischiefs committed once only, but the second followed worse than the first, and the third upon that worse than the second: so that it was a misery almost inexplicable, to behold that city so populous, so rich, sometimes the court and palace of the Persian kings, and honour of that empire, now subject to the fury of the Turks, plunged in calamity and utter destruction. The woeful advertisement hereof sore troubled the Persian king, but the young prince his son much more; who moved with the passions of most inward grief, disdain, and despair, and desiring nothing more than revenge, resolved to attempt any thing whereby to require so great a wrong. In which resolution having confirmed his army, he commanded five hundred of his horsemen to present themselves even to the very sight of their enemy's tents, and as it were to dare them to battle: which thing they performed accordingly, and made a gallant show of themselves. At the discovery whereof, the Turks imagining that the Persians were come in great number to assail the army, order was given by the sick General, that Cicala Bassa, and Mahamet the Bassa of CARAEMIT, with the people of GRaeCIA, and all their own forces should go to encounter the enemy: who presently with their ensigns displayed under which there stood about four and thirty thousand strong, besides a number of servile people, yet men exercised in labours and perils, in all well near forty thousand, set forward. Now the five hundred Persians, with a marvelous cunning kind of skirmishing dallied with the Turkish soldiers, and drew them forward for the space of eight miles and more: and being brought so far on, and now forewearied with the skirmish, were lustily assailed by the Persian prince, who with part of his army (to the number of about twenty thousand persons) courageously set upon the two Bassas, and joined with them the deadliest and cruelest battle that ever was written of. Wherein the Persians having given a most perilous onset and done great harm, it was thought that they would have contented themselves with so lucky an encounter, and so retired▪ which the Turks minding to prevent, and not to return without a notable victory, hardly pressed upon them, hoping in the end to put them to flight, and so to give them a bloody and deadly overthrow. But the Persians having quietly and with great assurance for a reasonable space endured their charge, at last as if they had been fresh men, made head upon them afresh, and began a most terrible battle anew: wherein the Bassa of CARAEMIT (above named) was put to flight, and being wholly dismayed and discomfited, fled back again to the camp, carrying with him the most manifest tokens of the unhappy issue of the battle. Cicala the other Bassa notwithstanding valiantly and with great cunning still sustained the fury of the Persians, labouring by all means to encourage his soldiers, and to have restored the battle: but when he had done what he could, overcome at last by greater valour, he was enforced to betake himself to flight also; and so altogether discomfited, Eight thousand Turks slain. came to the camp without any ensign, having left behind him 8000 of his soldiers dead upon the ground. The Persian prince encouraged with this so fortunate a victory, by speedy heralds sent to the sick Visier (whom he thought notwithstanding to have been in health) and gave him to understand, that if he were willing to fight he was ready for him, and in what sort soever it pleased him to accept of battle, to make him good account of his valour; and to cause him to know, not only that Amurath his master had most unjustly raised this war, but also that it had been good for himself not to have taken the same in hand. Of this offer Osman accepted, but being not able himself to go and answer the prince in person hand to hand, by reason of his sickness which every hour mortally increased, he sent out all his captains with his army to dare him battle. The prince lay ten miles or thereabouts distant from the camp of Osman, towards whom the Turks set forward in this manner: The main battle was guided by the Bassa of CARAEMIT and Sinan Cicala, with all the soldiers of ASSIRIA and BABYLON: the left wing was led by the Bassa of ANATOLIA, with the band of GRaeCIA; and the right wing was conducted by Amurath Bassa of CARAMANIA, with the people of SORIA to the number of threescore thousand: beside such as were left behind at TAURIS, with the trusty guard of the janissaries, and the artillery, for the safeguard of the sick Visier. In this order they confronted the Persian prince, who was himself in the midst of his army, with all his people in very good order: having on the one side the soldiers of PERSIA and HYRCANIA, and on the other them of PARTHIA and ATROPATIA, in all to the number of forty thousand. The Turks feared nothing more, than that the Persians fetching a great compass about, should with all celerity and fury set upon their tents, and the riches they had laid up together in their pavilions: and therefore at every motion of theirs, they continually feared this sudden outroad; whereof they had such especial care, that retiring themselves as much as they might, and feigning as if they had given place to the Persians, it wanted not much but that they had brought them even within the just level and mark of the artillery. Which the Persians perceiving, without any further dallying hardly began to assail the main body of the battle. The prince himself being entered amongst the soldiers of the Bassa of CARAEMIT (who as General sustained the place of Osman) and pressing into the midst of the battle, The Bassa of Caraemit slain by the Persian prince, and his head cut off. dispatched every man that came in his way; and having singled out the Bassa from the rest, smote off his head, and gave it to one of his followers to carry upon the top of his lance. Which being openly descried, brought a great terror upon the Turks, and exceedingly encouraged the Persians; who imbrued with the blood of their enemies, and intermingling themselves more and more among them, made of them a most confused and general slaughter: wherein beside the Bassa before named, there died also the Bassa of TRABIZONDA, the Sanzacke of BURSIA, with five other Sanzackes, and as it was commonly reported twenty thousand Turks more. It fell also to the lot of Amurath Bassa of CARAMANIA to be there taken prisoner, with divers other common soldiers. But night coming now on, and the Persians being come somewhat too nigh the Turkish artillery, they gave over the fight, and withdrew themselves back to the place where their king lay encamped with the rest of his army. But now were divers days spent wherein the new fortress at TAURIS (as we have before said) was fully finished, when the soldiers of GRaeCIA and CONSTANTINOPLE wearied to see their friends and fellows thus slain before their faces, and having also safely laid up in their own custody such preys and booties as they had gotten in the sack of the city, resolved with themselves to procure their own departure, and so much the rather, for that Winter was now fast coming on. And for as much as the General was through the immoderate flux of blood brought weak, and in despair of life, and quite abandoned of all hope by his physicians, and therefore not to be spoke withal; they were feign by the mouth of such as were their trusty friends about him, to represent unto him the necessity of their return, and withal after many reverent entreaties caused it also to be signified unto him, That if he stood obstinate, and would needs stay dallying out the time in those dangerous places where no such need was, they should be enforced to withdraw themselves and to forsake him. Osman, who had now nothing else to do in those countries but only to leave some convenient garrison in the new fortress at TAURIS, liberally promised to satisfy their requests by departing thence the next morning. So calling unto him Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of TRIPOLI, Giaffer Bassa of Tripoli an Eunuch made Governor of Tauris. a man of a crafty and cruel nature, made him governor and keeper of the new built fortress at TAURIS. And the more to encourage him to take that charge upon him, he gave him freely for the space of three whole years not only the office and authority, but also the rents and revenues of a Bassa of CARAEMIT, lately slain by the Persian prince, and withal honoured him with the title of the Bassa of the Court: so that having finished his three years office of CARAEMIT, he was then to go and sit among the sovereign seats of the Bassas of the Porta. The Bassa seeing so fair and so high a way for him to mount to those high honours (greater than which there is none in the Turkish empire) readily accepted the offer, and dispatching his lieutenant for CARAEMIT to the government of those countries in his absence, with an hundred of his own followers; settled himself in the said fort with a garrison of twelve thousand soldiers, Osm●● th● General departeth from Ta●●is, and cometh to Sancazan. furnished with all necessary provision until the next Spring. The General having thus set all things in order, and carefully provided for the safety of the fortress, departed according to his promise, and the same morning, which was the fourscore and seventh day after his departure from ERZIRUM, came to a place called SANCAZAN, seven miles distant from TAURIS. The Turks were now upon the point of their encamping in a confused disorder and hurly burly, when those that were hindermost in the army heard the neighing of horses, and the noise of drums and trumpets, as if it had been the coming of an army. Which when the whole camp understood, they ran all headlong, and disordered as they were to the rescue, on that side where the noise of the horses and warlike instruments was heard. But whilst the Turks were thus intentively busied on that side to expect the coming of the enemy, the Persian prince without any sign or token of battle, with eight and twenty thousand horsemen was ready upon them on the other side: who having discovered the camels and other carriages whereupon their booties, their spoils, and their riches were laden, which they had taken in TAURIS, beside much of their provision for victuals for the sustenance of the army, he turned upon them, and with a provident and safe convoy had taken for a prey eighteen thousand of the camels and mules, well laden with the same booties and victuals; which the prince sent presently away with six thousand of his soldiers, and he himself with his two and twenty thousand Persians entered into the Turks army, who now to withstand his assault, had on that side also made head against him. A gallant thing it was, and terrible withal, to see what a mortal battle was made, what singular prowess showed even presently in the forefront of the battle; The battle of Sancazan. for in a moment you might have seen the tents and pavilions turned upside down, and their encamping lodgings replenished with dead carcases and blood, victorious death ranging and reigning in every corner. The Turks themselves were astonished and marveled to see their enemies (so few in number, and intermingled among so populous an army of warlike people) more like fatal ministers of death, than mortal men, to brandish their swords over them, as if it had lightened, and to make so general a slaughter; and do to this day with great admiration recount the valour and prowess of the Persians. But they all now doubting lest the enemy in this fury should forcibly have entered the very lodgings of the sick Visier, it was commanded not by himself (for he lay now at the last gasp) but by him who at that time commanded in his name, That without delay the artillery should be unbarred, and discharged: which in that medley and confusion of both armies, without any exception or distinction of persons, overthrew both friends and foes, and did perhaps more harm among the Turks themselves than among the Persians: for at the first thundering noise thereof the prince with all speed retired, after whom presently followed all the rest; so that the Turks which remained behind were more annoyed with the deadly shot than were the Persians, who flying away could not feel the damage, but that the Turks must first be well paid for their labour. The Turks pursuing the flying Persians, made show as if they would gladly have overtaken them: Twenty thousand Turks slain. but night coming on, they feared to proceed any further than they might without danger return. In this battle of SANCAZAN were slain twenty thousand Turks, without any notable loss of the Persians. Among the rest in the same place died the Visier Osman, Osman the Visier and General dieth a● Sancazan General of the late dreadful but now desolate army; not by the hand of the enemy, but consumed by the vehemency of an ague and a flux of blood. Whose death notwithstanding was kept secret from the whole army, every man verily thinking, that it was but only the continuance of his sickness, because the chariots wherein he lay were still kept close: and in his name Cicala Bassa (for so he had appointed in his will) gave out answers and commandments to the whole army. Nevertheless it was disclosed to the Persians, by means of three young men, who in the life of Osman having charge of his jewels and treasure, were with the best thereof and the fairest of his horses fled to the Persian king, to whom they revealed the death of the General. The Persians who before had thought it not possible for so great cowardice, and dishonourable kind of fight and ordering of an army to have proceeded from the virtue and valour of Osman, of whose worth they had too manifest a trial and experience in times past; now understanding of his death, were thereby encouraged to attempt the utter overthrow of the Turkish remnant, and so to give them an honourable farewell. Whereupon the Persian prince with fourteen thousand men followed the Turks, who had now raised their camp, and were removed to a certain river of salt water, not far from SANCAZAN; where the prince caused a few tents to be pitched, about four or five miles distant from the Turkish camp, the aforesaid brook running in the midst between the two armies. Now the prince had purposed to have assailed the Turks in the morning, whiles they were loading their carriages, hoping in that confusion to have wrought them some notable mischief: which his designment was revealed unto the Turks by one of his spies whom they had caught. And therefore they did neither rise so early in the morning as their manner was, nor load their stuff until such time as they were all armed, and on horseback ready to receive their enemies. By which their wary and unusual manner of rising, the Persians perceived that their purpose was by some means discovered. And yet considering that if they should lose this occasion, they should find no other good opportunity to annoy them before the next Spring, they utterly resolved to adventure the assault: and having observed that the enemy's artillery was on the right side of the army, they in the sight of every man began to enter on the left. But the Turks presently so uncovered and unbarred their artillery against the assailants, as was to their great loss and danger. Howbeit they were so nimble and so quick to shroud themselves under the enemy's army, and to avoid the mischievous tempest, that being come now very near the Turks squadrons, they must needs join battle with them. The Persians had purposed before as soon as they saw the Turks begin to stir, to retire, and so to draw them on into a very filthy and deep marish; which being then dry, was not feared or doubted of any, but only by those that were acquainted withal, or borne thereabouts. Which their policy the rebel Maxut Chan, and with him Daut Chan (as being well acquainted with those places) perceiving, gave notice thereof to Cicala Bassa: who presently caused a great compassing wing to be made, commanding them to set upon the Persians, and to charge them home: which was forthwith put in execution, so that their forefront opened itself with very large and spacious cornets upon the prince: who no sooner saw this their unwonted order of coming on, but by and by he perceived that his purpose was discovered. And thereupon without any stay he began to retire, calling his people after him: which could not so readily be done, but that three thousand of them remained behind, all miserably stifled, overtrodden in the mire, with very little loss to the Turks: and this only battle of five that were fought under TAURIS and in those quarters, was less hurtful to the Turks than to the Persians. The prince returned to the king his father's camp, recounting unto him the whole action, together with the departure of the enemy. And so the Turks came to SALMAS, where the death of the General was published: from SALMAS they went afterwards to VAN, where they took a survey of their army, and found wanting therein about fourscore and five thousand persons, or as some say more. The Turks army discharged at Van. At VAN all the soldiers were dismissed: and Cicala from thence gave notice to Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE of all that had happened. Where first was published the death of Osman the General; for whom were made many signs of great sorrow: and together with his death were blazed the bloody and mortal actions that were in that expedition performed: so that the whole city seemed to be greatly discomforted, and in many places were heard much secret railing upon the king, many curses of this war, and insolent maledictions of these manifold mischiefs. After that, was dispersed the great fame of the new fortress erected at TAURIS, of the sacking of the city, and of all the loss that had happened therein: and a general edict published in the king's name, That through all the cities of his empire they should make solemn feasts, with other express tokens of joy and rejoicing: which was accordingly done both in CONSTANTINOPLE and other places. There was also word sent to the ambassadors of HUNGARY, of FRANCE, of VENICE, and of other countries, that they should do the like: but they all with one accord answered, That it was never the custom of ambassadors to make any such sign of rejoicing, but only when the king himself in person returned from the like victories. In the mean time consultation was held at VAN for the sending of succours to TEFLIS in GEORGIA: unto which important service, Daut Chan to deserve some reward at Amurath's hand, offered himself: unto whom Cicala Bassa delivered thirty thousand Cecchini to be conveyed to the fort at TEFLIS. Which piece of service the renegade performed, and without trouble relieved the soldiers in the fort: which was so well accepted of Amurath, that he for the same good service honoured him with the dignity of the Bassa of MARAS. Maxut Chan also the other Persian rebel, that guided the Turkish army to Reivan, and afterwards to TAURIS, was in like manner by the same Amurath honoured with the great rich office of the Bassa of ALEPPO. The misery the Turks army endured at Tauris. The miseries the Turkish army endured in this expedition for TAURIS, beside the losses before rehearsed, were wonderful: for as the Sanzacke of AMAN, a city of SORIA (called in ancient time APAMEA) present in all this action, reporteth in a letter which he wrote to Ali Bassa of ALEPPO, there was such a dearth in the Turks army, that they were enforced to give their camels biscuit and rice, and when that failed, they gave them their packsaddles to eat, and after that pieces of wood beaten into powder, and at last the very earth: which dearth endured until they arrived at VAN. And at TAURIS whiles the fortress was in building, they were of necessity constrained to give their horses their dung in very dry powder. By reason whereof there followed a grievous mortality of horses, camels, mules, and men, and the stink which grew of this mortality became so great, that every man was feign to carry a piece of a strong smelling onion still under his nose, to avoid the heaviness thereof. The fort so lately built in the royal city of TAURIS exceedingly grieved the Persians in general, but especially the king and the prince his son: to let it alone, they reckoned it too great a shame, and how to demolish it they well knew not, finding themselves not only destitute of artillery, but also of such sufficient strength as was requisite for the performance of so great an enterprise: yet pricked on with desire of glory and the necessity of the cause, they determined even in the sharpness of Winter to gather new forces, and with trenches of earth to approach the ditch, and to try if they could advance a countermure as high as their walls, and so to attain to the conquest thereof. But in the gathering of their men they discovered new difficulties; for, to hire any soldiers either from HERI or GHEILAN, was denied them by Abas and Amet Chan: and the Turcoman nation, which might have been the readiest and the nearest at such a need, for the late death of Emir Chan, and for the succession of Aliculi, were grown very contumatious: so that neither the king, nor the prince, nor the precedents and governors of the kingdom, could tell which way to turn themselves. At last for the common safety they determined to draw the Turcomans to a reconciliation; hoping that by promising them any honest satisfaction for the wrong wherewith they challenged themselves grieved for the death of their captain▪ they would become more tractable to do them service in their common necessities. Whereupon the king sent kind letters to the heads and captains of those nations, and principally to Mahamet Chan, and to Calife the Sultan, declaring plainly unto them the peril of his state, and of the liberty of the whole kingdom, with the confidence he had in their valour: and that therefore forgetting all that was past, as done not in shame or scorn of their nation, but only for zeal and love to the kingdom, they would demand such satisfaction as they desired, and that he would be ready to agree to any just request they should make. To which letters they readily answered, That they would come unto him, to put in execution whatsoever he should for the common necessity or the honour of his State command. Now they had craftily among themselves already concluded, not to suffer any other to sit in the room of Emir Chan their late Governor, but only young Tamas the king's third son. Which conclusion they had plotted to themselves, with a resolution in the end to cause him to be accepted for king at CASBIN, in despite of the king himself and of the prince Hamze: nothing regarding, that by this action far greater troubles would arise in PERSIA than ever were yet heard of, but only being wholly bend to revenge the death of one only Emir Chan. Ten thousand Turcomans off●r their service unto the Persian king. With this malicious and fraudulent resolution, they to the number of ten thousand (under the conduct of two captains, Mahamet and Calife) went to the king, in all reverence offering themselves with all readiness to be employed in the enterprise whereunto they were called. The old credulous king, not suspecting any mischief plotted by these secret rebels, was greatly comforted at their coming: and although by some of his Sultan's that had felt some inkling of this conspiracy, he was advised to deal circumspectly and warily with them, and not commit any matter of importance to their trust, yet did he think every hour a thousand until he had offered them satisfaction: promising them, that what captain soever they would desire in the room of Emir Chan, if it were possible they should have him. Whereunto the dissembling Mahamet Chan made answer, That their desire above all things, was to do him pleasure and service; not doubting but he would appoint them such a chieftain▪ as should be valorous, noble, and acceptable unto them. The king could stay no longer, but frankly declared unto them, That to assure them of his good will, and to give them an hostage in pawn thereof, he had made choice of young Tamas his son to succeed in the room of Emir Chan their late Governor. As soon as Mahamet Chan heard this resolution of the king; who beside all expectation voluntarily of himself yielded them the means to put in execution, what they had maliciously before contrived against the peace and liberty of the kingdom: he became more jocund than he was wont to be, and outwardly showed himself ready for whatsoever the king would command him: and in the names of the rest yielded also large promises of fidelity and obedience, so that the matter might be performed for which he had now given his word. The king, who desired nothing more than to see the fort of TAURIS razed (which could hardly be done without the help of those Turcomans) contrary to the advise of the wisest of the Sultan's, and of the prince, secretly and as it were by stealth gave his young son Tamas into the hands of Mahamet, as chief of all the Turcomans. Who to nourish the good opinion and credulity of the king, and to secure the prince and the Sultan's, gave a lusty beginning by the help of his followers, with trenches and rampires to approach the fort. Neither was there any great time spent therein; for they had now almost made their trenches and mounts even with the enemy's wall, and the ditch itself was almost filled up with earth, so that there wanted but little more labour to begin the desired assault: when contrary to all men's expectation, the false and wicked traitor Mahamet Chan with all his Turcomans, The Turcomans forsake the siege and fall into rebellion. leading away with them the child Tamas, departed in the night time and upon a sudden, from so noble and honourable an enterprise. And blinded with desire to put in execution his ill hatched purpose, covertly and without any noise removed from the besieged walls, and put himself on his way towards CASBIN: still terming Tamas by the name of the king of PERSIA, and sundry ways abusing and mocking the poor old king and the prince. This so sudden and so dangerous a rebellion, whereby not only so honourable and so necessary an enterprise was to be abandoned, but the whole state of the kingdom like to be endangered, exceedingly grieved all good men, but most of all the old king and the prince his son: who no less careful of his rightful succession, than was the aged king of his present estate, both now hazarded by this rebellion; wholly incensed with grief and anguish of mind, began to cast a thousand devices in his troubled head, what course to take, and what to resolve upon. To abandon the siege it grieved him above measure, and to suffer so pernicious a rebellion to go forward, seemed too dangerous for the state of PERSIA: and to provide for both these mischiefs at once, was altogether impossible. In these huge waves of contrary thoughts, he resolved at last to turn himself against the Turcomans, and to suppress that rebellion as most dangerous to the State. And so with twelve thousand soldiers, and a part also of the kings ordinary guard, all courageous and hardy men, he followed after the rebellious Turcomans; and marching directly toward CASBIN, he overtook them at a place called CALISTEZA, a days journey on this side CASBIN, and there joined battle with them. Wherein many of them being sorry for that they had done, would not so much as draw their swords against the prince: many others fled also away for fear, so that he easily obtained a wished victory over them. The Turcomans discomfited, and Mahamet Chan and Calife the Sultan beheaded. The seditious Mahamet Chan was taken prisoner, and by the prince's commandment presently beheaded: so was also Calife the Sultan, and divers other captains of this pestilent conspiracy. Young Tamas was also taken, and by the direction of the prince sent to the castle of CAHACA. Five thousand Turcomans of the late followers of the rebel Mahamet, fled out of the battle towards BABYLON by the way of SIRRAH, and yielded themselves to Solyman Bassa of that city; who afterwards repenting themselves of their folly, sought to return again into the favour of their king, but all in vain: so that being become rebels to the one, and suspected to the other, they did at one time lose their country, their liberty, their honour, and the favour of all men as well friends as foes. The prince after this victory held on his way to CASBIN, and there staying, laboured to gather the dispersed Turcomans, especially those that moved with the honesty of the cause, would not bear arms in so unjust an action; intending afterwards to return to TAURIS, to attend the besieging and conquest of the fort. This was the end of this dangerous rebellion, the chief cause that TAURIS was not again recovered out of the hands of the Turks, to the great weakening of the Persian kingdom. Gi●ffer Bassa sends to Cical● Bassa for aid Now Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa Governor of the castle of TAURIS, fearing lest the Persian prince would with a greater army again return to the siege: perceiving himself to wax every day weaker and weaker, by reason that many of his men secretly fled from him, beside them that perished with sickness, and others slain in adventuring too boldly to go abroad to seek for victuals; sent advertisement thereof to Cicala Bassa at VAN, signifying farther unto him by writing, That if the prince should again return to assault the fort, he should of necessity be enforced to yield it: and that therefore as he tendered the honour of his Sultan, he would be careful to send him succour, whereby he might be able to maintain the fort: adding moreover, That now it was most easily to be done, because there was no forces of the enemies in those quarters, saving only a few which remained about the king, lying twelve miles off from TAURIS. Cicala moved with the importance of the enterprise propounded, and withal desirous to gain some credit of glory and renown with his king, entertained the advises of Giaffer, and getting him to horse with a train of three thousand arquebusiers and good store of munition, set forward toward TAURIS. The Persian king advertised thereof, sent out spies to learn what way they held, meaning to meet them and to set upon them: but these spies coming near to SALMAS were apprehended by the forerunners of Cicala, and being put to torture, revealed at last how that their king was in arms, and on his way towards SANCAZAN. At which news Cicala was greatly astonished, as well for the danger whereinto the forces and munition which he had with him were likely to fall, as also for that by any loss which his troops should sustain in this expedition, the city of VAN (being indeed the greatest and most noble frontier town in all those countries) must needs be in hazard to be lost, having left in it but his lieutenant with a very few soldiers. Whereupon he determined to relinquish this dangerous enterprise, and to withdraw himself back to the defence and preservation of the city committed to his trust and government. But although these expected and desired succours were not conveyed to TAURIS as was intended, yet had Giaffer as good fortune as he could wish: for the preparations of the prince were so long and so troublesome, and his return so much prolonged, that there was time enough yielded unto the Turks great General now newly chosen (as by and by shall be declared) to go with a strong army into those quarters; and so to preserve all that which the only expedition and celerity of the enemy might have put in great hazard, and almost have brought to a desperate case. In the mean time, Amurath the Turkish emperor was greatly troubled at CONSTANTINOPLE in making choice of a new General: on the one side Osman Bassa having by his last will left Sinan Cicala to be his successor, as a man of approved valour; and the many dangers he had run through in the late service about TAURIS, with the great favours he had in the Court, did not a little incline the king to his election: on the other side, he heard of a public rumour spread amongst the soldiers, that they could by no means endure to be commanded by so young a captain, and that some in plain terms should say, That they would not obey him: which caused Amurath to doubt, that some dangerous discord might thereof ensue in the army, if he should proceed to make choice of him. Then there was also Ferat Bassa, the same man which had already sustained that charge before Osman; who now very ambitiously sought again for this honour, having of late performed some good service to the good liking of the king. Of any other to make better choice he had none, so that he stood in great doubt what to do. In the end, because he was in good time to provide for his affairs, he made choice of Ferat Bassa, the same man whom he had before made proof of: a man of great fidelity, of an honourable carriage, and already experienced in the leading and commanding of such an army, to whom he granted the ordinary authority, to manage at his pleasure such affairs of the empire as concerned his journey. Upon this resolution general precepts were sent out to all cities within the kingdom, to the Bassas and other Governors with special commandment, That all their soldiers, together with their taxes, tenths, munitions, victuals, armour, artificers, and to be short, all their necessary furniture and provision should be ready and in order, upon the first warning should be sent them the next Spring. The revenue of Soria six hundred thousand ducats. Great provision of money was made, and in SORIA (besides the ordinary sum that is bestowed upon the yearly pay of soldiers in REIVAN, ERZIRUM, LORI, TOMANIS, TEFLIS and CHARS, which swallow up all the revenue of that country, and of the city of TRIPOLI, amounting to the sum of six hundred thousand ducats) there was taken up in priest of private merchants in the city of ALEPPO only, the sum of threescore thousand Cecchini, to be repaid unto them with the first moneys that should be received by the officers of his custom houses. A matter that moved an extraordinary grudging among the people, for that it seemed to every man a very strange and intolerable exaction, beside so many grievances laid upon them, for corn, for carriages, for pioneers, and for workmen, to endure this burden also of lending their money without hope of restitution thereof: yea and in deed every man did greatly wonder how they were thus ill advised, to make it known to the Christian princes what scarcity and want of money they had. The General had also with him four hundred pieces of artillery, and did beside so work the matter, as that Maxut Chan (who was appointed Bassa of ALEPPO) was granted unto him to be the guide of his army, as he had been of Osmans'; and that Cicala Bassa of VAN (scarce his good friend) was removed from thence, and sent farther off out of his way as Bassa to BABYLON. And thus having put all things in readiness, 1586 he departed from CONSTANTINOPLE in the month of April, Ferat departed from Constantinople and cometh to Sivas. in the year 1586; and passing over the straight into ASIA, came to SIVAS something later than he should have done, being hindered partly by the plague which then raged exceedingly in CONSTANTINOPLE, and partly by other occasions incident to such actions. At SIVAS he stayed so long for the coming together of his army, and in mustering men, that it was the latter end of july before he departed thence; staying in deed the longer at SIVAS, by reason of the exceeding dearth and want of victuals at ERZIRUM: which dearth was also so great in ALEPPO, that a VENICE bushel of wheat was sold for twelve Cecchini. Ferat yet making his abode at SIVAS, but ready to depart, was advertised by certain posts sent from Giaffer the Bassa of TAURIS, how that the Persian prince was hourly expected with a great army, and that if he did foreslow to send succours, and to prevent the coming of the prince, and so to give him time and leisure to assault the castle, he doubted greatly how he should be able to hold the same. Upon which advertisement Ferat presently removed, and so hasted his journey, that about the beginning of August he was at ERZIRUM: and still hearing more and more of the princes coming, stayed not there, but hasted to VAN: where having gathered together all his soldiers, and taken a new survey of his army, he departed thence; and being presently come into the open and large champains, to make proof of the readiness of his soldiers, he marshaled them in such sort as if he should forthwith have joined battle with the enemy, and so in seemly order marched on. The Turkish General continually feared lest the Persians should come upon him with some sudden assault: besides that, the constant report of the princes coming to TAURIS with his army, much increased his troubled thoughts. But on the other side, he reposed great confidence in the conspiracy that was now plotted against the life of the prince, with the privity of Aliculi Chan the protector and champion of Abas Mirize of HERI: who under colour of accompanying the prince to assist his forces, had resolutely concluded with himself, and absolutely promised Abas (having also given intelligence thereof to the Turkish General) to rid the prince Hamze of his life; or at least (which he thought might more easily be brought to pass) in the sundry revolutions and variable chances of the battle at some time or other to make him fall into the hands of Ferat, and so to settle his lord and master Abas in his estate. Upon these treacheries Ferat grounding himself, began with greater confidence to dispose his designments, and somewhat less to fear the fame of the huge preparations of PERSIA against him. Which preparations in truth as by most wicked devices and malicious conspiracies they were turned quite contrary from that end whereunto the prince Hamze had continually appointed them: so if they had been employed with such faith and fidelity as so righteous a cause required, without all doubt the writers of our time should have had matter enough in this fourscore and sixth year to show and represent unto the world such accidents as should be nothing inferior to those of the year before going. But for as much as rebellion and discord, the two infernal ministers of the devil, have for the utter undoing and overthrow of the glory of PERSIA continually favoured the Turks armies, The glory of the Persian kingdom overthrown by rebellion and discord. no marvel it is that the Persian nation cannot vaunt of any revenge taken for the indignities offered them by their enemies; and that our writers cannot choose but write of the true and undoubted victories of the Turks, and the bare shadows of the Persian exploits; which notwithstanding many Christians vainly believe, because they most earnestly desire them to be true, although they do see to the contrary the manifest prospering and evident conquests which the Turks have in divers their states and countries. The Persian prince about the latter end of july arrived at TAURIS with the greatest part of his army, where he (contrary to the opinion of all men) stayed not, for what cause is uncertain. But understanding that Zeinel Bassa of SALMAS, by nation a Curdo, lay encamped before the city, who of a Persian was become a Turk, and had done great harm against the state of PERSIA; he determined suddenly to set upon him, and to chastise him for his rebellion. According to which resolution, being accompanied with twelve thousand soldiers, he road to SALMAS, where finding Zeinell with all his people encamped as he had been before informed, he gave him the assault. Zeinell more ready to fly than to fight, and his soldiers as ready as he, fled presently, and fell before the Persians, so that the Bassa himself with a few others had much ado to escape and save themselves in the closest corners thereabouts, leaving the city committed to his charge, for a prey unto the angry enemy: who entering into the same, sacked and spoiled it, exercising thereon all such cruelties, as partly the natural desires of soldiers use to practise, and partly such as the Turks themselves showed upon them in that miserable and most lamentable sacking of TAURIS the last year. The like spoils did the Persian army in all those quarters round about, and so would have peradventure returned to TAURIS, but that certain spies arrived upon them, with advertisement, That the Bassa of REIVAN being issued out of his fortress with fifteen hundred arquebusiers, had committed the like outrages in the villages and fields thereabouts, as the prince had done about SALMAS. With which news the prince was greatly moved; and immediately rising with his army, and marching towards REIVAN, not far from the city encountered the Bassa: who discovering the enemy's forces afar off, began in great disorder to fly and retire into his fort, leaving the greatest part of his soldiers (making not so much speed in flight as himself) to the fury of the prince, who put them all to the sword, and did what harm he possibly could in all the places thereabouts. At the very same time great troubles arose in the Drusian country for Manogli the valiant Drusian (of whom we have before spoken) in revenge of the injuries done unto him and his people by Ebrain Bassa, and by a violent kind of restitution to recompense himself of all those bribes and presents which by so many shifts and subtleties were by the covetous Bassa wrung from him (as is before declared) had now taken up arms, and having wasted and sacked all the territory of Ebne-mansur and of his other enemies who had yielded their obedience unto the Turks, without let forced all that country with sudden invasions and inroads, even very near unto the cities of BALBECKE and TRIPOLI, and did there exceeding harm. For redress whereof, Amurath was glad to dispatch away from the Court Ali Bassa borne at ALEPPO, with the title of the Bassa of DAMASCUS, and with authority to muster fresh soldiers, and so wholly to attend the utter subversion of Manogli. But coming thither, he found all again quiet, so that his presence in that country served rather for a reconciliation and peace making amongst them, than for the prosecuting of any further war; which at that time was most necessary for the Turks to be avoided, as well for want of money in the common treasury, as for the exceeding scarcity of victuals. Now the Persian prince having made an end of the outrodes and spoils before mentioned, retired himself to TAURIS, and so towards his father's camp, where the rest of his army was now arrived, to the number of about forty thousand: of whom the prince dispatched away the soldiers of HERI to the number of eight thousand, under the conduct of the traitorous Aliculi Chan their General; and part also of the Turcomans, under the leading of Emanguli Chan; with special charge, That they should by the way in places of most advantage meet and receive the enemy's army, and in those narrow and troublesome passages to do them what mischief they possibly could. Which the prince thus appointed, thinking by this means to weaken the enemy's forces, and so at their arrival at TAURIS to come upon them with all his power, and so utterly to destroy them. Both these captains departed accordingly, Aliculi and Emanguli Chan perform nothing against the Turk●, as was by the prince expected. making show that they would with all affection accomplish the commandment of their prince: yet never was there heard any service of moment put in execution by them: For Aliculi full of treason, after their departure began to allege many forced reasons and excuses, Why they should surcease from meeting with the Turks: and Emanguli as yet utterly ignorant of the wicked purposes and mischievous treachery of Aliculi, suffered himself to be misled by him also. By the delays and negligence of these two Persian captains, the Turkish General took leisure without any loss or hindrance at all to arrive at TAURIS, Fera● putteth succours into the ●ort a● Tauris. and to put the desired succours into the fort: at what time the Persian prince by good hap had got knowledge of the treachery of Aliculi, and of the designments which many of the Sultan's had lately contrived, for the betraying of him alive into the hands of the Turkish General. Of which suspicion he being greatly afraid, durst not only not trust himself to perform those battles that he had before determined to have performed; but quite abandoning this noble and honourable enterprise, wholly employed all his care and study for the safety of his own person, and so left the triumph of the matter in the power of the Turks. And thus those great hopes and expectations which the Persians had conceived of great exploits to have been done against the enemy, did not only prove vain and come to no good issue, but chose by this discovery were converted into most strange disturbances, and all PERSIA thereby endured sundry alterations and revolutions of most important consequences. For both Aliculi Chan and his complices were pursued by the prince, as rebels and traitors: and also Abas Mirize of HERI was manifestly discovered for a wicked and treacherous contriver of his brother's death: whereby the common mischiefs were increased more than ever they were before, and the public calamities yielded greater hopes unto the Turks than they had ever before conceived in all the course of these wars. When Ferat had thus relieved them in the castle of TAURIS, leaving for the custody thereof Giaffer the Bassa with his former companies, he returned towards ERZIRUM: having first caused a fort to be erected at CURCHIVE TAURIS, a place near unto TAURIS, another at COY, and the third at CUM: in every one of which forts he left a convenient number of soldiers, with all things necessary and sufficient for their maintenance, and defence of the places they were to keep. He sent also succours to the fort at TE●LIS in GEORGIA, which they had long expected, and now most joyfully received. But the Persian prince having hunted Aliculi Chan out of the quarters of TAURIS, thought himself now wholly delivered from the great fear of treason and rebellion, wherein he of late lived: and therefore in as great hast as he could, put himself on his journey towards GENGE: in which place having gathered together a good number of soldiers, he determined to remove thence, to intercept the succours that were by the Turks to be brought to TEFLIS. Now he had always found Emanguli Chan to be both faithful and wise, and in him he reposed an assured confidence for performing any enterprise that he had in hand, and communicated with him every device that he had conceived in these wars. And therefore he made head and joined with him; and lodging most familiarly in his city, he stayed there for the setting in order and disposing of his foresaid designment, being very desirous not to let such an opportunity to overslip, without signification unto the world of some notable novelty, which might be correspondent to the fame that of matters passed and performed the year before, was now spread and published abroad over all the world. But when he was even at the very fairest to have put this his desire in execution, and least of all feared any treachery or treason, upon a sudden in the night time as he slept upon a pallet he was miserably strucken through the body, The Persian prince ●laine by one of his Eunuches. by an Eunuch of his that attended upon him: and so the most resplendent and bright lustre that ever shined in PERSIA, was utterly extinguished. What was the occasion thereof, and who procured his death, divers and sundry are the opinions of men. Some think, that his brother Abas Mirize of HERI, who had before conspired to have had him betrayed into the hands of the Turkish General, had now by force of money and gifts induced the wicked Eunuch thereunto. Others deemed it not to have been done without the privity of his father, as more desirous to prefer Abas Mirize his other son unto the kingdom. divers others do diversly reason of the matter; so that to affirm of a certainty, that thus or thus the death of so worthy a prince was procured, were great rashness: and therefore we leave it, with the further process of the Persian state, unto the further discovery of Time, the ancient mother of truth. Notwithstanding the league betwixt the Christian emperor Rodolph the second and Amurath the Great Turk, many sharp skirmishes oftentimes fell out betwixt the Christians and the Turks upon the frontiers of their territories and dominions, especially in HUNGARY, CROATIA, and STIRIA: as now in the latter end of this year 1586 in the month of December, the Turks after their insolent manner making an inroad into the borders of CROATIA, received a notable overthrow by the Christians, being in number much fewer: where amongst others the Bassa of BOSNA with his brother was slain; whose head with certain prisoners was sent to VIENNA to Ernestus Archduke of AUSTRIA, the emperors brother. This Bassa of BOSNA and his brother, slain in this conflict (as we have said) are reported to have been the sons of Muhamet the late great Visier, by one of the daughters of Selimus the second, Amurath his sister. For divers years following Amurath did no great matter worth the remembrance, contenting himself (as it should seem) with that he had already got from the Persians: and holding his league in some reasonable sort with the Christians: yet not so, but that many a bloody broil tending at last even to the breach of the league passed betwixt the Turks and the Christians, which for the continuation of the history we will briefly set down, as they are unto us by the writers of our time reported. 1587. In February the year following, which was the year 1587., the Christians provoked by the often outrages of the Turks, The castle of Koppan in Hungary surprised by the Christians. setting upon the castle of KOPPAN, not far from the lake of BALATON, being then frozen, by good fortune surprised it. There was at that time in the castle three of the Turks Sanzackes, and about a thousand Turks, of whom an hundred and ninety of the better sort, with seventy women, besides divers of the meaner sort, fell into the hands of the Christians; the rest saving themselves by flight, or by creeping into secret corners. An hundred horses for service were there taken also, and so much booty as was esteemed to be worth forty thousand ducats. Of the three Sanzackes that were there present, Alis Sanzacke of KOPPAN was taken, and brought first to VIENNA, and afterward presented to the emperor: Another of them standing upon his defence in a vault under ground, was there smothered: The third escaped by flight, but was afterwards the same year taken, with divers others, as shall be forthwith declared. The eight of August following, four of the Turks great commanders in HUNGARY, viz. the Bassa of ZIGET, the Sanzackes of MOHAS, of QVINQVE ECCLESIae, and the new Sanzacke of KOPPAN, with five thousand soldiers broke into the borders of the Christians, and in most cruel manner destroyed seventeen country villages about LIMBACH: carrying away with them all the miserable country people, with the spoil of the country. Whereof George County Serinus (son to that most valiant County Nicholas Serinus slain at ZIGET) commander of the garrison of CANISIA understanding, with as much speed as was possible raised such forces as he was able out of his territory betwixt the rivers of Drau●s and Mura: and calling unto his aid the County Nadasti▪ the Lorenzo Bathianius, and some other valiant captains that had the charge of those frontiers, with such diligence took the straits and passages whereby the Turks must needs return amongst the marshes, that the Turks coming back again that way with a very rich prey and many prisoners, being in the break of the day hardly charged by those most expert and resolute soldiers, in those strait and troublesome passages about a mile from CANISIA, were at length discomfited and put to flight; with such a miserable slaughter, that many of them yielded up their scimitars, pitifully crying for mercy; othersome fled back into the woods and forests, and many running headlong into the marshes there perished, or sticking fast in the deep mud, cried together for mercy and help of their enemies. In this conflict Muhamet the Sanzacke of QVINQVE ECCLESIae (son to Hali Bassa slain in the battle of LEPANTO) was taken prisoner. Sinan Beg Sanzacke of MOHAS, thinking to escape thorough the marish, stuck fast with his horse, and was shot through the head with a small shot, and there died. The Bassa of ZIGET with Chasan the new Sanzacke of KOPPAN, seeing all desperate and lost, fled betimes out of the battle: but he of KOPPAN, wandering up and down in the woods, was the next night after the battle, with others taken: the Bassa of ZIGET almost spent with hunger and grief of mind, escaped on foot seven days after to BRESENZA. There were taken of the Turks a thousand three hundred, of whom many died afterwards of their wounds. In this battle there was slain of the Turks, with them that perished in the marshes and woods, about two thousand: and of the Turks horses were taken above fifteen hundred. All the prey before taken by the Turks with the miserable captives, was again recovered. The number of them that performed this notable service, was in all but fifteen hundred foot and five hundred horse: of whom there was but eleven slain, but most of the rest wounded. Four hundred heads of the slain Turks were (after the manner of those bordering soldiers) carried for show to CANISIA, with five hundred prisoners. The Christian soldiers with the help of the country people, ceased not for certain days to hunt after the Turks that were fled into the woods, as after wild beasts; of whom they found a great number: divers others also seeing no means to escape, came forth of their lurking places and yielded themselves. Amurath understanding of all these troubles that had so happened, Aly Bassa of Buda strangled by the commandment of Amurath. Sinan Bassa again received into savour. commanded Aly the Bassa of BUDA to be strangled, for that he had broken the league, and not restrained the insolency of his Sanzackes, whom he might have commanded: And in his stead placed Sinan Bassa, whom before in disgrace, he had now at the request of his wife again received into favour and restored to his former dignity. About this time also, Sigismond (the king of SWEDEN his son) now after the death of king Stephen chosen king of POLONIA, and Maximilian the emperors brother rejected: even in the beginning of his reign sought to renew the league, which Stephen his predecessor and other the Polonian kings had before made with Amurath and his predecessors the Turkish Sultan's. And to that purpose writ unto him as followeth. Sigismond the third, king of Polonia; unto Amurath the third, emperor of the Turks, sendeth greeting. The Almighty long keep and preserve your majesty in health and honour. Sigismond the Polonian king his letter unto Amurath. Most mighty prince, our best beloved friend and neighbour, after that we by the grace and goodness of God were chosen to govern the kingdom of POLONIA, and the ambassadors of that kingdom had signified so much unto us: we providing us of necessaries, came to DANSK the 18 day of October, from whence we send john Zamogil our Secretary to give your majesty to understand of this our coming. For being told by the Polonian ambassadors, that we were chosen unto the government of that kingdom upon condition, That according unto the custom of our predecessors the Polonian kings, we should keep love and friendship with the most excellent * The Turks desire to be called Mussulman, which in their language signifieth a right believer. Mussulman emperors: we promise unto your sovereign majesty, that we are willing with the like or greater zeal and devotion, to continue that amity and friendship with your most excellent majesty, and the Ottoman emperors your successors. For confirmation whereof, so soon as we shall come unto CRACOVIA, the regal city of POLONIA, and there be crowned; we will forthwith send our great ambassador unto your majesty. In the mean time we most earnestly request your majesty, that our kingdom may on your majesties behalf rest in safety and peace: which we persuade ourselves you will easily grant. So wishing unto you all health and happiness, we bid you farewell, from DANSK the 18 of October, in the year 1587., and of our reign the first. Unto which the king's request and letters, Amurath not long after returned this answer in writing. Amurath the third, emperor of the Turks, unto Sigismond king of POLONIA greeting. Amurath his answer unto the letters of Sigismond. I take it well, and as a token of your love, that your ambassador john Zamogil came with your letters unto our most high and glorious Court, the refuge of distressed princes: wherein you have given us to understand, how that in stead of the most excellent and famous king Stephen of worthy memory late king of POLONIA; you, descended of the same noble stock and race of the Polonian kings, are by the free election of the whole State of the famous kingdom of POLONIA, and the great kingdom of LITHVANIA, chosen king of POLONIA: and being sent for by lawful ambassadors, by the favour and goodness of God to be come unto the city of DANSK, and from thence to be about to go unto CRACOVIA the chief city of the kingdom of POLONIA. And when you are there arrived, to send your great ambassador unto our most high and glorious Court, to confirm, preserve, and establish the league and amity commodious and necessary for both our kingdoms, honoured and kept by your ancient predecessors, with our grandfathers and great grandfathers; yea and that with greater zeal and devotion than any your noble ancestors. And therefore your ambassador in your name requesteth, That no invasion on our behalf be made into the borders of the kingdom of POLONIA, or any harm there done: and that the most noble Tartar prince Isbam Gerai (whom God bless) should be warned and restrained, that he neither make nor suffer any incursion to be made into the confines of the kingdom of POLONIA. All which things in your letters contained, with the rest which your ambassador hath by word of mouth delivered, are with speed orderly by us conceived. Know you therefore our most stately and magnificent Court to be always open unto such as resort thereunto, and that from thence never man had repulse, neither shall hereafter have: wherefore it beseemeth you, as soon as these our letters shall be brought unto you, to open your eyes, and to beware that nothing be on your part done against the majesty of our Court, and the league; and that our peace and amity be neither in much or little disturbed, but as best beseemeth, well and sincerely kept: and so persuade yourself it shall on our part also be most inviolatly observed. Our letters are also directed unto the most excellent Tartar prince Isbam Gerai, whom God bless, straightly charging and commanding him, not to make or suffer any incursion to be made into the borders of POLONIA. In brief, the league and amity shall on our part be religiously kept: and whosoever shall presume to do any harm unto the kingdom or confines of POLONIA, shall therefore without fail receive from us due punishment. So on your part also it is requisite that the same be done, and that in declaration of your love you forget not oftentimes to intimate unto our most high and glorious Court, such certain occurrents and news as shall happen in those parts; which shall be unto us a sign of your sincere love and friendship. So know you, and give credit unto this our seal from CONSTANTINOPLE. Neither was king Sigismond unmindful of this his promise before made for the sending of his ambassador: but being possessed of the Polonian kingdom, sent Christopher Dziercius (his Secretary) ambassador unto Amurath for the confirming of the league: which he hath ever since so firmly kept with the Turk, as that he could never by any entreaty of the emperor, or of the prince's electors, or others, or in respect of the common danger, be drawn into the fellowship of this long and religious war, so hardly maintained by the emperor, and some few other Christian princes his confederates; first against Amurath whilst he lived, and ever since against Mahomet his son, which now reigneth: the issue whereof, God grant it prove not as well unto the Polonians as others farther off, in fine lamentable. 1588. The year following, Ferat (yet the Turks General in PERSIA) took the city of GENGE, being before for fear of the Turks quite abandoned and forsaken by the inhabitants; Genge taken by Ferat. who yet upon his faith given for their safety returned again, yielding to pay unto the Turk a yearly tribute of five thousand ducats. But when he would have gone farther into the enemy's country, having part of his army cut off by the way, he was by his mutinous soldiers foully entreated, wounded, and enforced to retire. Cicala Bassa also passing over the river Euphrates, had in those quarters divers bloody skirmishes with the Persians, sometime carrying away the better and sometime the worse, as the fortune of the field served. Until at length Amurath himself, no less weary than his people of that long and chargeable war, and the Persian king also inclining to peace; he by the persuasion of Sinan Bassa (but lately before received into favour) was now contented to be entreated to hearken unto the same: moved thereunto as well by reason of new troubles then in other places arising, as for the great famine and plague then raging in CONSTANTINOPLE. And considering withal what a great territory he had won from the Persians, and how necessary it was for him by peace to confirm himself in those his new conquests, and by the building of certain strong forts for the succour of one another, and by the placing of his Timariot therein to assure the same unto him: all which without peace he could not possibly do, as the old Bassa right wisely told him. For which reasons he yielded to peace; and so ambassadors passing too and fro, a peace was at length agreed upon betwixt these two great Mahometan princes: the Turk covenanting to keep unto himself the places he had already gained, namely TAURIS, GENGE, SIRVAN, and CHARS, with all the profits thereof arising, for the maintenance of his garrisons and Timariot there. Whereof it was thought new stirs would eftsoons arise; the Turks grown insolent of their late victories, being not able to content themselves with the conditions of the league; and the Persians not willing to live in continual fear of the Turks, especially seeing themselves to be daily by them more and more oppressed; and withal doubting lest the Turks after they had taken fast footing in those new conquered countries, and so grown strong, and gotten better knowledge of the passages, should (after their ambitious manner) seek to possess themselves of the rest; not keeping the covenants agreed upon betwixt them, nor at all regarding the capitulations of the league. Which was nevertheless (as we said) on both sides for the space of ten years orderly confirmed, with all due circumstances and ceremonies in like occurrents by the great potentates of the world used: and for the more assurance thereof, one of the Persian kings sons (or as some others say, one of his nephews) given unto the Turks in hostage, as Amurath required. These long wars thus ended, The janissaries in a tumul● at Constantinople. shortly after a great sedition was raised at CONSTANTINOPLE by the soldiers of the Court, which returning out of PERSIA, with great insolency demanded their pay. For the satisfying of whom, by the consent of the great Sultan himself, the value of the coin was enhanced; and a new kind of subsidy for levying of money imposed upon the subjects in general, none excepted: who standing upon their ancient liberties and privileges, refused to pay it, especially the janissaries and other soldiers of the Court. Wherefore their Aga (or captain) was commanded to appease them, and to persuade them to pay the demanded tribute: in attempting whereof he was in danger to have been slain by the insolent janissaries, and yet nevertheless for prevailing no more with them, was in displeasure thrust out of his office, and another placed in his room, that should have married Amurath's daughter; of whom for all that the janissaries would not accept in any case, but threw stones at him, Great harm done by fire in Constantinople▪ and threatened to kill him. The next night a great fire arose in the city, for the quenching whereof, the janissaries were commanded (as their duty was) to put to their helping hands: which they not only most obstinately refused to do, but also kept back others that brought water for the quenching thereof, and together with the other soldiers of the court did what they might to make it burn the faster. With the rage of this fire were consumed seven of their temples, five and twenty great Inns, fifteen thousand houses, with many warehouses and shops. To appease this dangerous stir, and to prevent farther mischief, commandment was given to the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA, and David Passy a jew, the first authors of this new imposition, that they should either gather the aforesaid tribute by them devised, and pay the soldiers, or by some other means to give them contentment. But here began the priests publicly to dissuade the people from payment of this new tribute, or any other such like; persuading them in any case to defend their ancient liberties and customs: whereupon the churches were by the priests shut up, public prayers for the health of the Sultan intermitted, the Bassas houses assaulted, and all the city on a new hurly burly. For the appeasing whereof, Amurath was glad to yield unto the janissaries, to pay the soldiers out of his own treasury, to revoke his mandates given out for the exaction of the new tribute, and to deliver the two persuaders thereof to the pleasure of the janissaries; who drew them up and down the streets at horses tails, and afterwards cutting off their heads, in scorn tossed them from hand to hand one to another, as if they had been tennis balls. About the latter end of September Sinan Bassa of BUDA having with the assistance of the Sanzacks' about fill, raised an army of eleven thousand soldiers, with purpose to have spoiled all the upper part of HUNGARY, Sinan Bassa of Buda invadeth the upper part of Hungary. came the sixth of October before the castle of PUTNOC, and gave thereunto summons: but finding them in the castle better provided and more resolute than he had before supposed, he departed thence, and passing the river Schayo, came to SIXO, a town of about five hundred houses, which after a sore battery he took, and burned it down to the ground. In the mean while Claudius Russell, General for the wars in that part of HUNGARY, having assembled his forces, came upon him, and after an hard fight put him to the worse, when he had slain of his Turks about two thousand five hundred, Sinan overthrown. besides three hundred other drowned in the river Schayo. Shortly after, the Christians in like manner breaking into the frontiers of the Turks, took from them the castles of BLAVENSTIEN, JESTS, with some other small forts thereabouts in the upper part of HUNGARY. 1589 Sinan for that he had contrary to the league, and without commandment from Amurath, so unfortunately attempted war in HUNGARY, was the next year in great displeasure sent for to CONSTANTINOPLE, and Ferat Bassa of BOSNA (late General of the Turks army against the Persians, and now but newly come home) placed in his room at BUDA. Amurath before not ignorant of the great preparation that Philip the king of SPAIN had made, and of the invincible Armado (as it was termed) by him set forth for the invasion of ENGLAND (the fame whereof had long before filled a great part of the world;) as also of the evil success thereof the last year, viz. 1588.; and of the purpose her Majesty of ENGLAND had for the troubling of his rich trade, especially into the West Indies, and for the relieving of Don Anthonio, by him driven out of PORTUGAL: writ unto her about this time concerning those and such like matters as he had been moved of by her Agent as followeth. Nicholaus Reusnerus epist. Turci●. lib. 12. pag. 42. Amurath his letters unto the queen of England. Amurath the third, Emperor of the Turks, unto Elizabeth, Queen of ENGLAND, FRANCE, and IRELAND, greeting. Most honourable Matron of the Christian religion, mirror of chastity, adorned with the brightness of sovereignty and power amongst the most chaste women of the people which serve jesus, mistress of great kingdoms, reputed of greatest majesty and praise among the Nazarets, Elizabeth queen of ENGLAND, to whom we wish a most happy and prosperous reign. You shall understand by our high and imperial letters directed unto you, how that your Orator resiant in our stately and magnificent Court, hath presented unto the throne of our Majesty a certain writing, wherein he hath certified us, how that about four years ago you have made war upon the king of SPAIN, for the abating and breaking of his forces, wherewith he threateneth all other Christian princes, and purposeth to make himself the sole Monarch both of them and all the world beside: as also how that the same king of SPAIN hath by force taken from Don Anthonio, lawfully created king of PORTUGAL, his kingdom: and that your intention is, that his ships which go and come into the Indies, may from henceforth be embarred and stayed from that navigation: wherein are yearly brought into SPAIN precious stones, spices, gold, and silver, esteemed worth many millions, wherewith the aforesaid king as with a great treasure enriched, hath means to molest and trouble all other Christian princes: which if he shall still proceed to do, he will make himself daily stronger and stronger, and such an one as may not easily be weakened. After that, your aforesaid Orator requested our Highness in the beginning of the next Spring to send out our imperial fleet against him, being assured that the king of SPAIN could not be able easily to withstand it, for that he had now already received a great overthrow by your fleet: and being scarce able to withstand you alone, if he should be on divers parts invaded, must needs be overcome, to the great benefit of all the Christian princes, as also of our imperial state. Besides this, that whereas the aforesaid Don Anthonio is by force driven out and deprived of his kingdom, that we (to the imitation of our noble progenitors of happy memory, whose graves the Almighty lighten) should also give the aid and succour of our magnificent state, as did they unto all such as had recourse unto their high Courts and palaces for relief. In brief, all these things, with many others, which your aforesaid Orator hath at large declared unto our imperial throne, we have well understood, and laid them up in our deep remembrance. But for as much as we for many years past have made wars in PERSIA, with a full resolution and intent utterly to conquer and subdue the kingdom of that accursed Persian heretic, and to join the same unto our ancient dominions; and by the grace of God and help of our Great Prophet, are now upon the point for the satisfying of our desire: that once done, due provision shall be assigned unto all such things as you have of us requested or desired. Wherefore if you shall sincerely and purely continue the bond of amity and friendship with our high Court, you shall find no more secure refuge or safer harbour of good will or love. So at length all things shall go well and according to your hearts desire in your wars with SPAIN, under the shadow of our happy throne. And for as much as the king of SPAIN hath by fraud and deceit got whatsoever he holdeth, without doubt these deceitful deceivers shall by the power of God in short time be dispatched and taken out of the way. In the mean time we exhort you not to lose any opportunity or time, but to be always vigilant, and according to the conventions betwixt us, favourable unto our friends, and unto our enemies a foe. And give notice here to our high Court of all the new wars which you shall understand of concerning the said king of SPAIN, for the behoof both of yourself and us. To be brief, your ambassador after he had with all care and diligence dispatched his embassage, and here left in his place one Edward Bardon his Deputy and Agent, now by our leave maketh his return towards your kingdom, being for the good and faithful service he here did, worthy to be of you esteemed, honoured, and before others promoted: who when he hath obtained of you all those his deserved honours and preferments, let him or some other principal ambassador without delay be appointed to our imperial Court, to continue this office of legation. This we thought good to have you certified of under our most honourable Seal, whereunto you may give undoubted credence. From our imperial palace at CONSTANTINOPLE the 15 of the blessed month * September. Ramazan 1589. Yet for all these fair shows it may seem unto him that looketh more near into the state of the Turkish affairs at those times, and that which hath ensued since, that Amurath glad of the discord of these two so great Christian princes, and not yet well assured of his new conquests in PERSIA, had no great mind to the invasion of SPAIN, as too far from the strength of his empire, an enterprise not to be so easily managed by sea, as were the wars he shortly after undertook against the Christian emperor Rodolph by land: wherewith for all that (God be thanked) he found his hands full all the remainder of his life, as hath his son Mahomet that now reigneth after him, even unto this day. About this time also the Polonian borderers (whom they call Cossackes) a rough and warlike kind of people, The Polonian Cossack● invade the Tartarians and Turks. after their wont manner making an inroad upon the Turks and Tartarians, upon the sudden surprised KOSLAW, a port town within a days journey of CAPPA, where they had the spoil of many rich warehouses of the Turks merchants, and the rifling of certain ships lying there in harbour; and having taken their pleasure, burned the rest, and so with a great booty returned to their lurking places. With which injury the Tartars provoked, and set on by the Turks, to the number of forty thousand brake into PODOLIA and the provinces near unto POLONIA, and resting in no place, but burning the country before them, slew the poor country people without mercy; and making havoc of all that they light upon, beside the spoil, carried away with them many thousands of most miserable captives: the greatest part whereof for all that, the Polonians rescued, with the notable slaughter of the enemy, surprised in his return. Whereupon such unkindness rise between the Turkish emperor and Sigismond the Polonian king, that it was thought it, would have broken out into open wars, had not the Polonian by his ambassadors and the mediation of the queen of ENGLAND wisely appeased the angry Turk, and so again renewed his league. Amurath now at peace with the world, 1590. from which he by nature abhorred not, and sitting idle and melancholy at home, The reasons wherewith the Visier Bassa's persuade Amurath to make war. was persuaded by the Bassas his counsellors to take some new war in hand. For that great empires (as they said) could not without the continual use of arms long stand or continue: as appeared by the Roman state, which so long as it was at wars with CARTHAGE▪ or their great captains and commanders occupied in arms against their neighbour princes, still remained triumphant, and commanded over a great part of the world; but giving itself to ●ase and pleasure, and the martial men not after their wont manner employed, it in short time by civil discord fell, and of the mistress of the world became itself a prey even unto the basest nations. Which old Cato in his great wisdom foreseeing, cried out in the Senate, That the soldiers and men of war were to be kept still busied in arms far from home; for that in so doing all should go well with the state, and the glory thereof increase. Whereunto the Ottoman emperors, his noble progenitors, having respect, propounded not peace as the end of their wars (as do other weak princes, having their own forces in distrust) but as invincible conquerors still sowed wars upon wars, making one victory the beginning of another: whereby they not only brought that their empire unto that greatness it was now of, but by such continual employment made their soldiers more courageous and ready, and also kept them from rebellions and tumults: whereunto, in time of peace and living at ease, these martial men are most commonly inclined, learning (as all others do being doing nothing) to do that is evil and nought. Every thing (as they said) was by the same means to be maintained, whereby it was at the first increased: and that therefore great empires as they were by wars begun and augmented, so were they by continual wars also to be from time to time established; whereas otherwise the soldiers living in peace, and forgetting their martial prowess, would for most part grow cowardly, as giving themselves over to the love of their own dwellings, of their wives, and of their children, and other pleasures; or else converting their studies unto merchandise or other profitable trades, would in time forget the use of arms, and be thereunto again hardly drawn: unto the great weakening of his strength both by sea and land, and the diminishing of the number of his great commanders and expert captains, not to be had without the continual use of war. With these and such like reasons, the great Bassas of the Court persuaded Amurath, That he must of necessity take some new expedition in hand, and not to suffer his valiant soldiers, but now lately returned out of PERSIA, to grow lazy or insolent for lack of employment. Which they did not so much for the love of their prince, or zeal unto the State, as for their own particular profit, especially the two old Bassanes Sinan and Ferrat, the envious competitors the one of the others honour: who although they both much and almost all commanded both in peace and war, yet was their honours greater, and their profit far more in commanding of the Turks great armies abroad, than in sitting in the Divano at home: unto which no less honourable than profitable preferment they both with like ambition aspired, accompanied with the hot desires of their great and many favourites both at home and elsewhere. These persuasions well pleased Amurath, who although he were himself no soldier, yet was he desirous of new conquests, and to increase his name: accounting it no less honour unto himself by his servants at his appointment to perform great things, than it was unto his ancestors to do that they did themselves in person. The causes why Amurath would not suddenly res●●●e upon war. But in this so serious a matter, and of so great consequence, Amurath at the first could not tell what best to resolve upon; not for that he was not desirous of wars, but because he as yet certainly knew not against whom he might with greatest profit and less difficulty and danger convert his forces: upon which point his counsellors agreed not, but for divers reasons were of divers opinions. Which for as much as they contain matters of greatest importance of all things then in the world done, but especially concerning the profit of the Christian commonweal, I shall not think it unworth my labour to set them down in such order as I find them credibly reported: having moreover in them many secrets and most weighty matters not yet come to all men's knowledge: as also opening the devices of the Turkish tyrant against the Christian princes; a motive not only for them to join in counsel together how to withstand him, but for the common Christian commonweals sake to forget & forgive all their private displeasures, and with their united forces and power honourably and courageously to make war upon him, and so at length by the mercy of God to overthrow him, together with his tyrannical empire, the greatest terror of our time. The great Bassas concerning the intended war were of eight sundry opinions: whereof the first was, Eight several opinion of the Vis●er Bassanes concerning the war to be taken in hand. That the wars against the Persian should be renewed: the second, for the invasion of the king of MOROCCO and FES: the third, for war to be taken in hand against the king of SPAIN: the fourth, for the besieging again of MALTA: the fifth, was to set upon the Venetians: the sixth, for the invading of some part of ITALY: the seventh, for the king of POLONIA: the eight and last was, for war to be made upon the emperor and the kingdom of HUNGARY. With all the which aforesaid princes, except the Spaniard, although the Turk were then in league, and could not with all or any of them make war, without the notable breach of his faith and honour: yet was that never made question or scruple of, but only, Which might best stand with the profit of his state for him to set upon: his barbarous law allowing him that liberty, for the more assuring of his state or enlarging of his empire, to break all faith and promise especially with the Christians; not more in any thing to be pitied, than in reposing any credit or confidence in the faith of such a miscreant. The reasons the great Bassas alleged for the renewing of the Persian war, The first opinion and reasons of them that would have the war● renewed in Persia. were, For that the Persian king was of himself like to break the league so lately with him concluded, so soon as he should know the Turks entangled in any other war; moved thereunto, as well for the recovery of his country to his great dishonour lost, as also in revenge of so many and so great injuries to him of late done by the Turkish emperors. Beside that, the Christian princes would persuade him and prick him forward thereunto: especially the Spaniard, who for the nearness of INDIA might without his great charge procure him so to do, and also conveniently furnish him with great ordinance and canoneers, which it was well known he of late did. The countries also but lately conquered, were not yet (as they said) in quietness or safety, and the fortresses therein but of late built, together with the garrisons therein, to be in great danger, being for the length of the way and difficulty of the passage, not to be still speedily relieved: insomuch, that if the Persians did them no other harm, but only to forage and waste the country about them, they should bring the inhabitants into such distress, as that those new conquered countries were again by the defendants to be forsaken, or else they must themselves with hunger perish. True glory (they said) consisted not so much in conquering, as in the use of the conquest, and the prosecution of the happy victory: and that therefore Amurath should take heed, that he provoked not the wrath and indignation of the Great prophet Mahomet against him; who having by his good favour and guide obtained more victories than any of his predecessors against the enemies of his religion, aught as a religious and devout prince severely to revenge the wrong by them done both to God and man. Unto which religious war Vsbeg Han the Tartar king, as also the prince of G●ILAN offered their ready help: as for the event of the victory now as good as in his hand, he was to judge by the success of his former wars. Neither that he need to fear the Persian horsemen, although they used Arabian horses, being by his men many times shamefully put to flight: or yet to doubt least the Georgians in favour of the Persians should take up arms, for that many of them were already under his obeisance, and subject unto the Bassa of TEFLIS and other his commanders; the rest were his vassals, or else such as following the fortune of their princes, Simon and Alexander, sought after no greater matter, but contenting themselves with their own country, although but small, thought themselves well if they might keep and defend the same; by nature and situation so strong, as that there is scarce any way into it, by reason of the high and broken mountains, the thick woods, and straight passages. The second opinion which was delivered, The second opinion for making of war upon the king of Fez and Morocco, & the reasons thereof. was for the transportation of his wars into AFRICA against the king of MOROCCO, commonly called the Seriphe: and that for these causes most, It would be a great shame and reproach (as they said) unto the Ottoman empire, that it was not yet able to subdue these Moors and people of AFRICA, in number but few: neither was it less shame or dishonour unto the Ottoman emperors, to have so small a territory in AFRICA, being the third part of the world, which by reason of the nearness unto ITALY, had long time held wars with the Romans. Beside that, ALGIERS and TUNES could never be safely kept by the Turks; neither that the subjects and pirates which inhabited those cities would ever be content or at quiet, until they had again got that kingdom into their hands. The promontory of AGVERO and port of LARACE (two ports without the straits) were (as they said) to be taken, as places very commodious for the Turks friends, seeking in those seas after booty, and for the securing of their trade. And although the Seriphe were himself a Mahometan, and held his kingdom as a tributary unto the Ottoman empire; yet had he secret intelligence with the Spaniard and the knights of MALTA, whereby they not long since had upon the sudden almost surprised TRIPOLI, he in the mean time as it were winking thereat. And that although the Spaniard possessed in AFRICA, MARASCHEBIR, ORAN, PEGNON, TANGER, A●ZILLA, MAZAGA, CEUTE or SEPTA, places whereby he might help and assist the Moors; yet might his force and attempts by a strong fleet be easily hindered, and SPAIN itself infested. Beside that, the Spaniards had yet in such fresh remembrance the loss of TUNES and GULETTA (places by them thought inexpugnable, and yet by Sinan Bassa to his immortal praise taken) as that they would not for the Moors sake easily seem to attempt any thing against the Turks. The third opinion concerning the conquest of Malta. The third opinion was concerning the war to be made against them of MALTA, which was by a strong fleet to be performed: for that the galleys of MALTA did daily great hurt, as well unto the Turks merchants, as unto such as for devotion sake traveled by sea unto MECHA. And that therefore the war was thither to be transferred, not only for religions sake and to assecure the passage thither from the incursions of the Maltese, but also in revenge of the old and late injuries by them done; and especially to blot out the infamy and disgrace which the Great Sultan Solyman had incurred, at such time as he had in vain besieged that island, and to requi●e the loss by him there sustained. Beside that, they also alleged the common complaints of the subjects: for that there were many which piteously lamented the misery and calamity, some of their friends, some their kinsfolk, whom they knew to live in most woeful servitude with those knights, and whom they most earnestly desired to have now set at liberty: complaining, his subjects to have been so far from suffering of any such things from those knights in the time of his ancestors, as that chose they themselves were by them driven out of the island of the RHODEES, the strongest bulwark of the Christian commonweal toward the East. Being moreover worthy also to be chastised, for that they had holpen the rebellious Moors with all kind of munition, and had themselves attempted to have surprised MODON. The fourth opinion for war to be made against the K. of Spain, and the reasons thereof. In the fourth place were they which were of opinion, that it were best for him to make war upon the king of SPAIN. These men alleged it to be impossible for the Turkish empire to aspire unto the Monarchy of the whole world (whereunto all the Turks actions and devices were always as at a certain mark directed) except the Spaniard his great strength and power were first weakened, wherein he seemed to surpass all other the Christian kings and princes: and that there was no fear lest he should besiege ALGIERS, which he knew to be now much better fortified than it was in the time of the emperor Charles the fifth. And that although the Spaniards without ceasing besought their king for the undertaking of that expedition, by reason of the new losses and harms which they daily received from the pirates of AFRICA; yet would he not hearken unto their request, for fear of the danger imminent both to himself and his subjects from the enemy's fleet, which he should in so doing draw into the Spanish seas: neither would the Spanish galleys easily come into the Turks countries in the East, for being too far from their own country, which for the most part stood in need of their help. And that the king of SPAIN was with the multitude of his business, or other his urgent affairs still so hindered, as that he could not suddenly put in execution what his counsel for the wars should decree. As also how much it was to be gathered by that which happened not long since at PREVEZA and NAVARINUM, That the Spaniards shunned the Ottoman forces: as also how warily the king dealt in all his affairs, lest at length against his will he should be enforced to enter into wars with the Turk, was most manifest; as was to be seen when as of late about the end of the Persian war, he refused to give aid unto the Persian king whom he might have holpen, and was so before wont to do. And in case that he would stand upon his guard, and by force seek to repel force; yet should he scarce have so much strength as (beside those wars which he now maketh in divers places) to be able to undertake also a new war, and to find so many soldiers, with so much coin and other things necessary for so great a war. It stood him in hand (as they said) to defend the low countries, and to recover again the provinces there lost, which of themselves wonderful strong, both by reason of the sea and the multitude of the rivers, were also with wonderful courage and pertinacy defended by the inhabitants, for their liberty and religions sake. Whereunto the English (at deadly hatred with the Spaniard) might many ways give great help, if they should invade PORTUGAL, or with their ships lie in wait for his Indian fleet, or make incursions into other his kingdoms, as they did not long since at the GROIN and CADEZ; places most fit to trouble SPAIN, and to hinder his traffic into the Indies or other places. Beside that, he was at that time so entangled with his wars in FRANCE, as that he could scarce find how to dispatch himself thereof, without the loss of his honour and credit. And admit he should make peace with the aforesaid princes, in such sort as that he should not from thenceforth from them receive any harm; yet were other means to be sought and taken in hand for his farther disturbance; as by troubling his rich trade for spices and other merchandise, whereof he receiveth great profit; as also if need were, by driving his ships out of the Persian gulf, by the help of those galleys which still lie at road at POSSIDIUM, which we now call SVEZ. And that the fortresses and strong holds he there possesseth, were to be set upon▪ and if it might be taken from him; as was once attempted against the Portugeses at DIV and ORMUZ: the like whereof Alfonsus' Albuquercius (the king of PORTUGAL his viceroy in INDIA) attempted, when as with his light horsemen running through that country, he thought upon the sudden to have spoiled MECHA, and to have robbed the Sepulchre of Mahomet (as had happened under the empire of the Sultan's) and as trajan the emperor had long since in like manner attempted to rage and spoil. Those places which he possessed in AFRICA were (as they said) to be set upon, and the coast of SPAIN towards the Mediterranean to be infested▪ so at length to gratify the Moors his subjects, who still instantly requested the same, that so they might more safely traffic and travel, and that so the Moors might at length be delivered from the imperious command of the Spaniards: of which exploit Sultan Selimus lately before dead, was in his life time well persuaded; but might now at this time be much more commodiously done, for that th● Moorish nation was now greatly increased, and much oppressed by the Spaniards; and having got great wealth by the trade of merchandise, even by nature and religion had conceived a mortal hatred against the Spaniards: whereunto might not a little avail the por●● in AFRICA▪ whereinto the Turks fleet might at all times in safety retire. And in brief, that which was of greatest importance to the better success of this war, the French king and the queen of ENGLAND, had of their own accord promised the continuation of their wars, and that the French king should invade NAVARRE, and by force of arms recover the right he pretended unto that kingdom; whilst in the mean time, the queen of ENGLAND should not only trouble him in the West Indies, and other places of the Ocean towards the North and the West, but might also stir up new broils in the kingdom of PORTUGAL, where most part of the people with great impatiency bear the proud command of the Spaniard: as persuaded (and that truly) all their prosperity and quietness to have been lost, together with their last king their true and lawful sovereign. For he at peace with the kings of FRANCE and ENGLAND, exceedingly thereby enriched his subjects by traffic: whereas since they fell into the hands of the Spaniard, they daily complain of their new losses and dangers by reason of his perpetual wars. Moreover, that there was to be found great store of exiled Spaniards dispersed here and there, which being malcontent and weary of the Spanish government, were fled not only out of PORTUGAL, but even out of ARRAGON & other parts of his kingdom: which now living in FRANCE, ENGLAND, and CONSTANTINOPLE, both secretly and openly liberally offered great helps: the like whereof many of the Moors also promised. All which together seemed to promise a most easy expedition and certain victory, if any should upon the sudden invade SPAIN; for that there was almost no use of arms, the inhabitants at home seldom times exercising themselves therein; neither in places needful having any ordinary garrisons, and but few horses fit for service. And that in fine it was to be considered, SPAIN to be greatly bared of men which knew how valiantly and courageously to manage arms, for the often choice they make of them, which are almost daily transported into the Indies, ITALY, and the Low countries, whereby the strength of his country must needs be exceedingly impaired: so that if they should be invaded with any strong and mighty army, they might seem hardly able to be holpen or defended by their own people, but should need of the aid and help of the other near provinces subject unto this kingdom: which if they should be either letted or stay to come in good time, they should leave so much the more easy victory unto their enemies. In the fifth place were they which went about to persuade Amurath to break his league with the Venetians, The fifth opinion for the invasion of the Venetians, and the reasons why. using reasons rather probable than true; although they might seem unto the Turks less doubtful, for that men easily and willingly believe such things as they themselves desire. These men went about to prove no expedition to be of less difficulty than this, as judging of things present by the event of former wars passed; wherein the Turks had always taken something from the Venetians: who to redeem their peace, were divers ways enforced to satisfy the Turks. That the Venetian commonweal was afraid of the Turks and abhorred war, was manifest they said in that, that in all actions it had propounded unto itself peace, as the end thereof; and after the manner of their ancestors, never entered into wars; but enforced thereunto: and would happily upon the first denouncing of wars, willingly depart with certain places forfeare of greater harm, or to be utterly overcome, as it appeared they did in the yielding up of CYPRUS. The power and force whereof was not so great, as that it could alone stand against the great Sultan: and to confederate itself with others, would require no small delay, for the great and many difficulties which commonly used to arise in making of leagues; not being now so conjoined with the Spaniard as in times past, of whose aid it being of late destitute, was constrained to make an hard peace with Selimus. And if so be the Spaniard would needs join himself unto the Venetians against the Turks, yet that he could by no means afford unto them such aid and supplies as were of necessity to be required unto so great a war, he himself being in his wars otherwise so entangled: as for all other confederation they could make without him, to be but weak and to no purpose. That which the Pope could do herein to be but little: for albeit he should according to his duty exhort other Christian princes to give aid, and to stir them up unto this war, yet that beside some little supply of money hardly drawn out of his own coffers and the ecclesiastical revenues, he could scarcely perform any thing more; or when he had done his uttermost devoir, could but join five galleys of his own unto the Venetian fleet: which with the galleys of the duke of SAVOY, of the knights of MALTA, and of the Florentines, could but make a fleet of some twenty galleys, which was but a small matter. Besides that the Turks were persuaded, that betwixt the Venetian state and the other Christian princes was no such friendship and good agreement, as the greatness of the imminent danger of that war, and as the necessity of the cause would require: and that hitherto their treasures had been so exhausted in paying the debt they were run into in the last war, and in building of fortresses, that happily they were not now so furnished with coin, as was requisite for the defraying of so great a war. And unto this war against the Venetians, consented almost all the Visier Bassanes, differing only in this, Where or against what place of the Venetian territory this war were to be first begun: some naming one place, and some another (for divers reasons them thereunto leading) which for brevity we pass over. The sixth opinion for the attempting of Italy, and the reason● thereof. Othersome of the Bassas in the sixth place, rejecting all the former opinions concerning the war to be taken in hand, would have had all the forces of the Ottoman empire, as well by land as sea, to have been converted against ITALY: for that otherwise the Turks should never come unto the Monarchy of the whole world (whereunto as at a mark they had directed all their actions) except they did first subdue ITALY. For that this country, as the centre of the whole world, was wont to give both counsel and aid unto the rest of the limbs, whereby the devices of others were crossed: and that the Romans had at length commanded over all the world, especially for that they held in possession this country. Hereat did the Huns, the Alani and Goths, the Vandals, the Frenchmen, Spaniards, and Sara●ins, direct all their thoughts and cogitations. In fine they concluded, That no expedition could be taken in hand more honourable or profitable than this: for that ITALY was as a queen amongst other provinces, for commodious situation, the wholesomeness of the air, the plenty of all things necessary for man's life, for great, fair, and most rich cities, for the ancient glory and majesty of the Roman empire, and many other causes also. Neither that this expedition was to be deemed of much difficulty, for that ITALY was under the rule of divers princes, unto whose command most of their subjects unwillingly obeyed: as also for that the inhabitants of that country had now for many years lived in continual peace, and were therefore the more effeminate and fearful, and so unfit for the wars: and that if that expedition were in one or divers places taken in hand before the corn were full ripe, the Turks in that so fruitful a country could never want necessaries for them to live upon; whereas the inhabitants in great number wanting the same, and shut up within the walls and fortifications of their cities and strong towns, should be brought into extreme wants: which was the more evidently to be seen, for that at this time wherein they were at peace, they had not corn sufficient in the country for such a multitude of people to live upon, but were glad to have it brought unto them from other places, especially from PELOPONESUS, CONSTANTINOPLE, and the cities upon the coast of the great Ocean. Furthermore, that it was to be considered, That most part of the Italians lived by no other means than by their handy labour, or the trade of merchandise; of which means if they were deprived, they should in short time be brought to that point, as to be glad to accept of such conditions as the victor should propound unto them, or as tributaries to submit themselves unto the Ottoman government. Neither that the soldiers would unwillingly be drawn unto that war; for that they were not to pass through barren regions of the enemy, frozen with ice, or desolate, either by rough woods or inaccessible mountains; but were all the way thither to travel through their own country, and as it were in the sight of their own houses: and if the Turks could oftentimes enter so far, when as they had their confines more remote, and their passages more difficult, that the same might now much more easily be effected, when as they had a far greater opportunity, and their enemies so near at hand. The seventh opinion was theirs, The seventh opinion for war ●o b● made against the Polonian, & the reasons thereof. which thought it best to have the war transferred into POLONIA, and from thence into HUNGARY and GERMANY: for which they alleged these reasons. First, for that they thought it a disgrace unto the majesty and reputation of the Ottoman empire, That the king of POLONIA had sometime refused to pay his tribute due (for so the Turks account of all such presents as are unto their Sultan usually sent by their neighbour princes, of courtesy) and that therefore he was by force of arms to be compelled thereunto. Which they thought would the more easily be obtained, for that there was much secret hatred and heartburning amongst the Polonian nobility. Neither that it would be any difficult or dangerous war to be taken in hand: for as much as POLONIA was confined with MOLDAVIA, the Tartars, and the Sanzacks' of ACHERMAN, BENDERA, and VOSIA: and moreover, for that the Turks could never have any assured or full possession of MOLDAVIA or VALACHIA, except the insolency of the Polonians were repressed; the Vayvods of which countries, when they had enriched themselves with much wealth, used still to fly into the kingdom of POLONIA. Besides that, they should thereby revenge themselves for the injuries done them by the Cossackes, and have more free and safe traffic into MUSCOVIE, and bring a terror upon the duke of MUSCOVIE, by reason of the nighness of the country: which great duke was an impediment unto the Ottoman emperor, that he conquered not the whole kingdom of PERSIA. And when they had by this means by little and little drawn near unto GERMANY, happily it might so come to pass, as that the Christian emperor should thereby receive some notable loss, his empire being still more and more exposed and environed with the Turks forces & garrisons. POLONIA they said to be a plain and open country, neither to have any strong places for to withstand them, and the inhabitants to have small skill in martial affairs, for that they had now long lived in peace. For as for the war that they had with Maximilian the Archduke of AUSTRIA, it continued not long: and king Stephen in the late wars he had with the Muscovite, used for most part the Hungarian soldiers, and ended those wars rather by besieging than fight. They which in the eight and last place delivered their opinions concerning the intended war; The eight opinion for war to be made against the Emperor, and the reasons thereof. persuaded, to have it converted upon the Christian emperor; whom the Turks call the king of VIENNA. The causes they alleged for the beginning of this war was, For that the Vscocchis were grown so insolent as to make good prize of the Turks both by sea and land; in such sort; as that not only for the harms which they did, but even for the majesty and honour of the Ottoman empire, their insolency was not longer to be suffered. By whose injuries it was especially brought to pass, that the merchants to their great hindrance in private, and the Sultan's great loss in common, having left the town of NARENTA or NARONA in the Turks dominion, had removed their mart to SALONA (now called SPALLETO) a town of the Venetians: and that yet for all that was not so sufficiently provided for the security of the said merchants, although there were peace betwixt the emperor and the Venetians: for that these unruly men for most part living upon the spoil, troubled all both by sea and land with their robberies, driving away men's cattle, burning the villages, and taking away the young babes out of the mother's arms and laps. Whereby it was easily to be seen, what mind they were of: and that it was not to be doubted, but that if occasion should serve for them to surprise any of the Turks strong holds upon the frontiers, they would with all their power attempt the same: which what a dishonour and infamy (not to speak of the loss) it would be unto the whole Ottoman empire, every man might easily guess. Neither that it was unknown how little the Christian emperor had esteemed of the Turk, at such time as he was in wars with the Persian, paying his tribute too late at his pleasure; an evident sign rather of violating tha● of establishing the league. And that the good success of this war was not to be deemed either difficult or doubtful: for that the attempt might be given both by CROATIA, HUNGARY, and AUSTRIA, countries abounding with all things necessary for the maintenance of a great army; as also for that they were almost to travel all the way in the Turks own territory. Beside that, the chief fortresses of HUNGARY, namely BELGRADE, BUDA, and ALBA REGALIS, with many other strong places, were already holden by the Turks garrisons, whither their armies might in all cases of extremity in safety retire, or out of the same garrisons repair their losses, if any should be. The Roman empire (as they said) was more desirous of peace than war; and the princes, of nothing more careful than how to heap up and preserve their treasures: and the people of GERMANY for that of long they had had no wars, to be less fit now to bear arms, and worse to be commanded by their captains; always having in distrust the Hungarians, the Italians, and Spaniards, for that those nations are not beloved, but rather hated of the Germans, being not at unity among themselves, but divided, especially about matters of religion. Neither that it was to be feared, least foreign princes should give aid unto the emperor in this war. The Polonian and Transyluanian to live now in peace with the Turk, and therefore would by no means turn the heat of this war into their own bosoms: as also for that the Polonians were afraid, least in so doing they should be driven out of their country, and enforced to remove themselves toward the frozen sea: and the Transyluanian having received his sovereignty from the Turk, no less in fear (if he should so do) to be of him again stripped and spoiled of the same▪ As for the king of SPAIN, although he were of such power, as might afford unto the house of AUSTRIA great aid, yet that he was in other places now too much busied: and that the bishop of ROME could not in all places be ready to serve his turn: the princes of ITALY would not spend their subjects and treasures to pleasure another man: and that the Venetian State would not rashly stir up the Turks arms against themselves, but rather at ease expect the event of the war than to entangle themselves with other men's dangers. These were the chief opinions of the great Bassas concerning the war to be taken in hand, not so much proceeding from any ripe or sound advice (as commonly they do) but rather from a certain barbarous insolency and contempt of others, wherewith they moved, do oftentimes vainly persuade them of the easy performance of divers expeditions: which in proof they find to be not only most difficult, but unto themselves also most pernicious. Amurath reselueth to make w●rre upon the emperor, with the reasons 〈◊〉 him there●nto. In this so great diversity of opinions stood Amurath, of long in doubt what to resolve upon: desirous he was in all places to show his power, and (if it were possible) to exceed the glory of his predecessors, as he thought himself to have already done in PERSIA; having as he boasted, by his servants there performed more than they could themselves in person with their mighty armies. Wherefore contenting himself with that he had already done in the East, he resolved now to turn his forces against the Christian emperor towards the West, and that for divers respects. First, it grieved him to see the honour of the house of AUSTRIA, and that it durst to make head against him: besides that, to make war upon a country confining upon his own, would be a thing of far less difficulty than was the Persian war, where his armies were now still to be led through his own peaceable countries, from whence they were to be at all times plentifully relieved with victuals and whatsoever else they needed. In which opinion he was also confirmed by Sinan Bassa; who having in vain persuaded him to have made war against the Venetians, furthered now this war, in hope thereby to recover his credit and reputation, (before greatly impaired abroad by the little he did in PERSIA; as also at CONSTANTINOPLE, by the discord betwixt him and Ferat Bassa, commonly called the Black Serpent) as also to increase his wealth and riches: which shortly after sorted to his desire, being by the great Sultan Amurath appointed General for those wars. But above all others, Hassan Bassa of BOSNA furthered this matter, in hope thereby to have gained great riches (as the Turks manner is) together with the greatest honours of the field, as he was most vainly persuaded by his cold prophets, to whom he gave no small credit. He therefore daily certified Amurath of the harms which the Vscocchis and other the Archduke his servants and subjects did upon the frontiers of his territories: telling him of their burnings, spoilings, and robbings, inciting him to begin his war in CROATIA, and so to continue the same either against the emperor, or the Venetians, or else upon the sudden that way to break into ITALY, as had sometime the like been done in the time of Mahomet, Bajazet▪ and Solyman, his noble progenitors: whereby to bring a great terror upon all the princes of ITALY, and to enrich his soldiers with rich spoils. By which his importunity he (as a most mortal enemy not only unto the house of AUSTRIA, but unto all Christendom) got leave to begin those stirs in the frontiers of the empire, which were first fatal unto himself, and have ever since even until this day notably exercised the arms of these two last Ottoman emperors Amurath and Mahomet; as also the Christian emperor, with others his friends and confederates. Yet unto this leave granted unto the Bassa, was this condition at the first annexed, That he should not seem to do it by the commandment of Amurath, but of himself, under colour to restrain the Vscocchis; who as well by land as by sea (as he pretended) spoilt both the Christians and Turks, by the great liberty of the princes of AUSTRIA, having small care to chasten them. Now was it no great matter for Hassan Bassa to do what Amurath his great lord and master had commanded, for the disturbing of the peace betwixt him and the Christian emperor: the Turks leagues with their neighbour princes being seldom so religiously kept, but that as well their soldiers in garrison upon their frontiers by land, as their adventurers by sea, might to keep themselves doing, upon a military insolency (as the Turks term it) now and then at their pleasures make incursions for booty both by sea and land: which answered with the like from their neighbours so molested, there never wanted new grievances and just causes of complaint, to the stirring up of greater troubles, even amongst the greatest princes. The Venetians thus wronged at sea, 1591. and their merchants robbed; by their ambassadors complained at CONSTANTINOPLE of the injuries done them by the Turks pirates, requiring to have them called home, and justice done upon them. In like manner the emperor also, seeing many things both this year and the next attempted by Hassan Bassa in CROATIA, and the other Turks in HUNGARY, contrary to the league, to the great disturbance of his subjects in both those countries, by his ambassador then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE, complained of these outrages, desiring to know whether they were done by the consent and knowledge of Amurath or not; and if not, then to require that order might be taken for the restraining thereof: which was accordingly done, and those incursions for a while stayed, and the former peace continued. Amurath still making show as if he were willing that the league agreed upon for eight years, should not be in any wise on his part infringed. At which time the Persian king's son (the league not long before concluded) died in the Turks Court, where he lay in hostage: whose dead body Amurath caused to be honourably sent home to his father into PERSIA: The Persian hostage dieth in the Turks Cou●●. with an Apology in defence of himself, against the suspicion conceived by some, that he should have been the cause of the untimely death of that young prince; still urging withal the confirmation of the league, which by the death of the prince was like enough to have been broken. Whereof Amurath was the more desirous, for that persuaded by his Bassas (as is aforesaid) to make wars with the emperor (although he notably dissembled the same) he was in hope thereby to add unto his empire the relics of HUNGARY, with some good part of the territories of the house of AUSTRIA also, and so to open himself a way into the heart of GERMANY. For which purposes he now caused very great preparation to be made, and a strong army to be raised: and at the same time put a great fleet of galleys into the Archipelago for the safety of his islands in that sea. According to these designments, 1592. the Bassa of BOSNA, by the commandment of Amurath, with an army of fifty thousand entered into CROATIA, and without resistance burnt and destroyed the country before him, sparing nothing that came in his way▪ And not so contented, laid siege to the city of WIHITZ, Wihitz the Metropolitical cit●e of Croatia yielded to the Turks. being the metropolitical city of that country, strongly situate as it were in an island, compassed about with the river Yna: Which city, after he had sore battered, and twice assaulted, was by the distressed defendants (now despairing of relief, and unable longer to hold it out) yielded unto the Bassa upon composition, That the german soldiers there in garrison, might in safety with bag and baggage depart; and that such of the Christian citizens as would, might there still remain without hurt from the Turks, either in body or goods. Which conditions the Bassa faithfully performed to the garrison soldiers, whom in number but four hundred, he sent with safe convoy into their own territory: but afterwards contrary to his faith and promise, exercised all manner of Turkish tyranny upon the poor citizens. The emperor troubled with this unexpected invasion of the Turks, sent the lord Petzen (whom he had many times employed in embassages to the Turk) to pray aid of the german princes against the common enemy: who according to the greatness of the danger, in large terms promised their help. The first that made head, was Ernestus archduke of AUSTRIA, the emperors brother; who with five thousand soldiers came from VIENNA to SAVARIA, commonly called GREIS, the Metropolis of STIRIA: to whom repaired daily more strength out of CARINTHIA. In the mean time, the Turks army daily increasing in CROATIA, enclosed six thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen of the Christians, who had taken the mountains, woods, and straight passages, and so straightly beset them, that of all that number few escaped with life: amongst whom many valiant soldiers and expert captains were slain; namely, james Prants, George Plesbach, and john Weluerdurff. The Bassa after the barbarous manner of the Turks, to make his victory more famous, laded six wagons with the heads of the slain Christians. The Turks thus raging in CROATIA, brought a general fear upon all HUNGARY, BAVARIA, BOHEMIA, STIRIA, CARINTHIA, SILESIA, and the rest of the provinces thereabouts. Whereupon the emperor calling together the States of SILESIA and MORAVIA, declared unto them the imminent danger; persuading them to join their forces with the rest, for the repulsing of so dangerous an enemy, and so imminent a danger. After long delay, Ernestus the archduke (the tenth of August) came to the emperor his brother, with the ambassador of HUNGARY; and the seventh day after were called together the ambassadors of the kingdoms and provinces of the empire, where it was thoroughly debated, how the Turks were to be resisted, and their attempts infringed; as also from whence; forces▪ money, and other warlike provision was to be raised. For now it was manifestly seen, that longer to delay the matter was dangerous: and the rather, for that the Beglerbeg (or great commander) of GRaeCIA, with threescore thousand select soldiers both horse and foot, of long time exercised in the Persian wars, was ere long expected; who joining with the rest of the Turks army, might do great matters both in HUNGARY and the places adjoining. For preventing of which so great and manifest dangers, they sat daily in counsel at PRAGE, yea oftentimes even from morning until night: for the Hungarians, and especially the lord Nadasti, a most noble & valiant gentleman amongst them, instantly urged to have succours sent into HUNGARY; for as much as the Turkish emperor, if he should get into his hands the rest of the towns and castles yet holden by the Christians in HUNGARY, it was to be feared lest he should in short time after endanger the whole State of GERMANY: the strength whereof the Turk feared not so much, as he did those poor relics of HUNGARY. Others were no less careful of the dangers of CROATIA and STIRIA, as more proper to themselves, the enemy now there raging. In these so great dangers, the Hungarians with the rest of the distressed, cried upon the emperor for help; and he likewise called upon the princes of the empire. divers assemblies were made in BOHEMIA, HUNGARY, MORAVIA, SILESIA, and the other provinces of the emperors, and ambassadors sent from almost all the German princes to the emperor: all was full of consultation, but as for help, that came in very slowly; yet such as was to be had, was forthwith sent into CROATIA, to defend the fortresses there against the farther attempts and proceedings of the furious enemy. Certain ●aine attempts of the Turks. The eighteenth of September, the Turks with all warlike provision, upon the sudden by night assaulted the strong castle of TOCCAY in the upper HUNGARY, in hope to have surprised it: but finding it a matter of more difficulty than they had before imagined, they departed thence, and attempted the lesser COMARA, which standing in a marish ground, was also easily defended. At which time also the Bassa of BUDA, with his power entered into the frontiers of the Christians, but having well viewed the cities, towns, castles, and forts upon those borders, and finding nothing for his purpose, he without any thing doing returned again to BUDA. The six and twentieth day of September, Hassan the Bassa of BOSNA encamped with his army betwixt the rivers of Kulp and Saws, Turopolis spoiled by the Turks. and in the darkness of the night passing over part of his army into TUROPOLIS, with fire and sword most miserably spoiled all that pleasant and fertile island; the lord Bonny to whom the keeping thereof was committed, labouring in vain to defend the same. About the end of this month, the Bassa of ZIGET, with the Sanzackes of MOHAS, KOPPAN, and QVINQVE ECCLESIae, and other Turks of great name, came with a strong army, and encamped between ZIGET and RODESTO. And shortly after news was brought to the emperors Court, that KANYSIA a city of STIRIA (not far from the river Zala) was hardly besieged by the enemy, and that the Turks in coming thither had taken many Christians captives, whom they had sent to be sold at CONSTANTINOPLE; and that there was in the Turks army about an hundred & threescore thousand men. But for as much as the Christian army daily increased also, and was now grown to the number of threescore thousand, men began to hope well, that the enemy's rage would be stayed from any farther proceeding. About the same time Ernestus the archduke appointed General of the army, with the marquess (son to Ferdinand the archduke) his lieutenant, came both unto the army. In these preparations, about the beginning of October heavy news was brought unto the emperors Court, how that seven thousand men whom he but a little before had sent into CROATIA, under the conduct of Thomas Artelius Beane, George Gleichspacher, and Dionysius Denke, to hinder the course of the Turks proceedings, being encamped betwixt WIHITZ and CAROLSTAT; and having the twelfth of September discovered from an high hill certain companies of the Turks (which were in deed of purpose come thither to view the army of the Christians) sent out fifty horsemen to discover the Turks army where it lay, and what it attempted. Who finding no more of the Turks than those whom they had before seen from the mountain, returned again unto the army with such simple intelligence: whereunto the Christians giving credit, became secure in their tents, as men out of fear of the enemy, and so kept but negligent watch. But in this their so great security, the enemy on a sudden came upon them; and with an hundred thousand men broke into their trenches: where the Christian footmen for all that, for the space of four hours, maintained a notable fight, wherein many were on both sides slain. But the poor Christians being beset round, and oppressed with the multitude of their enemies, were there slain almost all: yet the captains seeing the danger, by speedy flight saved their lives; for which their cowardice and careless negligence, they were afterwards apprehended and beheaded. Almost all the common soldiers were there slain: yea such as fell alive into the hand of the enemy, were most cruelly cut in pieces. The spoil also of the tents of the Christians, fell unto the enemy: wherein beside abundance of other things, they found sixty thousand collars, brought but two days before from LINTZ for the soldiers pay. The Turks after their barbarous manner, in ostentation of their victory, laded fourteen wagons with the heads of the slain Christians, which they sent unto divers of their places thereabouts. This was indeed a great victory, but gained by the Turks with much blood: for the Christians fight as men desperate, slew of their enemies above twelve thousand, and died themselves as men rather with number oppressed, than with true valour vanquished. The night following, The castle Saint George surprised by the Turks. the Turks upon the sudden in the dead time of the night, surprised the castle of S. George, and without respect of age or sex cruelly put to the sword all them that were therein, except an hundred and fifty persons whom they carried away captives; and so setting the castle on fire, departed. At the same time, divers companies of the Turks were seen about SISEG, who led away with them about six hundred Christians into most miserable captivity. And that nothing might be wanting unto the calamities of this so miserable a wasted country: three hundred wagons charged with all manner of provision sent out of the provinces thereby for the relief of the garrison soldiers in CROATIA, were all intercepted by the Turks, and so carried away. The emperor considering these proceedings of the Turks, The emperor prayeth aid again of the German princes. and that their strength daily increased, gave notice by writing to all the princes and states of the empire, what incursions the Turks had of late made into CROATIA and the frontiers of HUNGARY, with other places near unto them: and that the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA, with the Bassas of BOSNA, BUDA, and TEMESWAR, without regard of the league yet in force, had taken divers cities, towns, castles, and strong places, and so extended the bounds of their dominion above forty German miles, having slain or carried away into captivity the poor inhabitants of those countries; and now to be grown to that height of pride, that except their farther proceedings were with like forces repressed, they would in short time set foot into GERMANY itself, and possessing themselves of STIRIA and CARINTHIA, would from thence daily more and more encroach upon the empire; which to hinder was not in his power only, but required their help in general: wherefore he requested them now at length, in so public a danger to open their coffers, and to send out their forces against the common enemy. Which request of the emperors, with the due consideration of so great a danger, moved not only the princes and states of the empire, but others also farther off, to yield liberal contribution unto so necessary and general a cause. The Turks now hearing of the great preparation of the Christian princes, beside the army which was already in the field; and that they had made a strong bridge over the river of Draws, which they had also fortified, thereby in safety at their pleasure to transport their army: without further delay furnished such places as they had gotten with strong garrisons, and so withdrew themselves into their own territory: which they did the rather, for that the plague then raged sore in CONSTANTINOPLE, insomuch that there died a thousand a day. Which contagion had also taken hold of the Turkish army: so that the Christians for fear of infection forthwith slew what Turk soever fell into their hands. And thus ended the troubles of this year, being but as it were an introduction for greater to ensue the year following. 1593. The Turks together with the beginning of the new year began also their wont incursions into the frontiers of the Christians. divers incursion● of the Turks into the frontiers of the Christians in Croatia and Hungary. They of the garrison of PETRINIA (a strong for't but lately and contrary to the league built by the Turks upon the river Colapis or Kulp, for the further invasion of CROATIA) made daily excursions out of that new fort, and entering into the island TUROPOLIS, spoiled and burnt the town and castle of B●CK VOCHOBINAM, and having made a great slaughter, carried away with them four hundred prisoners. And in HUNGARY, the Turkish garrisons to supply their wants, made divers roads upon the Christians; and did exceeding much harm; of which adventurers six hundred in passing over the frozen lake, were all drowned in the midst thereof. In another place three thousand of them near unto NUHUSE, divided themselves into two companies, whereof the one showed itself in the sight of the townsmen, the other still lying close in ambush: They of the town upon the sight of these Turks sallied out, and causing them to retire, followed them so far, that they were past the place where the rest of the Turks lay: who presently starting up, ran with all speed toward the town in hope to have surprised it, and wanted not much of that they desired: for there was scarce an hundred of the Germans there in garrison left in the town, who had scarce so much time as to draw up the bridges: which done, they with the great ordinance from the walls enforced the Turks to retire and forsake the town. About the same time also the Turks in garrison at PETRINIA sallying out upon the sudden, took the town of MARTENIZE, which they spoiled; and having slain and taken about seven hundred persons, set fire on the town, and so returned, having lost in this exploit not past an hundred and fifty of their own men. Not long after, the same garrison soldiers of PETRINIA took another castle, three miles distant from the river of Kulp, whereinto the Christians dwelling round about, had for fear of the enemy conveyed all their wealth with great store of victuals: all which the Turks took, and having slain six hundred men in the castle, returned with an exceeding rich booty to PETRINIA: which they bought, with the lives of five hundred of their fellows, slain in taking of the castle. With like insolency did also the other garrisons of the Turks rage in all the other part of HUNGARY. About CASSOVIA, in the upper HUNGARY, they carried away about three hundred Christian captives: and in the neither part of HUNGARY they took the strong castle of S. Hedwig upon the lake of Balaton, which they spoiled and burnt: and so likewise the castle of ISNA: but attempting the lesser COMARA, they were by the garrison soldiers valiantly repulsed. They also fortified the castle of STOCK, which they had but a little before taken, that so it might serve for a safe refuge for their adventurers. Which their manifold outrages, contrary to the league, evidently declared the desire they had to begin that bloody war which presently after ensued: and was indeed the more suspected, for that at the same time the emperors ambassador Frederick Crocowitts was by the commandment of Amurath shut up close in his house at CONSTANTINOPLE, and not suffered to speak with any man, neither to write or to send any messenger to the emperor: which caused him the more to suspect some great matter to be by the Turk intended, and therefore began to raise new forces. The Hungarians and Bohemians also seeing their towns and castles thus taken, their provinces spoiled, infinite numbers of people led away into captivity, and the enemy daily increasing in strength: at length agreed, upon their own charges to maintain a certain number both of horse and foot, for the repressing of these the Turkish incursions. Now although the emperor knew right well all these outrages of the Turks, contrary unto the league, could not be done without the knowledge and good liking also of Amurath; as before informed thereof by his ambassador from CONSTANTINOPLE: yet to show himself willing to have the league on his behalf kept, as also to make a further proof of Amurath his resolution for peace or war, he wrote unto him as followeth: Rodolph the second, Emperor of the Romans; unto Amurath king of the Turks. Whereas nothing is hitherto on our behalf omitted, The emperors letters unto Amurath. for the preservation and continuance of the league and amity betwixt your most excellent majesty and us, by the renewed capitulations of peace; and that we have with all sincerity and love performed, and are hereafter ready to perform whatsoever is on our part to be performed and done; and as we have hitherto, so for ever hereafter also make offer of the same: we most assuredly promise unto ourselves on your majesties behalf, that you in like manner will not suffer any thing on your part to be wanting; but gladly and willingly to do all things which shall be meet and needful for the preservation and keeping of this our mutual love and friendship. Upon which good hope grounding ourselves, to declare our plain meaning and sincerity indeed, we will cause our honourable Present (which is now ready) to be brought unto your most royal majesty, at such time as shall be agreed upon betwixt our ambassador and you: unto whom in all such matters as he by our commandment shall have to deal with your most excellent majesty, your viziers or servants, we request you to give full credence. In the mean time your excellency shall do well to provide, that as we have now severely commanded our subjects to keep the peace upon our frontiers, so that your soldiers also make no incursions as enemies into our territories, nor do in them any harm, but to endeavour themselves also to peace and quietness: and especially, that all such things as contrary to the capitulations of the league have been there of late taken from our people, or otherwise unjustly possessed, may be again restored, the losses recompensed, the new fort of PETRINIA demolished, and the Bassa of BOSNA and others the authors of breaking of the league punished and displaced: whereby we shall gather your royal majesties most noble and kind affection towards us and our State: which as it shall be a thing most just, so shall it be a singular confirmation of our league. But concerning these matters, and others to the same belonging, our ambassador is to declare our mind more at large, that so our priest desire for the continuance of our league and friendship with your majesty, may more plainly be known. So wish we all health and prosperity unto your most royal majesty. From PRAGE the eight of March, 1593. The emperor also at the same time and to the same purpose writ to Sinan Bassa in this sort. Rodolph the second, Emperor of the Romans; to Sinan Bassa the chief Visier, greeting. We write at this present unto your most excellent Emperor, The emperors letters unto Sinan Bassa. our most honoured friend and neighbour, concerning such matters as we thought fit for the preservation of the peace and league betwixt us, least happily otherwise we might seem to have forgotten our duty. Now it shall well beseem your uprightness and good will, which we have at other times proved, for the high place and authority which you hold (and which we rejoice to be again restored unto you) to give unto these things such easy passage before his majesty, as that we may acknowledge your kindness and favour, and have occasion therefore to show ourselves unto you thankful. First we offer ourselves most ready to continue the peace, & to perform whatsoever is according to the conventions of the renewed peace on our part to be performed: as also to send the honourable Present (which is not as yet by us sent) when as our ambassador shall have with you appointed any certain time wherein it may be sent. And we also assuredly hope so to prevail with your Emperor, that on your part the places within our territories, by your people forcibly possessed, together with all such things as have been wrongfully taken away, may be again restored, and the fort of PETRINIA razed. The Bassa of BOSNA also (who we think would have been kept within the compass of duty, if you had at that time held the place of the chief Visier) and whosoever else, guilty of the wicked breach of the league, to be worthily according to their deserts punished and displaced, and your soldiers severely charged not to make any further incursions, nor to do any thing that may tend to the breach of the league: as we likewise shall with new and strait commands most carefully restrain our garrison soldiers upon our frontiers from all such excursions and enemies actions. But of these things our ambassador is more fully and at large to entreat with you: unto whose speech we desire such credence to be given, as unto our own; and we will so provide, that you shall have good proof of our great good will towards you. From PRAGE the eight of March 1593. Unto which the emperors letters Sinan returned answer as followeth. Sinan Bassa, chief Visier to Amurath the third, Emperor of the Turks; unto Rodolph the second, Emperor of the Romans, greeting. Sinan Bassa his letters to the emperor. By these we give your Majesty to understand, That two of your majesties letters were brought hither before we were chosen and confirmed chief Visier in this most royal Court; wherein your Majesty excuse yourself, and show the causes why the sending of the wont Presents hath been so long deferred, by laying the fault upon the insolency of our garrison soldiers in BOSNA, and the breach of the public peace. Which your letters being by us read before our most mighty emperor, his Highness in great choler burst out into these words: And thy son the Beglerbeg of BUDA hath still hitherto writ and given us to understand, that the usual Presents would certainly come: and that the king of VIENNA would not in any case consent unto the breach of the league, or of the amity betwixt us and him; and yet for all that the presents are not hitherto come: wherefore thy sons writings and relations are not true. But now the Bassa of BOSNA hath sent word unto the Court, that your Majesty will not send them, and all your doings to be but mere deceit and fraud. For which cause our most mighty Emperor hath removed my son from his place in BUDA, and rewarded the Bassa of BOSNA with honourable garments, whereas my son is for your majesties sake displaced. Now on our behalf nothing is done against the peace, but our soldiers as with a bridle kept in: whereas on your majesties part, excursions and harms into the territories of our emperor never cease; especially into BOSNA, whereinto your soldiers have of late in warlike manner broken, although they were by our garrisons overcome, their great ordinance taken, and brought hither unto the Court. Wherefore seeing the case so standeth, your Majesty is to resolve us upon two points, whereof the first is, Whether you be minded to keep friendship with us as beseemeth; and to send hither the two last years Presents or not? and the second, Whether you will set at liberty our captive Sanzacks' or no? Now if your Majesty shall be content to keep the league, and within these two months' next to send the two years Presents, as also to dismiss our Sanzackes; the league shall on our part be likewise undoubtedly kept, your territories shall be in no case molested, such Christian captives as your Majesty shall require, be enlarged, and a most firm and sure friendship by us continued. Whereas if you shall upon any cause or excuse longer delay the sending of those honourable Presents, and unto these our demands send us nothing but certain vain and windy answers, let God on high be therefore for ever praised: for now our most mighty and victorious emperor, who wanteth neither ability nor power, hath commanded, That we ourself should in person go in this war, and putting our confidence in the highest, with the army of the right believing Turks to come into those parts: And therefore assure your Majesty, that we will not fail there to encounter you: at which time shall appear unto the world what is by God our Creator (whose holy name be for ever blessed) in his deep wisdom preordained and set down for us. Wherefore seeing that all which concerneth the league, together with the safety and quiet of our people on both sides, is unto your Majesty thus declared; you are to consider the end, and to follow our good advice: whereas if otherwise you shall be the cause of the breach of this so wholesome a peace and unity (which we hitherto have so sincerely and firmly kept) the excuse thereof both in this world and in the world to come shall lie upon yourself. Now we request of you no more, but forthwith to send us answer of these our letters. As for the rest, well may he speed that taketh the right way. From CONSTANTINOPLE the last of the month * Which is the 16 of March in the year of Christ. 1593. Giuma Zulevel, in the year of our holy Prophet Mahomet 1001. Yet for all these fair offers of peace thus made by Sinan Bassa in his letters, was his purpose nothing less than to have performed the same, seeking only to have drawn the two years Presents from the emperor, amounting to a great sum of money, and so nevertheless to have prosecuted the intended war, the emperor being the only man, of whom Amurath his great master had amongst all the Christian princes made choice of to exercise his force upon. Of all which things the emperor was not ignorant, being thereof (as we said) fully before by his ambassador advertised from CONSTANTINOPLE. These troubles of the Spring thus past, ensued the Summer much more troublesome, for Hassan Bassa of BOSNA, chief author and deviser of all these broils, ceased not for the increase of his credit, to work what mischief he could against the Christians that bordered upon him. This great Bassa mortally hated the Governor, or as some call him the Abbot of SISE●, a strong castle situate upon the borders of that part of CROATIA, yet holden by the Christians, where the river Kulp falleth into the famous river of Saws or Saw (and was in deed the very bulwark of that country) the cause of which his hatred is reported to have been this: The year before, the Bassa had sent a messenger to this Abbot, to require him to deliver the castle or monastery unto him: which messenger for certain days the Abbot entertained with many honourable speeches, learning in the mean time of him so much as he possibly could of the Bassa's intention, with what power, in what place, and with what engines he had determined to besiege the castle. In the mean time it was discovered, that his steward had long before plotted with the Turk to have betrayed the castle, and had for certain years past received of him a yearly pension. Upon which occasion, the Abbot caused both the messenger and his own steward to be apprehended, and so fast bound hand and foot, to be cast out at a window of the castle into the river of Saw. The Bassa seeing his messenger not to return, sent another to the Abbot, grievously threatening him, if he did not send him back again his messenger: whereunto the Abbot answered, That he had dismissed him certain days before, and therefore marveled if he were not as yet returned: nevertheless concerning his demand, that he was resolved to yield the monastery unto the Bassa, against whose forces he saw himself unable to hold it▪ requesting only, that it would please him to send some men of account to receive it at his hand, for that it would be no small dishonour unto him to deliver it up unto common soldiers. The Bassa glad of this message, sent forthwith certain principal men of great account, hoping now without any loss to have that strong place yielded unto him, which had so long time stood in his way. Three days after certain troops of horsemen sent from the Bassa, came to the monastery as was appointed, and finding the gates open entered, first the noblemen, and after them five hundred others or thereabouts: who were no sooner within the gates, but that the portculleiss was let fall, and certain murdering pieces (secretly placed in the court for that purpose) discharged: with the violence whereof, the Turks that were already entered, were most miserably rend in pieces, their heads, arms, and legs flying in the air; when presently the garrison soldiers starting out of their lurking places, made a quick dispatch of all them that had escaped the fury of the great artillery. The rest of the Turks shut out, hearing the noise and cry of them within, turning their horses, betook themselves to speedy flight. The great Bassa hearing of this slaughter of his men, and how he had been deceived, swore in great rage by his Mahomet, to raze this monastery down to the ground, and to pluck the Abbot's skin over his ears: and so by threatening letters gave him to understand as followeth. Hassan Bassa of Bosna, unto the Abbot of Siseg. It is not to thee unknown, The threatening letters of Hassan Bassa of Bosna unto the Abbot of Siseg. how often we have sent unto thee our messengers with letters, declaring unto thee our love and good will; requesting thee in friendly ●ort, and without farther resistance to yield up unto us thy fortress of SISEG, not longer to be by thee holden. Unto which our request thou hast hitherto most wilfully at thy pleasure opposed thyself, not without the slaughter of our men; and in so doing, hast given cause unto the great Sultan to overthrow and raze that thy fortress, whereof thou for the emperor wilt needs be the chief. Thinkest thou it will be for thy good, or yet well taken, that thou hast so shamefully and perfidiously circumvented and slain our ambassadors and servants sent unto thee? Nay assure thyself, that if Mahomet grant us life, we will never give over the siege of that thy fort wherein thou so much trustest, until I have before thy face overthrown it, and (if thy God shall give thee alive into my hands) have plucked thy skin over thine ears, to the great reproach and shame of the Christians: for I am fully resolved, not to depart from this place, but to continue the siege thereof until I have it. Let a little time yet pass, and thou shalt see thyself on every side besieged, thy fort with more and greater pieces of artillery than ever, battered; and our power strong enough to constrain thee. Thou hast hitherto put thy greatest hope & comfort in the * The Hungarian Bannes are noble men, in power much like unto the Turks Bassas. ban Erodius, for whom by the help of Mahomet we are much too strong. In brief we are of nothing more careful than how to get thee into our power: which if we do, look not for any mercy at our hands. Neither was the Bassa unmindful of his promise, Hassan Bassa invadeth Croatia. or of the loss he had received, but now in the beginning of june with an army of thirty thousand horse and foot, came and besieged the fortress of TRENSCHIIN, which with continual battery and often assaults he at length took, sacked the town, slew most part of the inhabitants, except eight hundred or thereabouts of the younger sort, whom he carried away with him into captivity. And being proud of this victory, removed thence by a bridge which he had made, passed over the river, and so the twelfth of june came and encamped before the monastery of SISEG: Siseg besieged by Hassan Bassa. and after vain summons given to the same, the next day caused his great ordinance to be planted, and with great fury thundering against the walls, in short time overthrew the new tower, in the fall whereof two of the Christian canoneers perished. This furious battery he maintained by the space of ten days without intermission, giving no time of rest unto the besieged; so that it seemed not possible for the monastery to be any long time defended, if it were not with speed relieved. The bishop of ZAGRABIA, and Rupertus Eggenberg General of the emperors forces that then were at ZAGRABIA, gave knowledge thereof to Andrew lord Auersberg Governor of CAROLSTAT, craving his aid and counsel: who calling together his own forces, raised a good number both of horse and foot, and called also unto him the bordering horsemen of KARNIA and CRAINIA; who the seventeenth day of june met all together not far from INSTAWITZ, and there tarried that night. The next day passing over the river Saws near unto ZAGRABIA, they joined themselves with the emperors forces, and marched the nineteenth day in good order to SCELINE, where they expected the coming of County Serinus. The twentieth day Peter Herdelius with his Hussars, and the lord Stephen Graswein came into the camp, with many of those light horsemen whom the Hunga●ians call Vscocchi. The one and twentieth day they lodged at GRADIUM, still expecting the coming of the County Serinus, who otherwise busied, could not come. The next day after, a soldier sent out from the besieged, came into the camp, who gave the captains to understand, that except they made hast that day to relieve the distressed monastery, it would undoubtedly be lost: for that the enemy had made it saultable, and would that night give the assault; and the defendants, doubting how they should be able to maintain the place, began before his departure thence to think of composition with the enemy. Upon which news the captains forthwith began to consult among themselves, what course to take in so doubtful and dangerous a case: where Auersberg was of opinion, That it were best to march on, & to give the enemy battle; with whom also agreed the lord Rederen: The rest of the captains being of a contrary mind, for that the strength of the Christians compared to the Turks, was too weak; and therefore they thought it better in time to retire whiles they yet might, than to hazard unto most manifest peril the lives of so many valiant men, at so great odds. At which counsel Auersberg was at the first much moved, but afterwards (as he was a man of great eloquence) plainly set before them the necessity of the cause, and with lively reasons cheered up the fearful Croatians; notably persuading them all in general, to put their whole trust and confidence in God, to whom it was as easy to give victory by few as by many: and to fight like valiant men, for their religion, their country, their lives, their wives, their children and friends, and whatsoever else they held dear; against that cowardly enemy, whose valour never brought him into the field, but only the vain trust he had in his multitude; and would therefore no doubt easily be put to flight, if he should contrary to his expectation find himself but a little hardly laid unto. With these and other like reasons he prevailed so much, that they all yielded unto his opinion, and with one consent resolved to go against the enemy, and to do what they might to relieve their besieged friends. So upon a sign given, the whole army (in number not above four thousand) forthwith removed, and with great speed hasted towards the enemy; and being come within a mile of the camp, put themselves in order of battle. The Turks by their espials understanding of the approach of the Christians, brought all their horsemen over the river of Kulp, by a bridge which they had made, and having put themselves in order, came on to join battle with the Christians: who had in their vanguard placed the Croatians and Hussars; in the left wing them of CAROLSTAT, and the arquebusiers of KARNIA; in the right wing the borderers of CRAINIA, all horsemen; in the main battle the rest of the soldiers, with the horsemen of SILESIA, under the conduct of Sigismond Paradise; A great battle betwixt the Turks and the Christians. the rearward was enclosed with three companies of the emperors soldiers. The Croatians and Hussars in the vanguard gave the first charge upon the enemy: but having for a good space made a great fight, they were about to have retired, and discouraged with the multitude of the enemies, were even upon the point to have fled: when Auersberg (General of the Christian army) came on with his squadron, and not only restored the battle, but so resolutely charged the main battle of the Turks, that the Bassa was constrained at the first to retire, and afterwards to fly, after whom all the rest of the army followed. The Christians still keeping their array, pursued them with great speed, and coming to the new made bridge before them, took from them that passage, to the great discomfiture of the Turks, who seeing the miserable slaughter of themselves, and no way to escape, ran headlong some into the river Odera, some into Kulp, and were there for most part drowned; the rest were all slain by the Christians, Siseg relieved. before determined not to take any prisoners. In the mean time, the Turks that remained at the siege, understanding of the overthrow of their fellows, set fire on their powder and other provision, and so in great fear betook themselves to flight. Whose tents the Christians immediately after took, and in them nine great pieces of artillery, and good store of great shot of 44 and 45 pound weight a piece, with the sumptuous pavilion of the Bassa, and much other rich spoil, Eigh●●●ne tho●sand Turks slain. which was all carried into the monastery of SISEG. The number of the Turks slain in this battle, and drowned in the rivers, is of divers diversly reported, but most agree upon eighteen thousand. And amongst them was Hassan Bassa himself, found in the river near unto the bridge, known by his most rich and sumptuous apparel; and near unto him Mahomet-Beg, and Achmet-Beg. In other places were also found the dead bodies of Saffer-Beg the Bassa's brother, of Meni-beg, Haramatan-Beg, Curti-Beg, Oper●-Beg, and Goschus, the Bassas chief counsellor and master of his household. But of all others, the untimely death of Sinan-Beg Amurath his nephew, his sister's only son, sent thither to have learned the feats of arms under Hassan the great Bassa, was of the Turks most lamented. Of twenty thousand Turks that came over the river Kulp, scarcely two thousand escaped. This so great a victory obtained, all the army of the Christians went thrice about the monastery, and every time falling all down upon their knees, gave unto God most hearty thanks for the same, as by him miraculously given, and not by themselves won; and afterwards made all the show of joy and gladness they could possibly devise. SISEG thus delivered, and the Turks army overthrown, the Christians with all speed laid siege to PETRINIA the strong new fort of the Turks, which they for the space of five days most furiously battered: but hearing that the great Governor of GRaeCIA (whom the Turks call the Beglerbeg of ROMANIA) was with a great power coming to the relief of the fort, they raised their siege, broke up their army, and returned every man to his wont charge. Whilst these things were in doing at PETRINIA, News of the overthrow of the Turks at Siseg▪ brought to Bud●. a post came from CONSTANTINOPLE to BUDA, who brought thither the first news of the overthrow of SISEG; for the report thereof was not as yet come to BUDA. Wherefore the Bassa called unto him the messenger, author of so bad news, and diligently examined him of the truth thereof: who told him, That at his departure from CONSTANTINOPLE, nothing was there known of that loss, but that upon the way as he came he met with divers horsemen but lately escaped from the slaughter, who told him of a certainty, that the Bassa was slain and his army destroyed. Whereunto the Bassa of BUDA replied, That he was happy in his death, for that if he had by chance escaped, he should for his indiscretion undoubtedly have suffered some other more shameful death at the Court. When news of the aforesaid victory was brought to the emperor at PRAGE, he commanded public prayers, with thanksgiving to almighty God to be made in all churches: and sent a messenger with letters to Amurath, to know of him how he understood these insolent proceedings of his soldiers, and especially this late expedition of the Bassa of BOSNA and his complices, contrary to the league yet in force betwixt them. After which messenger he sent also the lord Popelius, with the yearly Present (or rather tribute) he used to send unto the Turkish empeperour at CONSTANTINOPLE; yet with this charge, that when he was come as far as COMARA in the borders of HUNGARY, he should there stay until the return of the aforesaid messenger: who if he brought tidings of peace from Amurath, then to proceed on his journey to the Turks Court; otherwise, to return again with his present: as he afterwards did. For Amurath enraged with the notable loss received at SISEG, and pricked forward with the tears and prayers of his sister (desirous of nothing more than to be revenged for the death of her son) the seventh of August caused open war to be proclaimed against the Christian emperor, both at CONSTANTINOPLE and BUDA. The managing whereof he committed to Sinan Bassa the old enemy of the Christians, his lieutenant general, and persuader of this war: who departing from CONSTANTINOPLE with an army of forty thousand, wherein were 5600 janissaries, was by Amurath himself and the great men of the Court brought a mile on his way: having in charge from the great Sultan, by the assistance of the Beglerbeg of GREECE, the Bassas of BUDA and TEMESWARE, and other his Sanzackes and commanders in that part of his empire, to revenge the death of his nephew, and the dishonour received at SISEG. This war Amurath with great pride denounced unto the Christian Emperor and the rest of the princes his confederates in this sort. Amurath the third, by the grace of the great God in heaven, the only Monarch of the World, a great and mighty God on earth, an invincible Caesar, King of all Kings from the East unto the West, Sultan of BABYLON, Sovereign of the most noble families of PERSIA and ARMENIA, triumphant victor of JERUSALEM, Lord possessor of the Sepulchre of the crucified God, subverter and sworn enemy of the Christians, and of all them that call upon the name of Christ. The proud and blasphemous denunciation of war given out by Amurath against Rodolph the Christian emperor. We denounce unto thee Rodolph the Emperor, and to all the German nation taking part with thee, unto the great Bishop also, all the Cardinals and Bishops, to all your sons and subjects: we earnestly (I say) by our crown and empire denounce unto you open war. And give you to understand, that our purpose is, with the power of thirteen kingdoms, and certain hundred thousands of men, horse and foot, with our Turks and Turkish arms, yea with all our strength and power (such as neither thou nor any of thine hath ever yet seen or heard of, much less had any proof of) to besiege you in your chief and metropolitical cities, and with fire and sword to persecute you and all yours, and whosoever shall give you help, to burn, destroy, and kill, and with most exquisite torments we can devise to torture unto death and slay such Christian captives as shall fall into our hands, or else to keep them as dogs, captives in perpetual misery; to empaile upon stakes your fairest sons and daughters: and to the further shame and reproach of you and yours, to kill like dogs your women great with child, and the children in their bellies: for now we are fully resolved to bring into our subjection you which rule but in a small country, and by strong hand and force of arms to take from you your kingdom, as also to oppress, root up and destroy the keys and See of ROME, together with the golden sceptre thereof: and we will prove whether your crucified jesus will help you and do for you as yours persuade you. Believe him still, and trust in him, and see how he hath holpen his messengers which have put their confidence in him: for we neither believe, neither can we endure to hear such incomprehensible things, that he can help, which is dead so many worlds of years ago, which could not help himself, nor deliver his own country and inheritance from our power, over which we have so long time reigned. These things o ye poor and miserable of the world, we thought good to signify unto you, that you with your princes and confederates may know what you have to do and to look for. Given in our most mighty and imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, which our ancestors by force of arms took from yours, and having slain or taken prisoners all their citizens, reserved such of their wives and children as they pleased unto their lust, to your perpetual infamy and shame. Sinan with his army thus s●tting forward, kept still on his way towards BUDA, but the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA with a far greater power marched towards CROATIA, as well to relieve the forts distressed by the Christians, Siseg taken by the Turks. as again to besiege the strong castle or monastery of SISEg: which he with his huge army at his first arrival compassed about without resistance, and with continual battery overthrew the walls thereof, giving no time of rest unto the defendants. Which breaches they for all that valiantly defended, and with restless labour notably repaired, the very fearful women bringing tables, stools, and whatsoever else came to hand, that might any wise help to keep the enemy out, of whom a great number was in the breaches slain. But what was that handful against such a multitude? At length the third day of September the Turks by main force entered the Monastery, and put to sword all the soldiers therein: amongst whom were two hundred Germans, of whom the Turks cut some in pieces, and the rest they threw into the river Kulp. One religious man there found among the rest, they did slay quick in detestation of his profession, and afterward cutting him in small pieces, burned them to ashes. So taking the spoil of all that was there to be had; and leaving a strong garrison for the keeping of the place, they passed over Saws, burning the country before them, and carried away with them about a thousand poor Christians into perpetual captivity. These invasions of the Turks caused the Emperor to crave aid both of the states of the empire, and other foreign princes farther off, which was by some easily granted, but not so speedily performed. About this time Peter surnamed le Hussar (for that he commanded over those horsemen whom the Hungarians call Hussars) captain of PAPPA, by the appointment of Ferdinand county Hardeck governor of RAB, lay in wait for the Turks Treasurer in HUNGARY, who had the command of five thousand Turks: him this Hungarian took at advantage, as he was mustering and paying certain companies of his soldiers, mistrusting no such danger, and desperately charging him, slew him with divers of his men▪ and put the rest to flight, and so with the spoil and some few prisoners he returned again to his castle, carrying with him the Treasurer. Now Sinan the General being come with his army to BUDA, Sinan Bassa besiegeth Vesprinium. resolved with himself to begin his wars in that part of HUNGARY, with the siege of VESPRINIUM. This episcopal city was by Solyman the great Turk taken from the Christians in the year 1552, and again by them recovered about fourteen years after, about the year 1566, since which time until now it had remained in the hands of the Christians. Sinan without delay marching with his army to VESPRINIUM, compassed the city round, and encamping as he saw good, planted his battery wherewith he continually thundered against the city. The Christians there in garrison easily perceiving that the city was not long to be holden against so great a power, placed divers barrels of gunpowder in certain mines they had made under the walls and bulwarks of the town, with trains that should at a certain time take fire. Which done, they departed secretly out of the city in the dead time of the night, hoping so in the dark to have escaped the hands of the enemy: which they did not so secretly, but that they were by the Turks descried, and most of them slain. Ferdinand Samaria Governor of the city, after he had for a space valiantly defended himself, fell at last into the enemy's hand, and so was taken alive, together with one Hofkirke a German captain. The Turks entered the city the sixth of October, striving who should get first in, for greediness of the prey, when suddenly the powder in the mines took fire, and blowing up the very foundations of the walls and bulwarks, slew a number of the Turks that were within the danger thereof, and wonderfully defaced the city. From VESPRINIUM the Bassa removed with his army to PALOTTA, and gave summons to the castle: Palotta yielded unto the Turks. but receiving such answer as pleased him not, he laid siege unto it with all his power. Which at the first Peter Ornand captain of the castle cheerfully received: but being afterward without any great cause discouraged (the castle as yet being but little shaken, and but one man slain, and the rest of the soldiers ready to spend their lives in defence thereof) he sent unto the Bassa, offering to yield the castle unto him, so that he with his soldiers might with bag and baggage in safety depart. Of which his offer the Bassa accepted, and granted his request. But he was no sooner come out of the castle with his soldiers, and ready to depart, but the faithless Turk contrary to his oath and promise caused them all to be cruelly slain, except only the captain and two other. After that the Bassa without any great labour took in all the country thereabouts near unto the lake of Balaton. Now at last, though long first, about the middle of October the Christians began to muster their army, in number about eighteen thousand, all good and expert soldiers: with which power they shortly after passing over Danubius, at the first encounter with the Turks put them to the worse, slew a great number of them, and rescued a number of poor Christian captives. In the latter end of this month county Hardeck Governor of RAB, Alba Regalis besieged by the Christians. and General of the Christian army in that part of HUNGARY, departing from KOMARA with all his power, came and laid siege to the strong city of ALBA REGALIS, which by the force of his artillery he in short time made saultable; but in assaulting the breaches, was by the Turks there in garrison notably repulsed. So having made sufficient proof both of the strength and courage of the defendants, and perceiving no good could be done without a long siege, for which he was not as then provided; after consultation had with the rest of the captains, he resolved to raise his siege: which he did the second of November, removing that day but half a mile from the city, because he would be sure of all his army. But as he was about the next day to remove, news was brought him by his espials, that the enemy's power was at hand, and even now almost in sight, which proved to be so indeed. For the Bassa of BUDA by the commandment of Sinan Bassa the General, was come forth with thirteen Sanzackes and twenty thousand soldiers, thirty field pieces, and five hundred wagons laded with victual and other warlike provision, to raise the siege, and to relieve the city; and was now even at hand, coming directly upon the Christians: whereupon the county, assisted by the county Serinus, the lord Palfi, the lord Nadasti, Peter le Hussar, and other valiant captains of great experience, with wonderful celerity put his army in order of battle, and so courageously set forward to encounter the enemy. The Bassa seeing the Christians marching towards him, took the advantage of the higher ground, and from thence discharged his field pieces upon them; which mounted too high, by good hap did them little or no hurt at all. The Christians for all that desirous of battle, and nothing regarding the disadvantage of the ground, but calling upon the name of the Almighty, mounted the hill, and joining battle with the Turks, by plain force constrained them to fly. In this army of the Turks, being for most part horsemen, were about five thousand foot, and many of them janissaries, who in flying, oftentimes made stands, and wounded many, and yet nevertheless were almost all there slain, with many others: amongst whom were three great men, the Sanzacks' of STRIGONIUM, SETCHINE, and NOVIGRAD; seven Chiaus, and many other men of mark, the most valiant captains of the Turks borderers. The lord Nadasti with some others taking view of the Turks that were slain and lost in this battle, deemed them to have been at the least in number eight thousand: few prisoners were saved, all being put to the sword, which caused Sinan to swear by his Mahomet never more to spare any Christian. All the Turks artillery, wagons, and provision became a prey unto the Christians: many ensigns were there found, and weapons of great value. It is hard to be believed, how much this victory encouraged the Christians, & daunted the Turks. Whereupon the county with great joy brought back his army to ALBA REGALIS, and encamped near the bulwark called STOPASCH, where the Turks most feared to be assaulted. Palfi, Nadasti, and some others, earnestly persuaded with the county, not to depart from the city before he had won it: But he considering the hard time of the year, the strength of the city (which was now full of soldiers, by reason of them that were fled in thither from the late overthrow) with the want of things necessary in his army to maintain a longer siege; and fearing also after long lying to be enforced with dishonour to forsake it, would not hearken to their persuasions, but calling a counsel, resolved to raise his siege, and to content himself with the victory he had already gotten, which was afterward imputed unto him for more than an oversight. So setting fire upon the suburbs of the city, he rise with his army, and departed thence the fifth of November, and returned to RAB. Sabatzka taken by the lord Teuffenbach. Not long after, Christopher lord Teuffenbach, the emperors lieutenant in the upper part of HUNGARY, who lay encamped at CASSOVIA with his army of fourteen thousand soldiers, removed thence, and marching along the country two days, came and laid siege to SABATZKA, one of the Turks strongest castles in those quarters, out of which they usually did much harm among the Christians. This castle Teuffenbach battered in three places; and having at length made it saultable, took it by force the nineteenth of November, and put to the sword all the Turks there in garrison, in number about two hundred and fifty, and instead of them left a strong garrison of his own: whereby all the country thereabouts was restored to great quietness. Filek besieged by the Christians. SABATZKA thus taken, the Christian General removed with all speed to FILEK, a strong city of the higher HUNGARY, which Solyman the Turkish emperor took from the Christians in the year 1560, and placed therein a Sanzacke, under the command of the Bassa of BUDA. The General encamping before this city, the next day after planted his battery, and in most terrible manner without intermission thundered against the walls and gates of the city. The Sanzacke Governor thereof, considering the power of the Christians, got out secretly by night with a few soldiers, to acquaint the other Turkish Sanzackes his neighbours with the coming of the Christians, and the number of their army; and further to consult with them how the city might be relieved. The Bassa of TEMESWARE, with the Sanzackes of GIULA, HADWAN, SCANTTZAG, and SCIRME, undertook the matter: and thereupon the Bassa sent for eight hundred janissaries, of late left by Sinan Bassa in garrison at BUDA and ALBA REGALIS; who all flatly refused to go to this service, saying, That they would not be led as beasts to the slaughter, as were their fellows but a little before at ALBA REGALIS: nevertheless they enforced the Armenians, whom Sinan and his son had brought thither, to go; but of BUDA, ALBA REGALIS, and SCAMBOTH, were sent only fifteen hundred common soldiers. For all that, the Bassa with the Sanzacks' his followers, firm in their former resolution for the relief of the distressed city, having made great preparation, and raised an army of eighteen thousand strong, with many field pieces, by night drew near unto FILEK, and stayed within two miles of the city. But the General of the Christians, with Stephen Bathor and the other captains, understanding of their coming, with seven thousand good soldiers chosen out of the whole army, went out presently against them; and the one and twentieth of November suddenly assailing them in their tents, overthrew them and put them all to flight; whom the Christians fiercely pursued with a most terrible execution. In this fight and flight there was slain six thousand Turks, and but few or none taken. The Bassa himself, with the Sanzacke of FILEK and many others of great name, were found amongst the bodies of the slain Turks. This victory gained with little or no loss, yielded unto the Christians a rich prey, many gorgeous tents, and fair ensigns, much cattle, and nine and twenty field pieces, with two hundred wagons laded with victual and other provision; all which they carried into the camp of FILEK, and so more straightly besieged the city than before. The same day the lord Palfi and Martin Lasla came to the camp with six thousand soldiers: and forthwith three trumpeters were sent to tell them of the city, That if without farther resistance they would forthwith yield the city, they should have leave in safety to depart with life and goods, although the Turks had of late in like case broken their faith with the Christians at PALOTTA: but if they refused his grace, and would needs hold it out to the uttermost, then to denounce unto them all extremities. For all this, the Turks nothing dismayed, refused to yield: whereupon the battery began afresh, and in more terrible manner than before: Filek taken by the Christians. so that though the city was most strongly fortified both with walls and rampires, yet had the Christians in three days space, with continual battery made a fair breach into it, whereby they in despite of the enemy entered without any notable loss the four and twentieth of November, ransacked the city, and burned a great part thereof. The same day they also took the uttermost castle, wherein the Sanzackes palace stood: this castle standeth upon a very high hill, strengthened both by art and nature, and had in it a strong garrison of valiant soldiers, who spared not lustily to bestow their shot amongst their enemies, of whom they slew a great number. Nevertheless, the Christians after they had for the space of two days and two nights with a most furious battery shaken the walls, by plain force entered the castle the six and twentieth of November, and put to sword all the garrison soldiers; except such as had in good time forsaken this castle, and retired themselves into another more inward. Who being in number eight hundred, with their wives and children, without hope of relief, and seeing the cannon now bend upon them, set out a white ensign in token of parley: which granted, it was agreed that they should depart with life, and so much of their goods as every one of them could carry. Upon which agreement, the castle was yielded the eight and twentieth day of November, and the Turks with a safe convoy brought unto the place they desired. In this castle was found a great booty, many pieces of artillery, with much other warlike provision, but of victuals small store. The General with the rest of the captains entering the castle, fell down upon their knees, and with their hearts and hands cast up towards heaven, thanked God for their victory, and for the recovery of that strong city; but especially for the delivery of so many Christians out of the Turkish thraldom: For it is reported, that there are above eight hundred country villages subject to the jurisdiction of FILEK, the poor inhabitants whereof were now all freed from the Turkish servitude, by the taking of this only city. The Christians forthwith repaired the walls, bulwarks, and trenches, and strongly fortified every place against the enemy: and so leaving a sufficient garrison in the city and castles, departed with their army, now in number about twenty thousand, towards SODOCH, six miles from FILEK. But as they were upon the way, news was brought unto the General, how that the Turks had for fear abandoned the castles of D●IWIN and SOMOSKE: whereupon he sent out certain companies of soldiers to take in both those places; who coming thither, found them in deed forsaken of the enemy, but yet many pieces of artillery and other warlike provision there still left. In the latter end of November the General marched with his army towards SETSCHINE, a strong town in the diocese of AGRIA, Setschine, Blavenstein, and Sallek abandoned by the Turk● but the Turks in that place had two or three days before prepared themselves to fly, and sent their wives, their children, and the best of their substance, some to HATWAN, some to BUDA: and now hearing of the approach of the Christian army, set fire on the town and fled. The Christians immediately entering, did what they could to quench the fire, and saved a great part of the town: so leaving there a convenient garrison, he hasted with speed to BLAVENSTEIN, which the Turks did also set on fire, and betook themselves to flight. The Christians coming thither the next day after, namely the fourth of December, ●ound a great part of the town yet unburnt, wherein they left a strong garrison: and from thence marched to SALLEK, which town they also took being forsaken by the enemy, and put thereinto a good garrison. The General was of nothing more desirous, than to have prosecuted this so happy a course of victory: but such was the foulness of the winter weather, that he could not travel with his great artillery, without which no great matter was to be done against the enemy, still keeping himself in his strong holds. And his army in that wasted and forsaken country, began now to feel the want of victuals; so that many had withdrawn themselves out of the army unto their own dwelling places. At the same time also, the lord Palfi going to DREGEL and PALANKA, and finding them forsaken by the enemy, furnished both places with garrisons of his own men. Certain other strong places were also this month recovered from the Turks, as AINACKE, SOLLOCKE, WETSKE, and others, and so much territory gained by the Christians, as was in circuit thought equal with the lower AUSTRIA. The joyful news of the aforesaid victories, with the recovery of so much of the country, and so many strong towns and castles, made great rejoicing both at VIENNA and PRAGE: for which cause public prayers with thanksgiving to almighty God were made in both places, with many other tokens of joy and triumph, both there and in divers other places of the empire. The Turks in burying their dead, slain by the Christians. Yet were not the dead bodies of the Turks slain at ALBA REGALIS buried; whereof rise such a loathsome and noisome smell thereabout, that no man could abide to come nigh the place, to the great trouble of the inhabitants round about. At length certain Turks out of BUDA and ALBA REGALIS, to the number of 350 met together to have buried those loathsome carcases: upon whom it chanced a captain of the Hussars to light with his horsemen, who fiercely assailing them, left most of them there dead for others to bury, and carried away the rest prisoners. The Bassa of BUDA had caused Murat Sanzacke of PALOTTA to be strangled, for that he suspected him to have had intelligence with the Christians: in whose room he placed another, who coming with 600 Turks to take possession of his preferment, was by the way set upon by Peter le Hussar, with the garrison soldiers of PAPPA and THURN, and slain with most part of his followers. Five and thirty of them were taken alive, with all the Sanzackes rich furniture. To end this year withal, the Turks in garrison at PETRINIA, SISEG, CASTROWITZ, and other places thereabours, met together in number about 300, who the 19 of December passing over the river Saws, began to spoil the frontiers of those countries. But before they were gone far, they were so encountered by the lord Graswin and the borderers thereabout, that 500 of them were left dead upon the ground, divers of good account taken prisoners, and almost all the rest drowned in the river; so that of all them that came over, few escaped with life. In the latter end of this month great numbers of soldiers were taken up in SAXONY, and other places of GERMANY; whereof some were sent to PRAGE, and some to VIENNA in AUSTRIA: and in HUNGARY the Christians increased their strength with new supplies. In AUSTRIA also a new army was raised, and two and twenty great pieces of artillery sent down the river of Danubius to COMARA, and new preparation made in every place for the next years wars. 1594 Amurath the Turkish emperor, going out of the city to CONSTANTINOPLE the 11 of januarie, A great tempest at Constantinople. to muster the army he had prepared against the Christians for this year, was suddenly overtaken with such a tempest of wind and rain, that it overthrew his tents, his chariots, yea his horses and men had much ado to withstand it. Wherewith he being (as with an ominous prodigy) exceedingly troubled, returned with his army into the city, and oppressed with melancholy, cast himself down upon his bed as a man half sick. Where falling asleep, he dreamt that he saw a man of an exceeding stature, standing with one of his feet upon the tower of CONSTANTINOPLE, Amurath dreameth. and the other over the straight in ASIA; who stretching out his arms, held the Sun in one of his arms, and the Moon in the other: whom whiles he wondered at, the monster with his foot struck the tower, which forthwith fell down, and in falling overthrew the great temple with the imperial palace. Amurath awaked (as he thought) with the noise, and much troubled with the dream (for the Turks are in such vanities very superstitious) sent for all his wizards and interpreters of dreams, to know the meaning of this his so strange or rather so melancholy a dream. Who hypocritically answered him, That forasmuch as he had not with all his force as a tempest impugned the Christians, their great Prophet Mahomet threatened by that dream, to overthrow the tower, the temple, and the imperial palace; that is to say, the religion and empire of the Turks. Which vain and feigned interpretation so much moved the superstitious tyrant, that he swore from thenceforth to turn all his forces upon the Christians, and not to give over war until he had done what he might to subdue them. This the Turks dream, with the interpretation thereof, and the solemn vow he had made for the destruction of the Christians, was publicly read in the Churches of TRANSYLVANIA, and many godly exhortations made unto the people, to move them by prayer and all other good means, to avert that so threatened thraldom. Of the rich spoil taken from the Turks in the late victory near unto ALBA REGALIS, A fair present of the spoil of the Turks, sent unto the emperor. the Christian captains made a present for the emperor and the archduke Mathias his brother, which they sent by the lords Gall and Brun: and was by them presented unto the emperor and his brother the 11 of januarie at VIENNA, in order as followeth. First went the master of the ordinance of RAB, on both sides attended upon with the other officers of the artillery: after them were drawn thirty great pieces of ordinance, taken in that battle. After these pieces followed three Turkish horses, with rich saddles, and furniture studded with gold, the stirrups and bridles being of silver, guilt and most curiously wrought: after them were carried two and twenty of the Turks ensigns, three of them very rich, and the other right fair. Then followed the two ambassadors aforesaid, with each of them a guilt maze in his hand, such as the Turks Bassas use to carry: after them were brought many instruments of war, guilt scimitars, gleaves, bows and arrows, targets, and ten of the janissaries drums. Two of the aforesaid horses were presented to the emperor, and the third to the archduke. The field pieces brought to the castle gate, and orderly placed upon the plain, were all (at such time as the rest of the Present entered the castle) forthwith by the canoneers discharged: and there for certain days left upon the plain for the people to feed their eyes upon. The ambassadors discharged of their Present, and rewarded by the emperor with chains of gold and other gifts, returned again unto the camp. Notwithstanding that it was now deep Winter, yet many sharp skirmishes daily passed upon the borders, betwixt the Turks and the Christians. The fifteenth of this present month, two thousand of the Turks assembled together, were making an inroad into the country about FILEK: whereof the lord Teuffenbach having intelligence, lay in wait for them, and setting upon them, fearing no such danger, slew and took of them fifteen hundred. Mathias archduke of AUSTRIA, now Governor of STIRIA, CARINTHIA, and the countries thereabout (by the departure of Ernestus his brother, but a little before by Philip king of SPAIN made Governor of the low countries) was now also by the emperor appointed General of the Christian army against the Turks: who to be nearer unto the enemy, and to farther the new war, departed the six and twentieth day of February from VIENNA to RAB, after whom daily followed the forces newly raised in SILESIA, MORAVIA, and HUNGARY, with others also sent from PRAGE and VIENNA. He considering to what small purpose it would be to have the last year taken so many strong towns and castles, except the same were also well manned and furnished with all needful provision; by the persuasion of the lord Teuffenbach, sent County Schlicke with a thousand horse to FILEK, for the more safety of that place, and the country thereabout so lately gained from the Turks. It fortuned that about this time, a soldier of the Turks taken not far from DREGEL, and brought into the camp; among other things whereof he was examined, confessed that in NOVIGRAD, a strong town and of great importance (but one mile distant from VACIA, and three from BUDA) was left but a weak garrison of about eight hundred soldiers, who there lived in great fear to be besieged, and that the Turks doubting such a matter, had brought thither much provision for the better fortifying of the town. Upon which intelligence the Christians began to remove with their army, and being come betwixt DREGEL and NOVIGRAD, understood by the country people, that it was true that the Turk had reported: wherefore they resolved that night to lay siege unto the town. So forthwith some were sent to DREGEL, to fetch thence certain pieces of artillery, whom certain troops of German horsemen went to meet: who used such diligence, that the eight of March a little before the rising of the Sun, the whole army with the great ordinance was come before NOVIGRAD. That day the Christians spent in pitching their tents, Novigrad besieged by the Christians. and encamping themselves: yet before night they had planted certain great pieces upon an high hill, from whence they might see into the castle; whereof the master of the ordinance caused three of the greatest (about the going down of the Sun) to be discharged against the castle, to give the Turk to understand that they wanted nothing for the siege. The same night also the Christians cast up a great mount in the valley, from whence they presently sent six great shot into the castle: but early in the morning the Sun being yet scarce up, and all things now in readiness, they began to batter the castle, and that day out of ten great pieces discharged three hundred great shot against the castle; but to small purpose, for the castle was built upon a most strong rock, fortified with high and thick walls, and a deep ditch hewn out of the main rock, which compassed the castle round; and for the more strength thereof was so fortified with palisadoes made of strong timber, as that there was no access unto the walls: yet by the commandment of the General, certain companies of the Christians prepared themselves to assault the breach, such as it was; who besides their weapons, carrying with them dry faggots, and setting them on fire, burned the palisado in divers places, and so opened the way unto the walls; and encouraged with the success, approached nearer, and slew divers of the Turks upon their rampires: who discouraged with their own weakness and the forwardness of the enemy, faintly defended themselves, and yet slew divers of them, beating them down from the walls with stones, timber, fireworks, and such like. This assault given in the night, was continued until four a clock in the morning, and so given over. Shortly after came the Archduke with a thousand horse into the camp, and caused the battery to be again renewed: whereby it chanced, that the chief canonier in the castle being a renegade German, was taken with a great shot, and slain; whose death so dismayed the rest of the defendants, that they presently set forth three white ensigns in sign of parley: which for all that the Christians seemed not to regard, but still continued their battery. The Turks then pitifully crying out, named two captains, whom they desired to have sent unto them, with whom they might fall to some reasonable composition. So for a while the battery ceased, and those captains being sent into the town, brought nine of the best of the Turks in the city with them unto the Archduke: who by their interpreter declared, That they well considering the force of the Christians, and seeing no relief to come from the Bassa of BUDA, as he had promised, thought themselves to have already discharged the parts of good soldiers, and seeing no other remedy, were contented to yield the castle, yet so, as that with bag and baggage they might in safety depart. Whereunto the lord Palfi taking upon him the person of the Archduke (for that he himself would not be known) answered, That for as much as they had not yielded at the first summons, but holden it out to the loss of many of his men's lives, and his great charge, they were unworthy any favour, yet of his own clemency he would receive them, if they would absolutely without any further condition yield themselves to his mercy. This answer being reported to the Sanzacke, governor of the town, pleased him not, and therefore said he would still stand upon his defence. Whereupon the Christians were about to have begun a fresh assault. But after a new parley it was at last agreed, That the Turks yielding the town unto the Archduke, should in safety depart with their apparel and scimitars only. With which agreement two of the Turks were sent back into the castle, and the rest detained. Four hours the Turks in the castle delayed the time, as men doubtful what to do: but being earnestly called upon by the lord Palfi for a resolute answer, and seeing the Christians ready again to assault them, Novigrad yielded unto the archduke. they for fear yielded: and so four hundred and fifty of them came forth, amongst whom was the Sanzacke governor of the town, with his wife and daughter, the Sanzacke of SELENDRE, sent thither to have aided him, and one Chiaus lately come from the Court. These great men bravely mounted, were commanded to alight from their gallant horses, and had in their steads other bad jades given them to ride upon: and as they passed by, as well the women as the men were searched, that they carried with them nothing more than their clothes: if any thing else were found, it fell unto the soldiers share for good booty. This strong town of NOVIGRAD, had continued in the possession of the Turks about threescore years, and served as it were for a bulwark to PESTH and BUDA, which now recovered out of their hands, opened a way unto their further harms. The keeping of this town was by the Archduke committed to the lord Rebei, a noble man of HUNGARY, and kinsman to Palfi, with a strong garrison and certain troops of Hussars. The Sanzacke of NOVIGRAD, after he had lost the town, coming to BUDA, was presently apprehehended by the Bassa, and laid in prison: who although he excused himself, by alleging that the town was not possibly to be holden with so small a garrison against so great a power; The Sanza●ke of Novigrad hanged a● Buda. and that if any fault were, it was to be imputed to them of BUDA, for not sending relief in time; and therefore appealed unto the further hearing of Amurath himself: yet all served him not, but was by the Bassa's commandment in the night hanged upon a tree near unto the gate of the city, and afterwards cut in pieces. Whilst these things were in doing, the Emperor sent his ambassadors to the great duke of MUSCOVIA, the king of POLONIA, and the prince of TRANSYLVANIA, to prove how they stood affected towards those his wars against the Turk, and what aid he might procure from them. Into MUSCOVIE was sent one Warkutsch a gentleman of SILESIA, who coming to MUSCO, found in that Court the ambassadors of the Tartar, the Turk, the Persian, the Polonian, and the Dane. Of all these, the ambassadors of the Tartar and the Turk could have no audience, but were with contumelious words rejected, as miscreants. The emperors ambassador was honourably entertained, and after the manner of that country, a large proportion of wine, meed, aquavita, flesh, fish, and foul of sundry sorts allowed him daily all the time of his abode. At length having audience, he declared unto the great duke the cause of his coming, and in the name of his master requested his aid against the Turk. Whereunto the duke answered, That he would give the emperor towards the maintenance of his wars against the common enemy, five hundred thousand ducats, and allow him yearly four hundred thousand, during the time of that war; requesting him not to make any peace with the Turk, and promising to send him aid also of men in this war, if he should so need. The Persian ambassador also honourably feasted the emperors ambassador, and had with him great conference concerning the wars of the Christians with the Turks, and in his master's name promised the continuation of his wars against the Turk, so that the emperor would likewise promise not to have any league with him, so to give him leisure to turn all his forces again into PERSIA. This ambassador after he had almost four months tarried in MUSCOVIA, returned to the emperor. At which time doctor Wacker, the emperors ambassador into POLONIA, returned also with joyful news, how that the Polonians with an army of eight and twenty thousand had stopped the passage of an hundred thousand Tartars, whom the Turk had sent for against the emperor; and that if he needed, he should be aided with the Polonian Cossackes: But unto the rest of his requests he could have no answer of the states of that kingdom, for that the king was then absent in SWEDEN, and was therefore referred to be further answered at his return. At the same time county Serinus with three hundred arquebusiers and certain troops of horsemen, Certain castles of the Turks upon the borders of Stir●a taken by the county Serinus. and the footmen of STIRIA and the countries thereabout assembled, to the number of ten thousand, departed from CANISIA, to besiege BRESENZA, a castle of the Turks: but they understanding before of his coming, conveyed away the best of their substance, and setting the castle on fire, departed the three and twentieth of March. The earl coming thither, took the forsaken castle, and put thereinto a garrison of his own soldiers. In like manner he took also SIGESTA, forsaken by the Turks, where he also placed a garrison of the Christians. And so going on to BABOTSCHA, besieged it: which castle although it was strongly situated in a marish, and could not easily have been won, was for all that for fear abandoned by the Turks, and so taken by the county: by recovery of which places there was a safe and easy way laid open even to ZIGET, the Bassa whereof stood in no small doubt to have been even then besieged. Amurath intending by all means he could to vex the Emperor, had determined to send his fleet into the adriatic, to besiege ZEGNA, a city of the Emperors, situate upon the sea coast in the bay QVERNERO, called in ancient time FLANATICUS SINUS. Which the better to effect, he sent one of his Chiaus ambassador to the Venetians, to request them, That his fleet might by their leave pass alongst the adriatic, and have the use of their ports and harbours, as need should require. Which his request the Venetians hearing, refused in any case to yield thereunto: fearing (and not without cause) the unfaithfulness and treachery of the Turks, whose oaths and promises are no longer strong, or by them regarded, than standeth with their own good and profit: nevertheless, they most honourably used the ambassador, and so sent him away, without obtaining of that he was especially sent for. In the upper part of HUNGARY Christopher lord Teuffenbach the Archdukes lieutenant having gathered an army of twenty thousand soldiers, the sixteenth of April laid siege to HATWAN, a strong town, Ha●●an besieged by the Christians six miles from BUDA, fortified with a triple ditch, and bulwarks of exceeding strength. Against which although the Christians could not do much either by mines or mounts, by reason it was so environed with water: yet they so shut up all the passages thereunto, that nothing could be brought or carried in or out of the town. They of the town s●eing themselves thus blocked up, by secret messengers certified the Bassa of BUDA in what case they stood, praying him of aid: who with ten thousand chosen soldiers, which he had then in readiness, and the Sanzackes of SERNAH, GIULA, LIPPA, LERWOGE, and TSCHAN●RAD, with five thousand more, forthwith set forward toward HATWAN to raise the siege: and the last of April being come within sight of the Christian army, about one of the clock in the afternoon encamped on the side of the river Sagijwa: but when he could not or else durst not for the deepness of the way, the abundance of the water, and nearness of the enemy, adventure to pass the river, he retired back again, to pass over at jasperin (otherwise called jasbrin) where the river was joined with a bridge, and not far off a good fourd also to pass over at; thinking so to have come upon the backs of the Christians, and with more safety to have relieved the besieged town. But Teuffenbach perceiving his purpose, forthwith after his departure passed the river with much difficulty, and overtaking him with his army the next day, being the first of May, about one of the clock in the afternoon, between ZARCHA and FUCASALVA, with his great ordinance disordered the rearward of the enemy's battle; and coming on courageously with his whole army, began a most cruel fight: which the Turks a great while endured with wonderful resolution: but now destitute of their wont multitude (their greatest confidence) and hardly laid unto by the Christians, they in the end turned their backs and fled; whom six thousand Hungarians and Germans fiercely pursued, and had the kill of them almost to BUDA. In this battle the Christians took all the enemies great ordinance, with seventeen ensigns, and also the castle of jasperin, which the Turks had for fear abandoned; wherein was found good store of victuals, certain great pieces, with much other warlike provision. Of this so notable a victory Teuffenbach by letters presently advertised the Archduke, after he was again returned to the siege of HATWAN. Which letters because they contain many particularities and circumstances of this battle, I have thought it not amiss here to insert. The copy of the letter● of the lord Teuffenb●ch to Mathias the Archduke, General of the emperors army against the Turk●. Although (saith he) I have by a speedy messenger upon the very kalends of May certified your excellency of the notable victory, which God of his great goodness gave unto us the same day over our hereditary enemy: yet afterward upon diligent inquisition we understood many particularities, as well of the captives themselves, as of the inhabitants about ZOLNOCK, PESTH, and BUDA, whereof I thought good to advertise you. The captives themselves confess, That the Bassa of BUDA, with the Sanzackes of ZOLNOC, ZARWACE, GIULA, and TSCHANGRAD, CIPPAIO, GENN●, and others, had with great celerity raised an army of thirteen thousand soldiers, amongst whom were many Tartars, with purpose to have relieved the besieged town of HATWAN, and upon the sudden to have oppressed us in our tents: Filled with which hope, they in great haste came with all their power the last of April towards HATWAN: but for as much as they could not pass over the river Zagijwa, by reason of the height of the water, they were the next day, being the first of May, conducted by the captain of jasparin to a more commodious passage, so to come the nearer unto us, and the next day in the morning to have surprised us in our tents. But our most merciful God hath averted this so great a mischief from us, and turned it upon their own heads. For as it is most constantly reported from ZOLNOC, PESTH, and BUDA, and confirmed by the inhabitants of the same places, there are two thousand five hundred of the Turks slain, and as many wounded, of whom many perished, and are found dead upon the high ways leading to PESTH and ZOLNOC: of these we have sent a thousand heads to CASSOVIA, and caused many of the Turks to be buried for fear of infection in this so great heat. Verily it was a bloody battle, so that the old soldiers say, they have not remembered or seen the Turks (no more in number) to have stood so long in battle, and to have so fought it out without flying. Many men of great name & place there perished and fell, amongst whom are reckoned the Sanzacks' of PESTH, NOVIGRAD, & TEMESKE: GENNE, ALAVUS, BOGSTE, ALUSTAFA, MARIELAUS, and certain Chiaus lately sent from the Court, with the Bassa his guard, wherein were eight hundred right valiant soldiers, of whom few escaped with life. Many fell that would have yielded great ransom; but it was agreed upon between the Germans and the Hungarians, not to spare any of the enemies, but to put them all to sword; and that whosoever did otherwise, it should be imputed unto him for dishonour. So that more than sixteen common soldiers, none were taken prisoners, of whom we might learn how things went amongst the Turks, with other circumstances of the battle. We took thirteen field pieces, whereof four were greater than the rest; which they called organs, and four and twenty of the enemy's ensigns. The Bassa of BUDA (beside other three wounds by him received) was grievously wounded in the side. Of our men were lost about an hundred, and many of them most expert soldiers: and about six hundred others grievously wounded, of whom there is small hope, many of them being already dead. Neither is the loss small we have received in our horses and armour, for there be few amongst the German horsemen, which have not lost one, two, or three of their horses or servants, whereby our horsemen are wonderfully weakened: yet was the victory great, to God be the praise, to him be the glory and thanks therefore. Let us in the mean time prosecute the siege begun. The last night I commanded the water to be drawn another way, so that now our trenches may be advanced many paces, and bulwarks raised within two hundred paces of the wall. We have already planted five great pieces of artillery in one bulwark, and hope the next night to place five more upon amount fast by, and will do what shall be needful for a strait siege: and when time shall serve, undertake the town with all our power, God grant us therein good success and victory. The Turks in garrison at ZA●OLA, a fort thereby, discouraged with the overthrow of their friends, forsook the ●ort; which for strength and greatness was comparable with TOCAY or ERLA. Which strong place the Christians without any loss now recovered. Whilst this valiant captain the lord Teuffenbach thus lay at the siege of HATWAN, S●rigonium besieged by the Christians. Mathias the archduke General of the Christian army in HUNGARY, encouraged with the good success he had at NOVIGRAD, came with his army (being 44000 strong) before STRIGONIUM (sometime the Metropolitical city of HUNGARY, but now of long a sure receptacle of the Turks) and the sixth of May encamped his army about a quarter of a mile from the castle in a most pleasant meadow, from whence both the city and the castle were plainly to be seen. Upon whom the Tur●es out of the castle, and three galleys that lay upon the river, discharged certain great pieces without any great harm doing: but after that the Christian fleet was a little before night come down the river, and with their great ordinance began to answer them again, the enemy ceased shooting, and lay still that night. In the mean time it fortuned, that a Turkish youth taken in a garden thereby, and brought into the camp and examined; confessed that there was no garrison in the city, more than four hundred janissaries, and that a new supply was daily expected from BUDA. The Christians labouring that night, were by the breaking of the day, come with their trenches to a hill over against the castle, where they placed their battery, and forthwith began to batter the city. The same day (being the seventh of May) two and twenty Turks heads were presented to the archduke, and four men taken alive, newly sent out of the city to have viewed the Christian camp. About night certain balls of wild fire were shot into the city, whereof one fell upon the tower called S. Adelbert, and set it on fire; wherewith first the church, and afterward a great part of the town fell on fire. The Sanzackes house, with all his horses and armour, and a great quantity of powder was then burnt, and inestimable hurt done in the city. The next day, the Christians had with continual battery made a breach in the castle wall: but adjoining unto the wall was an high and broad sandy rampire, which could hardly be battered; for all that the Germans gave a fierce assault unto the breach, hoping to have entered by the ruins of the wall, but being not able to get over the sandy rampire, were enforced with loss to retire. The day following they began again the battery with eighteen great pieces; when about eight a clock in the morning, the Rascians that were in the old city gave the General to understand, That if he would at a place by them appointed, assault the greater city to draw the Turks thither, they would in the mean time deliver unto the Christians certain little posterns, The old city delivered by the Rascians unto the Christians. and receive them into the old city; upon condition, that no violence should be done unto them or theirs. Which being so agreed upon, the Christians accordingly gave the assault the eleventh of May in the evening, and by the help of the Rascians took the city; who according to promise were all taken to mercy, and the Turks slain, except such as by their good hap recovered the new town. The keeping of this city was committed to the charge of two companies of German footmen, and six hundred Hungarians, with three hundred Rascians and other townsmen. Thus was the old city of STRIGONIUM gained by the Christians, the suburbs whereof they presently burnt; nevertheless the new town with the castle was still holden by the Turks. Wherefore the Christians having cast up certain trenches and mounts, and placed their artillery as they thought most convenient, began again to batter the castle, The castle assaulted. and after they had by the fury of the cannon made it saultable, with great courage assailed the breach, which the Turks valiantly defended: so that the Christians were glad to retire, leaving behind them about an hundred and thirty of their fellows slain in the breach. The Turks a little before the coming of the Christians, had fortified an hill, whereunto the castle was something subject, called of the Christians S. Nicholas his hill; this hill so fortified, the Christians with continual battery and assault gained the 17 of May, and put all the Turks left alive therein to the sword; and turning the ordinance, from thence also battered the castle. The two and twentieth of May a little before the going down of the Sun, certain ensigns of footmen were drawn out of the camp, to have the next day assaulted the lower town; who taking the benefit of the night, attempting to have entered the town in the dead time of the night, were notably encountered by the Turks sallying out of the town upon them. The Christians for all that having enforced them to retire, prosecuted their former resolution, and with much ado got over the uttermost wall: but finding there, contrary to their expectation, such a deep and broad countermure as was not possible to be passed, they stood as men dismayed: neither could they in the darkness of the night, well see how to get back again over the town ditch, but disorderly retiring, stuck fast many of them in the deep mud, and there perished. In this assault there were about a thousand of the Christians wounded and slain: and albeit that they twice or thrice renewed the assault, yet prevailed they nothing, but were still repulsed with loss. Many also of the Turkish garrison were likewise slain; yea the Sanzacke himself hurt with a great shot, with many other wounded men sent down the river to BUDA, brought thither true news of the aforesaid assaults, and of the state of the besieged. The Rascian● rise up against the Turks. In the mean time news was brought to the camp, That Sinan Bassa the old enemy of the Christians, and the Turks great lieutenant, coming towards HUNGARY with a great army, and having by boats conveyed over part thereof, was set upon by ●he Rascians' (these are poor oppressed Christians dwelling on both sides of Danubius, who weary of the Turkish thraldom, and desirous of their ancient liberty, have oftentimes taken up arms against the Turks, as they now did, encouraged by the good success of the Christians on the other side of HUNGARY) and that after divers skirmishes, they had taken thirteen of the Turks vessels, wherein beside victuals and certain great pieces of artillery, they found about 2400 weight of powder, 447 hundred of lead, 46454 bundles of match, 1200 great shot, whereof 1005 were of 66 pound weight, and of small shot for arquebusiers 48500, with much other warlike provision: a great part whereof was brought into the camp at STRIGONIUM, and the rest reserved to future uses. This loss so troubled the great Bassa, that he altered his purpose before intended for CASSOVIA. The fourth of june, about five hundred Turks sent up the river from BUDA, conducted by two Sanzackes under two red and white ensigns, landed near to GOKARA on the farther side of Danubius, over against STRIGONIUM: where after they had a while refreshed themselves, and left some few for the more assurance of the place, all the rest were conveyed over the river into STRIGONIUM, where they had been long looked for, the old garrison being now sore weakened by the former assaults. Four days after, the Turks encouraged with this supply, sallied out upon a sudden, and had entered one of the forts of the Christians; but were forthwith again repulsed, having lost six and twenty of their men, and two of their ensigns: not far off lay a troop of horsemen, who if they had in time come in, not one of the Turks had escaped. Long it were to tell, how often and in what manner the Christians assaulted this city, but were by the Turks so received, Five thousand Christian● lost at the siege of Strigon●um. that in five assaults they lost five thousand of their men, amongst whom were divers captains, lieutenants, ancients, and others of good account: three and twenty canoneers were also slain, and ten great pieces of artillery so spoiled, as that they were no more serviceable. The garrison of this city consisted for most part of the janissaries (the Turks best soldiers) whose notable valour in holding out of this siege, was both of their own people and their enemies much commended: whatsoever was beaten down by day, that they again repaired by night; and still relieved with victual and things necessary from BUDA, did what was possible to be done for defence of the city. About the same time certain Turks chancing upon a troop of German horsemen, in fight slew about fifty of them, and put the rest to flight▪ whereupon an alarm being raised in the camp, many ran out to the rescue of their fellows, taking with them certain small field pieces. Which the Turks perceiving, began to fly: whom the Christians eagerly pursuing, were suddenly assailed by other Turks, sallying out of a fort fast by, and enforced shamefully to retire, and to leave their field pieces behind them. Which the Turks ceizing upon, cloyed them, broke their carriages, and made them altogether unserviceable. All this while the lord Teuffenbach lying at the siege of HATWAN, The Archduke sends aid to the siege of Hatwan. about this time requested aid of the Archduke, for that his power was with often conflicts, hunger, and other difficulties always attending long sieges, so much weakened, as that he had scarcely six thousand sound men in his camp, to whom the Archduke forthwith sent twelve hundred footmen, being loath to spare any more, for too much weakening of his own army. Amurath disdaining to see the frontiers of his empire in so many places impugned by the Christians, and daily to receive from them so great harms, sought by all means to be revenged: wherefore beside the great power of his own, which he was now about to send with Sinan Bassa into HUNGARY, he had also procured from the great Tartar a wonderful number of those rough and savage people, to be sent into HUNGARY, there to join with his army. These wild people to the number of seventy thousand, according to direction given, breaking into PODOLIA, WALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, gathered together an incredible number of oxen and kine; to this end and purpose, that driving them before them, they might both be assured of victuals, and the safer travel through a part of POLONIA. But when they were come unto the borders of that country, and there found the power of Samoschie the great Chancellor and the Polonian Cossackes in arms, they easily perceived that they could not that way pass without great loss. Wherefore they placed the aforesaid herds of cattle, some before, some behind, and some on each side of the army, and so enclosed round about with those cattle as with a trench, marched on. But when they were come near unto the Polonians, this rude device served them to no other purpose than the overthrow of themselves: for the Polonians discharging their great ordinance, so terrified the cattle, that they turned upon the Tartars, and overthrowing whomsoever came in their way, did exceeding much harm: whom the Polonians immediately following, and hardly charging the confused army, armed only with bow and arrows, after some small fight put them at last to flight, and obtained of them a notable victory, with an exceeding rich prey. Of the Polonians were lost about eighteen hundred, but of the Tartars were slain thirty thousand. The rest retiring into PODOLIA, and passing the river Nester by the way of TRANSYLVANIA, where they did exceeding much harm, came to TEMESWARE, and so afterwards further into HUNGARY: unto whom the Turks sent seven hundred horsemen, to conduct them to the army. But to return again to the siege of STRIGONIUM. Strigonium assaulted. The fourteenth day of june the Christians between eight and nine of the clock in the morning with great fury assaulted the town in three places: which assault they most notably maintained, until it was almost three a clock in the afternoon. Nevertheless, the Turks so valiantly defended themselves, that at last the Christians were glad to give over the assault, and with loss to retire. The Archduke from an high place beholding the assault, had one of his footmen slain fast by him with a small shot. Many of the Turks were also slain in this assault, and amongst them one of the three Sanzackes that defended the city. The night following there arose a most horrible tempest, with such raging wind, and abundance of rain, that many thought they should never have seen day: with the violence whereof the Archdukes tent was overthrown, and divers others blown down or rend in sunder, were in the air carried from place to place. About the same time the lord Palsi within the sight of the castle cast up a notable fort, with high mounts and strong trenches (even in the selfsame place where Solyman lay about fifty years before, when he besieged and won STRIGONIUM) by which fort so built, the enemy was embarred to convey any thing up the river for relief of the city, to the great discomfiture of the besieged: for to have hindered the which work, the enemy oftentimes sallied out, but to no purpose. This fort being brought to perfection, the Christians took also another fort in an island on the further side of the river, which the Turks had but a few days before taken from the Christians, and cloyed the great pieces therein: which fort the Christians now again repaired, furnishing it with a sufficient garrison and other great ordinance. These things thus done, the castle and the lower town were in five divers places out of the new built for't, Strigonium sore battered. the old town, and the island, so battered with continual shot, that a man would have said, that one stone would not have been left upon another, but that all should have been beaten down and laid even with the ground. The seventeenth of june one of the Christian canoneers so dismounted one of the great pieces in the castle, that the piece together with the Turkish canonier that had charge thereof fell down out of the castle into the ditch. And the same day a mason that fled out of the castle into the camp, amongst other things reported, That many of the Turks were slain with this continual battery and often assaults, and that not past an hour before forty of them were slain in one chamber, and now acknowledged themselves to be indeed besieged: and to have resolved, that when they were brought to the last cast, then desperately to sally out upon the Christians, and so either to return with victory, or to make shift every man for himself as he might. Which his report seemed not altogether feigned: for about midnight a thousand of the Turks sallying out of the castle upon the fort newly built upon the river, in hope to have surprised it, were by the Christians therein notably repulsed and enforced to retire: in which conflict fifty of the Turks were slain, and many more wounded and taken prisoners. And the same day toward evening eight Turks of good sort being taken and brought into the camp, confessed, That but six days before, they had seen seven boats full of wounded and dead men sent down the river from STRIGONIUM to BUDA. Whereby it was easily to be gathered how bloody a siege this was unto the Turks, for as much as all those bodies were the bodies of men of good account and place; for the bodies of such common soldiers as were slain, they still threw into the river running by. The new built ●ort hardly assaulted by the Turks. The fort newly built upon the bank of Danubius, much troubled the besieged Turks in STRIGONIUM, because nothing could without danger of it be sent up the river for their relief. Wherefore they by fit messengers sent word out of the castle unto the Admiral of the Turks galleys lying below in the river, That he should at an appointed time come up the river with his galleys as high as the fort, and on that side at leastwise to make show as if he would assault it: at which time they of the town would be likewise ready to sally out, and to assail it indeed on the other side by land. The Admiral accordingly came up the river with his galleys, and by discharging of certain great pieces, made show as if he would on that side have battered the fort: but was so welcomed thereout of, that he was glad with his rend galleys quickly to fall down the river again further off out of danger. But whiles the thundering shot was thus flying too and fro towards the river, they of the town sallying out, assaulted the fort on the other side toward the land, and that with such desperate resolution, that some of them were got up to the top of the rampires, and there for the space of two hours maintained a most cruel fight: wherein many of them were slain and wounded, and the rest enforced with shame to retire. The Christians thus still lying at the siege, and intentive to all occasions, partly by their espials, and partly by such as they had taken prisoners, understood, that a new supply both of men and victuals was shortly to be put into STRIGONIUM: and therefore sent out certain companies of soldiers, who lying in two convenient places, the one upon the river, the other by land, might intercept the said supply. Both which places were before by the provident enemy possessed: who suddenly assailing the Christians coming thither, and fearing no such matter, slew some of them, and put the rest to flight: who nevertheless in their retreat, broke the bridge which the Turks had made of boats under the castle of STRIGONIUM over Danubius. Of which boats some were carried away with the violence of the stream, and of the rest thirty fell into the hands of the Christians, without loss of any man more than five, who making too much haste out of a little boat, fell into the river, & so perished. In this time, Fame the forerunner of all great attempts had brought news into the Christian camp, That Sinan Bassa the Turks great General was coming to the relief of STRIGONIUM: of whose power, divers diversly reported. But the greater part doubting the worst, and weary of the long siege and of the calamities incident thereunto, added still something to the last report, to make the danger of longer stay to seem the greater: certain it is, that the news of the coming of so great and puissant an enemy, raised many a troubled thought in the minds of so great a multitude. Now were the besieged Turks in great wants in STRIGONIUM, as appeared by letters intercepted from the Sanzacke to the Bassa of BUDA, declaring unto him the hard estate of the besieged, and humbly craving his promised help, without which the city could not for want of victuals possibly be defended by the fainting soldiers above three days. Which letters being read in the camp, caused great preparation to be made for the continuing of the siege and the withstanding of the enemy, whose coming was every hour expected. All this while the great ordinance never ceased on either side: whereby many were slain, as well of the Christians as of the Turks; and amongst others many of the canoneers. But for as much as the rife fame of Sinan Bassanes coming increased daily, and the Christian camp possessed with a general fear, gave unto the wise just suspicion of some great mischief likely to ensue: Mathias the General entered into counsel with county Ferdinand Hardeck, the lord Palfi, the lord Vngenade precedent of the counsel for the wars, and Erasmus Eraun governor of COMORA, What were best to be done in so dangerous a time? who with general consent agreed betimes (before the coming of Sinan) to raise the siege, and to remove with the army into some place of more safety. Which their determinat resolution, the day following, being the six and twentieth of june, they made known to the other princes and great commanders in the army: who wonderfully discontented therewith, especially the Germans, both openly by word, and solemnly by writing, protested against the same, as most dishonourable, and altogether made without their knowledge or good liking. To whom the precedent of the counsel for their further satisfaction, declared, That the enemy was coming with a very great army, and even now at hand, whose strength increased daily, and with what power he had purposed to assail them in their tents, was uncertain: besides that, it was manifestly known unto the world, how that in the former assaults they had lost many of their best soldiers, beside others that died in the camp: and that the place wherein they lay encamped, was subject to many dangers: For which so urgent causes the General had resolved to raise his siege, and before the coming of so strong an enemy, to remove his army into a place of more safety. Which reasons for all that did not so well satisfy the German princes and commanders, but that they still urged their former protestation, requesting his excellency to have them excused before God and the world, if they yielding to his command, as to their General, did that which they thought not altogether best, and which they would not have otherwise done. For the more evidence whereof, the said German princes and great commanders caused their said protestation to be solemnly conceived in writing, which they firmed with their seals, and subscribed with their own hands in order as followeth: Francis duke of SAXONY, Augustus' duke of BRUNSWICK, Sebastian Schlick, county Wigand Maltzan, Ernestus of ALSTAN, Henry Phlugk, john Nicholas Ruswormb, Henry Curwigger Heerrath, john of OBERHAUSEN, Henry Rottcirch, Melchior of NOTHWITH. But the Archduke with the rest constant in their former resolution, The Archduke raiseth his siege, and with his army passeth the river. first sent away the great ordinance, and raising the siege the eight and twentieth of june, followed after with the whole army, passing over Danubius not far from KOKARA, doubtfully expecting what course Sinan the great Bassa (who was then reported to be even at hand) would take. Yet before their departure they set the old town on fire, and razed the fort S. Nicholas, before taken from the enemy, which they had once purposed to have kept. This unexpected departure of the Christians much gladded the besieged Turks: who for want of victuals had not been able long to have holden out. Yet lay the lord Teuffenbach still at the siege of HATWAN, labouring by all means to take from the besieged Turks their water, and with earth and faggots to fill up their ditches; which work he had now happily brought to some good perfection. Whereof they in the town by letters advertised the Bassa of BUDA, and that except they were within the space of three days relieved, they should be enforced to yield the town. Which their distress the Bassa considering, with speed assembled all his forces, and so set forward to relieve them, hoping to have come upon the Christians before they were aware of his coming. But Teuffenbach understanding thereof, with five thousand chosen horsemen went out of the camp to meet him, & suddenly coming upon him, Five thousand Turks slain. fearing no such thing, slew five thousand of the Turks, put the Bassa to flight, and together with the victory obtained an exceeding rich prey. Now was there no less expectation and hope of the winning or yielding up of HATWAN, Hatwan in vain assaulted by the Christians. than was before of STRIGONIUM: but according to the chance of war it fell out otherwise. For Teuffenbach having with continual battery laid the breaches fair open, and made choice of such soldiers as he thought meetest for the assault, was in the performing thereof so notably repulsed by the Turks, that he was glad to retire with the loss of his best and most resolute soldiers: Teuff●nbach giveth over the siege of Hatwan. which put him out of all hope of taking the town by force. For beside the loss of these good men, he had scarce so many sound men left, as might suffice to furnish his garrisons for defence of those frontiers: by reason that the Hungarians were almost all shrunk home, and of the Germans were left scarce two thousand. Besides that he had oftentimes craved new supplies of the archduke, but all in vain: for which causes he was glad to abandon two strong forts he had built before HATWAN, and to leave the town now brought to great extremity. Thus two notable cities, which were now as it were in the hands of the Christians, and by the recovery whereof the broken state of the afflicted Christians in HUNGARY had been much strengthened, were as it were again restored unto the barbarous and cruel enemy. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of STRIGONIUM and HATWAN, the Rascians (of whom we have before spoken) striving still more and more to rid themselves from the Turkish thraldom, gathered themselves together to the number of fifteen thousand, between BUDA and BELGRADE, under a General of their own choosing. For fear of whom, the Bassa of TEMESWAR with an army of fourteen thousand, went to fortify and victual LIPPA, doubting lest it should by them be surprised: but having done that he went for, in his return he was met with by the same Rascians, and twice fought withal in one day, and both times put to the worse, with the loss of the greatest part of his army. After which victory the Rascians took BECZKEREK a strong town, standing in a marish four miles from BELGRADE, and slew all the Turks they found therein. After that they took a castle called OTTADT, and dealt with the Turks in like manner. From thence they went and besieged BEECH, a castle standing upon the river Tibiscus or Teise, where the town adjoining unto it yielded presently; but they in the castle standing a while upon their guard, offered at last to yield also upon certain conditions. But the Rascians knowing that the Turks thereabouts had conveyed into that castle the best part of their wealth, and withal that it was but weakly manned, would accept of no conditions, but needs have it absolutely delivered up to their pleasure. In the mean time the old Bassa of TEMESWAR and his son, knowing it to tend to their dishonour to suffer this base people so to rage at their pleasure about them, gathered together 11000 Turks, and so in great haste came to relieve the besieged castle. Upon whom the Rascians turned themselves, and in plain battle overthrew the Bassa, and so pursued the victory, that of those 11000 Turks scarcely escaped 1000: the Bassa himself being there slain, and with him three Sanzacks', his son escaped by flight. In this battle the Rascians took 18 great pieces of artillery: and not long after took also WERSETZA and LUTZ, two strong places. After which so happy success, they sent unto the archduke Mathias for aid, but especially for canoneers, professing themselves now utter enemies unto the Turks. The Rascians also about TEMESWAR sent word unto the other in the camp, that they would come and join with them. And they which inhabit the country between the rivers Danubius and Tibiscus, by messengers sent of purpose unto the lord Teuffenbach (the archdukes lieutenant in the upper part of HUNGARY) offered in short time to send him ten or twelve thousand men, so that he would receive them and their country into the emperors protection; which he easily granted them, and thereof assured them by writing. And to the archduke himself they sent also their trusty messengers, requesting him to send them a General to lead them, promising unto him all obedience: which messengers departing from them the fourteenth of june, shortly after returned with such answer as was thought most convenient for their present state. Thus against the coming of Sinan, was HUNGARY almost all on a broil. A Dice of the empire holden at Ratisbone for the withstanding of the Turk. The emperor long before distrusting the Turks purpose for war, and well considering what a difficulty it would be for him with his own forces only to withstand so puissant an enemy as was Amurath; had by his ambassadors prayed aid of divers Christian princes, but especially of them of the empire, as those whom this war concerned most. Wherefore he after the ancient and wont manner of his state in so common and imminent a danger, appointed a general assembly of the Princes and States of the empire, to be holden at RATIS●ONE, in the latter end of February: which for sundry urgent causes was put off until March, and again until April, and so afterward until May. At which time the emperor in person himself, with the Prince's Electors, and other the great States of the empire, being met together with great pomp at RATISBONE, and solemnly assembled into the bishop's palace, began there to sit in counsel the 2 of june. The emperor grievously complaineth unto the Prince's Electors▪ and States of the empire, of the infidelity of the Turk, and craveth their aid. Unto the which Princes and States so assembled, after that the emperor had first by the mouth of Philip County Palatine of RHINE, given great thanks for their so ready appearance, & briefly declared the cause of their assembly; he himself after some complaint made of the Turkish infidelity, in express words declared unto them, how that he by his ambassador then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE, had in the year 1591. made a league for eight years, with the present Turkish Sultan Amurath: which league Amurath himself had approved and confirmed, and thereof sent him public and solemn instruments: wherein it was provided, That no hostility should be on either side during that time attempted. And yet notwithstanding that he, contrary to his faith given, as an hereditary enemy of the Christians, had violated this league, and by sundry incursions barbarously spoiled and wasted, not HUNGARY only, but other of his imperial provinces also: But especially by Hassan Bassa of BOSNA, who first with a strong army besieged, battered, and took REPITZ, an ancient frontier castle, and after that WIHITZ, DRESNIK, CRASSOWITZ, with other places of name: And had in his dominion and territory built PETRINIA a most strong fort, hurtful to all that country, out of which he had done incredible mischief in CROATIA, WINDISMARCH, and the most fruitful island TUROPOLIE; and had out of those places carried away above five and thirty thousand Christians into most miserable captivity. Of which shameful injuries and breach of faith, he had many times by his ambassadors complained unto the Turkish Sultan at CONSTANTINOPLE, and requested, that all hostility set apart, due restitution might have been made, but to have therein prevailed nothing: and that the same Bassa in stead of condign punishment, had been for the doing thereof honoured by the Great Sultan his lord with honourable gifts, the sure tokens of his favour: Whereby he was so confirmed in his barbarous proceedings, that he began to make open war, and having raised a full army, and strengthened also with certain companies of janissaries sent from the Court, had passed over the river of Kulp, and besieged the castle of SISEG: but by the just judgement of God the revenger of wrongs, had there received the reward of his faithless and cruel dealing, being there slain, and almost all his army utterly destroyed by his small forces, raised in haste for his own lawful defence. Nevertheless the faithless Turk (as if he had been highly wronged himself) to have made this his breach both of league and faith forthwith known to all the world, by commanding open war to be solemnly proclaimed against the kingdom of HUNGARY, both in CONSTANTINOPLE and BUDA: and by the Beglerbeg of GRaeCE, to have again besieged and taken the strong fortress of SISEG. Whereas on the other side (because nothing should on his part be wanting, which might make his desire of peace more known) he had again, and oftentimes by his ambassador put the Turk in remembrance of his league made, and confirmed by his faith: who for all that had changed nothing of his purpose, but sent his great Visier Sinan Bassa with the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA, and many inferior Bassas and Sanzacks' into HUNGARY, who with fire and sword enforced the inhabitants and country people (such as they left alive) to swear unto the Turk obedience, and to become his subjects: and at the same time took VESPRINIUM and PALOTTA, two famous fortresses of that kingdom. And that the same Bassa by commandment from his lord and master, had contrary to the law of nations imprisoned Frederik Kreckowitz his ambassador, first at CONSTANTINOPLE, and caused the greater part of his followers to be thrust into the galleys; and afterwards to have sent him with a few of his servants to BELGRADE, and there to have kept him so long in prison, that he there miserably died. In revenge of which so great and open wrong, and for the defence and comfort of his afflicted subjects so near the enemy, he had raised a good strength both of horse and foot, by whose help and the assistance of almighty God, the Bassa of BOSNA had reaped the fruit of his perfidious dealing: as had also the Bassa of BUDA, with many thousands of their great soldiers; overthrown near unto ALBA REGALIS; besides many of their castles and towns taken or razed. Yet for all that was it easy to be seen, these so great victories by the goodness of God had and obtained against so mighty and cruel an enemy, not to suffice; but that there was still need of a perseverant and continual supply for the maintenance of a perpetual war: and that it was daily to be expected, or rather even now presently to be descried, That the Turk in his quarrel which he deemeth always just against the Christians, and in revenge of these overthrows, would draw forth all his forces, and adventure his whole strength. For which causes he had by the knowledge and consent of the Prince's electors of the sacred empire, appointed that present Diet of the empire; and not for the aforesaid causes only, but for divers others both necessary and weighty also: as the general peace of the empire, the pacification of the Low countries, the reformation of justice, and amendment of the coin: but especially and above all other things, to make it known unto the world, how much it concerned to have the Turks pride betime abated, and some effectual defence for HUNGARY (now in danger) at length provided; being the most sure defence and strongest bulwark of that part of Christendom. And that whereas his own hereditary provinces were not of themselves alone sufficient to maintain so chargeable a war, he therefore requested the Electors, Princes, and States both present and absent, not to grudge to be present with their help, their counsel, and whatsoever else should be needful against so puissant and dangerous an enemy. So ending his speech, he caused all his demands before conceived into writing to be read, and so delivered unto them. For answering whereunto, the Prince's electors and others there present required time; which granted, after many sit & long consultations, they at last with one consent answered, That it was a hard matter by reason of the late dearth, and other like occasions, for them to grant such help and aid as the emperor had in writing required: yet having before their eyes the great and imminent danger wherein the Christian common weal than stood, they not regarding their own proper and near difficulties, had in regard of his sacred and imperial majesty, for the comfort and defence of the endangered Christians, and for the repressing of the Turkish fury, of their own free will and mere compassion, granted beside their accustomed contribution, such farther relief for the space of six years, as they thought sufficient for the maintenance of a defensive war, both for the present and the time to come. What was by them farther decreed concerning the emperors other demands, as not pertinent to our purpose, we willingly pass over. Sinan Bassa with an army of 250 thousand betw●ene Buda and Alba Regalis. Of all these things, as also whatsoever else had happened at STRIGONIUM, HATWAN, or other places of HUNGARY, was not Sinan Bassa ignorant: who now even upon the departure of the Christians from STRIGONIUM, was come with an huge army between BUDA and ALBA REGALIS: unto whom also forty thousand Tartars, that by force had made themselves way through PODOLIA and the upper part of HUNGARY, had now joined themselves: so that in his army were reckoned above an hundred and fifty thousand fight men; to the great terror, not only of HUNGARY, AUSTRIA, STIRIA, CROATIA, BOHEMIA, and the provinces thereabout, but also of the whole State of GERMANY. With this great army the old Bassa had purposed to have overwhelmed the Christians in their camp at STRIGONIUM: but now that they were before his coming departed over the river towards KOMARA, he resolved to keep on his way, and to besiege the strong city JAURINUM, now called RAB. And to make all sure before him, he thought it best to take in his way DOTIS, a strong town of the Christians, in the mid way between STRIGONIUM and RAB, about five Hungarian miles short of RAB. The Christian army but newly passed over Danubius, in marching towards KOMARA, might see the mountains and fields on the other side the river all covered with the multitude of the Turks army: who though they were in deed many, yet marching dispersedly, made show of more than in truth they were. So both armies marching in sight the one of the other, and separated only with the river, held on their way: the Christians to KOMARA, where they encamped under the very walls of the city, yet in such sort, as that they might a far off well descry one another; and the Turks towards DOTIS, where the Bassa with all his army encamped the 21 day of july. The night following, having planted his battery, he began in furious manner to batter the castle, the chief strength of the town; the Christian army looking on, Dotis and Saint Martin's yielded to the Turks. but not daring at so great odds to relieve their distressed friends. So whiles the Bassa granteth no breathing time unto the besieged, but tireth them out with continual battery and alarms, they of the town despairing of their own strength, and to be able for any long time to hold out against so mighty an enemy, within three days after yielded the town, being in that short time sore battered, and also in divers places undermined: yet with this condition, That it should be lawful for the garrison soldiers and townsmen, with their wives and children in safety to depart. Which was unto them by the Bassa frankly granted, but not so faithfully performed: for at their departure many of their wives and children were stayed by the Turks, and the lord Baxi Governor of the town foully entreated. Immediately after, the Bassa without much ado took S. Martin's castle also, not far from DOTIS, being by the captain yielded unto him. In the mean time the country villages round about forsaken of the poor Christians, were by the Turks most miserably burnt, and all the country laid waste. Yea some of the forerunners of the Turks army passing over the river Rabnitz, ran into the country as far as ALTENBURG, within five miles of VIENNA, burning the country villages as they went, and killing the poor people, or that worse was, carrying them away into perpetual captivity: yet not without some loss, four hundred of these roaming foragers being cut off by the lord Nadasti. Palfi also, and Brun Governor of KOMARA following in the tail of the Turks army, set upon them that had the charge of the victuals; of whom they slew a great number, took 120 of them prisoners, and 150 camels and 30 mules laded with meal and rice, which they carried away with them to KOMARA. DOTIS and S. Martin's thus taken, Sinan Bassa constant in his former determination, set forward again towards RAB, and being come within a mile of the city, there encamped; the Christian army then lying not far off on the other side of the river. Rab. This city of RAB is a strong and populous city, honoured with a bishops See, and was worthily accounted the strongest bulwark of VIENNA, from whence it is distant about twelve German miles, standing upon the South side of Danubius, where the river dividing itself, maketh a most fertile island called SCHUT; in the East point whereof standeth the strong city of KOMARA. The defence of this city of RAB was committed to County Hardeck, a man of greater courage than fidelity, with a garrison of twelve hundred choice soldiers, unto whom a little before the coming of the Bassa were certain companies of Italians joined, who together with the citizens made up the number of five thousand able men: a strength in all men's judgement sufficient for the long defence of that place. The last of july (Mathias the archduke about the going down of the Sun departing out of the city of RAB, over the river into the island over against it) came Sinan Bassa with his huge army and beset it round, casting up trenches and mounts, whereon he skilfully placed his gabions and great artillery, and whatsoever else was necessary for so great a siege: and that with such celerity, as was to the beholders thought most strange. The second of August, he with great fury battered the city, and brought his trenches within musket shot of the walls. The Turks and Tartars passing over the river, overthrown. At which time four thousand Tartarian horsemen swum over the Danubius between RAB and KOMARA; after whom followed six thousand Turks, who being with much ado got over to the farther side, suddenly surprised a fort of the Christians next unto the river; and forthwith turning five great pieces of ordinance which they found therein, discharged them upon the camp of the Christians: who terrified with the sudden accident, rise up all in arms, and hardly charging those desperate adventurers, slew many of them; especially such as seeking after booty had dispersed themselves from their fellows, and forced the rest again to take the river, wherein most of them perished. The Tartarians the second time overthrown. About five days after, the Tartarians (living for most part upon prey) swum again over the river, and upon the sudden burnt a village in the island, and slew certain Christians in their tents, but being quickly encountered by the Christian-horsemen, they were easily overthrown, and many of them slain: the rest casting away their weapons and forsaking their horses, ran headlong into the river, trusting more to their swimming than to their fight; whom the Christians hardly pursuing, in the very river slew about two thousand of them: and by this victory obtained many of the Tartarian swift horses, with their scimitars, their bows and arrows, Rab battered. and such ensigns as they had. All this while Sinan Bassa without intermission, lay thundering with threescore great pieces of battery against the city: but to little or small purpose, for as yet he had made no breach whereby to enter, but the harm that was done was upon the towers or high built houses, or in the camp, by such random shot as flying over the town fell by chance among the tents of the Christians. And the janissaries intentive to all opportunities, in a great rain furiously and with a most horrible cry (as their manner is) assaulted an utter bulwark of the Christians, which they for fear forsook, and retired themselves into the city; upon which bulwark so taken, the janissaries had set up three of their ensigns: When the Christians ashamed of that they had done, and better advised, taking courage unto them, forthwith sallied out again, and courageously charging the janissaries but now entered, slew many of them, and recovered again the bulwark. Sinan Bassa leaving nothing unattempted that might further his desire for the winning of the city, A Bassa slain. was now casting up a great mount against the city: which whilst he daily surveyed, he chanced to fall sick, and therefore appointed one of the Bassas in his own stead to oversee the work; who whilst he was walking too and fro, hastening the work, and commanding this and that thing to be done, he was taken with a shot out of the town and slain. The fifteenth of August certain Turks before the rising of the Sun getting over Danubius in boats, assailed a fort of the Christians: which the soldiers that had the keeping of it, presently forsook, and left it to the enemy. Which john de Medici's, lately come into the camp with two thousand Italians, perceiving, forthwith came to the rescue of the fort, drove out the Turks, and having slain divers of them, forced the rest into the river, where they were all drowned. At which time five thousand Tartars in another place, passing over the river into the island, were encountered by the lord Palfi and the Hussars his followers, and without any great resistance put to flight, A sight in the river betwixt the Turks and the Tartars. wherein many of them were slain: the rest taking the river, were in good hope to have got over, and so to have saved themselves. But other Turks meeting them in the river, would with their weapons have beaten them back, and stayed their flight: against whom the Tartars opposing themselves, made with them in the very river a most cruel fight, but with such loss unto the Tartars, that of the five thousand which adventured over, few returned to carry news unto their fellows how they had sped. Now began great scarcity of victuals in the Turks camp, so that the soldiers were feign to feed upon unripe fruit and such other unwholesome things: whereof ensued the bloody flix, with many other dangerous diseases: which raging amongst them, did wonderfully consume the Bassa's army. Beside that, they of the city with continual shot had slain many, and among them a son in law of the great Bassas, whose death he is reported to have taken so unpatiently, that he fell sick for grief, but in short time after passed it over, and recovered again. The Tartars not yet warned by their often losses, but passing again over the river into the island the nineteenth of this month, were there three thousand of them slain. In the mean time certain companies also of the Turks having secretly passed the river, in another quarter assailed the Christians in their camp: in which hurly burly other of the Tartars got over the river not far from KOMARA, hoping now at length to perform some great matter, which they had before so often to their cost vainly attempted. But finding the Turks overthrown before their coming, and the Christians (contrary to their expectation) in arms ready to receive them, they were easily discomfited, and two thousand of them slain. In this conflict the Sanzacke of STRIGONIUM, with two others, and many more of great account among the Turks perished. Shortly after the Christians sallying out of the city, slew a great number of the Turks, and so retired with small loss. Thus was the Turks army daily diminished, besides that the want of victuals with the bloody flix so increased, that many persuaded the Bassa to have raised his siege, and to have removed with his army to some other more wholesome place, and of greater plenty: but he resolutely set down not to depart before he had either won the town, or enforced them therein to yield, would not hearken to any persuasions to the contrary. Whilst Sinan thus lay at the siege of RAB, Maximilian the emperors brother took Crastowitz, a fortress of the Turks upon the borders of CROATIA, and put to sword all the Turks there in garrison. After that he laid siege to PETRINIA, a strong fortress of the Turks, which they but a few years before had contrary to the league built in the emperors territory, for the annoying of CROATIA, and for the exceeding strength thereof was thought almost impregnable. Yet such was the industry of Maximilian and his soldiers, that what with continual battery and mines they so terrified the Turks there in garrison, that they for fear set fire on the fort, and flying away by night, made shift every man for himself, as he might. Which they in the castle of SISEG hearing, set fire also upon it, and so left it to the Christians: whose example they also of GARA followed: by which so prosperous and happy success of Maximilians, not the frontiers only, but even the whole country of CROATIA was for that time delivered of a wonderful trouble and no less danger. A great skirmish betwixt the Turks and the Christians. The eight and twentieth day of August twenty thousand of the Christians passing over the river by a bridge out of the island, and joining with them of the town, sallied out upon the Turks camp. The Hungarian Heidons in the forward at the first onset took two of the Turks bulwarks; and having beaten out the enemies, cloyed certain of their great pieces: but the Turks returning with greater power, enforced the Christians to retire, and recovered again their lost bulwarks. In this conflict many were slain, as well Christians as Turks. In the mean while Thonhause a great captain of the Christians, and Geitzhofler, county Hardecke his lieutenant, with fifteen hundred Hungarian and German footmen came in great boats to have holpen their fellows, but landing somewhat too late, they were by the enemy beaten back, and enforced with such speed to retire, that many of them being not able to recover the boats, were drowned in the river, amongst whom Geitzhofler himself perished, and Thonhause was deadly wounded in his breast. Yet the Christians not discouraged with this loss, but gathering themselves together under the very walls of the city, gave a second assault unto the enemy. In the forward were the footmen, who were by the enemy's horsemen easily repulsed: but by the coming in of the lord Rinsberg (who was at the first onset slain) the Turks were enforced into their trenches, except some few, which divided from the rest hid themselves in the vineyards, but being found out by the Christians, were there all slain. In this skirmish the lord Palfi was grievously wounded in his thigh. Two tho●sand Turks slain, and 17 of their ensigns taken. Of the Christians were slain four hundred, and of the Turks about two thousand. These conflicts endured from seven a clock in the morning until twelve, at which time the Christians returning into the city, and so into the camp, amongst other spoils carried away with them seventeen of the enemy's ensigns. No day now passing without some skirmish, at length the ninth of September ten thousand Turks, some in boats, some by other means, having got over the river of Danubius into the island of SCHUT, suddenly set upon the Christians, all sleeping in security, and little fearing any such danger: of whom they slew about two thousand, and after some small fight put the rest to most shameful flight, in such sort, that Mathias the Archduke himself with the other noblemen and captains had much ado by flight to escape. Thus whilst every man surprised with fear, made what shift he could for himself; the enemy in the mean time entered the trenches, took their tents, the great ordinance, the shot and powder, and all the money which but a little before was brought for the soldiers pay; beside about a thousand wagons, and two hundred boats well loaded with provision for the camp, A great spoil taken by the Turks. and ten galleys, wherein were an hundred and twenty pieces of great ordinance. The loss received this day was valued at five hundred thousand ducats. And albeit that this victory cost the Turks two thousand and five hundred of their lives, yet thereby they gained the mastery both upon the river and the land, so that now roaming far and near without resistance, they spoiled the country all about, and burned certain country villages not far from VIENNA: so that for many miles space from country towns were for fear of the enemy forsaken by the inhabitants; of whom some were taken and slain, some carried into captivity, and some others (reserved to a better fortune) with such things as they had, got themselves farther off into places of more security. And the more to increase these calamities, the Tartars shortly after passing over Danubius near unto ALTENEURO, first sacked WEISENBURG, and after burned it, with certain towns thereabout: but adventuring to have gone further into the country, they were with loss enforced to return. Whilst the Turks thus prevail in HUNGARY, Cicala Bassa the Turks Admiral then at sea with a fleet of galleys, landing his men in divers places of ITALY, did exceeding much harm but especially in CALABRIA, where he upon the sudden surprised RHEGIUM, ri●led the town, and afterwards burned it. From thence taking his course towards SICILIA, he in the sight of MESSANA landed certain of his men; who adventuring too far ashore, were by the country people overthrown and put to flight. Rhegium razed by the Turks. So the Turks returning again to RHEGIUM, utterly razed what they had before left of that town. In the mean time not far from MESSANA, even in the sight of the garrison of the town, they took a certain ship coming out of the East countries, and three other coming from APULIA. Afterward chancing upon certain galleys of the East, they changed some few shot with them, but to no great purpose. And so turning their course, and sailing alongst the coast of CALABRIA, they oftentimes landed certain companies, which skirmishing with the Calabrians, had sometime the better and sometime the worse, and so with such fortune as befell them, were again received into the galleys. They of MESSANA, unto whose eyes these dangers were daily presented both by letters and speedy messengers, gave the Viceroy knowledge thereof (who then for his pleasure lay at PALERMO) requesting his present aid: but he dallying of the time, they for the more safeguard of the city and of the sea coast, of themselves raised five hundred horsemen, whom they committed to the leading of Philip Cicala, the renegade Turkish Admirals brother; and beside stored the city with all such things as they thought necessary for the enduring of a siege, if it should chance the Turk to have any such purpose: of all which they certified the king of SPAIN, as also of the negligence of the Viceroy, requesting his speedy aid against these terrors of the Turks. In the mean while the Neapolitans for safeguard of their coast put to sea thirty galleys: unto whom the Pope, the duke of FLORENCE, the Genoese, and the knights of MALTA, joined also theirs, in all to the number of about fourscore galleys, under the conduct of Auria. The provident Venetians also although they were as then in league with the Turk; yet for the more safety of their state, put to sea a fleet of about an hundred sail, some ships, some galleys, under the leading of Poscarin their Admiral. Which two fleets sailing up and down those seas, delivered ITALY, SICILY, DALMATIA, with many other provinces and islands of the Christians of a great fear. Sinan Bassa having before encouraged his soldiers with great hope and large promises, commanded an assault to be given to the city of RAB: Rab assaulted by the Turks. which was accordingly by them begun the three and twentieth day of September, the Sun being as yet scarce up, and furiously maintained all that day from morning until night. But they of the town so valiantly defended themselves, that at last the Turks were glad to give over the assault, and with loss to retire. Nevertheless the next day the assault was again renewed, and most desperately continued by the space of two days: wherein above twelve thousand of the Turks there lost their lives, Twelve thousand Turks slain. the other with shame retiring themselves into their trenches. In few days after, the Turks by a mine blew up one of the bulwarks of the town, with the fall whereof the town ditch was in that place somewhat filled: whereby the Turks with all their power attempted thrice the next day to have entered, but were by the valour of the defendants still notably with loss repulsed. Yet notwithstanding all this cheerfulness and courageousness of them in the town, the puissant enemy ceased not with continual battery and furious assaults to attempt the city, until that at length he had gained two of the bulwarks, from whence he might to his great advantage, by the rubbish and earth fallen out of the battered bulwarks and rampires, have access unto the town, to the great terror of the defendants. Whereupon county Hardeck the Governor (who corrupted by the Turk, had of purpose many times before said that the town could not possibly be long defended) now took occasion to enter into counsel with the other captains of the town (divers of whom he had already framed to his purpose) what course were best to take for the yielding of it up. And so after a little consultation, holden more for fashion sake, than for that he doubted what to do; resolved to send a messenger unto the Bassa, for a truce to be granted for a while, to see if happily in the mean time some reasonable composition might be agreed upon. Yet the Governor considering unto what scorn and danger he should expose himself, by yielding up of so strong a town; to colour the matter, and to excuse his doings unto the rest of the nobility and garrisons of HUNGARY, caused a public instrument to be in his and all the rest of the captains names conceived in writing, wherein they solemnly protested unto the world, That for as much as it was impossible (by reason of the weakness of the garrison) for them longer to defend the town against so mighty an enemy, without new supplies in stead of them that were slain, which they had oftentimes in vain requested, they were therefore of necessity enforced to come to composition with the enemy. Which protestation so made, the Governor with the chief captains confirmed with their hands and seals. So after a truce granted, and pledges given on both sides, at length it was agreed upon, That all the garrison soldiers, together with the county and other captains should in arms with ensigns displayed with bag and baggage depart in safety; and with a safe convoy be brought to ALTENBURG. Which agreement though by oath confirmed, was not on the Turks part altogether performed: for when the county had the 29 day of September, at ten a clock in the forenoon delivered up the city unto the Bassa, and the Christian garrison was all come out, the county himself with a few of his friends was with a convoy of Turks brought in safety to the appointed place: but the Italians and other garrison soldiers that came behind, County Hardeck corrupted by the Turk, yieldeth the strong town of Rab unto Sinan Bassa. and aught to have been by the Governor protected, were contrary to the Turks promise spoiled of all that they had, and hardly escaping with life, came that night to HOCHSTRATE, and the next day to ALTENBURG. Thus was RAB, one of the strongest bulwarks of Christendom, traitorously delivered unto the most mortal enemy of the Christian religion; being even then when it was given up, victualled for a year, and sufficiently furnished with all things necessary for defence: all which provision together with the city fell into the hands of the faithless enemy. A loss never to have been sufficiently lamented, had it not been about four years after, even as it were miraculously again recovered, to the great rejoicing of all that side of Christendom, as in the process of this History shall appear. Sinan glad of this victory, as of the greatest trophy of his master's glory over the Christians, gave him speedy knowledge thereof, both by letters and messengers. Of whom he was for that good service highly commended, and afterward bountifully rewarded: for now had Amurath already in hope devoured all AUSTRIA, Rab repaired by the Turks. with the provinces thereabout. The great Bassa, because he would not with too long stay hinder the course of his victory, without delay repaired the rend city, new fortified the battered bulwarks, enlarged the ditches, and filled the cathedral church with earth, in manner of a strong bulwark, where upon he planted great store of great ordinance: and with exceeding speed dispatched all things necessary for the holding of the place. In the mean time he sent certain Tartars to summon the town and castle of PAPPA; which castle and little town subject thereunto, the Christians the night following set on fire, because it should not stand the enemy in any stead for the farther troubling of the country, and so fled. The Bassa having at his pleasure disposed of all things in RAB, Komara besieged by Sinan Bassa. and leaving there four thousand janissaries, and two thousand horsemen in garrison, departed thence with his army and laid siege to KOMARA, a strong town of that most fertile island, which the Hungarians call SCHUT; which situated in the very point thereof about four miles from RAB, is on the East, South, and North enclosed with the two arms of Danubius. All these ways Sinan with his fleet (which he had there notably well appointed) laid hard siege unto the town, and gave thereunto divers assaults: and by land, the Beglerbeg of GRaeCE ceased not both by continual battery and mines, to shake the walls and bulwarks thereof. Thus was the city on all sides both by water and by land hardly laid unto. But the Christians within, with no less courage defended themselves and the city, than did the Turks assail them; showing indeed, that the liberty of their religion and country, was unto them dearer than their lives. Mathias the archduke in the mean time, not ignorant how much it concerned the emperor his brother to have this city defended, having after his late overthrow gathered together a good army of Germans, Bohemians, and Hungarians, resolved to go and raise the siege: and so marching forward with his army, came and encamped the 28 day of October at NITRIA, about five miles from KOMARA. Now were the Tartars a little before departed from the came, with purpose to return home: yea the Turks themselves weary of the siege, and wanting victual both for themselves and their horses, began also as men discouraged to shrink away. Which the Bassa well considering, thought it not best with his heartless soldiers and army now sore weakened, Sinan Bassa raiseth his siege. to abide the coming of the Christians: and therefore upon their approach he forthwith forsook the city, which he had by the space of three weeks hardly besieged, and by a bridge made of boats transported his army and artillery over Danubius to DOTIS, where the next day after he broke up his army. Immediately after the Turks were thus departed, the Archduke arrived at KOMARA, where he with great diligence caused the breaches to be repaired, the mines to be filled up, and new bulwarks and rampires to be made in divers places for the more strength of the city, leaving the charge thereof still unto the lord Braun the old Governor, who in the defence thereof had received a grievous wound in his right knee: of whom also this notable fact is reported. The Bassa in time of the late siege of KOMARA, under the colour of a parley, had sent five Turks into the city to the Governor, but in deed to prove if he were by any means to be won to yield up the city, and not to hold it out to the last: The faithful Governor, having given them the hearing until they had discharged their whole treachery, presently caused four of their heads to he strucken off, and to be set upon long pikes upon one of the bulwarks for the Bassa to look upon; but the fifth (the beholder of this tragedy) he sent back unto the Bassa, to tell him, That although he had found one in RAB to serve his turn, he was much deceived if in him he thought to find County Hardeck; and that he wished rather to die the emperors faithful servant in the blood of the Turks, than to betray the city committed to his charge. County Hardeck late Governor of RAB, generally before suspected to have treacherously betrayed that strong town unto the Bassa, was therefore sent for to VIENNA, and there by the emperors commandment committed to prison. Where among many things laid to his charge, as that he should in the beginning of the siege negligently have suffered many things to be done by the enemy, which afterwards turned to the great danger of the town: and that in the time of the siege, he had caused some of the canoneers to discharge certain great pieces against the enemy, with powder only without shot: and that seeing one piece among the rest to do the enemy much harm, he had caused the same to be removed, and so placed, as that it served to little or no use: beside that, he (as it should seem) making small reckoning of the town, should oftentimes say, That if the Turks should win it, he should be but one town the richer: with divers other such things, giving just cause of suspicion. The thing that lay most heavy upon him, was the testimony of one of Sinan Bassa his chamber, who being taken young by the Turks, and serving in the Bassa's chamber, was now fled from the Turks, and coming to the Archduke in the time of his siege, declared unto him, that there was treason in his camp: and that he but three days before by the commandment of his master, had delivered two bags full of ducats unto two Christians, of whom the one had a notable scar in his face, and was afterwards known to have been one of the Counties servants. Upon this and such like proofs, the County was after many days hearing, in open court by the judgement of seven and forty noblemen and captains of name, condemned of treason, and adjudged to be hanged, his dead body to remain upon the gallows by the space of three days, County Hardeck condemned and executed for betraying of Rab. and all his lands and goods to be confiscate: The rigour of which sentence was afterward by the emperor mitigated, and the traitor by him adjudged to have his right hand (by him before given to the emperor, in pawn of his faith) and his head struck off upon a scaffold at VIENNA, and so buried. Which severe sentence was afterwards accordingly put in execution: for the tenth of june following, the traitor being brought to the scaffold built of purpose in the high street of VIENNA, after the sentence of his condemnation there solemnly read, commending himself upon his knees to the mercy of God, with his eyes covered, & his right hand laid upon a block covered with black, had both his hand and head so suddenly struck off by the executioners, as that the beholders could hardly judge which of them was first off. His dead body with his head and hand, was presently by his servant wrapped in a black cloth and laid in his coach, which stood there by of purpose covered with black, and was afterwards buried amongst his ancestors. The Tartars but lately●before departed from Sinans camp, passing over Danubius at STRIGONIUM, had purposed through the upper part of HUNGARY, and by the borders of TRANSYLVANIA and MOLDAVIA, to have again returned into their country: of whom two companies falling into the hands of the lord Palfi, were by him cut off and utterly defeated: the rest coming unto the borders of TRANSYLVANIA, and finding the passages so beset by the Prince and the Vayoud of VALACHIA, as that they could not without most manifest danger pass that way, returned again the same way they came: and having rifled and burnt certain towns and villages in the upper HUNGARY about TOCKAIE, passed the river again at STRIGONIUM, and wintering at VESPRINIUM, PALOTTA, and other places in the country about RAB, lived upon the spoil of the poor Christians, upon the frontiers of AUSTRIA, even as far as MEINERSDORF. These Tartars (of whom we have so often spoken) at their first coming to the aid of Sinan, by direction from the Turkish Sultan, stayed upon the frontiers of TRANSYLVANIA, of purpose to have surprised that country, and either to have thrust Sigismond Bator the young prince out of the government thereof, or else to have sent him in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE: For it was commonly reported, That he weary of the heavy tribute which he yearly paid unto the Turk, and had now after their greedy manner been divers times enhanced: had purposed to revolt from the Turkish Sultan, and to enter into confederation with the Christian emperor. Which innovation and change, certain of the nobility and chief States of TRANSYLVANIA, sought by all means to hinder: and acquainting Amurath with the matter, and entering into conspiracy with the Tartars, undertook to deliver the whole country into their hands, and to send the Prince prisoner to HUST, where the Tartars than lay upon the borders encamped. Wherefore dissembling this their purpose, they cunningly persuaded the Prince, that Samosche the great Chancellor of POLONIA, in the confines of his country lay with a great power expecting his coming, to consult with him of matters of great importance. And the better to colour this their treachery, they had counterfeited letters to that effect from the Chancellor to the Prince, and had wrought so effectually, that the Prince not suspecting any such treason, gave credit to their persuasions, and so put himself upon his way towards the Chancellor (as he supposed:) but by the way, he was advised by some of his friends which had got some suspicion of the matter, not to go any farther, for that his coming was not attended by the Polonians his friends (as he was persuaded) but by the Tartars his enemies, who lay in wait for him at HUST, to bereave him of his life and government. The Prince astonished with the novelty of the matter, listened unto their persuasion, and retired with his train to the strong fort of KEHWERE; where he stayed fourteen days, as if it had been only for fear of the Tartars. In the mean time, he gave notice to the nobility and governors of the country; his friends, of the imminent and common danger; who forthwith repaired unto him in arms. But the traitors proceeding in their purpose, ceased not to persuade Bornemissa, who had the leading of the prince's army, that to fight with the Tartars was a matter of no small danger: and that therefore if he wished well to his country, he should not have to do with them, but only show himself near unto them, and that he was not unprovided for them: which was accordingly done, and the Transyluanian army brought so nigh unto the Tartars, as that they might hear the noise of their drums and trumpets. Whereby the Tartars as by the watchword, perceiving themselves discovered, and nothing to fall out according to their expectation, & as had been unto them promised for the betraying of the prince: Great harm ●rn● in Transyl●ania by the Tartars. they removed thence, and by another way breaking through the midst of TRANSYLVANIA, and so into HUNGARY, rifled and burnt five hundred villages, slew all the males that were above twelve years of age, and carried away the rest unto the Turkish army then lying at the siege of RAB. In the mean time the traitors (when as this first plot served them not) conspired to set up one Balthasar Bator, the young princes nigh kinsman, and with the good favour of Amurath to prefer him to the sovereign government of their country. Which their purpose the Prince perceiving, and doubting altogether to trust unto the fidelity of his own subjects; writ to his neighbours the Rascians, and other his confederates, praying their aid in this his so dangerous and doubtful estate. Which after he had received, he appointed a general assembly of all his States to be holden at CLAUSENBURG, and that upon a great pain to be inflicted upon all such as should not there personally appear: so at the prefixed day all came, except the Cardinal Bator and Stephen his brother, who guilty of so foul a treason against their own blood, were now before fled into POLONIA. Being all thus met together, the Prince commanded the gates of the city to be shut, and diligent watch and ward to be kept, forbidding by open proclamation, that any man upon pain of death should so much as speak of any imagined treason. And at the same time politicly caused to be published in writing, how that the Germans, had in the farther side of HUNGARY got a notable victory over the Turks; for joy whereof he commanded bonfires to be made, and the great ordinance to be in triumph shot off, with many other signs of joy and gladness: and withal caused a notable banquet to be prepared, whereunto together with others, were invited also all the chief of the conspirators: Of whom, even as they were at dinner & least feared any such matter, he commanded fourteen to be apprehended and committed to prison: and the next morning caused five of them to be executed in the open market place. The conspirators against the prince, apprehended and executed. The principal of whom, who had undertaken to have himself slain the Prince, after three or four light cuts in the neck, he caused to be drawn in pieces with four horses: the other four, namely Alexander, and Gabriel Gendi, Gregory Diaco, and Ladislaus Sallentz were beheaded, and their dead bodies all that day left in the market place for the people to behold: the rest were also afterwards worthily executed; and Balthasar Bator, whom the conspirators had intended to have exalted, strangled. Having thus revenged himself upon his enemies, he by a public edict divulged through all his dominion, gave leave to all his subjects in general, of their own charge to take up arms against the Turks, and whatsoever they could take from them, to have it to themselves, as good prize gotten from their lawful enemies. By which unwonted liberty, the transylvanians encouraged as with a great bounty, armed themselves on all hands to the number of forty thousand, who being mustered and sworn to hold together against the Turks, made their first expedition towards Danubius; where at their first arrival, by good hap they light upon certain of the Turks ships laded with provision for the camp, and merchandise of all sorts, and much treasure: of which rich ships, they at the first onset took seven, but the eighth (being in deed the Admiral) escaped their hands. In these ships they took an exceeding rich booty, slew many of the Turks, and in token of the victory, carried back unto the Prince seaen of the Turkish ensigns. This victory caused great joy in TRANSYLVANIA, every man of so prosperous a beginning, conceiving good hope of most happy success. It is reported, that Sinan Bassa hearing of this loss, should say, That if this provision had come to him in safety, he could with that treasure more easily have bought VIENNA in AUSTRIA, than he had RAB in HUNGARY. After this victory the Prince laid siege to TEMESWAR, but hearing of the return of the Tartars from the Turks camp, and that they were coming toward TRANSYLVANIA (as is beforesaid) he left TEMESWAR, to look to the defence of his own country. The janissaries in a tumult at Constantinople. Not long after, about the two and twentieth of December a tumult rise among the janissaries of the Court at CONSTANTINOPLE, which grew to such an height, that in the heat thereof one of the Bassas was by them slain, with some others of good account, and one of Amurath's sons sore wounded, and with much ado saved. Upon conceit whereof, Amurath for anger and grief fell into a fit of the falling sickness (whereunto he was much subject) and was therewith for the space of three days and three nights so grievously vexed, as if he should have presently given up the ghost: so that the city was filled with heaviness and fear, and the great men of the Court were even ready to think upon a new lord. This tumult of the insolent janissaries many supposed to have been the cause of Amurath his death, Amurath sick. which shortly after ensued: his grief and malady increasing daily by the evil news still brought unto him both by messengers and letters, especially out of TRANSYLVANIA, where the prince waiting upon every occasion, was still at hand with the Turks, cutting them short in every place; and in sundry roads which he made upon them this month, took many of their castles and forts from them. He had at that time in the field in divers places three armies: one under the conduct of Gesty Ferens, in the country of LUGAZ near unto TEMESWARE: another under the leading of Michael Horwat, on the side of Danubius, to intercept the Turks coming to BUDA: and the third commanded by Caspar Cornoyse in the country near to GIULA, unto whom came shortly after fifteen hundred horsemen out of the upper HUNGARY. 1595 The Transyluanian prince Sigismond Bator thus lately revolted from the Turk, for the strengthening of his state thought it best betime to enter into confederation with his neighbours of VALACHIA and MOLDAVIA (who moved by his example, shortly after in like manner also cast off the servile yoke of the Turk) but especially with the Christian emperor Rodolph. For which purpose he sent his ambassadors honourably accompanied: who coming to COSSOVIA in HUNGARY the fourteenth of December, arrived at PRAGE the twelfth of januarie, with twenty wagons, and an hundred and fifty horse, where they were by the emperors appointment most honourably received and royally entertained: and after a few days having delivered unto the emperor the sum of their embassage, which was for a confederation to be made between the emperor and the prince: after much grave consultation and serious discourse it was fully concluded and agreed upon: the chief points whereof I thought it not amiss here in brief to set down, for the satisfying of such as desire to know in what terms that worthy prince next neighbour unto the Turk then stood with the Christian emperor. The ●●●itulations of the league betwixt the emperor and the Transyluanian Prince. First it was agreed upon, That the emperor for himself and for the states of HUNGARY should promise to proceed in his wars begun against the common enemy, and not to conclude any peace with him, without the knowledge and good liking of the prince. And that in all conclusions of peace to be made betwixt him and the Turk, the countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, should be always comprised: in regard whereof, the prince likewise promised for himself and the states of TRANSYLVANIA, to prosecute the commenced war, and not to enter into any league with the Turk, without the knowledge and consent of the emperor and the nobility of HUNGARY, and this to be confirmed by solemn oath on both sides. Secondly, that the province of TRANSYLVANIA with all the parts and confines thereof hitherto possessed by the prince in HUNGARY, should remain unto the said prince Sigismond and his heirs male, with all the profits arising thereof, in such sort as they had done in the time of john, Stephen, and Christopher, his predecessors, to have therein a most free and absolute authority: yet so, as that they should acknowledge his imperial majesty and his lawful successors for their lawful sovereigns; unto whom they should always swear their fealty, but without any homage doing: and that to be performed by his successors at the time of the change, but by the prince himself, presently after the confirming of this league. But that for lack of heirs male, the country of TRANSYLVANIA with all the territories thereunto annexed, should descend unto his sacred majesty and his successors, the kings of HUNGARY, as a true and inseparable member thereof: whereunto the prince and all the states of TRANSYLVANIA should bind themselves by solemn oath. But yet that at such time as the heirs male should fail in the line of the present prince, and that the country of TRANSYLVANIA should according to these present conditions be devolved to the crown of HUNGARY; as well his present imperial and royal majesty as his successors, should keep inviolate the ancient laws, privileges, and customs of that country, and always appoint one of the nobility of TRANSYLVANIA to be Governor or Vayvod of the same, and no other stranger. Thirdly, that his majesty should acknowledge the prince of TRANSYLVANIA for an absolute prince, and by special charter confirm unto him the title of Most excellent. Fourthly, that his imperial majesty should procure one of the daughters of the late Archduke Charles his uncle, for a wife for the prince, that as they were now to be joined in league, so they might be joined in affinity also. Fiftly, that the emperor should procure him to be made one of the order of the Golden Fleece. Sixtly, that the prince might with more cheerfulness and security make war against the common enemy, his imperial and royal majesty should not at any time, howsoever things fell out, forsake the said prince or any of the country's subject unto him: and even now presently to aid him according as the present occasion required, and afterward (if greater need should be) with greater help, whether it were by his General of CASSOVIA, or others: and this giving of aid to be on both sides mutual and reciprocal, according as the necessity of the one or other part should require: and that where most need was, thither should most help be converted. Seventhly, that the sacred Roman empire should take upon it the protection and defence of the prince and his territories. And that his imperial majesty should create the said prince and the princes his successors, princes of the empire: yet so, as that they should have neither voice nor place among the said princes. Eightly, that whatsoever castles, towns, cities, or other places of strength should by their common forces be taken or recovered from the common enemy, at such time as his imperial majesty should send into the field a full army, should be all his majesties: But such places as the prince should by his own forces or policy gain from the enemy, should remain unto the prince himself. Yet that what places soever the prince should recover, which at any time before belonged to the kingdom of HUNGARY, before it was taken by the Turk, those he should forthwith deliver to his majesty, as soon as reasonable recompense were by him therefore made unto the prince. Ninthly, his sacred majesty should promise of his own bounty to give unto his excellency sufficient aid for the fortifying and defence of such places as should be thought necessary for the behoof of the Christians: as again the said prince should likewise promise not to spare his own coffers or forces, that the same places should be thoroughly fortified and defended, for the behoof of his majesty and the common good of the Christian commonweal. Lastly, that for as much as the events of war are uncertain, and many things suddenly happen contrary to men's expectation, if such necessity should chance unto his excellency or his successors (which mishap God forbid) that having spent themselves, they should not be able longer to defend their state and country, but that the mighty enemy prevailing, they should at last be enforced to forsake the same▪ in this their extremity, his imperial & royal majesty should promise both for himself and his successors, within the space of one month to assign some certain place in some other of his dominions, where the said prince and his successors might honourably live. And the like regard to be had also of other such principal men, as should together with the prince adventure their lives and livings in defence of the Christian commonweal. Which articles of confederation agreed upon, and solemnly confirmed, the same ambassadors were with all kindness, bounty, and magnificence dismissed and sent back again unto the prince: who was not himself in the mean time idle, but labouring by all the means he could to draw unto him Michael the Vayvod of VALACHIA, a man of no less worth than himself, and Aaron the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, both of them then the Turk's tributaries; and by them to alienate from the Turk both those countries, that so with their combined forces they might the better defend their liberty, and withstand their common enemy: wherein he did so much, and prevailed so far with them both, that casting off the Turks obeisance, they shortly after to the great benefit of the Christian commonweal, and no less hindrance of the Turks proceedings in HUNGARY, joined hands both together with him for the recovery of their lost liberty. Which revolt of these bordering princes, for that it so much concerned the common good, as that the safeguard of AUSTRIA, and of the remnants of HUNGARY, with some good part of GERMANY also, is even by them that in those matters saw much, not without cause suppose● to have rested therein; and that this noble Vayvod (of whom much is to be said hereafter) was the second actor herein, it shall not be from our purpose to see the manner of his revolt also from the Turk, as we have already the transylvanians. For the more evidence whereof, as for the honour of the man (whilst he lived, a most worthy member of the Christian commonweal) we will a little step back to see how he obtained of the Great Turk this so honourable a preferment as was the Vayvodship of VALACHIA, not without his revolt long now to be holden. Valachia oppressed by the Turk●. Alexander the late Vayvod of VALACHIA, a Moldavian borne, and by Amurath himself promoted to that dignity, proud above measure of this his so great a preferment, as also of his own nobility, and the deceitful favour of fortune still fawning upon him; not only oppressed his people himself with intolerable impositions, but to be in farther favour with the Turks, brought into that country (too much before exhausted) such a company of them, as that they seemed now almost wholly to have possessed the same, oppressing the poor Christians (the natural inhabitants) with new exactions, and more than tyrannical injuries, even such as were not elsewhere by the Turks themselves used; not only breaking at their pleasure into their houses, and despoiling them of their goods, but taking tithe also of their children, as if it had been of their cattle, a thing never before there seen: and for the satisfying of their beastly lust, ravishing their wives and daughters, even in the sight of their husbands & parents, with divers other such outrageous villainies, not with modesty to be rehearsed. So that by this means he had violently taken from his Christian subjects all hope of recovery of their ancient liberty, had it not as sometime it falleth out in these worldly things both unto men and commonweals, which brought unto the last cast, & even as it were to the bottom of despair, by the goodness of God contrary to all hope find sometime such unexpected help and relief, as that thereby they, beyond their hope, even to the astonishment of the world, mount up again unto a greater lustre of their state than was that from which they before fell: it had even so by the singular mercy of God now happened unto the Null, not knowing which way to turn themselves. There was at CRAILOWA, a city in the confines of VALACHIA towards the confines of the Hungarians and Turks (where the governor of these borders is for the defence thereof with a strong garrison always resiant) a noble gentleman called * jon signifies with the Null as much as Christian, which some mistaking, call this Mi●hael also by the name of john jon Michael, son to Peter the Palatine of that country, the aforesaid Alexander his predecessor: who as he was unto the people for the honour of his father, the prerogative of his birth, the comeliness of his person, and tallness of his stature, well known: so was he for his zeal towards the Christian religion, his love towards his country, his kindness towards his equals, his courtesy towards his inferiors, his upright dealing, his constancy and bounty unto them, no less gracious; and for other the noble virtues of his heroical mind and natural disposition for the performance of great matters, his deep wisdom and quick foresight, his sweet and pleasing speech, void of all affectation, unto all good men most dear: whose fame, both for the honour of his house, and of his own virtues, still more and more increasing, and rife in the ears of Alexander the Vayvod, was the cause that he commanded him as the ready or rather natural competitor of his state and honour to be secretly apprehended, and so taken out of the way: whereof he by good fortune having intelligence, and careful of his own health, for safeguard of himself fled first into HUNGARY, and there not staying long (God so directing him) went to CONSTANTINOPLE in the year 1591., to sue for the Vayvod his place, all the nobility of his country and the provinces thereunto adjoining, secretly rejoicing thereat. About which time the chief and most grave of the Valachian nobility and counsellors prostrating themselves at the feet of Amurath, most grievously complained unto him of the manifold and intolerable injuries they had already sustained, and were still like to endure, without hope of redress, from Alexander their Vayvod, and the followers of his Court; the Turks garrisons and merchants with plentiful tears orderly declaring many his most foul and detestable facts, and afterward highly commending jon Michael for his rare virtues, as the true heir of their province; most humbly requested Amurath either to have him appointed the lawful Governor of their country, or else some other place by him assigned for them to dwell in, wishing any where to live, rather than under the heavy command of so merciless a man as was Alexander. For the furthering of which their suit, Michael his uncle by the mother's side, a Greek● borne, and a man for his exceeding wealth in great favour in the Turks Court, Michael by Amura●h created Vayvod of Valachia. spared for no cost. So Michael by the goodness of God was by Amurath with great solemnity created Vayvod of VALACHIA, and the oppressed and almost forlorn state of that sometime most flourishing country by little and little well relieved (although not altogether without most sharp and violent remedies, such as extremities oft require) began now again to lift up the head, and to aspire unto the ancient liberty and honour thereof. At the beginning of whose happy sovereignty, Alexander his predecessor in his own conscience guilty of his evil and shameful government of that so notable and great a province; and now in fear to be called to account, secretly fled. But certain years after removing to CONSTANTINOPLE with his wife, and there attempting divers evil means for the obtaining of the Palatinat of MOLDAVIA, Alexander strangled a● Constantinople. and for those his unlawful practices accused by the Palatines Agent: he was by the commandment of Amurath taken in his own house, and there in his princely apparel most miserably strangled upon Palm sunday, in the year 1597, about six years after his departure out of VALACHIA. Michael thus made Vayvod of VALACHIA, long it was not but that it fortuned the reverend father Cornelius de Nona, sent from Pope Clement the Eight, unto the Great duke of MUSCOVIE, in his return conferring with Sigismond the Transyluanian Prince, and Aaron the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, informed them of the great consent of divers zealous Christian princes, for the maintenance of the war against the dangerous and common enemy; with many grave and effectual reasons persuading them (but especially for that they were themselves Christians) in that Christian quarrel to join unto them their forces also, raised in those their countries near unto the great rivers Danubius and Nester: but unto Michael the Vayvod of VALACHIA, he could not for divers his other important businesses then come; whom for all that, the aforesaid▪ Transyluanian prince Sigismond his neighbour, desirously sought to draw into the fellowship of that war, even for the same reasons almost wherewith he had been himself moved. First by divers great reasons removing such doubts as might justly seem to hinder him from giving thereunto his consent; and then, by declaring the Turkish insolency daily increasing, with the infinite grievances by them devised against the miserable Null: when as the incursions of the Turks or Tartars, or their passages that way (no less troublesome than their inroads) was almost every month to be feared, their armies as friends to be in Winter and Summer received, their soldiers to their great charges relieved, and their commanders and captains rewarded. VALACHIA thus impoverished, was not able (as he said) to pay the great sums it did already owe, neither was to expect any releasement of the evils it was wrapped in; much less was it able to suffice unto the grievous exactions to be thereunto by them afterwards imposed. None of his predecessors (as he told him, and as truth was) had for many years now past, for any long time or with any security held their state or government: but that either by the calumniation of the envious, or bribes of their ambitious competitors, brought into suspicion with the Sultan, they were violently thrust out, or most cruelly put to death. In brief, he said, it was a wise man's part, not without most manifest & weighty reasons, to promise unto himself better fortune or more assurance of his state, than had his unfortunate predecessors before him; but warned by their harms, betimes to provide for his own safety. By which persuasion he so prevailed, that the Vayvod (whose name, whose fame, whose wealth and life together with his subjects was all thereby endangered) although he would not (for the weightiness of the matter) at the first yield thereunto; yet assuredly promised, with his friends and the rest of the nobility of his country, to consider thereupon. Having it by the prince plainly laid down before him, how a sufficient number of soldiers might at all times be raised, their pay provided, and aid still sent him as need should be from the German emperor, or himself out of TRANSYLVANIA: as also that Aaron the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, would at all times be ready to combine himself unto them; that so with their united forces, they might upon the banks of Danubius and Nester, easily repress the incursions both of the Turks and Tartars their enemies: the Christian emperor in the mean time, with less trouble proceeding in his wars against the Turk in the other side of HUNGARY. Now whilst this plot was thus in laying, and matters too and fro in debating, not altogether without the Turks suspicion; Sinan Bassa coming with a great army into HUNGARY, had taken the strong town of RA●, as is before declared: with which mischance so much concerning the poor remainders of HUNGARY, the Vayvod not a little moved, began more deeply to consider of his own estate. And as he was a man of a great spirit and no less zeal towards his country, grieving to see his subjects committed to his charge, to be so daily by the insolent Turks still more and more oppressed: he (as he had before promised to the Transyluanian) called an assembly of all the States of VALACHIA, to consult with them what were best to be done for the remedy of so great evils, as also for the preventing of greater, not without cause then to be feared. Where by the general consent of them all it was agreed, rather to join with the emperor and the other Christian princes in confederation (as they had been oftentimes by them requested) than longer to endure that heavy yoke of the Turkish thraldom and slavery. Whereupon the Vayvod taking unto him two thousand of the Hungarian garrison soldiers, Michael the Vayvod of Valachia revolteth from the Turks. now before for that purpose secretly laid upon the frontiers of his country; and calling upon the name of Christ jesus, in one day to begin withal, slew about two thousand of the janissaries (who without his leave had in that country proudly seated themselves) with all the rest of the Turks (in the midst of their insolency) together with the traitorous jews, not leaving one of them that he could come by, alive in all the open country. And purposing to drive them out of their strong holds also, and so to make a clean riddance of them, he within fourteen days after set upon DZIURDZOWA, a great town of the Turks upon the bank of Danubius, which he burned all saving the castle: and having there made a great slaughter, and loaded with the spoil of the Turks, returned to BUCARESTA the chief seat of his Palatinat. But long it was not after this his so great presumption, but that he perceived the Turks in revenge thereof to seek after his life: although he yet seemed to yield his obedience unto Amurath, and to have done that he did, as enforced thereunto by the insolency of the Turks, and for the necessary relief both of himself and his subjects. For the same month, RAB being (as is aforesaid) taken by Sinan: one of the Turks * The Turk● call all them that are distended of the flock of their Prophet Mahomet by the name of Emirs or Lord●. Emirs, descended of the great family and stock of Mahomet their false Prophet, and then Cadilescher (a man of great account and place amongst the Turks) accompanied with two thousand chosen soldiers, fifty of the great Sultan's chamber, and many of the Zausij and Spahi, upon the sudden came to BUCARESTA under the colour of refreshing themselves after their long travel, but in deed with purpose to have taken the Vayvod; where they without controlment committed all kind of outrageous villainy: and taking up all the chief houses in the city, imperiously demanded of the Vayvod (who then lay at his palace near unto the new monastery without the city, built without any castle or defence upon the river Dembowiza) ten thousand Florins for a present, with victuals and other necessary provision for his followers. And presently after, being certainly informed that he lay there but slenderly accompanied, and almost himself alone, the Emir himself on foot with a thousand of his soldiers, went out of the city as if it had been but for his pleasure, and in courtesy to have seen him. Of which so suspicious a guests coming the Vayvod understanding, got him betimes away into the camp of his Hungarian mercenaries, which then lay but fast by: when the Turk thus deceived of the hope he had before conceived for the taking of him, craftily sent certain of his followers, to know of him, to what end he in time of peace did entertain such a number of Hungarian soldiers? Whereunto the Vayvod cunningly answered, That they were at the first entertained for the taking of Peter the son of Alexander, sometime Palatine of MOLDAVIA; who although he were now before apprehended, and openly hanged upon an hook at CONSTANTINOPLE, yet that those soldiers were for their ready service, of necessity still to be billeted in the country, until such time as their pay might be provided. Which the Turk hearing, commanded the Vayvod forthwith to discharge them as men unnecessary, and to his subjects troublesome, promising the next day to lend him a tun of gold to pay them their wages. Which feigned promise the Vayvod seemed thankfully to take; yet nevertheless commanded the Hungarians forthwith in arms to stand in readiness in the camp, for the intercepting of the Turks, if happily by him distressed they should betake themselves to flight: whilst he in the mean time with his courtiers and other soldiers, secretly assembled into a valley thereby, came suddenly upon the Turks (not as then dreaming of any such thing) compassed about the Inns wherein they lay, and setting fire upon them in five places, notably forced them both with fire and the sword, the two greatest extremities of war; seeking now for nothing more, than the just revenge of his spoilt city, his forced virgins, and wronged subjects. Howbeit the Turks for a space right valiantly defended themselves, and by plain force (although in vain) sought to have broken through the midst of their enemies, and so to have fled. Yea many of them by force of the fire driven out of their lodgings, and tearing off their burning clothes, fought stark naked: but most of them which could, fled unto the palace where their great Emir lay, there with him ready to die or live. All which their last endeavours of desperation, the Vayvod easily frustrated, with two great pieces of artillery opening a way for his soldiers unto them. So that the proud Emir now in despair (like the hunted Castor) threw down out of a window a great chest full of gold and precious stones, and other jewels of great valour, if happily he might have so appeased the Vayvods' wrath: humbly now requesting no more, but to have his life spared; fearfully promising a large ransom for himself, and those few which were yet left alive with him. The Cadel●sher with all the Turk his followers slain. Howbeit the Vayvod mindful of the manifold injuries by them done unto him and his subjects, and nothing mitigated or moved with the rich spoils thrust upon him, or the large promises the Turks had made him; commanded all those his enemies now in his power, to be slain every mother's son: of whom his soldiers had a wonderful rich spoil, although much more was lost in the fire: and so giving thanks unto God for the victory, rested with his people a while at quiet. Yet within less than a month after, he sent Albertus' Kirall his lieutenant with an army to PHLOCZ (a great open unwalled town on the farther side of Danubius, Phlocz spoiled by the Vay●od. equally distant from VROSCZUK and NICOPOLIS) from whence the Turks oftentimes passing over that frozen river into VALACHIA, had there done great harm: which town, not inferior unto a good city, he suddenly surprised, and sacking it, put to the sword all the inhabitants thereof, except such as were before his coming fled. And shortly after (the more to annoy the Turks, Hersow● taken. marching again over the frozen river to have surprised HERSOWA a walled city, but one days journey from BRAILOVA, he was by the way upon the ise encountered by the Turks, whom he there in a great conflict overthrew; and having slain many of them and put the rest to flight, holding on his intended journey, took that rich city, which he rifled and burnt down to the ground, all except the castle, which was yet by the Turks valiantly defended: and so with the spoil of the city returned again over the river, there to refresh his soldiers, wearied with labour and the extremity of the Winter weather. And yet not so contented, within six days after passing again over the river, and having upon the side thereof in a great battle overthrown the Turks garrisons, Silistria 〈◊〉. took SILISTRA a great city of MACEDONIA, built by Constantine the Great (being the seat of one of the Turks Sanzacks', and well inhabited with rich merchants) which fair city he ransacked, and having slain most part of the inhabitants, burned it down to the ground as he had the other, no less terror than grief unto the Turks. But whilst the aforesaid confederation betwixt the emperor and the Transyluanian Prince was yet in hand, Amurath di●t●. and the troubles in VALACHIA thus arising; Amurath the great Sultan grievously vexed with the stoan, and attainted with the falling sickness, his wont disease; and inwardly also tormented with the late insolency of the janissaries, and revolt of the countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, no small hindrance to the proceeding of his wars in HUNGARY: as a man both in body and soul tormented with great impatiency and agony of mind, departed this life the eighteenth day of januarie, in the year of our Lord 1595: when he had lived one and fifty, or as some say two and fifty years, and thereof reigned nineteen. At the time of his death arise such a sudden and terrible tempest at CONSTANTINOPLE, that many thought the world should even presently have been dissolved. His dead body was not long after with great pomp and solemnity buried by Mahomet his eldest son (which now reigneth) in a Moschie which he himself yet living had before built at CONSTANTINOPLE. FINIS. Christian princes of the same time with Amurath the third. Emperors of Germany Maximilian the second. 1565.12. Rodolph the second. 1577. Kings Of England Queen Elizabeth. 1558.45. Of France Charles the ninth. 1560.14. Henry the third. 1574.14. Henry the fourth, which now reigneth. 1589. Of Scotland james the sixth, that now reigneth. 1567. Bishops of Rome Gregory the XIII. 1572.12. Xistus the V. 1585.5. Vrban the VII. 1590.12 days. Gregory the XIIII. 1590.10 months 10 days. Innocent the IX. 1543.2 months and one day. Clement the VIII. 1592. MAHOMET. MAHOMETHES III TURCARUM IMPERATOR SEPTIMUS QVI, NUNC REGNAT ANᵒ 1603 Si quid in humanis, magnum te reddere possit: Quid prohibet magnis nomen inesse tuum? Qui subiecta vides, tot dissona regna, tot urbes: Et nulli cedens, sceptra superba geris. Cum tamen ignores, quid sit sapientia Christi, Omnia quae iactas, sunt Mahomete nihil. RICH. KNOLLEUS. In English thus. If aught there be might make thee great, that on the earth is found: What then should let, thy name amongst the greatest for to sound? That sees thy kingdoms and thy towns, so many and so great: And giving place thyself to none, dost sit on royal seat. Yet sith thou knowest not aright, for grace by Christ to call: All that thou boasts, O Mahomet, is nothing worth at all. R. K. MAHOMET THE THIRD OF THAT NAME, SEVENTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS, HE THAT NOW SWAYETH THAT MIGHTY EMPIRE. THe death of the late great Sultan Amurath was not forthwith made known in the Court, 1595 but with wonderful secrecy concealed, not only for fear of the janissaries, who in time of the vacancy of the empire always do whatsoever pleaseth themselves: but also for that the people having in distrust the fierce nature of Mahomet, Amurath his eldest son, were generally better affected to Amurath the younger brother, a prince of a more mild spirit and courteous disposition, unto whom they in heart wished those stately honours, which could by no means without the great wrong and prejudice of his elder brother, and danger of the whole state be given unto him. Ten days after came Mahomet in post from AMASIA to CONSTANTINOPLE▪ Mahomet salut●● Emperor of the Turks. and was there by the great Bassas and other his mighty fauourits saluted Emperor: which done, he presently after caused all his brethren to be invited to a solemn feast in the Court: whereunto they yet ignorant of the death of their father, came cheerfully as men fearing no harm, but being come, were there all by his commandment most miserably strangled: He murdereth his brethren. and at once to rid himself of the fear of all competitors (the greatest torment of the mighty) he the same day (as is reported) caused ten of his father's wives and concubines, such as by whom any issue was to be feared, to be all drowned in the sea. The janissaries in a tumult. The janissaries and other soldiers of the Court not before acquainted with the death of Amurath, either with the choice that the great Bassas had without their privity made of Mahomet, and not a little offended to see themselves so disappointed of such spoils as they reckon due unto them in the vacancy of the empire, as men discontented rise up in a rage, and made such havoc and spoil in the imperial city, as greater they could not well have made, had there been as yet no emperor chosen at all; and not so contented, were now even upon the point to have rifled their new emperors Court, and to have laid violent hands upon the person of himself, in revenge of the tyranny by him executed upon his brethren and father's wives (which inhuman cruelty the Turkish emperors easily excuse by the name of, The policy of their state.) For the appeasing of which so dangerous a tumult, Mahomet called unto him certain of the chief men among these seditious, such as were thought to be able to do most with them, whom he sought by fair persuasions and large promises to win unto him, and by them to pacify the rest: Which served him to little or no purpose, until such time as the great Bassas themselves came out with their followers, who with many fair persuasions, mixed with most grievous threats and firm promise of a general pardon, The tumult appeased. with much ado appeased the tumult: yet for the more safety kept all the chief streets of the city with strong watch and ward. This broil thus overblown, a new tent was by the commandment of the new emperor set up before the temple of Sophia: wherein on the right hand was placed the dead body of the late Sultan Amurath, his father, and on the left hand the bodies of his nineteen strangled brethren, laid forth of purpose, as an heavy spectacle for the people to behold: who all not long after were together with their father with great solemnity after the Turkish manner buried, and Mahomet himself (being about nine and twenty years old) now openly proclaimed great emperor of the Turks, and lord of all, from the rising of the Sun to the going down of the same. After that returning to his palace, The janissaries again in an uprose. he made unto his Bassas and other great men a sumptuous and royal feast, as the manner was: but whilst they were in the midst of their mirth, upon the sudden all the city was again in an uproar, and the people in arms, in such sort, as that it was thought scarce one man would have escaped alive from that banquet, had not the chief Bassa with his gravity and wisdom and wonderful labour in good time appeased their fury, and withal to their greater terror caused all the great ordinance in the city to be brought forth into the streets, ready charged, to be shot off amongst them. Whilst these troubles thus passed at CONSTANTINOPLE, Diuer● fortunate rode● made by the Christians upon the Turk●. upon the late confederation made between the emperor, the Transyluanian prince, the Null and Moldavians, divers fortunate inroads and skirmishes were by them made in the frontiers of the Turks dominions, many strong places were surprised, many rich booties taken, and notable exploits done, which we will but briefly pass over, as the precedents of a greater war. The city of WELTZE, before taken by the Turks, was now again in the beginning of this year recovered: and the Christians about SCUTHIA, in number about four thousand, breaking into the Turks frontiers, carried away an exceeding rich prey, with divers notable captives. The like did also the Christians of VIVARIA: at which time also the garrison soldiers of ALTENBURG making a road into the country about RAB, encountered with four thousand Turks, of whom they slew two hundred, took certain prisoners, whom they sent some to PRESBURG, some to ALTENBURG: and Sinan Bassa the late General returning towards CONSTANTINOPLE with much treasure▪ which he had greedily scraped together in the late wars in HUNGARY, was by the Null set upon by the way not far from BELGRADE, and stripped of all that he had, having much ado to escape himself with some few of his followers. The same Null, together with the transylvanians, under the conduct of their valiant captain Gestius Ferens, entering further upon the Turks, took from them divers of their towns and castles, as PONDESIE, NICOPLISE, KILLA, and REBNICHI, and meeting with twelve thousand Tartars, slew a great number of them, and put the rest to flight. With this insolency of the Null his late tributaries, but now his enemies, the Turkish emperor was highly offended: and therefore sent one Bogdanus a Valachian borne, descended of the Palatines house, with a great power to expulse the old Vayvod, and to possess himself of that honour, as his tributary; promising unto him all favour and kindness. Bogdanus thus supported and furnished, came with his power into VALACHIA, yet thought it best before he attempted any great matter, to expect the coming of the Tartars left the last year in HUNGARY by Sinan: of whose coming the Null and transylvanians having understanding, met them by the way, and joining battle with them, slew eight thousand of them, put the rest to flight, and so returned: unto whom presently after this victory the Transyluanian prince sent fourteen thousand soldiers more to aid them against the Turks. But Bogdanus understanding both of the overthrow of the Tartars and the coming of this new supply, durst not proceed any farther in his enterprise, but kept himself still in his trenches. Not long after by the commandment of the Turkish emperor, Han the Crim Tartar with a great power of his Tartarian horsemen entered into MOLDAVIA, with purpose to have by fire and sword reduced that country again unto the Turks obeisance: of whose coming Aaron Vayvod of MOLDAVIA having knowledge, and aided by his neighbour Michael Vayvod of VALACHIA, so belayed the Tartars, that he in three divers battles overthrew them, and having slain twelve thousand of them, enforced the rest to retire again out of his country: and following the course of this victory, presently after took BENDAR, SCHINITZ, TIGNA, MEC●NIS, with some other castles and fortresses of the Turks near unto the river of Danubius, all which he furnished with his own garrisons; and withal took in the rich country of BO●RAGA, the inhabitants thereof willingly submitting themselves unto him, as men weary of the Turkish thraldom. With like good fortune, aided by the Polonian Cossackes, he overthrew janicula the son of Bogdanus, sometime Vayvod of MOLDAVIA, now sent by Mahomet with a great power, as a most fit instrument to trouble the Vayvod and to recover again that country: with whom Aaron courageously encountering at SCARPETRA, a mile from Danubius, overthrew him in plain battle, and having slain eight thousand of his Turks, put him to flight, and took the spoil of his whole camp. Neither yet so contented, marched presently to NESTER ALBA, where he put the Turks in a great fear, and afterwards burned the suburbs of the city, and so retired. How Amurath the late Sultan in the beginning of these troubles, had at CONSTANTINOPLE shut up in prison Frederick Krecowitz the emperors ambassador, is before declared. This ambassador, The emperors ●mbassado●r dieth in prison at Belgrade. Sinan Bassa brought with him the last year when he came into HUNGARY, who after many indignities by him suffered both upon the way and at BELGRADE, there died: five of whose servants the false Bassa caused to be kept in strait prison, as guilty of their master's death, so to avert the infamy thereof from himself. But now lying himself at BELGRADE for the better managing of this years wars, upon the coming of a new treasurer from the Court, he caused these five poor prisoners to be brought before him, and most impudently charged them with the death of their master: saying, that they should answer for the same unto God and their emperor; and that his purpose in bringing of him from CONSTANTINOPLE, was to no other end but to have used his help in concluding a peace betwixt the Great Sultan and the emperor, and so to have set him with all his at liberty: but now that he was dead, he would send them his treacherous servants to the emperor to be by him examined: and withal to tell him, That he was sent from the Great Sultan, (whose power was not by any but God only to be withstood) to besiege VIENNA, which he could (as he said) the last year have taken with less labour than he had done RAB: and that therefore it were best for him betime to seek for peace, before so great a power had taken the field: And that for farther instructions, he would refer them to his son the Bassa of BUDA, to whom he sent them from BELGRADE, together with the new come treasurer. Being come to BUDA, they were forthwith brought before the Bassa, and amongst them the late ambassadors secretary, unto whom after he had said somewhat of the hard dealing with the ambassador and his followers, he declared that he had always disliked of that manner of proceeding, and oftentimes entreated his father for their liberty; and now at last to have obtained, that the ambassador being dead, his servants might be set free: and so put them in good hope, that they should in short time be restored to their wont liberty. In the mean time, that one of them should go unto the emperors Court, and there speak with one of his Secretaries▪ whom he had before advised to bethink himself of peace: unto whom also he afterwards writ, upon what conditions he thought peace might be at the Sultan's hand obtained. Which were, if all the castles and strong holds taken by the emperors forces in these wars, as FILEK, SETCHINE, and NOVIGRAD, with their territories, should be restored, SISEG in CROATIA surrendered; if the emperor should from thenceforth refuse to aid or protect the transylvanians, Moldavians, and Null, and leave them to the Great Sultan to be chastised as rebels; if finally the emperor would at once send unto the Turks Court his wont tribute for the years past, and so yearly afterwards: so he could be content by the mediation of his father, to attempt to appease the fierce and inveterat displeasure of the Sultan, and to farther the treaty of peace. This he commanded the Secretary to write, and to send it by the young lord Perling, and to require thereof answer: yet that he should go with this condition, That if the said Perling within the space of five and twenty days returned not with answer, all the rest should for his default lose their heads. A subtle devise and full of deceit, wherein the crafty Bassas, both the father and the son sought for nothing else but to see what confidence the Christians had in themselves, and to break the confederation made between the emperor, the transylvanians, Moldavians, and Null: and that other princes, whom God had stirred up in defence of so just a cause, hearing of a rumour of peace, might grow cold, and defer to send their promised aid. For now the Turks had found by experience, how hurtful and dangerous the revolt of the three countries of TRANSYLVANIA, MOLDAVIA, and VALACHIA was unto them, as they which brought ten hundred thousand ducats yearly into the Great Sultan's treasury: besides that, those people now become their enemies, were of all other fittest to intercept all manner of provision to be brought by land either to or from CONSTANTINOPLE, were it victual or other warlike provision. Notwithstanding this motion of peace made by the two Bassas, Sinan the old Bassa in the mean time, with great diligence at BELGRADE prepared all things necessary for war, and caused three bridges to be made, whereby he might in divers places as he thought best, transport his army over Danubius; and at the same time sent for the garrisons round about, and other soldiers before billeted in the country, and put in readiness all things necessary for a most mortal war. Within the appointed time came Perling from the emperors Court with answer to the letters written by the ambassadors Secretary, The Bassa's subtle demaund● answered with like. at the commandment of the Bassa; the effect whereof was, That he had received his letters by Perling, and did thereby understand what had passed between the captive servants of the late ambassador, and Sinan Bassa at BELGRADE, and also between them and Sinan Bassa his son at BUDA; and that the emperors mind was never other, but that a firm peace might have been made between him and the Sultan; and that the emperor had done nothing else by his ambassador at CONSTANTINOPLE, or by others in other places, but that such reasonable conditions might have been found out, as might have ended those wars, and have on both sides delivered their innocent subjects from their great and daily calamities; which might easily have been done, if Sinan the author and fautor of this war, had with like desire furthered the peace. But that it was manifest unto the whole world, that all complaints of infinite grievances, being by the ambassador, yea and by the emperor himself, by his letters laid open unto the Sultan and his chief Bassas, had not only nothing prevailed, but also to have been with great contempt rejected, and the treaty of peace once begun, to have by the insolency of the Bassa of BOSNA been interrupted: That the emperor, because the matter should not break out into open war, had sent his double tribute into the confines of HUNGARY, which was a great while laid up at KOMARA until the Sultan's mind were known. But when all his designs tended to war, and the Christian provinces were by his robbers on every side spoiled, the inhabitants led away into most miserable captivity, the towns and villages burnt, yea whole countries left desolate, and all manner of outrages were upon a mere pride and contempt as it were of the whole world exercised: then the emperor to have taken his refuge unto the defence of his just cause, and to have used such remedies as are both before God and the world to be allowed, and so by lawful war to have repulsed war. And that although all had not the last year prospered in his hand, but that he had received some loss: yet that Sinan Bassa himself, and the Bassa of BUDA his son, with other of the wiser sort of the Turks must needs confess, that to have chanced, not by their wisdom policy or power, but by the sufferance of God by a rare misfortune, through the inexcusable negligence and treason of such as he had put in trust with the confines of his empire, worthy most severe chastisement. And that no man could deny, but that great powers of the Turks, had not once, but oftentimes been overthrown and discomfited, by small handfuls of the Christians: therefore their power not to be so invincible, as they vainly vaunted of. But whereas it is written, that the great Visier Sinan and the Bassa his son are of opinion, that the emperor is brought to so low an ebb, that he must be glad to accept of most hard and dishonourable conditions of peace propounded by them: therein they err much and deceive themselves far, for by the power of God they should shortly by experience know, that his imperial majesty wanteth neither power nor wealth, to repair the loss received through the treason of them he trusted, yea and to recover whatsoever he had lost else: and that it should in short time be witnessed unto the whole world, by the help of God and the defence of a most just cause, that the emperor was not so poor and weak as they supposed him to be. Yet as he of his own natural goodness and clemency, with his own incomparable loss and harm, had always sought for the quiet and profit of his subjects, and to the uttermost of his power stayed the effusion of innocent blood; so now also forgetting all injuries, he could happily be content to think of an honourable peace: whereunto he was more inclined than to protract the war with the unspeakable harms of the subjects on both sides. Yet above all things it behoved Sinan to know, that he was to restore all such castles and towns as have in this war been taken by the Turks, beginning at WIHITZ in CROATIA even to the last innocent subject by them carried away into captivity. And that the transylvanians, Moldavians, and Null (people many ages joined and united as inseparable members to the kingdom of HUNGARY, as unto the true body, and now of late by the practice and treachery of certain rebellious persons separated from the same) were from henceforth to be left under the protection and government of his imperial majesty, and never more to be impugned by the Turks. If these things were done, and order taken that the injury and disgrace done unto the emperors late ambassador (a fact that all the princes of the world cried shame of) might not remain unpunished: and that his servants in durance at BUDA and CONSTANTINOPLE, might be restored unto their wont liberty, than some good form of peace, and bounding of their territories might happily be agreed upon: without which conditions, all talk of peace was but vain; for that God the just and mighty protector of such as put their trust in him, would not fail to help his imperial majesty, with the rest of the confederate princes, in their so just a quarrel, and abate the pride of such as trust in their own strength and power. This answer the captives at BUDA were commanded to give unto the Bassa, either by writing or by word of mouth: and withal earnestly to request him both for their own liberty and their fellows, wrongfully detained at CONSTANTINOPLE. Which if it could not be obtained, yet to comfort themselves with that, that they should in bounteous manner receive from the emperor such allowance, as should suffice to provide them all things necessary: as he had granted to Perling, whom he might have justly detained and not sent him back again, but for his oaths sake, being no lawful prisoner. Thus were the unreasonable conditions of peace craftily by the Bassa propounded, by others answered: but by whom he knew not, no man's name being set thereunto. The emperor not ignorant with what an enemy he had to do, and of nothing more careful than of the kingdom (or more truly to say, of the relics of the kingdom) of HUNGARY, lying now as it were in the lions mouth, ceased not to pray aid, not of the prince's electors only, but of others also farther off; yea even as far as ITALY and SPAIN, but especially of the king of POLONIA, as his near alliance and neighbour. Unto whom both he and the States of HUNGARY sent their ambassadors, at such time as he moved with the daily incursions of the Turks and Tartars into the country's adjoining upon his, had for the safety of his own kingdom, called a parliament of all his States in February last, at CRACOVIA. Whereof Mahomet the Great Turk hearing, sent also two of his chief Chiaus, his usual ambassadors unto the king and his States so assembled, to crave his aid in his wars in HUNGARY: which if the king should not refuse, then to promise him to want no coin to pay his soldiers; and that Mahomet mindful of so great a courtesy, would at all times be ready to requite him with like, when his occasions should require. The Turks ambassadors sent unto the Polonian king slain in Valachia. These ambassadors, having obtained safe conduct from Michael the Vayvod of VALACHIA for their passage through his country, coming thither, were by the Vayvod himself honourably entertained and welcomed, and so brought into a fair lodging, where they discoursed with him of many matters. But the Vayvods' followers, grieved to see so great honour done to these their sworn and mortal enemies▪ with weapons in their hands broke into the room where the ambassadors were, and without more ado slew them both: and in the same fury setting upon the rest of the Turks their followers, cut them all in pieces, so that of them none came into POLONIA to do their Great master's message, either yet returned to CONSTANTINOPLE to carry news of the rest, but there altogether perished. Of which outrage Mahomet yet understanding, was therewith wonderfully enraged, threatening all evils both to the Moldavians and Null, and forthwith sent out other ambassadors to the same purpose, who with better fortune afterwards in safety arrived in POLONIA. The Tartars in many places (as is before declared) overthrown, and many strong castles and forts taken from the Turks by the transylvanians, Null, and Moldavians, the Turkish affairs going to wrack in those quarters, and sore shaken on that side of HUNGARY; Mahomet the Turkish emperor called home to the Court Sinan Bassa his General in HUNGARY, to confer with him (as it was thought) of some great matters. In whose place he sent Ferat Bassa, he who sometime had the leading of Amurath's great armies against the Persians: who now departing from CONSTANTINOPLE, came to BELGRADE in April, and there took the charge upon him. Where at his first coming in the night time, all the ropes and cords of the tents were suddenly cut in sunder, and so his tent let fall about his ears: which some supposed to have been done to his disgrace, by the procurement of Cicala Bassa before by him wronged; or as others thought, by the insolent janissaries, who disliking of him, did it in despite, wishing rather to have been led by Mahomet himself. Now at his coming, the famine which the last year began amongst the Turks, was grown exceeding great, not at BUDA and BELGRADE only, but even generally in most places of HUNGARY possessed by the Turks: insomuch, that the Tartar women that followed the camp, The plague and famine among the Turks. were feign to roast their own children and eat them. This famine was also accompanied with a most terrible plague, whereof great numbers of the Turks and Tartars died daily: so that of fourscore five thousand Tartars which came the last year into HUNGARY, now remained scarce eight thousand, the rest being all devoured with the sword, famine, and the pestilence. Great were the harms the Turks still daily received from the late revolted countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, the Christians of those places seeking by all means to annoy them. Michael Vaivod of Valachia doth the Turks great harm. Michael Vaivod of VALACHIA, not contended with that he had already done, but entering into the Turks frontiers, surprised SCHIMELE, together with the castle, wherein he found 14 field pieces, amongst which were two which had upon them the arms of the emperor Ferdinand, and other two having upon them the arms of Huniades: which pieces he afterwards sent as a present to the Transyluanian prince. After that he took OROSIGE, a famous port town, the dwelling place of the Turks great purveyor for butter, cheese, and honey, and such other provision for the Court; wherein he found such store of the aforesaid provision, as might well have sufficed eight thousand men for a whole year: and still prosecuting his good fortune, took from the Turks KILEC and GALEMPE, with the strong castle of S. George, commonly called GRIGIO, and at length besieged LAGANOC. With the beginning of the Spring came Mathias the Archduke and General of the Christian army, from the assembly of the nobility of HUNGARY at PRESBURG, to VIENNA, and so from thence to the emperor his brother at PRAGE; who appointed him General of the lower HUNGARY, and Maximilian his brother General of the upper country: giving them for their lieutenants, unto Maximilian the lord Teuffenbach, and to Mathias the county Charles Mansfelt, by him sent for out of FLANDERS, and after created one of the princes of the empire. john de Medici's, who was yet in HUNGARY, he made master of the great ordinance, with charge to fortify KOMARA: which he so well performed, as that it was thought nothing in strength inferior to RAB. The notable army of the Christians and from whence i● was raised. All this while the emperor ceased not both by his ambassadors and letters to solicit the Christian princes, for the repressing of the common enemy to put to their helping hands: and so much prevailed with them, that out of his own hereditary provinces, and from other princes his friends, he had this Spring raised a right puissant and strong army for the defence of HUNGARY: which how it was raised, and from whom, it shall not be much from our purpose briefly to remember, as the chief strength under God, whereby the Christian commonweal was this year most notably defended. Out of the higher SAXONY came a thousand two hundred horsemen, and out of the lower SAXONY six hundred: from FRANCONIA a thousand horsemen: from SVEVIA four thousand footmen: out of the county of TIROL as many: from BAVARIA three thousand: out of BOHEMIA two thousand men at arms, six hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen: from SILESIA a thousand five hundred horsemen: from LUSATIA five hundred horse and a thousand foot: from MORAVIA a thousand horse, and two thousand foot: out of AUSTRIA two thousand horse and six thousand foot: from HUNGARY five hundred horsemen and a thousand foot: from the nobility of SVEVIA and FRANCONIA four thousand foot: from the king of SPAIN out of the low countries under the conduct of Charles county Mansfelt, two thousand horsemen and six thousand foot. Unto these the bishop of ROME added two thousand horsemen and eight thousand foot: the great duke of FLORENCE sent five hundred horse and three thousand foot: the duke of FERRARA a thousand five hundred footmen: the duke of MANTVA a thousand foot: and duke Venturee five hundred horse. All which being put together, fill up the number of fifteen thousand nine hundred horsemen, and fifty thousand five hundred foot. Which notable army, raised from the power of divers Christian princes, and conducted by worthy chieftains, had by the goodness of God much better success this Summer against the ancient enemies of Christendom, than had the like army the year before, as in the process of this History shall appear. Among the worthy commanders that were in this puissant army, Charles county Mansfelt the son of Peter Ernestus the old county, from his youth brought up in arms, was by the king of SPAIN at the request of the emperor sent with the aforesaid forces of two thousand horse and six thousand foot out of the Low countries, as a man for his approved valour and direction, fit to manage these dangerous wars against the Turk under Mathias the Archduke, as his lieutenant General: who having raised the appointed forces, for most part Walloons, departed from BRUXELLES about the midst of February, and by the way taking his leave of his aged father at LUXENBURG, and traveling through GERMANY, came in March to PRAGE, where he was by the Emperor and the Archduke his brother most honourably entertained, and shortly after with great solemnity created one of the Princes of the empire. His forces following after him were by the way stayed, partly by the inundation of waters, the rivers they were to pass over (at that time rising to an unwonted height,) partly by the jealousy of some of the German princes, who denied them passage through their territories, until such time as that the emperor by his letters had opened unto him the way: which princes for all that stood upon their guard, and so gave them passage. Now ran great rumours of the wonderful preparations of the Turks, as also of the Christians; Fame after her wont manner, increasing the report of all things above measure: which caused the Turks with exceeding care to look to the fortification of their frontier towns, especially of RAB and STRIGONIUM, as did the Christians to the fortification of KOMARA and ALTENBURG. In the mean time many hot skirmishes passed between the Christians and the Turks, especially in the late revolted countries of TRANSYLVANIA and VALACHIA, wherein the Turks were still put to the worse, to the great discontentment of their emperor. near unto TEMESWAR the Bassa of BUDA was overthrown, by the valiant captain Gestius Ferentz, Ferat Bassa overthrown in Valachia. and the transylvanians. And in VALACHIA the Turks General, entering with a great army was there also by the lord Nadasti and the Null aided with the transylvanians, in a great battle discomfited and overthrown. Eight thousand of the Turks heads in token of this victory the lord Nadasti sent to ALBA JULIA to the Transyluanian prince, and certain ensigns, amongst which one was most richly garnished with precious stones and pearl, thought to be worth thirty thousand dollars; which the prince afterward restored again to Nadasti, offering him great possessions in TRANSYLVANIA, if he could have been content there to have seated himself. All this Spring the Turks countenanced their wars with greater boasts and threats than true force, giving it out, That they would in short time work wonders both by sea and land. For the more credit whereof, Murat Rays, a notable pirate, was sent out with twelve galleys; who landing here and there upon the coasts of ITALY, did much harm, causing it to be reported in every place where he landed, That this was but the beginning of a greater war, and that a wonderful fleet was to follow him: which raised a great fear, as well in other places as in ITALY. Howbeit, no such fleet afterwards appeared: for why the Turkish emperor, much troubled with the revolt of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, and the great mortality then raging both among his soldiers and their horses, was not at leisure to look into the sea, having his hands full enough with the troubles of HUNGARY, where his men of war enjoyed little rest in the frontiers of his territories. Sigismond the Transyluanian prince, had upon some just causes of late suspected Aaron the Vayvod of MOLDAVIA, to have intelligence not only with the Polonians, but also with the Cardinal Bator and other his mortal enemies, and secretly to have been about to make his peace with Mahomet, and so again to fall off from him unto the Turk: Which vehement suspicion growing daily more and more, was about this time manifestly confirmed by certain letters intercepted concerning that matter. For the preventing whereof, the prince caused Aaron to be apprehended, and with his wife and son to be sent as prisoners to PRAGE: in whose room he by the consent of the nobility of the country, placed one Stephen Rozwan, a wise and discreet man amongst them, and such an one as had been unto him always faithful. So as much as in him was, providing that that country should not be rend from him, and the union of the other. But against the secret practices of the Polonians, he protested openly by letters unto the emperor, by the power of God, and aid of his faithful subjects to redress those so great injuries himself by the sword. Mahomet sendeth ambassadors to the prince of Transylvania. In the midst of these troubles came three Chiaus, ambassadors from the Turkish Sultan unto the prince, to persuade him again to put himself into his protection, and to give him passage through his country, as in former time into HUNGARY, promising him, that all the injuries by him or his people done, should be for ever forgotten and forgiven: and that he should have those three countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, as his own free inheritance, without paying any tribute, and so to be accounted as the Turks most loving friend and vassal. What the prince answered thereunto, was not known, but by his doings afterwards it was easily to be gathered, that he harkened not unto the deceitful charms of the faithless tyrant, trusting more unto the league he had with the Christian Emperor. These ambassadors were scarce gone, but that a secret messenger came with letters from the chief of the Christians in BULGARIA to the prince, declaring unto him, That if he did with any good success prosecute his wars, they would be ready to follow his fortune, and to join hands with him against the cruel tyrant, and to shut up all the passages that way into VALACHIA, MOLDAVIA, and HUNGARY. Whilst these troublesome times thus passed in TRANSYLVANIA and HUNGARY, one of the old janissaries, called Wasuode Giezi, an old soldier, but a confident bold spoken fellow, moved as should seem with the discontentments of the time, came unto Mahomet the great Sultan at CONSTANTINOPLE, and there openly set upon him with this rough abrupt speech. How long at last most mighty Emperor, The presumptuous speech of one Waswood an old janissary to Mahomet the great Sultan. wilt thou endure thyself to be seduced and blinded by the great Bassas of thy Court, and commanders of thine armies? How long wilt thou suffer thyself to be deceived, to the great danger of thyself and hurt of thy subjects? Seest thou not how overthwartly, fraudulently, and cunningly, they moved only with their own covetous and ambitious humour, have hitherto dealt with thee and thy father? especially in that, that persuaded by them, thou hast dishonourably broken thy league, and taken up arms against the Christian emperor. At length open thine eyes, and see their deceit, and how much they abuse thy power. Sinan Bassa, who must have himself honoured and exalted above all others, hath not by strong hand honourably won RAB, as hath been the manner of thine ancestors, but hath craftily bought it with thy money, and thereby cast thee into a most dangerous war and infinite troubles. O RAB, RAB, now the cause of great triumph and rejoicing, as if thereby all Christendom should in short time be subdued to thy sceptre. But thou art therein much deceived, thy barns, thy storehouses, as are TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, MOLDAVIA, BULGARIA, and other provinces adjoining, from whence this thy imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE, with the country about it, thy Court, yea thyself, art to be relieved, are by this war shut up; so that down the river of Danubius out of the West, or by the Euxine out of the East, thou art not to look for any provision. From whence then ò mighty Emperor, wilt thou maintain thyself, thy Court, this populous city, and the country hereabout? Not to speak in the mean time of thy mighty army now in HUNGARY, flesh, fish, corn, all manner of victual are now at such a price, that the common soldier cannot buy them. In this extreme dearth of all things not men only, but even the very beasts and cattle starve for hunger. Thy horses go fat perhaps into HUNGARY, but neither thou nor thy select soldiers can live by grass and weeds, all that is left in that country. This misery and calamity of thy people thou seest daily, and yet thou wilt not with sound judgement lift up thine eyes, to see from whence these harms come, and how that they by thee put in greatest trust, study not for thy profit or the profit of the commonweal, but only how by all means to enrich themselves. Mahomet much moved with this confident speech of the old janissary, commanded him to be forthwith committed to ward, and by fair means to be examined, by whose setting on, and for what cause he had so boldly uttered this rude speech unto his Sovereign, and what further thing he had intended: but the rest of the janissaries hearing thereof, rise presently in a tumult, and by strong hand took him out of prison, and by solemn oath combined themselves to defend him, even to the spending of their own blood, whereat Mahomet was glad to wink. The greatest part of the aid promised by the Christian princes for the maintenance of this years wars against the Turk being now come to VIENNA in AUSTRIA, county Mansfelt, lieutenant General under the Archduke, forthwith called a counsel of the colonels, captains, and other great commanders of the army, to consult with them what course to take for the beginning of this great war: as whether they should presently lay siege to some town of the enemies, or else to expect him in the plain field and to give him battle. All things well considered, and that resolved upon which was thought most expedient; he removed from VIENNA to ALTENBURG, The army of the Christians ●●●stered a● Altenburg. where he mustered his whole army: and departing thence with some few of his followers, came to WALKENBURG, a village upon the side of Danubius, where he made choice of a place to encamp his army in: which after he had marked out, he returned again with speed to ALTENBURG, and by open proclamation through the camp, gave strait commandment, That against a certain hour every man should be in readiness to remove and to set forward toward the enemy. But divers of the soldiers, and especially the Germans, began forthwith after their wont manner to cry out for their pay before they would stir any farther: so that the county was glad by a second proclamation to command them to rise, promising them their pay within eight days. But they still standing upon their former resolution for their pay, refused any further to follow their captains, and sent six of the best sort among those mutinous soldiers to the county, in the name of all the rest to demand their pay; whom he forthwith commanded to be all hanged: but three of them having reasonably excused themselves, he let them go, and causing the other three to cast lots for their lives, hanged up two of them. Which severe execution so terrified the rest, that upon the sign given they all rise, and with the rest of the army followed the County. The whole army being come to WALKENBURG unto the place where they were to encamp; the County himself with others of the nobility, began with spades and shovels to dig and cast up the trenches, and so wrought until they sweat again: with whose example all the rest of the army, of what degree soever, being moved to labour, had in short time cast up a very great trench from Danubius unto the marshes, large enough for four score thousand men to encamp in; the great work with restless labour going forward both night and day, The vigilant carefulness of County Mansfeld. until it was fully finished. The County lying thus entrenched with his army, was still careful by his espials to understand where the enemy lay, and what he did. He was ready still to hear all, but to believe that which seemed to be most like to be true: what he purposed, he kept most secret; so that the enemy could never discover any of his designs (wherein the Generals of late years before him had much erred▪) and commonly his most certain resolutions were shadowed under the open show of some other matter nothing meant: security he much abhorred, as never free from danger: and although it was by divers messengers brought unto him, That the enemy was but of small strength, unable to meet him, disorderedly encamped, and in great distress for want of victuals; yet would he give little credit thereunto, as knowing such reports to have oftentimes been of purpose given out by the Turks to lull the Christians in security, the more easily to oppress them. The Christian army thus strongly entrenched, and the trenches planted with great ordinance, the County himself with certain troops of horsemen would oftentimes show himself before RAB, and sometime before DOTIS, viewing sometime the one place and sometime the other, as if he had verily purposed to have besieged the one of them: and to give the greater show that he had so determined, he caused the ground to be marked out for his army most conveniently to encamp in, and for the casting up of his mounts. Which caused the Turks of STRIGONIUM, VESPRINIUM, PALOTTA, and other places farther off, to send part as well of their warlike provision as of their garrison soldiers, some to RAB, some to DOTIS for the defence of those places nearest (as they thought) unto danger. Dotis besieged by the Christians. The County in the mean time having now put all things in readiness, came with his army and sat before DOTIS, demanding to have it yielded unto him. And the more to confirm the Turks that he would assuredly besiege that place, he began to cast up his trenches, and to raise his mounts as seemed most convenient, straightly commanding every man of what condition soever, to put his hand in some measure to the furtherance of those works: and the more by his own example to encourage others, would oftentimes himself carry a faggot or some other thing before him upon his horse, for the raising of the mount. For all that certain Hungarian gentlemen, disdaining such base labour (as they deemed it) refused to do any thing therein: which the County perceiving, straightly charged one of them by his example, to carry a faggot to the mount, which the Hungarian gentleman refusing, the County therewith much moved, laid the faggot he was carrying himself, before the Hungarian upon his horse, charging him to see that he carried it to the appointed place: the Hungarian disdainfully taking it, carried it until he thought he was out of the Counties sight, and then in scorn threw it down: which the County (having still an eye after him) perceiving, commanded him to be taken, and all armed as he rid, to be presently hanged upon the next tree for his obstinacy. Which wholesome severity both then and afterwards, caused others more diligently to do what they were commanded by their superiors. It happened about this time, that three Turks being taken prisoners, were brought into the camp: An obstinate Turk. whom the County straightly examined of many matters. But the first of the three could neither by fair or foul means be induced to answer to any thing that he was asked: and was therefore by the commandment of the County in the sight of the other two, cut into small pieces. Who terrified with his dismembering, confessed many things whereof they were asked: and among others, that the Turkish Sultan had determined to turn his greatest forces into TRANSYLVANIA, MOLDAVIA, and the upper part of HUNGARY: and therefore would this Summer send small forces, or else none at all into those quarters. Now was DOTIS so belaid by the County, as that no man doubted, but that he had thereon purposed to have gauged his whole forces, when suddenly the last of june, commandment was given through the camp, that every man upon sign given, should be in readiness to follow his leaders, for that the County had determined forthwith to remove: yet whither the army was to be removed, few or none knew, more than certain of the chief commanders. As for to go to STRIGONIUM, few there were that so much as dreamt thereof, all was kept so secret: yet was it the Counties purpose, County Mansfeld removeth with the army from Dotis to Strigonium. even from the beginning to attempt the winning of that city, which the Archduke had in vain the last year besieged. The next night being both dark and foul, the County rise with all his army, and the next day being the first of july, came to STRIGONIUM, they of the city not hearing of his coming before they saw him under their walls▪ Whererefore the Turks in the suburbs called the Rascian city, and they in the fort under Saint Thomas hill, despairing of the keeping of those places, setting fire on the houses, and defacing the fort so much as in that sudden fear they possibly could, fled into the lower town. The next day the County with resistance took the aforesaid places forsaken by the Turks, which he manned with certain companies of Walloons, and made a bridge of boats over Danubius, cast up certain mounts, and did many other things for the furtherance of the siege. In three days he had again repaired the fort under Saint Thomas hill abandoned by the Turks, and therein placed four great pieces of artillery, wherewith he began to batter the lower town, and in other places to straight the besieged more than they had been the year before. The Bassa of BUDA, not ignorant of the want both of men and munition in the besieged city (and the rather for that they had but a little before sent part of their garrison with shot and powder to RAB and DOTIS) attempted thrice (as he did many times after during the time of the siege) to have by the river put new supplies both of men and munition into the city: but was still by the diligence of the Christians excluded, and enforced with loss to return. In short time the Lower town which they call WASSERSTAT, or the Water town, was with continual battery sore beaten, so that scarcely any house or building was left whole; and a counterscarp made the last year, beaten down. Whereunto certain Walloons were sent, only to have viewed the breadth and manner of the ditches, after whom certain companies of the Hungarian Heidons presently followed, without any command from their captains, The Christians repulsed. who with great courage got to the top of another high counterscarp, & there set up some of their ensigns. Which the Turks beholding, and coming on close together, by plain force enforced them with loss to retire. Among these Hungarians were divers also of the Walloons slain, with some others of good name and place, to the great grief of the County, being not a little offended with that disordered service: yet day and night the battery ceased not, and the Christians out of their trenches with their musket shot, slew many of the Turks upon the walls, receiving little hurt again, the Turks still shooting but sparingly, for fear of wanting shot and powder at their greater need; yet that they spent they bestowed so well, that amongst others they had slain four of the Christian canoneers▪ and one Wallon captain. About the midst of july, the County with continual battery had made the Water town (as he thought) saultable: and therefore sent certain companies to begin the assault, who having passed the counterscarp, found the ditch full of deep mud, and but newly cut broader certain paces by the Turks, so that it was thought scarce possible to be passed without a bridge; behind which ditch was an high wall, with strong bulwarks; and within all this was another new cast ditch, and upon the very brink thereof a thick and high parapit: all which for all that, certain companies of the Walloons with great labour and danger adventured to pass: but such was the valour of the defendants, and the small number of them that came on to the assault, with the disadvantage of the place wherein they stood, that at length they were glad to retire, with the loss of many of their fellows. The Christians in the beginning of this siege had taken a little island in the river before the city, which was kept with some few companies of the lord Palfi his Heidons; whereof the Turks having intelligence at BUDA, with three galleys and certain other vessels, landed in the island 3000 soldiers, which slew the Heidons, unto whom no succour could be suddenly sent, and so recovered again the island: wherein they left a sufficient garrison for the keeping thereof, furnished with all things necessary, and so departed. About three days after the former assault, the Christians in hope of better success the second time assaulted the Water town: in which assault the chief leaders were the lord Greis, and Anthony Zinne, a famous captain, had he not stained his honour with county Hardeck at RA●; but being pardoned by the Emperor, did now together with the rest appointed to that service, most courageously assault the breach; but were again by the Turks notably repulsed, and enforced at last to give over the assault, and so to retire with the loss of an hundred and fifty men: amongst whom Zinne himself was slain, with one captain Ruger, and some of the counties own guard: the lord Greis was wounded in the head, and the younger lord Schuendi with divers other captains grievously hurt. The next day after, six hundred of the mountain people came into the camp unto the county with supplications to request him, Not to give over the siege until he had won the city, promising in the name of those towns and villages from whence they were sent, of their own charges to repair for him what harm soever he should do in the city for the taking thereof, yea though he should lay it even with the ground: for why the harms they daily received from the garrison of that city, were wonderful. Mahomet careful of Strigonium. At the same time also he was advertised by his espials (of whom he maintained many for the discovery of the enemies doings) that Mahomet the Turkish Sultan had writ unto the Bassa of BUDA, carefully to provide, that his beloved city of STRIGONIUM took no harm, and not to spare either for men or money betime to relieve it: and therein to do nothing without the advice and good liking of his old and faithful servant Alis Beg, who of long time had governed and also defended that city: and to the intent that nothing should be wanting for the performance hereof, that he had sent Alexander Aga of the janissaries from the Court (whose service he might evil have spared) whose approved counsel and help he might also use in all things: for that he had rather lose some other whole kingdom than that one city: And that therefore he should beware that it were not by the enemy won, or by any composition yielded: wherein if he failed, he threatened unto him his heavy displeasure, not to be appeased without the price of his head. Which so severe a commandment of the great Sultan's, the Bassa sent to them of STRIGONIUM, with most grievous threats from himself, if they, terrified with any battery, undermining, or assault, should yield the city, and not hold it out as became valiant soldiers unto the last man, swearing to empaile them all upon stakes, that should consent to the yielding up thereof. The old Governor Alis having received this so strait a command from him that was both able and like enough to perform what he had threatened, utterly to deter the soldiers from once thinking of yielding, caused diligent enquiry to be made throughout the garrison, if any of them had at any time made any motion of yielding up the city, or otherwise murmured against their captains or commanders, appointing them to any service: and such as he found to have so done, he to the terror of others caused to be presently executed: and after that went down himself into the lower town, to see that nothing were there wanting or amiss where most danger was. But when he would have again returned into the upper town, he was stayed by the janissaries, who told him, That seeing he was of so valiant and courageous a mind, and their Governor, he should there stay with them, and take such part as they did, were it better or worse: and so would he or would he not, there needs stay he must. Now the Bassas of BUDA and TEMESWAR, with divers Sanzackes as well of those parts of HUNGARY which the Turks possessed, as other places, were assembling their forces for the relief of the besieged in STRIGONIUM: Whereof the Transyluanian prince hearing, made show as if he would forthwith have besieged TEMESWAR, so that the Bassa thereof leaving the intended expedition for STRIGONIUM, was glad to return for the defence of his own charge. They also of STIRIA, CARINTHIA & CROATIA, with the troops of county Serinus, had so stopped all the passages, that twelve thousand Turks which were coming from ZIGETH and the places thereabout, could by no means come to join themselves with their fellows for the relief of the distressed city. The higher city of Strigonium battered by the Christians. The county leaving nothing unattempted or undone that might help for the gaining of STRIGONIUM, had made a notable fort upon S. Thomas hill, and therein placed five great culuerines, wherewith he furiously battered the higher city, and did therein great harm: and thereby also brought to pass, that no man could go up or down the hill, betwixt the upper town and the lower, but he was in danger to be set off with those pieces, or the musketeers; who defended by those great pieces, lay upon the side of the hill in caves and bushes, awaiting for such as should go up or down betwixt the two towns. Thus the Christians at one time battered the upper town, the lower town, and the strong town and fort of GOKARA, standing on the farther side of Danubius' overagainst STRIGONIUM, besieged by the lord Palfi. But of all these places, Gokara taken by the Christians. GOKARA was with the fury of the great ordinance most shaken: which the county perceiving, caused the battery to be increased, and so continued, until he had beaten down the counterscarp, and made certain fair breaches in the wall. Whereunto the Moravians (unto whose lot it fell) the one and twentieth of july gave an assault in five divers places, whom the lord Palfi seconded with his Hungarians, of whom certain were of purpose appointed beside their arms to bring things with them for the firing of the town, which they in the time of the assault found means so well to bestow, that in a while the town was all on a light fire. The Turks at first made notable resistance, but finding themselves overpressed, and seeing the town now on a fire about their ears, which with the force of the wind so increased, that it caught hold of the lower town on the other side of the river, they retired to the rivers side, where some of them by boats got over to STRIGONIUM, othersome perished in the river, the rest falling into the hands of the Christians, were by them all put to the sword. GOKARA thus taken, and the fire quenched, the Christians repaired the breaches, and storing it with all warlike provision, left in it a strong garrison. Within a night or two after were two hundred of the Turks horsemen descried in a field fast by, which caused an alarm to be raised in the camp, as if the whole army of the Turks had been at hand: howbeit those horsemen retiring, and no other appearing, it was afterwards known, that they were only scouts sent out by the Turks to take view of the army of the Christians and in what sort they lay encamped. The latter end of this month it fortuned that a young country fellow, secretly sent out of the city by the Governor, and falling into the hands of Palfi, was by him sent to the county, by whom he was in friendly manner demanded, From whence he came, whether he was going, and whereabouts? Whereunto the youth frankly answered, That he was sent from the Governor with letters to the Bassa of BUDA, which he presently drew out of his bosom, and delivered them unto the county; who after he had read them, caused them to be closed up again, and so delivered them to the young man, with some few crowns, commanding him to carry them to the Bassa, as he was about, and in his return to bring him the Bassas answer, promising for his so doing to reward him bountifully: which the young man undertook to do, and so departed. Now the purport of the governors letters was, That if the Bassa did not within six or seven days send him aid and relieve him, he should for want of victuals and other things necessary for the holding out of the siege, be enforced either to abandon the city, or to yield it up into the enemy's hands. Whereunto the Bassa returned answer by the aforesaid messenger, That he would within the appointed time be with him, willing him in the mean while to be mindful of his wont valour, and not to be with any thing discouraged: appointing him the day, the hour, the way, the mean, with all the other circumstances how he would relieve him. Which letters the young man according to his promise delivered unto the county: who thereupon provided accordingly for the welcoming of the Bassa. Within a day after also, one of the Turks canoneers considering the danger the city lay in, and fearing that it would be lost, fled out of it into the camp: who besides that he aptly declared the state of the city, and the wants the besieged were in, did also afterwards good service during the time of the siege. The Turks had in this while many times sallied out, to their great loss: yet now upon hope of better success they adventured the nine and twentieth of this month to sally out again, but with like fortune as before, leaving fourscore of their men behind them, having slain but five of the Christians. Now had the Turks in great wants by the space of a month right worthily defended STRIGONIUM, expecting still for relief. At length news was brought into the camp, That the Bassa of BUDA with twenty thousand men was coming to raise the siege: who the second of August came accordingly, and with his army encamped within four miles of the Christians: lying so nigh, certain of the Turks horsemen seeking after booty, came very near unto the camp of the Christians, and out of the pastures, even under their noses, carried away some few horses: A skirmish betwixt the Turks and the Christians. against these desperate adventurerers certain troops of the Hungarian and German horsemen issuing out, had with them an hot skirmish: but the Turks of purpose retiring as men overcharged, and the Christians still following on, had at length drawn them unto the place where divers other troops of the Turks lay in ambush for them, who now starting forth on every side, hardly charged them. The Hungarian light horsemen well acquainted with such skirmishes, seeing the danger, presently fled and left the Germans to themselves; who for a while valiantly encountered their enemies, but oppressed with multitude, were glad at last to fly also. In this skirmish of the Christians were lost and grievously wounded about an hundred. The Turks encouraged with this so prosperous a beginning, came on the next day with all their army, being before resolved by plain force to open themselves a way into the city, and so to relieve the besieged. Of all these things was not the County ignorant, as thereof forewarned by the Bassa's letters before delivered unto him, and had therefore with his army strongly belayed all the ways unto the city: nevertheless the enemy came still on between the hills S. Thomas and S. George, and near unto the suburbs called the Rascian city, put themselves in order of battle, as did also the Christians, giving the enemy leave to come even to their trenches. In the mean time the lord Palfi with his Hungarian horsemen, fetching a compass about the hill on the one side, and the lord Swartzenburg with his horsemen on the other, had so enclosed the Turks behind, as that they could not without great danger retire. A cruel battle betwixt the Christians and the Turks before Strigonium. Both armies orderly ranged, and the signal of battle given, the Turks having before without any great harm done discharged seventeen field pieces, came on after their wont manner with a most hideous cry, and at the first onset with their Turkey arrows, as with a thick shower, darkened the sky: when on the other side the German and Wallon horsemen with their petronels sent their deadly shot as thick as hail amongst them again; and the men at arms after them taught the Turks to their cost, how unfit their light and half naked horsemen were in a set battle to meet with men so well appointed: in a trice but not without great slaughter the battle was brought to the sword, and to be tried by true valour: There was to be heard a cry heavens high, the thundering artillery both great and small, the clattering armour, the glistering weapons, the neighing of the horses, the crying of the wounded, the heavy groanings of the dying, with the noise of the trumpets drums and other warlike instruments, made deaf the ears of the hearers, presenting unto them nothing but horror and even present death. It was a most miserable sight to see so many men in so short time slain: The Turks overthrown. for the battle had yet scarcely endured half an hour, when many thousands of the Turks lay dead upon the ground, and the rest seeing the victory incline to the Christians, betook themselves to flight, leaving behind them their great ordinance and whatsoever else they brought for the relief of the besieged: whom so flying, the lord Palfi and Swartzenburg (who had before taken the straits whereby they were to pass between the mountains) so received with their fresh horsemen, that of them that came that way, few escaped. The Bassa himself, who stood upon the hill, seeing the discomfiture of his army, fled also himself: the Bassa of ANATOLIA with about an hundred Turks more by good fortune got into STRIGONIUM. The number of the Turks slain in this battle was great, and is of divers diversly reported, some saying that there was slain fourteen thousand; and some, fewer. Besides them that were slain, many were also taken, and some of them men of great name and place. There were also taken seven and twenty ensigns, with a multitude of camels, asses, and mules, laded with money, shot, powder, and other necessary provision: all which, brought thither for the relief of the besieged, became a prey unto the Christians. In the heat of this battle they of the city sallying out, had entered a fort of the Christians upon the rivers side▪ but were again presently driven out, and with loss enforced again to retire. After this victory the county sent certain companies of the Hungarian and German horsemen with five hundred wagons to the enemy's camp, not far off in the mountains; who coming thither, found it utterly forsaken by the enemy, but well stored with all manner of necessary provision, which they carried all away, together with six hundred tents, many whereof were lined with damask, satin, and other silk, richly embroidered or laid with gold lace or twist. The Bassas rich tent taken by the colonel of the horsemen, was afterwards by him given unto the County, as was also the plate and money there found, all which he divided among the soldiers according to their deserts. In the Turks camp were also found certain heads of the Christians, with the dead body of the lord Brandensteine, slain in the conflict but the day before; which the Christians carried away with them into the camp, and there honourably buried them. Those that remained of the Turks army, hid themselves in the mountains and woods, and so holpen by the darkness of the night, made best shift for themselves that they could. The Bassa himself accompanied but with twenty horse, came to BUDA about midnight, and by his coming filled the city with great heaviness, every man lamenting his lost friends. The Hungarian Heidons best acquainted with the country, pricking up and down the mountains and by ways, for certain days after the battle, brought in daily into the camp such prisoners as they took, or else the heads of such Turks as they slew. Of this so notable a victory, the County by a speedy messenger certified the Archduke at VIENNA, who rewarded him for his good news with a chain worth five hundred duckars▪ and presently ●aused the song of thanksgiving to be sung in the Church of the Augustine Friars, and afterward in all the churches of the city. The County also to gratify the emperor, sent him by the lord Chalon his nephew unto PRAGE, two of the chief prisoners taken in the late battle, with four horsemen's Guidons cunningly made of horse hairs, such as are commonly carried before the greatest commanders of the Turks armies, and fourteen other ensigns of the Turks, with fourteen most goodly horses of the Turks for a present. The next day after this battle, the County sent the lord Pal●i with an interpreter unto the city, to demand it to be yielded: who having audience, declared unto the Turks in what danger they were, that the help they looked for was now quite overthrown, new relief could not but in long time be sent unto them; and that therefore it should be good for them, whilst yet they might, to be well advised, and betime to bethink themselves of yielding up the city, lest, happily when they would, it than would not be accepted: promising to entreat with the General, that they might in safety depart, and with sure convoy be brought unto such place of safety as were convenient. Whereunto the besieged Turks answered, That the Christians had now five weeks lain at the siege, and must yet lie three weeks longer: and that whereas▪ of late some few of their friends came to have relieved them, and had failed therein; there was yet an hundred thousand more to come after them, who if they should not be able to perform that they came for, yet that they would not for that deliver or forsake the city, before they were ready to be drawn out of it by the heels, and that yet they would then take three days to resolve thereupon. Now had the Christians with long and continual battery sore beaten both the upper and the lower town, which battery they now maintained with greater fury than at any time from the beginning of the siege; and within the city their wants increased daily, having nothing left to live upon but a little wheat and barley, with some horseflesh: unto whom thus distressed, the lord Palfi by the commandment of the County (to try what confidence they yet had in themselves) the ninth of August, sent two Gentlemen to the city, to do a message from him to the Governor. Who advertised thereof, being a very aged and courteous man, accompanied with the Aga of the janissaries, came to the walls to hear what they had to say; where one of the said gentlemen in few words delivered him this short message. My most gracious Lord the lord Palfi, The message sent by the lord Palfi to the Governor of Strigonium. most worthy Governor greeteth thee well, and knowing thee to be a captain both valiant and wise, and one that hath always courteously used such as have fallen into thy hands, hath compassion of thy desperate obstinacy: and therefore, whereas thou art to look or hope for nothing else but present death and destruction, he as thy neighbour and a lover of thy virtues, adviseth and exhorteth thee, if thou wilt save thyself and thine from most undoubted and imminent death and utter confusion, without delay to deliver up this city, which thou canst not longer hold. Unto whom the old Governor thus without stay courteously answered. Thy speech my friend, The resolute answer of the old Governor to the message sent him by Pa●●i. and thy master's advise are unto me both vain. Tell the lord Palfi in my name, that I cannot pleasure him with the least stone in this city. One foot I have already in the grave, and will with honour carry these my grey hairs into the same: and am yet comforted with a most certain and undoubted hope, that my most dread and mighty sovereign, and my lord Sinan Bassa will not forsake me: yea and that if they should write unto me, that they could find no means or way to relieve me (which I am sure they can) yet would I well, and at leisure consider, whether it were fit for me to deliver up this city or not; seeing that of the defence thereof, dependeth all mine honour and credit. Besides that, what reward they have on both sides, that so easily deliver over the cities they have in charge, all the world doth see. With this answer he sent them away. All this while the Aga of the janissaries standing by, spoke not one word, but sighing in silence and grinding his teeth, declared by his countenance his indignation and inward grief. In the mid way betwixt BUDA and STRIGONIUM, in the midst of the river of Danubius lieth a little island called VIZZE, wherein many rich clothiers dwelled: this island the Hungarian Heidons spoiled, and in returning thence, met with four and twenty wagons laded with corn, going to BUDA, which they took, with eight and twenty prisoners which they brought into the camp. The loxer town 〈◊〉 by the Christians. The lower town being with long and continual battery made saultable, was by the Christians the thirteenth of August, in three divers places at once assaulted. The Bavarians were by lot to give the first charge, who in the performing thereof, beginning to faint (for that they were notably repulsed by the Turks) but seconded by them of REITNAW and SVEVIA, plucked down a great palisado, filled the ditches, removed whatsoever stood in their way, and so long fought with the Turks in the breaches, that by the coming in of the marquess of BURGAWE with six ensigns of fresh men, they prevailed upon the enemy, and so altogether broke into the town. In the midst of this dangerous fight was the marquess himself, who both with his presence and cheerful speech so encouraged his soldiers, that they as men fearing no peril, ran headlong into all danger until they had entered the town: There might a man have heard a most miserable cry, especially of women and children throughout the city; when as the Christians breaking in on every side slew whosoever came in their way, without respect of age or sex, sparing neither women great with child, neither the little children hanging at their mother's breasts. Yet did not all that were entered, so much attend the present execution, as some of them did the spoil and prey; and especially the Hungarians, unto whom all was good booty, even the very hinges of the doors and windows: whereby many escaped into the castle and upper town with the Bassa and Alis-Beg the old Governor. The Christians had not many hours possessed the town, but that divers fires began to break out in divers places, but by what means was not at the first known. At last it was found out, that the Turks doubting the loss of the town, had before where they thought best left gunpowder, which taking fire by matches left burning for that purpose, should at a certain time set all on fire: by which means many most horrible fires were raised in the town, which consumed many goodly buildings and other things which might have stood the Christians in great stead, and could hardly be in a day or two quenched. County Mansfeld death at Komara. This so joyful a victory saw not he, by whose good direction next under God it was gained, the worthy County: for he a few days before being fallen sick of a fever, taken by drinking too much cold drink in his heat, with immoderate pains taking in the late battle, and so afterwards falling into a great flix with a fever, was by the counsel of his physicians (for the better recovering of his health) removed to KOMARA, as a place of more quietness: having before his departure sent for the Archduke to come unto the camp, and for Blankemier into BAVARIA to supply his own room. But his disease still increasing, became at last desperate, so that the physicians themselves now despaired of his health. Yet lying thus drawing towards his end, he almost every hour inquired how the army did, and whether the city were yet taken, or what hope there was of the taking thereof. But when it was told him a little before his death, that the lower town was won, he thereat greatly rejoiced, and the next day being the fourteenth of August towards night quietly departed this world, to the great loss of the Christian commonweal, and the exceeding grief of the whole army. A man even from his childhood brought up in arms, of stature great, but of courage greater, and painful above measure, not the least cause of his untimely death. All the time of this siege he took little rest either by day or night, scarce so much as to lie down upon his bed in two or three nights together. The little meat he did eat, he most part eat it standing or walking, yea and sometimes on horseback: he was a most severe observer of martial discipline, which caused him to be of his soldiers both beloved and feared. His bowels were with due solemnity buried at KOMARA where he died, but his body was brought back again to LUXENBURG, there to be honourably interred with his ancestors. About this time Theodore the Great duke of MUSCOVIA, hearing of the wars betwixt the emperor and the Turk, sent two ambassadors with letters and presents to the emperor: which ambassadors coming to PRAGE the sixteenth of August, accompanied with two hundred and fifty horse, were there by the emperors appointment, honourably received and entertained. And afterward having audience, first delivered the letters of credence from the Great duke, reported to have been of this purport. Your Majesty hath sent unto us your ambassador Nicholas Warkotsie, The copy of the great dukes letters unto the emperor. requesting our brotherly aid against the hereditary enemy of all Christianity, the Turkish Sultan. Wherefore we also desiring to live with you our dear and well-beloved brother in all perpetual amity and friendship, send unto you by our faithful counsellor and servant Michael Iwanowitze and john Sohnie▪ aid out of our treasury against the said enemy: unto whom we have also given other things in charge to be propounded to your Majesty, requesting you to give unto them in all things full credit. Given in the great Court of our power at MUSCO, in the year of the world 7103, and from the nativity of Christ 1595, in the month of April. What things in particular these ambassadors were sent for, was not commonly known, but among others it is said, That the Muscovite requested the emperor to send an ambassador unto the Persian king, to draw him also into the league with them against the Turk: which ambassador should first come into MUSCOVIA, and that way to pass into PERSIA. The presents which the Great duke sent unto the emperor were, an hundred and fifty thousand Florins of gold, great store of most rich furs, and precious perfumes deemed to be of exceeding valour, two white falcons, and three leopards alive. And Iwanowitze the ambassador himself, presented unto the emperor of himself, certain rich Turkey, Persi●●● and Babylonian hangings and carpets, certain timbers of Sables, with other rich furs no less precious than Sables, so many as eight porters could hardly carry. These ambassadors tarried at PRAGE until the seven and twentieth day of December, and then taking their leave, returned with the emperors answer to the duke. But to return again unto SRIGONIUM. Alis-Beg the old Governor of S●●igonium slain with a great shot The Christians now possessed of the lower town, bend their whole battery upon the higher town, where it fortuned the fourteenth of August that the old Governor Alis-Beg, whilst he was carefully walking from place to place to see where most danger was, had his arm struck off with a great shot, of which hurt he presently died. He was a man of great gravity, about the age of eight and twenty years, and had of long time notably both governed and defended that famous city, the loss whereof was like enough to have been unto him greater grief than was the loss of his life there. Much about the same time also died the Aga of the janissaries, being before mortally wounded. Both the chief commanders thus slain, the janissaries with the other soldiers and citizens made choice of the Bassa of ANATOLIA (who as is aforesaid escaped out of the late battle into the city) for their Governor, who with heavy cheer took upon him that forlorn charge. The Christians not ignorant of the death of these two worthy men, in whose great and approved valour they supposed the chief defence of the city to have rested, were in good hope that now the rest would the more readily hearken to some good composition; and therefore sent a messenger to demand if they would yet whilst there were some mercy left, yield the city. Who though they had lost their chief commanders with the greatest part of the garrison, and were in great wants both of victuals and all things else necessary for their defence; yet their answer was in few words, That they would hold it out even to the last man. The greatest cause of which their obstinate resolution, was the straight charge the Bassa of BUDA had given them for the defence thereof: besides that, they accounted their city holy, as won by their magnificent emperor Solyman, whom the Turks generally yet have in a devout remembrance; and therefore thought it a great impiety to deliver it up unto the Christians. The next day after came Mathias the archduke into the camp; who after he had well viewed the whole army and the manner of the siege, he called together into his tent the chief commanders, namely the marquess of BURGAW his cousin, john de Medici's the Florentine, and the lord Pal●i the Hungarian, to consult with them what were farther to be done for the winning of the city. Shortly after he commanded the city to be at once in two places assaulted, which was by the Walloons and Germans courageously performed: but such was the valour of the defendants, that when the Christians had done what they could, they were glad at last to give over the assault, and with loss to retire. About this time came the duke of MANTVA, with the three Counties his brethren to the siege: and now the Turks began again to draw together near unto BUDA, there to make head for the relief of STRIGONIUM, and to be revenged of the loss they had there before received. Whereof the Archduke having intelligence, sent out against them eight thousand chosen soldiers out of the camp, who suddenly setting upon the Turks in their camp, before the rising of the Sun made a great slaughter amongst them, and took certain prisoners, of whom the Sanzacke of COPAN was one: and so with victory returned to the siege. The besieged Turks in STRIGONIUM understanding of this overthrow of their friends, from whom they expected most speedy relief, and beside the terror of the continual battery and still feared assaults, pinched also with extreme wants of all things, began now to faint. Wherefore the Bassa with the other captains, overcome with the aforesaid difficulties, and the general outcry of the fearful people, resolved with one consent to come now to parley, and upon reasonable conditions to yield up the city: whereupon a flag of truce was set up, and parley craved. Which granted, the Archduke after the going down of the Sun came into the lower town, where nine of the Turks attended his coming: who entering into parley, required that they might under safe convoy with bag and baggage depart, and so leave him the city: which the Archduke would not by any means agree unto. At length with much entreaty, they obtained that they might upon the same conditions depart that the Christians did at RAB; with their scimitars by their sides, and so much of their goods as they could carry upon their backs, unto such ships as were to be appointed for the carriage of them to BUDA. Strigonium yielded unto the Christians. For the performance whereof, hostages were on both sides given: and so the next day (being the second of September) they began to come out of the city, more in number than either the prisoners taken in the time of the siege had confessed, o● the Christians had thought. Thirty ships were appointed for the conveying of them down the river to BUDA, which not sufficing, many of them tarried in the city until the next day, at which time the Bassa with the sick and wounded sailed to BUDA, the prisoners and pledges on both sides being before faithfully delivered. Thus by the goodness of God and the good conduct of a few valiants Christians, was STRIGONIUM the Metropolitical city of HUNGARY, after it had 52 years groaned under the miserable yoke of the Turkish servitude, The castle of Vicegrade taken by the Christians. again restored unto the Christian commonweal: which the Christians forthwith repaired and new fortified, as was thought best for the defence thereof against the enemy. All which being done, about the midst of this month the Archduke sent eighteen thousand to besiege VICEGRADE, otherwise called PLINDENBURG, a strong castle of the Turks upon the river between STRIGONIUM and BUDA, which castle they took. Which when they of BUDA understood, they were strucken with such a fear, that many of the better sort were ready to forsake the city, insomuch, that the Bassa to stay their flight, was glad to command the gates of the city to be shut upon them, and no man suffered to pass out. This good success of the Christians in these wars, caused great rejoicing to be made in most parts of Christendom. All this while the Christians were thus busied at the siege of STRIGONIUM, the Transyluanian prince was not idle, but in divers places did the Turks exceeding much harm; so that now his name began to be dreadful unto them. It fortuned that the same day that the County Mansfelt departed at KOMARA, that the prince at ALBA JULIA with great solemnity married Maria Christina, the daughter of the late Archduke Charles the son of the emperor Ferdinand, her other sister Anna being before married unto Sigismond, now king of POLONIA: for so it was agreed for the more assurance of the league between the emperor and him, that he should take his wife out of the house of AUSTRIA, which he now did. Of this solemnity the Turks (his evil neighbours) having intelligence, assembling to the number of 30000 or more, thought as unwelcome guests to have come unbidden or unlooked for thereunto: but the vigilant prince understanding of their coming, provided for their entertainment accordingly, and setting his pleasures for a while apart, and coming upon them when they least looked for him, in a great battle overthrew them, and slew most part of them, carrying away with him as a triumphant victor, the whole spoil of his enemies. About the same time the transylvanians also besieged FAGIAT, a town holden by the Turks, not far from TEMESWAR; where after they had lain twelve days, they of the town despairing to be able long to hold out, came to parley, and covenanting to depart with bag and baggage, began to go out of the town. But in their departure, understanding that the Bassa of TEMESWAR with the Sanzacks' of LIPPA and JENNE were coming to their relief, they that were yet in the town began to find delays, and they that were already gone out began to return. Wherewith the transylvanians much moved, by plain force entered the town, and put them all to the sword: and afterward turning upon the Bassa, who with ten thousand Turks and certain field pieces was coming to have relieved the town, had with them a cruel battle; wherein most part of the Turks fell with small loss of the transylvanians: who so eagerly pursued the victory, that the Bassa himself had much ado with five hundred others to escape. The two Sanzackes, with divers others of good place, were taken and sent prisoners to the prince. Not long after, about the latter end of August the transylvanians also besieged LIPPA, a famous city of HUNGARY, Lippa taken by the transylvanians. standing upon the river Maracz, not far from TEMESWAR, which the Turks being notable longer to hold, fled into the castle: where finding themselves in no great safety, after three days siege they came to parley, and so yielded, upon condition that they might in safety depart with so much of their goods as they could themselves carry. About which time also the Bassa of BOSNA with ten thousand Turks and Tartars went forth to have again recovered BABOTSCA, a frontier town, before taken by the Christians: which the Stirians and the rest of the Christians dwelling thereabouts, between the two rivers of Saws and Draws, understanding, conducted by the lords Herbenstein, Lewcowitz, and Eckenberg, that had the charge of those frontiers, overtook the said Turks and Tartars near unto BABOTSCA, fought with them, and in the plain field overthrew them. Mahomet not a little grieved with the good success of the Christians in every part of HUNGARY, Ferat Bassa sent for to Constantinople, and there strangled. and above measure offended with Ferat Bassa his General, through whose negligence all or at leastwise most part of this had happened (as he was by the envy of Sinan Bassa persuaded) sent for Ferat home, Sinan Bassa sent in Ferats st●ad. and in his place sent out Sinan. Of which the great Sultan's displeasure Ferat was not ignorant, as forewarned thereof by her that best knew, even the Sultan's mother, and advised not to come in sight until his peace were made. Who nevertheless trusting to his own innocency (the comfortable, but most dangerous and weak stay of the great) and doubting not to answer whatsoever Sinan should be able to charge him with, came to the Court: where he was by the commandment of Mahomet shortly after strangled, and his goods to the value of five hundred thousand ducats confiscated. Among all the dangerous enemies of the Christian commonweal, was none at this time more cruel than was Sinan, an Epirot borne, a fisher's son, of a rough and uncivil disposition, now about fourscore and three years old, even from his youth brought up in the wars: and yet (as his mott was) breathing nothing but, Blood and War. He had many times fortunately led the huge armies of the Turkish Emperors, Solyman, Selimus, and Amurath, and is now sent by the great Sultan Mahomet, as the fittest man to reduce the late revolted countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, to their former thraldom; which he before promised unto Mahomet, upon peril of his head to do. He having raised a right puissant army, by a bridge made of boats (after a months labour spent therein) passed over the great river of Danubius into VALACHIA: of whose coming the transylvanians, with the Null and Moldavians, having knowledge, had before so shut up the passages of the country, as that he could not without much danger have far entered; and were also ready with their united forces even at his first entrance to give him battle. Which he not refusing, A mortal battle betwixt Sinan and the Trans●luanian prince. there began a most mortal and cruel fight, with much bloodshed on both sides. Thrice were the transylvanians enforced to retire, but still relieved with new supplies, and knowing that they then carried in their arms the welfare of their whole country, came on afresh again, and as hardly charged the Turks, as they had been by them charged. Thus with doubtful fortune and great slaughter was the battle maintained, from the morning until night, victory with doubtful wings hovering now over the one side, now over the other: until that at length, The Turks overthrown. the Turks overcome by true valour, their battles being quite disordered and broken, were now glad to seek to save themselves by flight. In this battle, being fought the eleventh of September, besides many thousands of the common soldiers, were slain also divers of great account amongst the Turks: and amongst the rest Haidar Bassa, a man of them much regarded, was found dead even in the same place where the battle was fought. Sinan in flying like to be drowned. Sinan himself, in making too much haste to get over the bridge, fell into the deep mud, and in that general confusion of his army, was like enough there to have perished: but as the common proverb goeth, Seldom lieth the devil dead in a dike, the old Velliarde was with much ado drawn out by them of his guard, and so saved to further mischief. Nevertheless, the danger was so great, that for certain days it was commonly reported, that he was there drowned, most of his own people not as yet certainly knowing what was become of him. All the spoil of the Turks became a prey unto the Christians, as did also their great ordinance, and many of their ensigns; amongst which was one green one, which they accounted religious, as sacred to their prophet Mahomet, whereunto they in time of their greatest distress fly as unto their last refuge: there was taken also all their tents, with great abundance of victuals and other warlike provision. The old Bassa thus overthrown, full of grief, and even mad for despite, posted himself in all haste to the Court, thinking it better himself to make the best of that which was indeed nought, than to have it made worse than nought by the envious report of others: and withal to fill the mind of the great Sultan with desire of revenge, which no man so much longed after, as himself: wherein he so discreetly used the matter, as that the late loss was easily passed over, as received by the common chance of war, or any other occasion else whatsoever rather than by any default of his; and new commission given him for the raising of another army for the subduing of the late revolted countries. In the mean time, to show his hatred unto the Christians, and to please the eyes of them of the Court with the novelty of the sight, he caused an hundred and twelve Christian captives whom he had in prison at BELGRADE, to be brought in chains like beasts to CONSTANTINOPLE; and so being led through the principal streets of the city, to the vain contentment of the citizens, to be brought to the Court gate for the Sultan to look upon and the Courtiers to deride: from whence they were after many unspeakable indignities conveyed to most miserable and loathsome prisons, there to be fed with the bread of tribulation. The Turks overthrown in Croatia. About this time the Turks under the command of the Bassa of BOSNA, to the number of almost twenty thousand, made a road into CROATIA, where they were by the Christians under the leading of the lord Eckenberg and Leucowitz overthrown and almost all slain: the Christians following the chase even into the Turks frontiers, burned fifteen of their villages, and took the castle of VARVINAR: immediately after, their forces increasing by the coming in of the lord Herbensteine, Governor of VALERIA and WINDISMARCHE, and certain other troops of horsemen out of CARINTHIA and the countries thereabouts, they returned the thirteenth of September to besiege PETRINIA, otherwise called PETROWINA; which because they were in hope to take by assault, they even at their first coming courageously assailed. But after two hours hard fight, finding both greater resistance and more difficulty than they had before supposed to have found, and that without great ordinance (which could not in short time be got over the mountains) there was no good to be done, they were glad to give over the assault, and with such loss as they had received to return to SISEG, there to consult further of the matter. But the same night a fugitive horseman fled from the enemy, came to the camp and told the Christians, That Rustan Beg Governor of PETRINIA was in the late assault wounded in the breast with a small shot, Petrinia taken by the Christians and dead: and that the Turks in the town discouraged with his death and the late overthrow of their friends in CROATIA, would upon the first sight of them abandon the town, if they would but again return to besiege it. Upon which good hope the Christians presently rise, and set forward again towards PETRINIA: which the Turks hearing of their coming, had before (as the soldior reported) for fear abandoned. So the Christians without resistance entering the town, found therein some pillage, but better store of shot and powder: and presently sending forth certain troops of horsemen to pursue the flying Turks, took divers of them, and among the rest the late governors lieutenant, whom they brought back again into the town. Thus was PETRINIA again recovered from the Turks, to the great quiet and safety of all that side of the country. Sigismond the Transyluanian prince not ignorant with what an enemy he had to do, either of the malice of old Sinan, who he knew would not be long before he returned, or yet of the secret practice of the Polonians for the withdrawing of the country of MOLDAVIA from him, sought now by all means (as it stood him upon) to make himself so strong as he could against so many storms arising. It fortuned that even at the same time the Zaculians (better known by the name of Siculi) in former time a free people, but as then tributaries unto the Turks, bordering upon the North-east part of TRANSYLVANIA, now weary of the Turkish thraldom, and seeing the good success of the prince, and the late revolted countries their neighbours, offered unto the prince their service; promising of their own charge to maintain forty thousand men in the field during his wars with the Turk, and yearly to pay him of every house a dollar, with a certain measure of wheat, oats, and barley, after the manner of their own country: and further, That if God should bless him with a son to succeed him in his government, every householder should give unto him a good fat ox. For all which service they craved no more, but that they might as his subjects live under his protection: yet so, as to be governed by their own ancient laws and customs. Of which their offer the prince accepting, it was forthwith by them proclaimed in their camp, and all the people sworn to the performance of the aforesaid agreements. And having at that present but five and twenty thousand in the field; they without delay sent out their officers to press out fifteen thousand more, for the filling up of the promised number of forty thousand, The prince taketh a view of his army. wherewith they came unto the prince, who taking a view of his army, found himself to be now fourscore thousand men strong, to welcome the Bassa withal when he should come again into his country. Now had Sinan with great speed raised an army of seventy thousand choice soldiers, amongst whom were many whole bands of the janissaries, the strength of the Turkish empire. With which power joined unto the relics of his other broken forces, he thought himself strong enough for the subduing of the prince: unto whom came also afterwards Hassan Bassa, the son of the great Bassa Muhamet, one of the Turks most renowned men of war, and Bogdanus the late expulsed Vayvod of VALACHIA, Sinan Bassa by a bridge made of boats passeth over Danubius into Valachia. with many others of great name. With this army the old Bassa by a bridge, which he with exceeding charge had made of boats, passed over the great river of Danubius at a town called ZORZA or GIORGO (with us S. George) in VALACHIA, a great way beneath that place where sometime the emperor trajan built his famous bridge of stone, worthily accounted amongst the rare and wonderful buildings of the world. From ZORZA he marched with his army to TERGOVISTA (sometime the Vayvod his chief city, but then in the power of the Turks) where is a notable monastery, which he converted into a castle, fortifying it with deep trenches and strong bulwarks, and good store of great ordinance, purposing to make that the seat of his war, until he had again restored those late revolted countries unto the Turkish empire, which he upon pain of his head had undertaken to perform. The prince both by messengers and letters understanding of the Bassa's arrival there, and having his army in good readiness, set forward to meet him and to give him battle. But being come into VALACHIA, and there encamped, it is reported, that a great Eagle descending from an high rock thereby, called, The King's rock, and hovering over the Christian army, flew about the prince's tent, and there lighting, was taken and presented to the prince, who commanded her to be kept as the presage of his good fortune; holding on still his way, and the fifteenth of October being come within half a days march of TERGOVISTA, he understood by two Christians lately escaped from the Turks, That two days before the Turks hearing of his coming, were strucken with such a general and sudden fear, that Sinan had much ado either by fair means or by foul to stay the janissaries from flight; and that when he had done what he could, yet that certain companies of them were quite fled and gone. But the truth was, that Sinan seeing the general fear of his army, and he himself no less fearful than the rest, upon the princes approach fled with all his army, leaving behind him for hast his tents, his great ordinance, with much victuals, and other warlike provision, carrying with him only such things as were of most value. As for the city of TERGOVISTA, with the castle which he had made of the monastery, he committed it to the keeping of Hassan Bassa; and Bogdanus the late Vayvod, now become a renegade Turk, with a garrison of four thousand chosen soldiers, promising within a few days, if need should be, to relieve them, but fled himself in all haste with his army to BUCARESTA, a days journey from TERGOVISTA. From whence he presently writ back again to Hassan Bassa, willing him if he could to defend the castle: but if he should think it not possible to be kept against the power of the prince, then be time to forsake it and to shift for himself. But these letters being intercepted by the Christians, never came to the Bassas hands. Not long after the departing of Sinan, the prince coming to TERGOVISTA, entered the forsaken camp, where he found many tents, with some ordinance, and great store of victuals: & without further delay summoned both the city and the castle, which for all that were both denied him. But the next day after, Hassan considering the flight of Sinan, the power of the prince, and withal doubting if need should be to be relieved by Sinan, whom he not without cause suspected not to love him, was about upon some reasonable composition to have yielded up both the city and the castle: whereunto the garrison soldiers (being most part of them janissaries) would not in any case give their consent, but stood upon the defence of the place. Whereupon the prince began furiously to batter both the city and the castle, and after some few hours battery by assault took both, and put to sword the whole garrison: Hassan Bassa taken. only Hassan Bassa, as taken with his own hand, he spared, and two other Sanzackes. Bogdanus the renegade was there slain among the rest. The Christians had there a rich prey, besides 42 great pieces of ordinance, and good store of all manner of warlike provision. Hassan thus taken, grievously complained that Sinan had of a malicious purpose exposed him to so manifest danger, for the grudge he bore unto his dead father the Visier Muhamet, upon whom because he could never be revenged, he now by sinister means had cunningly performed it upon his son; yet he craved of the prince to be well used, offering for his ransom 100000 Hungarian ducats. Whilst the prince yet thus lay at TERGOVISTA, came thither 4000 Turks, whom Sinan had before his departure thence sent forth to spoil the country and to seek after prey, thinking to have there found him still: who now falling into the hands of the Christians, were there all slain, and 60000 head of cattle recovered, which these Turks had taken out of VALACHIA and MOLDAVIA, and should by Sinans appointment have been sent to CONSTANTINOPLE. The fruitfulness of Valachia and Moldau●a. For VALACHIA and MOLDAVIA do so abound with corn and cattle, that they plentifully serve the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE not only with come and flesh, but also yearly send at the least 150 ships thither by the black sea, laded with other kind of victuals. Of which so great commodities the Turks were now deprived by the revolt of the aforesaid countries. The prince leaving a strong garrison in TERGOVISTA, set forward with his army towards BUCARESTA, hoping there to have found Sinan. But he hearing of the loss of TERGOVISTA, and thinking himself in no good safety at BUCARESTA, fled thence also to ZORZA. The prince coming to BUCARESTA, Bucaresta taken by the prince. found it abandoned by the Turks, and so took it without resistance, yet had therein certain field pieces, with good store of shot and powder left there by Sinan. Having there stayed a while for the manning of the place, he set forwards again towards ZORZA, and that with such speed, that he overtook great numbers of the Turks, whom he put all to the sword: so that the fields betwixt BUCARESTA and ZORZA, were in many places covered with the dead bodies of the Turks. Nevertheless, he could not make so great haste, marching still in good order, but that the fearful Bassa disorderly hasting, was about some six hours or more before come to the bridge he had with great charge made over the river of Danubius, the form whereof you may here see. The picture of the Bridge made over Danubius by Sinan Bassa, Anno 1595. Over the hithermost part of which bridge (being in length about a mile) was Sinan with the greatest part of his army (before the coming of the prince) got over into an island in the midst of the river, Sinan fli●●● over Danubi●●. wherein he had at his coming over, encamped: but doubting now there to stay, with all the speed he could got him over the other part of the bridge also unto the farther side of the river, with so many of his men as in so short time possibly could. Where to stay the farther pursuit of the prince, he broke the bridge on that side, and set fire upon it: and thereby cut off also many of his own men that were not as yet come over. Whom the prince enclosing, forced many of them into the river, where they perished: the rest flying into the island▪ were by the Christians fiercely pursuing of them, either there slain, or seeking by the other part of the bridge to have got over (whereof the farther end before broken down by Sinan, and the hither end toward the island now cut off by the Christians) were together with the bridge carried away by the violence of the river, and so altogether perished. Othersome of the Christians in the mean time took the bridge that leadeth unto the castle of ZORZA, which standeth compassed about with an arm of Danubius, and being not very great, was kept by a garrison of seven hundred select soldiers. Unto which castle the prince presently laid siege (the resolute soldiers being not by any means to be persuaded to yield it up, but to hold it out even unto the last man) and after he had sore battered it, by plain force took it, and put to the sword all the garrison soldiers he could lay hands upon. About an hundred of these Turks seeing they must needs fall into the power of their enemies, desperately leapt from the top of the castle into the river▪ where not one of them escaped, being all either drowned or slain with small shot. In the winning of this castle, two hundred and fifty of the Christians were lost, and many wounded: but of the Turks and Tartars, betwixt the eighteenth and the last of October perished above six and twenty thousand. In this castle were taken thirty nine great pieces, with such store of armour and other warlike provision, as might have served for an whole kingdom: and four thousand Christians beside women and children, whom Sinan had taken out of VALACHIA, restored to their former liberty. With whom the prince after he had set all things in order, The Prince returneth with victory to Alba julia. returned in great triumph to TERGOVISTA, and so afterwards to his palace at ALBA JULIA, where, as also at CLAUDIOPOLIS and other cities through his dominions, he caused public prayers with thanksgiving to almighty God, to be devoutly made for so great a victory: as did also Michael the Vayvod in VALACHIA, who in all these great wars against the Turks was nothing inferior unto the Transyluanian himself. A greater loss than this the Turkish emperor received not at land in many years before, being by this so happy and victorious a prince, and the revolt of these three countries, deprived of so much territory, as they had not from the Christians of long time gained. It was by some of them of the better sort of the Turks that were taken, The opinion Sinan Bassa had of the Transyluanian. reported, that Sinan Bassa should oftentimes say, That this young Transyluanian prince had bereft him of all the honour and renown he had with great travel got in the course of his long life: and that although he had escaped his hands, yet that he feared he would be the cause for him in these his great years, even in the winding up of all, to lose his life together with his goods and honour. Now was the Transyluanian princes name (after the overthrow of this great Bassa) become dreadful unto the Turks, and also famous through all Christendom: Which as it hath filled the ears of many with admiration, so happily may the lively representation of his feature by cunning hand set forth, feed the longing eyes of some with delight, and serve in better stead than the rude description of his person. SIGISMOND, Prince of Transyluania, Valachia, and Moldavia. Miles oer as Christi, nulli pietate secundus Et solus patriae gloria magna tuae Inclita si virtus, quae te super aethera vexit: Tàm stabili cursu continuata foret. R. Knoll. Of Christ thou wast a soldier true, inferior unto none: Thy country's joy and glory great, unto the world well known. If worthy virtue, that thee raised above the starry sky, With steadfast pace had run the race so well begun by thee. Whilst this worthy Prince was thus busied in this expedition against Sinan, he caused the castle of JENNA (standing upon the high way between TEMESWAR and GIULA) to be besieged by certain of his captains appointed to that service: in which castle lay one of the Turks Sanzackes with a garrison of seven hundred Turks, jenna yielded to the transylvanians. who much troubled such as passed that way. They now brought to some extremity, and terrified with the success of the prince, offered to give up the castle, so that as soldiers with their scimitars by their sides they might in safety be brought to PANODA. Which their offer being accepted of, and they now upon their way, the Hungarian light horsemen that should have conducted them (informed that these Turks now under their charge, had secret intelligence with the Turks in garrison at GIULA and TEMESWAR, that they should lie in ambush for them ne●●e PANODA, and so cut them off by the way) set upon these Turks whom they should have conducted, and cut the throats of four hundred of them: and yet still holding on their way, met with these Turks that lay in ambush for them, whom they after a sharp skirmish overthrew, and having slain a great many of them, put the rest to flight. By the taking of JENNA the ways thereabout were quieted, especially for them of WARADEN. The Sanzacke of JENNA reported, that Mahomet had a little before sent word unto his Bassas and Sanzackes in HUNGARY, that such castles and towns as they thought were not to be defended against the Christians, they should betimes as occasion served yield them up, or forsake them, so to spare the needless loss of his good soldiers: of whom he had with so many towns and strong holds lost no small number this year in HUNGARY. JENNA thus taken, divers of the richer sort in TEMESWAR fearing to be even presently besieged, sent their wives and children with their treasure and such other things as they made most reckoning of, out of the city in wagons to be conveyed unto places of more safety: of which wagons, seventy were by the Christians (lying thereabout in garrison) intercepted, and in them an exceeding rich booty. Mahomet having this year fully purposed the utter ruin of the Transyluanian prince, Mahomet calleth in the Tartars ●o invade Moldavia. and the reducing of the countries of TRANSYLVANIA, MOLDAVIA, and VALACHIA, unto his obeisance by the great Bassa Sinan: had for the better effecting thereof, before provided that the Crim Tartar (ready still at his call) should with his own people (whereof he hath great store) and certain bands of the Turks, at the same time invade MOLDAVIA; and possessing himself of his country, to place one Sidriake Vayvod in stead of Stephen placed by the prince, and to people the country with his Tartars in reward of his good service (as he said) but indeed to have them always near at hand to do his commands in HUNGARY, POLONIA, TRANSYLVANIA, or the other countries of the Christians thereunto adjoining. The Tartar according to his appointment came with seventy thousand Tartars, accompanied with their wives and children, to have planted themselves in the country, at the very same time that Sinan came to TERGOVISTA: but being come upon the frontiers of MOLDAVIA, to have put in execution what he was by Mahomet commanded, he found there Zamoschie the great Chancellor of POLONIA, ready with a strong army to oppose himself against him, and to stay his farther passage. Whereupon some light skirmishes passed between the Tartars and Polonians: where the Tartars were still put to the worse, with the loss of three thousand of their men. The Tartar Cham with Sidriake the Vayvod appointed by the Turk, finding themselves, though in number more, yet in strength inferior unto the Polonian, and that without his good leave they could not pass; sent unto the Chancellor to excuse that was already past, as done without their consent by the insolency of their soldiers, and to tell him, That their coming was not to fight with him, as having express commandment from the great Sultan Mahomet, in no case to disturb the league betwixt him and the Polonians; but quietly to pass by their frontiers into MOLDAVIA, and there to place Sidriake Vayvod his tributary in stead of Stephen that now usurped the place, by the appointment of the Transyluanian: which that they might do, they craved his leave as friends to pass. Whereunto the Chancellor answered, That he was come thither by the commandment of the king, to defend those countries from the invasion of such as had in them no right: and that there had of long time been an ancient league betwixt the Polonian kings and the Turkish emperors, upon certain conditions which he would for his part keep inviolat, with the favour of the Turkish emperor; yet so, as that the kingdom of POLONIA took no harm thereby, and that they might quietly live by him as their good neighbour: which league he protested not to have been by him, but by them infringed: as for to give them passage, he said he could not. Messengers passing thus too and fro, and some parley had, at last certain articles were agreed upon, to the reasonable contentment both of the Tartar and of the Chancellor (though not of Sidriake, disappointed thereby of his Vayvodship) as also of the Turkish Sultan, whose pleasure they both seemed to have in special regard: Hereupon the Tartar with his multitude presently returned, leaving the Chancellor to his own designs. Now was it commonly thought, that the Chancellor had done the Transyluanian prince great service by keeping out of the Tartars, and much honour was by many that saw least spoke of him therefore: But far was it from his thought to do the Transyluanian therein any such good, at whose glory he envied, and had with the Cardinal and his brother, the prince's uncles (but most deadly enemies) secretly conspired so much as in them was, his utter ruin and overthrow: wishing those countries rather in the subjection of the Turk, than to see them so honourably at liberty, governed by the prince: such is the force of malicious envy, the inseparable companion of worthy virtue. Which the Chancellor (otherwise a man of great fame and honour) began now openly to pour forth: for presently after the departure of the Tartars, he with all his power passing over the river Nijeste● or Tyros into MOLDAVIA, even at such time as the prince was going against Sinan at TERGOVISTA, first seized upon the castle of Chotijm, which he furnished with his own soldiers and from thence marching to ZOZONA, the metropolitical city of that province, & seat of the Vayvod▪ had it yielded unto him: and so proceeding on, had in short time almost the whole country delivered unto him; Stephen the Vayvod placed by the prince, flying from place to place before him from whom he least feared any such thing, having made account of no other enemies but of the Turks and Tartars. Stephen the Vayvod thus driven out, and the Chancellor possessed of the country, he presently placed one Hieremias Vayvod in stead of Stephen, to hold that honour of the Polonian king as his sovereign. Yet nevertheless, to satisfy the Turk, he sent a messenger to Sinan Bassa, than but newly come to TERGOVISTA, requesting him not to take it in evil part that he had entered into MOLDAVIA, and there placed a new Vayvod, but in the name of the great Sultan Mahomet, to confirm this his doing, and the Vayvod by him placed; promising the country of MOLDAVIA to remain triburarie still unto the Sultan, and that this new Vayvod should forthwith pay unto him what tribute was behind, and from thenceforth a far greater tribute yearly than had the country of MOLDAVIA before. Whereunto the haughty Bassa (then fearing nothing less than that which immediately after happened, to be driven out of those countries by the prince) proudly answered, That it was not the great Sultan mind, that the Polonians should at all invade MOLDAVIA: for that beside he could without their help reduce those countries to his obedience, he had given that country unto the Tartar, in reward of his good service already done in HUNGARY and other places; whose subjects the Tartars would ere long be ready with their wives and children to take possession thereof. Nevertheless the Chancellor proceeded to defend the new Vayvod by him placed: which was no great matter for him to do, Sinan the Turks champion (as is before declared) being presently after overthrown, and driven quite out of those countries by the prince. Who if he had not then gained the victory, the Chancellor had not now holden MOLDAVIA, but the Turk; whose quarrel he seemed rather to favour, The reasons pretended by the Chancellor for the invasion of Moldavia. than the princes. The Chancellor to colour this his invasion, pretended, That the country of MOLDAVIA did of ancient right belong unto the kingdom of POLONIA: which the transylvanians took to be no other but mere and open wrong. This supposed title, such as it was, the Chancellor had so fashioned out unto the king and the states of that kingdom, that they referred it to his discretion to invade the country, and removing the Vayvod placed by the prince, to place another in his stead: and the rather to persuade them, laboured by many forced reasons to show the power of the Transyluanian prince to be so far inferior unto the Turks, that it was to be feared he should at length be thrust out of all his dominions, and so they together with MOLDAVIA become subject to the Turk. Which if it should so come to pass, then should the Polonians have an untrusty and troublesome neighbour. And that therefore it were better that MOLDAVIA were possessed by them that were better able to defend it than was he, that so the Turk might be kept farther off from POLONIA. Which occasion he said was not longer to be delayed, but now betime to be laid hold upon: persuading himself to find such grace and favour with the Turkish emperor, as that he should be therewith right well contented: which was like enough for a time to be, for that the Transyluanian should thereby be much weakened. By these and such like reasons, framed to serve his own turn, the Chancellor so prevailed with the king and the states of the kingdom, that he received from them (as I said) full authority to proceed in the matter, The late chosen Vayvod openeth thre● ways unto the Turks and Tartars into Transyluania. as he did, and as is before declared, to the great trouble of the prince, and benefit of the Turk: the late chosen Vayvod not long after opening a way in three places for the Tartars into TRANSYLVANIA, one by the country of SICULI, another by the way that leadeth to ALBA JULIA, and the third by VALACHIA. The Transyluanian prince seeing the country of MOLDAVIA by the practice of the Chancellor thus taken from him, and dissevered from the other united provinces, to the great weakening of his state, after the flight of Sinan sent certain companies both of horse and foot to Stephen the late Vayvod, but now driven out by the Polonians, to prove if happily he could by that means drive out the Polonians again, and recover his former dignity. With this aid sent from the prince and others that favoured his quarrel, he joined a bloody battle with the Polonians: but being therein by them overcome and taken, and for a space kept (as the prince feared, to have been delivered unto the Turk) he was by them (as is reported) cruelly afterwards put to death. This foul dealing of the Polonian in MOLDAVIA much grieved many good Christians, as tending to the general hurt of the Christian commonweal. For which cause the Emperor by his ambassadors sent for that purpose unto the Polonian king, sought to persuade him to desist from such invasion of the Transyluanian prince by his Chancellor, as nothing standing with his honour; and that some good reconciliation might be made between the prince and the Cardinal Bator and his brother, the prince's uncles, authors of all these troubles. To which purpose also the Pope sent a messenger with like instructions and letters unto the king, persuading him, not so to prosecute his wars against the prince, but to turn his thoughts unto a more peaceable and Christianlike course, especially with him with whom he was so near linked in marriage. To the like effect he writ also unto the Cardinal Bator, and after many grave admonitions peremptorily cited him to ROME. But for as much as the proceedings of the Polonian against the prince are more plainly to be gathered by the Pope's letters unto the king, it shall not I hope be mistaken, if I here set them down thus as I find them by others reported. Pope Clement the eight to our best beloved son in Christ, The Pope's letters unto the king of Polonia, to dissuade him from invading the prince. Sigismond, by the grace of God king of POLONIA, with the benediction Apostolical sendeth greeting. By how much greater affection of fatherly love we embrace your majesty in the Lord, so much the more fervently we wish all your actions to be adorned with the greatest commendation of true godliness and wisdom, both before God and men: Whereof it proceedeth, that we are so much the more vehemently and grievously moved, if we hear any such thing of you, as may seem not agreeable to your virtue and approved zeal toward the Catholic religion, or tending to the obscuring of the glory of your name, as is now brought unto us concerning the affairs of MOLDAVIA; whereof not without great grief we write unto you. And to rehearse things a little before past: With what earnestness and fervency dealt I with you, that for God's cause, and the defence of the health and liberty of the Christian commonweal against the tyranny of the Turks, you would combine yourself with our most dearly beloved son Rodolph the Emperor, and divers other Christian princes? and that you should not let slip so notable an occasion, so worthily to deserve of God, of the Catholic faith, and of the Christian commonweal in general? And albeit we then thought, as well for many your own private respects, as also of your kingdoms, That you were to be borne withal and excused if you did not now openly descend into this confederation of the Christian princes against the most mortal and common enemy, neither apertly join your forces or give aid for the repressing of his insolency; yet we always assured ourselves, that no let should in any case proceed from you, whereby either the Emperor or the other Christian princes should be the rather hindered, justly to prosecute their injuries, or to cast off from their necks the heavy yoke of the most cruel tyrant: whose desire of sovereignty is not comprised within the compass of any bounds. But that you should in favour of the Turks impugn the Catholic princes and defenders of the Christian faith, and so join hands with the enemies of the Cross of Christ, as that by your help their force and fury should be increased, and ours not only weakened, but in the very course of victory hindered, and cast into most grievous perils; this we have not only not thought of you, but not so much as once suspected: yea and can now scarce be persuaded to believe those things to be done by you, which are reported unto us as most true and undoubted. For the report goeth, That you having intelligence with the Turks and Tartars, have with them conspired, and namely against our well-beloved son Sigismond, prince of TRANSYLVANIA, who with invincible courage fighteth the battles of the Lord: and lest he should be able to abate the force and attempts of the most proud enemy (which by the singular mercy of God he hath hitherto above his own power performed) but rather be enforced much to fear his own estate, a new Vayvod and Prince as it were by a triumuirat authority and compact to be placed in MOLDAVIA, and him by the Turks, you, and the Tartars together, to be made governor of that country. Which unto us seemed so new and so strange, and contrary to the good opinion we had always conceived of you, yea and so unbeseeming your zeal and wisdom, that for grief and admiration I had almost cried out with the Prophet, You heavens be amazed at this, & you gates thereof be you exceedingly heavy. For what could be suspected or imagined farther from the expectation of us and all good men, or more incredible, than that Sigismond the most religious king of POLONIA and SWEDEN, who had always professed himself a most earnest defender of the Catholic religion, who was ready even with his own blood to redeem the victory of the Christians, and glory of the Cross, against the most wicked enemies of the same, to be upon the sudden become so unlike unto himself? and (so much as in him was) to cut off the hope and happy success of that religious war, and to do harm to a Christian and Catholic prince, not to refuse to join in league and friendship, even with the most barbarous nations and the Tartars, the perpetual enemies of himself, and of the kingdom of POLONIA. For which causes our mind is tormented with such bitterness of grief, that we could not but by speedy messenger write unto you concerning this matter, that hereby you might the sooner see the greatness of our grief: and we also without delay might signify unto you, what our fatherly love towards you requesteth in so important a matter. For happily we will send one even of purpose to you concerning this cause, the care whereof grieveth us more than can well be expressed. Wherefore most dearly beloved son, we exhort you, and in the most effectual manner we can, advise you, and beseech you in the Lord more attentively to consider what great displeasure both of God and man this your action and resolution may incur, what a stain it may bring unto your crown and dignity. For believe us, that are to you in stead of a father in Christ, who love you not feignedly, but faithfully, and in deed; who wish for your glory in this world, and your eternal felicity in the world to come: believe us (I say) this doth much blemish your fame with all Christian kings and princes; all men take it in evil part, and detest it as a thing monstrous, that it should by your means be wrought, that the Christian affairs should not prosper, that an heroical prince, who hath vowed himself for Christ and his country, should not have prosperous success in this so religious and necessary a war against the Infidels, Turks, and Tartars, no less yours, or peradventure also more yours, and other Christian princes enemies, than his. But what do we say, you to hinder the proceedings of the Transyluanian prince, this were happily but a small matter: nay verily, by this means not only a Christian and Catholic prince, and valiant champion of the Christian faith (a virtue both admirable and amiable in the very enemy) but your own brother in law, bound unto you with so many bonds of affinity, whose children shall be as it were your children's brethren, is by this means brought into great danger, and exposed unto the fury of the most merciless Turks. What do you then my most dearly beloved son? Beware that all men, both now living, and hereafter to come, condemn you not of the greatest inhumanity: But beware yet more, that you seem not ingrateful not only to your own nigh kinsman, but to God himself, who hath bountifully blessed you with two great kingdoms, and so many good things: and that you provoke not him to wrath against yourself, that rejecteth and confoundeth all evil and wicked devices: and that this mischief that you have brought upon your brother, by the just judgement of God redound not to the greatest destruction of you and your kingdom, which he in mercy forbid. Do you think, that the Transyluanian being overcome, you shall in safety live from the treachery of the Turk? Do you not know him to be a faithless man, which measureth all things by his own profit, which keepeth faith with none, but as standeth with his own commodity, who with an unsatiable desire gapeth after every kingdom, nay thirsteth after the destruction of all Christendom? Think also my son what wrong you shall do unto the Emperor your cousin, out of whose imperial blood you have begotten sons and heirs, and by the grace of God shall more, but also our dignity, and the dignity of this Apostolical seat, which you have always so devoutly honoured, is thereby hurt, and your most dear mother (which we know you of all other lest would) the Roman Church is offended, which for the maintenance of this sacred war is at great and wonderful charges: and our forces, which by you ought to have been relieved and increased, being in so unfit a time by these stirs in MOLDAVIA dissevered and diminished, and the enemies on the contrary part increased and strengthened, into what danger and distress may both our army of the Church and the emperors fall? And withal, how greatly all the manner and managing of this whole war is thereby confounded, there is no man that seeth not. Yea and this moreover, which no little concerneth the dignity of us and of this holy See, we have undertaken and certainly promised to our most dearly beloved sons Rodolph and Sigismond, that your royal majesty should not in any thing hinder or hurt their affairs: neither did we hereof assure them upon a light occasion, but moved with great reason, not only for that we deservedly aught so to promise of you in so just a cause, but also for that it was so unto us plainly and expressly written by the reverend father, the Bishop of S. Severus, our Apostolical Nuntio with you, whom we know to be both unto us faithful, and to you dutiful: neither can we by any means doubt thereof, because he hath writ unto us concerning so weighty a matter, that he received it even from your own mouth. Which things so standing, seeing you of yourself see the manifold absurdities of this fact on every side, not to speak of the heinousness thereof: we request you again, yea and oftentimes, forthwith to apply the necessary remedies to these hurts. The Transyluanian prince your brother in law, devoted to yourself, and desirous of your favour, either protect with your defence, or at leastwise hurt him not: yea hurt not the whole state of the Christian commonweal, and relieve not by any means the quarrel of the enemies of Christ. If you have any controversy with the prince Sigismond, or desire of him any thing, refer it unto us, that is to say, unto your most loving father: you know your affairs to be of us favoured, and we hope by the power of God that it may easily come to pass that some convenient means may be found whereby peace and quietness may be confirmed betwixt you, and good unity grow betwixt you two brethren our sons, and so all the root of bitterness and displeasure to be utterly plucked out of your minds. This have I writ unto you my son, frankly and from a sincere heart, though truly much grieved, because we love you, and are much careful of your honour and good: Show you again in deed that you take it so, as written from your father; and that you altogether prefer our fatherly and wholesome exhortations before the sinister persuasions of others. Farther concerning these matters, you shall understand by the same bishop our Nuntio now with you, to whom you may (as you have done) give credit in all things as to ourself. These letters dated from ROME the 8 day of November, were delivered to the king in December, with others to the Cardinal and Chancellor, whom he Pope sharply reproved as the authors and contrivers of all these mischiefs. The Tartar I'm before stirred up by the Turkish emperor Mahomet, for the invasion of MOLDAVIA (as is already before declared) about this time sent his ambassador also unto the Polonian king, for the confirmation of such articles as he had before agreed upon with the Chancellor: which because they manifestly declare the ground and purpose of his intended expedition into MOLDAVIA, with the foul collusion of the Chancellor with the Turks and Tartars against the Transyluanian prince, I thought it not amiss or from our purpose (for the more manifestation of that which is already said) here to set them down, as they are translated out of the Tartar language. I'm Kazikiery unto the king of POLONIA and SWEDEN our brother, The copy of the letters of the Tartar unto the king of Polonia. one of the great lords among the Christians, humbly boweth his head. First we signify unto you, that Aaron Palatine of MOLDAVIA was a forsworn traitor; who having gathered a power of the Null, and joining unto him the Polonian Cossackes, spoiled the territories of the great Sultan. But afterward dissension arising among them, the Hungarian Cossackes living in VALACHIA, sent Aaron in bonds unto the king of VIENNA: after him followed another traitor called Rozwan, who also having raised certain companies of soldiers, began in like manner to forage the countries of the Turkish emperor thereabout: which as soon as he had knowledge of, he writ unto me his brother, That I should with all possible speed go into VALACHIA to chastise these rebels, to burn their houses and towns; and having with the edge of the sword slain their men, to carry away with me their wives and children into captivity. Having this in charge, I the great Cham of the great territory of the great Horde Karyktery, with my brother Letikerry Galga, and other my brethren and counsellors, warlike and valiant captains and Murzis; mounting my horse, came with mine army into VALACHIA unto the river Prut where it meeteth with another river called Cocoza: here we chanced upon a faithful servitor of yours, our brother the Chancellor, who was also come a little before us into VALACHIA, with whom after some light contention when we began to be more tractable, he declaeed unto us, that he was of purpose come into VALACHIA to place there a new Vayvod, which (as he said) of ancient right belonged unto the Polonians; without any wrong or prejudice therein to be done to the covenants and league they had with the emperor of the Turks; and farther that his desire was, that one Hieremias whom he had appointed Vayvod, might have the command of that province; and that the ancient amity, such as was in the time of Sultan Solyman and Cham Dawlethgerd, might be faithfully kept. Which when I had for my part faithfully sworn to do, and he likewise had caused the same to be done by such of his as he had therefore sent unto me, we decreed together, that the Cossackes on the farther side of Nijester (disordered and rebellious men) should be utterly rooted out, that they should not hereafter do any harm in the territories of the great Sultan: and that the presents usually sent unto us of long, even since the time of Sultan Solyman, should no more be detained, nor any harms be hereafter done in any part of our dominions. And therefore when the Chancellor had promised unto us, that he would take order that these Cossackes should be utterly destroyed, I also consented, that according to the pleasure of the royal majesty of you my brother, Hieremias should hold the Vay●odship of VALACHIA: which I forthwith by letters signified unto the Turkish emperor. Now if it be so, that your majesty shall give your consent unto those things which we have here agreed upon with your Chancellor, you shall then for ever find brotherly friendship with me, my brother and all other our captains and Murzis: but if you shall not destroy these Cossackes, you shall not then perform the oath and covenants made. These things we have commanded to be declared unto you by our ambassador our brother Gianach Metagra, whom we request your majesty courteously to entertain, and by him to send the presents unto us: for we will not now this year send any other. Given at at the river Prut in the year of Mahomet 1004. The Presents offered by the Tartar ambassador to the king of Polonia. After the Tartar ambassador had delivered these letters unto the king, with a speech in effect to the same purpose, he in the name of the Cham gave unto him an horse and an arrow for a present: and afterward being brought to a lodging appointed for him, was commanded there to expect his answer. At length his dispatch was given him in letters sealed up, which he took much against his will, requesting the king to send an ambassador unto the Cham: and farther by word of mouth, to tell him what to answer unto his lord. But other answer could he get none, than was already delivered him in writing: and so rewarded with a gown furred with Sables, was dismissed without the present requested by the Cham, or any ambassador to accompany him. Thus the Transyluanian prince, on the one side mightily impugned by the Turk, and on the other by the setting on of the Turk ready to have been no less endangered by the invasion of the Tartar, received greater harm from the Polonians being Christians than from both those great Mahometan princes: The Polonian in some sort performing for the Turk, what he had plotted to have been done by the Tartar: and so by the taking away of MOLDAVIA from the prince, not only weakened his strength, but also opened a way for the barbarous enemies into his country. Howbeit much it is that the Polonians allege for the excuse of themselves, and the defence of that which was by the great Chancellor then done in MOLDAVIA: which for that it cannot be better told than by the great Chancellor himself, let us hear how he by his letters answereth the matter, even unto Clement the Pope himself that now is. john Zamoschie unto Clement the Eight the great Bishop. Zamoschie the great Chancellor his letters unto Clement the Pope that no● is. Most holy and blessed father in Christ, and most gracious lord, after the kissing of your most blessed feet, and my most humble commendations; I have by your Holiness lettters directed both unto the king's majesty and myself, understood as well his royal majesty and my most gracious lord and master, as also myself as his servant to be both accused unto your Holiness: as if by those things by us done in MOLDAVIA, the endeavours of the Christians had been hindered, and the power of the enemy confirmed. Whereof I am not with many words to purge myself unto your Holiness, forasmuch as I assure myself your Holiness to have already fully understood both what the things were that were done in MOLDAVIA, and how they were done: partly by the king's majesties letters, and partly by his principal secretary, for that cause especially sent unto your Holiness. Yet doubt I not to request this one thing of your Holiness, that if it hath known me for a man, I will not say of any capacity or wit, but even of the least experience in the world, or of any religion at all; so to persuade itself of me, nothing to have been done, especially in this matter, either rashly, or to the hindrance of the Christian commonweal. I will not now repeat what mine opinion was concerning the league and confederation to be made with the rest of the Christian princes, for the combining of their forces against the common enemy, especially his sacred majesties: as also what mine own labour and endeavour was in the last assembly of the States in the high court of parliament. Which thing after it was even by them whom it most concerned, either delayed or neglected, or utterly cast aside: and yet his majesty had still a great desire to do the Christian commonweal some great good, I also to the uttermost of my power laboured to that end; that by the common decree of the kingdom, an expedition might be made into TARTARY, not so much in revenge of the injuries done by that enemy in these late years past, as so in the mean time to turn him from the necks of the Christians, as that he should not join his forces with the Turks: or if it so pleased God to bless those our endeavours, utterly at length to root out that so great a mischief. But how it came to pass that this expedition, so much by the king desired (yet scarcely begun or taken in hand) took not effect, it is not needful for me to declare, for that I suppose your Holiness hath by others, especially your Nuntio, understood the same, In the mean time, by others and often messengers news was brought, That Sinan Bassa with a great army was already come over Danubius; and I by letters from the Vayvod of the further VALACHIA was advertised, now that he not able to encounter him, had forsaken that province; which at the first impression taken and almost utterly wasted by Sinan, he was now come fast upon TRANSYLVANIA: and in MOLDAVIA the Tartar was still expected, insomuch that Roswan (who having taken prisoner Aaron the Palatine whom he served, in his house, and so himself invaded the Palatina●) began now also to quake for fear, and to crave help of me, or rather to seek how he might fly away (as not long after he did) neither having any great strength about him, or expecting any greater from the people of that country: for why that province was brought so low by the miseries of the former years, but especially by such as had evil governed the same, that at such time as I entered into MOLDAVIA, I assure your Holiness there were not in it of householders above 15000, and those also for the most part poor country people of the basest sort, in whom there could neither be any great help, neither if they had been able to have done any thing, durst Roswan have trusted himself with them, upon whom he had with all kind of cruelty tyranised. Chotijm a castle in the very confines of this kingdom, was kept with no greater garrison than 200 Hungarians, who perceiving themselves neither of sufficient strength to hold the place, nor to withstand the enemy, they also by and by followed after Roswan. All the rest of the province was not only unarmed, but altogether poor & naked, without any certain government, without counsel, without strength, and without any defence at all, two castles only excepted▪ which standing upon the confines of POLONIA, might have served better for the enemy, out of them to have infested us, than for the defence of MOLDAVIA against them: so that had the enemy once set foot into that province, neither could it without a great power have been recovered, neither being recovered, could easily have been defended against so puissant an enemy: and that which worse was, was not itself alone to have been consumed with that fire, but like enough to have carried away with it PODOLIA also, bordering upon it, with a great part of RUSCIA. Wherefore in this state of things, when as both that province was in greatest danger to have been lost, & so many enemies hovered not more over the heads of all Christendom than over this kingdom, what was of us to be done? I know to whom I speak these things, even unto him, not only whose divine wisdom but singular love also towards my native country is to me most known. Verily I entered into MOLDAVIA with no great army, yet such an one as happily (as in like case it often chanceth) fame had made amongst the enemies a very great one: so that Sinan fearing if he should thrust himself with his army into the straits whereby he was to break into TRANSYLVANIA, to be shut in by our army, stayed his journey: and the Tartar the more earnestly he was called upon by Sinan (by reason of the fame of this our army) resolved to make himself so much the stronger. So that whilst he assembleth the Nogaian Tartars and others further off, and so from all parts raiseth the greatest power he could, the matter was delayed almost unto the end of November: at which time he with a most huge army, accompanied with Sendziak jehivense, and a great power of the Turks raised out of their provinces thereby, came directly upon me in the fields of COROCE. Sendziak the Tartar Cham his sister's son, now called himself the Bassa of MOLDAVIA, as did the Tartars eldest son name himself prince of another part of that province also: for so that country was to have been divided betwixt them, that that part which was next unto the Tartars dominions should be allotted unto the Tartar, and the other part confining upon this kingdom, to be governed by Sendziak, as Bassa thereof, and so to make it the seat of a perpetual war, from whence PODOLIA, RUSCIA, and the lesser POLONIA might be with continual incursions wasted even before our faces; concerning which matter they now dispersed their letters, wherein they published the power and authority given them from the grand signor, exhorting the people of that country to receive the same. A whole day we fought with this multitude, our men always by the goodness of God having not only the upper hand, but without any notable loss also; yet not without great slaughter of theirs: and would to God I had had such strength, as that not only the conditions of peace, but even the enemies themselves might have been in my power. But when we were oftentimes come to parley (they still requiring the same) and so at length unto conditions of peace; if such were given them, as whereby this only kingdom had without the wrong of any other been delivered from so great and sudden a danger, what reasonable man could find fault therewith, if we should have preferred the health and welfare of our country (whereunto all good men owe all they have) before other men's profits? But now these things were so done, as that it was no less provided for the good of the neighbour Christians, yea and happily not the least for theirs, who for the same slander this kingdom unto your Holiness: the fury of Sinan Bassa was by this means ●●pressed, who whilst he feared to be shut upon the straits by our army now come into MOLDAVIA, and expected the Tartars coming spent almost all the rest of the Summer idly and without any thing doing. The Tartar himself was not only turned from the bowels of Christendom, whereinto he had purposed (as the year before) to have entered, we having with our own breasts received his force and fury: but being brought unto conditions, was expressly enjoined in a most short prefined time, and without any more harm doing to return again into his country by the selfsame way he came, and by no other: whereby it is come to pass, that until this day Christendom hath not this year yet felt the Tartars weapons. But unto TRANSYLVANIA and HUNGARY, what a space and power was given for them to gather their strength and forces together, and out of the same places to oppose them against the enemy, when as our army kept them safe at their backs, and eased not only MOLDAVIA, but VALACHIA and TRANSYLVANIA also of that care? Whereas if this cause of delay had not been objected unto the Turks first, and after unto the Tartars; not to say anything of the Turks, the Tartars at the very selfsame time that the T●●●syluanian army was gone into VALACHIA against Sinan, might have broken into TRANSYLVANIA before it could have returned home, or else marching directly towards that army, might have met with it out of TRANSYLVANIA. As for MOLDAVIA, which together with the memory of the Christian name, yet left in it, had utterly perished, was most manifestly preserved by the coming of our army. Which what end it would have had, if the enemy might at his pleasure have raged as he did in the farther VALACHIA, those most bitter remembrances in it yet at this day smoking, do well declare: out of which it is well known more thousands of Christian captives to have been carried away into most woeful captivity, than almost out of any other province in all the time of these miserable wars. Which although it be thus, yet boast we not thereof, neither send we any triumphant letters unto your Holiness, nor brag we of our good service done for the Christian commonweal, contenting ourselves with the conscience of the thing itself. In the mean time we are accused unto your Holiness: but for what cause? If any man complain for the taking of MOLDAVIA, I will not say it was by them before willingly forsaken, whilst I was yet in the frontiers thereof; but that this kingdom hath a most ancient right unto it, and such a right, as that when our kings being busied in their wars against the Muscovite, the Cruciat Teuron●o brethren, or others; some others also troubling the state thereof, it for a time became a prey unto the Turkish tyrants; yet in all the leagues made or renewed betwixt this kingdom and them, was still excepted, That all such things as the Palatine of MOLDAVIA was of duty to perform unto the king, should by him still be performed. Which kings of POLONIA, and namely Augustus himself, the last of the jagellonian race, appointed divers of those Palatines themselves. Which although they be things most manifest, yet having more regard unto the welfare of that province, as a Christian country, than of our right, we restored the same into the same state wherein it hath been for many years before these * viz to become tributary unto the Turks. wars. Wherefore if any man think any thing done, whereby the enemies of the cross of Christ might be eased or strengthened, or the defenders of the faith hindered, it is so far from any such thing to be done, that rather (as is before declared) the enemy's force is repressed and averted, and greater means given to the Christians affront to impugn them, the enemy being at their backs by us shut from them. But I fear that they have not fully informed your Holiness how these things were done, who have reported unto your said Holiness not only the name of the Turks to have been proclaimed together with the Polonians in MOLDAVIA, but also the name of the Tartars the proper enemies of the Polonians, and by the power and decrees of them three, as it were confederate together, things to have been ordered in MOLDAVIA. Which their complaint if it tend to that end, as if a confederation were made with them, I frankly confess certain conditions to have been given them, but such as whereby is provided not only for the quiet and security of this kingdom, but no less also for the whole Christian commonweal, as is before declared. All which things for all that although they were done for the good of this kingdom, and all Christendom in general, yet were they so done, that they were all by me referred unto the king's majesty and the states of the kingdom: so that at this present the kingdom is at free liberty either to join in confederation with the rest of the Christian princes; or if that cannot upon certain and indifferent conditions be agreed upon, yet with no man's injury or hurt to ratify this, joined with the health and good of a great part of the Christian commonweal: only God grant that the Christian princes may seriously think both of this so Christian a confederation against the common enemy, and strive also all together against the enemy with their weapons, and not with misreports and slanders one against another. They are not to assail the enemy's feet, but his throat: neither is the seat of the war to be placed in the borders of POLONIA, where it concerneth themselves much to have all things rather penceable behind them: but let the war be undertaken with no less charge and preparation, than if the enemies royal seat were to be assailed; which standing in an open and plain country shall always without much ado be his that being strongest can take it. This have I written at large as my purpose was, all which I most humbly beseech your Holiness with your divine wisdom to consider of, and with your wont clemency to accept the same: and so prostrate at your Holiness feet, I most humbly commend me to your clemency. From Zamoschie the tenth of januarie 1596. This much the great Chancellor in defence of himself and of that he had done in MOLDAUTA: which howsoever it contented the Pope, well I wot it nothing pleased the Emperor, and much less the Transyluanian prince, now not a little weakened by the taking away of the country of MOLDAVIA from him. To end this troublesome year withal, many sharp and bloody skirmishes yet daily passed in divers places of those frontier countries, the Turks almost in every place still going to the worse. In the beginning of November, Leucovits governor of CAROLSTAT, the second time surprised WIHITZ in the frontiers of CROATIA, where these wars first begun: but being not able to take the castle, contented himself as before with the spoil of the city, and afterward setting it on fire, departed. Maximilian also attempted ZOLNOCI: and the Christians in garrison at STRIGONIUM and PLINDENBURG now become near neighbours unto the Turks at BUDA, did with continual inroads not a little molest them both all the latter end of this year and the beginning of the next. And the Turks in BRAILA in VALACHIA, upon the side of Danubius, fearing after the flight of Sinan to be besieged by the Vayvod, forsook the city, and in ●uen hast passed the river, that in that tumultuous passage three hundred of them perished. Sinan Bassa, Sinan Bassa sent for to Constantinople. by the Transyluanian prince of late driven out of VALACHIA, was not long after sent for to CONSTANTINOPLE, but the crafty old fox not ignorant of the fierce nature of the great Sultan, and warned by the late misery of Ferat, found occasions to delay the time so long, until that he was sent for again, and after that, the third time also. In the mean while he had so wrought by his mighty friends in Court, & by rich rewards, mightier than they, that at his coming to the Court he was there honourably received, as the chiefest of the Bassas: and being afterwards offered to be discharged of the wars, as a man of above fourscore years old, he refused so to be, saying, That he was borne and brought up amongst soldiers and martial men, His death. and so wished amongst them to die: as not long after he did; dying as was thought of conceit of the evil success he had in his wars against the Transyluanian. Mahomet the Turkish Emperor exceedingly grieved with the loss of so many his cities and strong places this year lost, as namely STRIGONIUM, VICEGRADE, SISEG, PETRINIA, LIPPA, JENNA, TERGOVISTA, BUCARESTA, ZORZA, and many others of less name: and both by letters and messengers understanding daily of the slaughter of his people, and wasting of his frontiers, commanded great preparation to be made against the next Spring, giving it out, That he would then in person himself come down into HUNGARY with such a power as never had any his predecessors the Ottoman kings and emperors, and there take most sharp revenge of all his former wrongs. Nevertheless, these his so hasty designs were by the plague and famine, (which then both raged extremely in most part of his empire) and by other great occurrents of the same time so crossed, Mahomet perplexed. that by that time the Spring came, he scarcely well knew which way to turn himself first. For beside these troubles of the West, of themselves enough to have filled his hands, the Georgians in the East, a warlike people, moved with the good success of the Christians in VALACHIA and HUNGARY, had taken up arms against him: and the old Persian king but a little before dead, had left that great kingdom to his son, a man of greater spirit than was like to endure the manifold injuries before done unto his father by the Turks, to the great dishonour of that kingdom, and prejudice of himself. Of which things the Bassa of TAURIS gave him ample intelligence, wishing him betimes to provide for such storms: which joined to the rest, filled his head with many troubled thoughts, whereunto we leave him until the next Spring. 1596 The Transyluanian prince careful of his estate, and not a little troubled with the dissevering of MOLDAVIA: thought it not unfit for his affairs, now after the flight of Sinan and discomfiture of the Turks, to go in person himself unto the emperor, to declare unto him the wrong done him by the Polonian; and farther to confer with him, concerning the managing of the wars against the common enemy. So having put all things in readiness for his journey, he set forward in januarie 1596, and by the way of CASSOVIA the fourth of February, arrived at PRAGE in BOHEMIA, where he was by the emperors appointment most honourably entertained. But immediately after his coming thither he fell sick of an ague, which grievously vexed him for the space of three weeks. In the latter end of February having somewhat recovered his health, he went to the church: where after his devotions done, he was by the Dean of the Cathedral church welcomed with a most eloquent oration, setting forth his worthy praises, and farther animating him unto the like exploits against the common enemy of all Christianity: Whereunto he forthwith answered in Latin, so eloquently and so readily, that all men marveled that heard him: protesting in his speech, That as he and his subjects had not hitherto spared their lives or goods in defence of the common cause; so would they not afterwards spare the same, but adventure all for the benefit of the Christian commonweal; well hoping that the emperor and the other Christian princes would not as occasion should require, be wanting unto him with their forces, or the clergy with their prayers: which done, he doubted not (as he said) by the power of God, but to obtain more notable victories than he had yet against the Turks the enemies of God. The Siculi rebel against the prince. Whilst he yet thus lay at the emperors Court, it fortuned that the people called Siculi, offended to have their liberties in some part infringed in the late assembly of the States holden in TRANSYLVANIA in December last: rise now up in arms in divers places, refusing to yield their former obedience unto the prince. A matter like enough to have wrought him much trouble, and supposed not to have been done without the privity of the Cardinal his uncle: but by the wisdom and courage of such as he had in his absence put in trust with the government of his country, divers of the ringleaders of this rebellion were apprehended, and in divers sorts executed: and three hundred of their complices to the terror of their fellows, had their noses and ears cut off. By which wholesome severity, all those troubles were appeased, and the country again quieted. At the same time also the transylvanians obtained of the Turks a notable victory, with an exceeding rich booty. Mahomet the Turkish Sultan had about this time sent a new Bassa for the government of TEMESWAR: against whose coming the old Bassa before Governor, had in seventy five wagons trussed up a wonderful deal of wealth, which he had there gotten in the time of his former government, to have been together with himself with a strong convoy conducted to BELGRADE. The Bassa of ●emeswar slain, and a great bookie taken. Of this his purpose, the Hungarian Heidons lying at LIPPA and JENNA having intelligence, lay in wait for him upon the way, and in his passing by set upon him: where in a sharp conflict they overthrew the convoy, and slew the Bassa, whose head they sent for a present to the princess at ALBA JULIA: and took the spoil of the Bassas carriages, wherein was taken a wonderful wealth, for in one of those wagons is reported to have been found twenty thousand Hungarian ducats. In this absence also of the prince, ten thousand of the Rascians' revolting from the Turk, came and offered their service unto the princess, whereof she by letters with great speed certified the prince her husband; who thereupon hasted to dispatch with the emperor: and having procured both from him and the Pope the promise of some aid to be afterward sent him, took of him his leave, and being honourably accompanied, departed from PRAGE to VIENNA: where he arrived the eleventh of March, sitting in a princely chariot, drawn with six most beautiful horses, the gift of the emperor. At his coming thither he was met by the nobilititie of the country, and by Aldobrandinus the Pope's nephew, who presented him with three goodly horses for service, most richly furnished. Him the prince took into his chariot, and so accompanied entered the city, where he was with all due honour received and joyfully entertained, and so brought unto the emperors palace, where by the learned students of that University, was for his pleasure acted before him the notable history of josua. Having stayed there three days, and purposing to have in his return visited his mother in law at GREICZ in CROATIA: news was brought him, that the Turks and Tartars by the setting on of Stephen Bator his uncle, were about to break into TRANSYLVANIA. Wherefore changing his purpose, he departed thence to PRESBURG, and so with all speed kept on his way towards TRANSYLVANIA: where he to the great joy and comfort of his subjects in general arrived in safety in the beginning of April. In this while many hot skirmishes passed betwixt the Christians and the Turks in the frontiers of their territories: and now the plague and famine, which had of long raged in CONSTANTINOPLE and other places of the Turks dominious, began to assuage. Of which so great calamities as had devoured many thousands of his people, Wars proclaimed in Constantinople against the emperor & the Transyluanian prince. the Turkish emperor finding himself somewhat eased, forthwith caused the continuation of his wars against the emperor and the Transyluanian prince, to be three days together proclaimed in CONSTANTINOPLE, and a great army to be raised to be sent into TRANSYLVANIA and HUNGARY: giving it out, that he would with that so puissant an army in person himself come into HUNGARY: At which time it was also reported, that he had already sent his tents and other his necessary provision before to HADRIANOPLE: for now was nothing more odious in the Turks court, than the name of the Transyluanian prince. Of all these things was not the emperor ignorant, as fully thereof certified both by letters and espials, as also by the uniform confession of such Turks as were daily taken prisovers. For which cause, he also with as much speed and care as he could, provided for the raising of his army, as he had the year before; as also for the levying of money, and provision of all things necessary, that the enemy at his coming might not find him unprovided. Neither spared he to pray aid of the other Christian princes his neighbours, especially of the Polonian, whom he had divers times sought after to have drawn him into the confederation with the other Christian princes against the Turk. To which purpose he now also sent unto him the bishop of PRESLAW and the lord Poppelius his ambassadors: as did the Pope also send unto him the Cardinal Cajetan his legate, and the prince's electors also their ambassadors: unto whom the Polonian gave good hearing and good words, but would not by any means be persuaded to break his league with the Turk, or to afford any aid unto the Christians; although the Cardinal with many pregnant reasons showed him what small assurance there was in the Turks leagues, and how dangerous it might be to his State if the Turk making peace with the emperor should turn his force upon him, which it was like enough he would, as knowing no man longer for friend than stood with his profit; beside the immortal blemish of his honour by dissevering himself from the union of the Christian princes, to hold friendship with the Turks and infidels. But all this and much more to no purpose, so resolutely was the Polonian set down for the keeping of the Turks favour; so that of all the Christian princes so near unto the devouring enemy, none stood the Christian commonweal in less stead than he. Which for all that, most men imputed not so much unto the king as to others about him, especially to Zamoschie the great Chancellor, by whom that state was most swayed, who was not only supposed but openly reported to have secret intelligence both with the Turk and the Tartar. All this while the lord Palfi Governor of STRIGONIUM, ceased not with continual inroads to vex the Turks even to the gates of BUDA, as did also the other Christian captains in other places of the Turks frontiers in HUNGARY. near unto BUDA were two great country villages, for most part inhabited by Christians, who having given their oath of obedience unto the Turk, lived a miserable life for the payment of an excessive tribute yearly. These poor Christians, weary of the Turkish thraldom and the continual spoil of their labours by them of STRIGONIUM, by secret messengers requested of the lord Palfi, of mercy to carry them with their goods and cattle away into some other place of the Christian territory, that so they might yet live amongst Christians, as he had but a little before done for them of old BUDA. Unto which their so reasonable a request, the Christian Governor charitably hearkened; willing them against a certain appointed time, to put themselves with all their things in readiness. There was of these Christians about 755 families, who with their wives and children, and such trash as they had, packed up into eighty wagons drawn with fourteen and sixteen oxen apiece, at the appointed time about midnight committed themselves with all that they had unto the conduct of them of STRIGONIUM, sent out of purpose for them; by whom they were in safety brought to STRIGONIUM. Amongst them were many rich men, who brought with them good store of coin, with an exceeding great number of cattle. Unto these newcome guests, Palfi assigned certain fields betwixt STRIGONIUM and VIVARIA, on the North side of Danubius; where they so commodiously lived, as was possible in so troubled an estate of a country: Six hundred of the garrison soldiers of Lipp● slain by the Turks. Shortly after, six hundred garrison soldiers of LIPPA seeking after booty, and adventuring too far into the enemy's territory, were discovered by the Turks scouts: and so beset by the Turks and Tartars billeted in the country about TEMESWAR, that there was no way left for them to escape. Which they well perceiving, resolved among themselves (as became valiant men, to fight it out even unto the last man; and with no less resolution performed what they had before determined: for being on every side beset and hardly charged by their enemies, they as men before resolved to die, although scarce one to twenty, fought most desperately, seeking for nothing else but to sell their lives as dear as they could unto their enemies: and so fight were all slain, except some few which by great fortune escaped, leaving unto the enemy a right bloody victory. Yet by this loss of so great a party, was the garrison of LIPPA greatly weakened, which the enemy knew right well, and thereupon began forthwith to prepare to besiege the town. Which Barbelus the Governor (a most valiant man) wisely foreseeing, sent in post unto the Transyluanian prince, to request him with all speed to send him four or five thousand good soldiers, with which power he doubted not by the help of God, to be able to defend the town against all the forces the enemy was at that time able to bring against it. Unto whom the prince without delay sent eight thousand, Lippa besieged by the Turks and Tartars. who all in safety in good time arrived at LIPPA: for shortly after their arrival, forty thousand of the Turks and Tartars came and sat down before the town, enclosing it on every side, and so lay for certain days without any thing doing worth the speaking of; they of the town in the mean time doing them all the harm they could with their great shot, which they sent amongst them not sparingly. But they had not thus long lain, but that news was brought into the camp, that the Transyluanian prince was with a great power coming thither to relieve the town: whereupon they presently rise, and retired to the place where they had before encamped, about two miles from LIPPA; where certainly understanding that the prince neither was neither could in short time be in such readiness as was before reported, they forthwith returned, and more straightly besieged the town than before. They had now brought with them seventeen pieces of battery, eight wagons laded with shot and powder, and forty six others laded with scaling ladders and other warlike provision: thus appointed they began to batter the town, and afterwards gave thereunto divers desperate assaults; which the Christians valiantly received, and still with great slaughter repulsed their enemies. For that strong town was with towers and bulwarks flanking one another so fortified, that out of them the Christians with their murdering pieces made great spoil of their enemies, and still enforced them with loss to retire, no bullet almost flying in vain. In the heat of one of these assaults, the Governor caused one of the gates of the town to be set open, having before within in the town placed sixteen great pieces, at the very entrance of the same gate, charged with all kind of murdering shot: unto which gate, as of mere desperation set open by the defendants, the Turks and Tartars desirous of revenge, came thronging as thick as might be, thinking to have thereby entered: when suddenly, and as it were in the turning of an hand, they were with the aforesaid murdering pieces cut down as with a scythe, and so again, and the third and fourth time, before they could clear themselves of the danger thereof, their heads, arms, legs, and other rend limbs, flying in the air most miserably to behold. Nevertheless the siege was by them continued, and the often assaults so resolutely maintained, as if they had thereon purposed to have gauged all their lives. But this so obstinate a resolution, was by an unexpected accident when they least thought, converted into such a desperate fear and astonishment, that they upon the sudden (no man forcing them) forsook their trenches wherein they lay encamped, and leaving behind them their tents, their great ordinance, and whatsoever else they had, they betook themselves to a most disordered flight. The transylvanians, who by chance were even then coming thither, pursuing them, slew divers of them, and took some others of them prisoners. At this siege the Bassa of TEMESWAR himself was mortally wounded, and Hamat Sanzacke of GIULA with divers others of good place slain, and four thousand of the common soldiers. The cause of the Turks so great and sudden fear was this: Whilst the Bassa of TEMESWAR lay at the siege of LIPPA, as is aforesaid, they that were left in the city fearing no harm, lived in great security; in the mean time the Governor of LUGAZ sent out six thousand soldiers towards TEMESWAR, now in the absence of the Bassa to seek after booty; who coming to TEMESWAR, with great speed rifled the suburbs of the city, slew all the Turks they could light upon, and set at liberty a thousand captives: and so having trussed up their booty, set on fire all the suburbs, and departed. Which fire grew so great and so terrible, that it was plainly seen into the camp at LIPPA, making a show as if the whole city had been on a light fire. Which so daunted the hearts of the Turks at the siege, that they presently fled (as is before said) leaving all that they had behind them. The Transyluanian all this while busied in raising of his army, Plenia a town of the Turks sacked by the Christians. and providing of things necessary for the maintenance of his wars, was come into the confines of HUNGARY, towards TEMESWAR, even as the Turks fled from LIPPA. At which time certain Hungarian Heidons that served him, getting over Danubius, not far from NICOPOLIS took PLENIA, a little town of the Turks, which they ransacked and burnt, and having slain in the country thereabout above three thousand of the Turks, returned with a rich prey unto the prince. Not long before the Christians had surprised CLISSA, Clissa lately surprised by the Christians, lost again to the Turks. a strong frontier town of the Turks in DALMATIA, not far from SPALLETO: which town the Bassa of BOSNA sought now again to recover, and thereto laid hard siege: for the relief whereof, Leucowitz governor of STI●●● and the other provinces thereabouts belonging to the house of AUSTRIA, and the gouern●●● of ZENG, with a fleet of two and forty ships, wherein they had embarked four thousand so●●●diors well appointed, with all things necessary set forward toward CLISSA: and by the way lighting upon a galley of the Venetians, bound with certain warlike provision towards the Turks camp, took her as good prize, and rifled her. This fleet with a fair wind arrived at SIRET, near unto TRAV, where the governor landing his men, marched that night part of his way toward CLISSA, and all the next day lay close. The night following they set forward again, and having marched fifteen miles, came unto the enemy's camp before day: where setting upon the Turks in their trenches, fearing no such peril, they brought such a general fear upon the whole camp, that the Turks as men amazed fled some one way, some another, every man (as in such sudden fear it commonly happeneth) making shift for himself, leaving whatsoever they had in their trenches behind them. The Christians contented so to have put their enemies to flight, fell presently to the spoil, as more desirous thereof, than by the hasty pursuit of their enemies to put themselves in possession of an assured victory. Which the Turks quickly perceiving, and from the hills with the dawning of the day discovering the small number of the Christians, and how they were disordered, they gathered themselves again together, and coming down, enclosed on every side the disordered Christians (greedily hunting after the spoil) and slew them downright. Leucowitz himself with the governor of ZENG and some others got into CLISSA: where having stayed two days, and doubting to be able to keep the town, they secretly by night issued out with six hundred men, in hope to have recovered their fleet: but the Turks suspecting such a matter, had so beset the passages, that of all that company Leucowitz had much ado himself with three others to escape. The enemy now again possessed of his trenches, laid straighter siege to the town than before: which they of the garrison perceiving, and now out of hope of relief, agreed with the Bassa, that they might with bag and baggage depart; and so yielded up the town. Thus CLISSA, one of the strongest towns of DALMATIA, through the greedy covetousness of the disordered soldiers, fell again into the hands of the Turks. About the same time, Sombock taken by the lord Pal●i. Pal●i governor of STRIGONIUM understanding of the meeting together of certain notable adventurers of the Turks at SOMDOCK, a castle almost in the mid way betwixt ALBA REGALIS and BUDA, raised the greatest strength he could, and so with certain pieces of artillery, and other things necessary for an assault, set forward from STRIGONIUM the two and twentieth of May before the rising of the Sun, and about three a clock in the afternoon came to the aforesaid castle, whereunto he presently gave a most terrible assault; which he never gave over until he had taken it: For after that he had by the space of three hours together with great danger maintained a most desperate assault, at length he with much difficulty prevailed, and put to the sword all the Turks he found therein, man, woman, and child; and with the rest, fifty janissaries but that day come thither. This castle was of great beauty, and most pleasantly situated, whereunto the Bassa of BUDA oftentimes for his pleasure repaired: for which cause Palfi was very desirous to have taken it without spoiling: but the fire he had therein already raised, so prevailed, that it burned down all the goodly buildings thereof, with great store of victuals and other provision, nothing remaining, but what the Christians had saved for themselves. Temeswar besieged by the Transyluanian prince. The Transyluanian prince having raised a great army for the relief of LIPPA, being by great chance a little before his coming relieved, came and laid siege to the city of TEMESWAR: where he had not long lain, but that the Turks and Tartars fearing to lose that so famous a city, assembled together from all places thereabouts, to the number of forty thousand, and so came to raise th● siege. Of whose coming the prince hearing, rise with his army, and went to meet them, and had with them a great and terrible battle, the victory for a great while standing very doubtful, yet seeming to incline rather to the Turks and Tartars, than to the Christians: but at length the Turke● disordered with the great artillery, and the transylvanians charging them afresh, began to give ground, and so at last to betake themselves to plain flight. In this battle were slain of the Turks and Tartars five thousand, and of the Christians fifteen hundred. It was for a time reported, that the prince himself was in this battle slain, which was not so, being reserved to the further plague of the Turks, and comfort of his afflicted country. After this victory he returned again to the siege, which he more straightly continued than before, lea●●●g nothing unattempted that he could possibly devise for the winning of the city. Where whilst he yet thus lay battering the city both night and day, news was brought him, That G●●ffar Bassa and the Tartars were coming with a great army to the relief of the besieged: whereupon he considering his own strength and the power of his enemies, and that the aid promised him both from the Emperor and out of HUNGARY, was not yet ready, with great grief of mind raised his siege, The prince raiseth his siege. and retired with his army to LIPPA, there expecting new supplies as well of his own as from his friends. Whilst he yet there lay, he was certainly advertised, That the Bassa of ANATOLIA, the forerunner of the great Sultan Mahomet, was come to BELGRADE with fourteen thousand horse and four thousand janissaries to join with the Bassa of BUDA for the relieving of TEMESWAR; whose forces joined together, were in number about threescore thousand: and that Mahomet himself, of whose coming rise report had been all this year, was now coming after with a far greater power. Whereupon he departed from LIPPA, leaving therein a strong garrison, and so returning to ALBA JULIA, called there an assembly of all his states, for the repressing of so puissant an enemy. Mahomet for the better success of his wars in HUNGARY had drawn forth the Tartar with a mighty power: who although he was at the first so unwilling to that service (considering the great losses he had therein before received) that he would not as he said send so much as one Ass thereunto: yet overcome with great gifts, and the respect he had of the Turkish Sultan, was now ready with a strong army upon the frontiers of MOLDAVIA to meet him in HUNGARY: unto whom the late chosen Vayvod sent certain presents with such store of victuals as he could possibly provide for him. Yet for as much as he was not that way to pass without the leave of the Polonian, Mahomet had both by letters and divers his ambassadors entreated with the Polonian king for his passage: as also for the confirmation of the ancient league he and the Polonian kings his predecessors had to their good of long time had with the Ottoman emperors; from which he well knew the Christian Emperor, with divers other Christian princes to seek by all means to withdraw him. Mahomet also not ignorant how hurtful and dangerous the confederation betwixt Michael the Vayvod of VALACHIA and the Transyluanian was unto him and his designs, sent unto him an ambassador, by the show of great dangers to deter him from the Transyluanian, and by many glorious promises to allure him to submit himself again unto his protection, and in token of his fidelity to deliver unto the Sultan two of his frontier towns, such as he should require: in regard whereof he should together with the Sultan's favour receive golden mountains. Whereunto the Vayvod answered, That as yet he was not weary of the friendship he held with the prince: and for the towns he required, that they were not in his power to give, as belonging to the prince; unto whom he said he would write, and stay the ambassador in the mean time until he had from him answer. The Emperor on the other side had with all carefulness so far as in him was, provided that his army might be ready to take the field with the beginning of the Spring: but as it commonly chanceth, the speedy proceedings of great actions (wherein the hands of many mighty is required) to be much hindered by delays, sometimes of one, and sometimes of another; so fell it out with him now: for albeit that his own forces were in some good time ready, yet was the Spring, yea and a good part of Summer also far passed, before the aid promised from other princes met together. At length after long expectance, when some convenient number for an army was from divers places come together at VIENNA: they were by the lord SwartZenburg and their other commanders brought forth into the field, and not far from ALTENBVR● encamped, within the selfsame trenches that were the last year cast up by county Mansfeld for the safety of his army; there to expect the coming down of the great ordinance and other provision by the river from VIENNA, as also the rest of the Christian forces daily looked for. From ALTENBURG the Christian army removed to KOMARA, and not staying there long, the four and twentieth of july marched towards VACIA, Vacia abandoned of the Turks, is taken by the Christians. otherwise called WOCZEN: but before it came thither, the Turks hearing of the approach of the Christians, forsook the town, and with their cattle and best part of their substance fled to PESTH, carrying also away with them the great ordinance; the greatest whereof they buried by the way, which was nevertheless afterwards found out by the Christians. And although the Turks at their departure had set fire both upon the town and the castle, yet the Christians left therein did what they might to quench the same: by whose diligence and the help of two thousand footmen, and certain troops of horsemen sent thither by SwartZenburg, a great part both of the town and the castle was preserved: the whole army of the Christians following after, encamped in the open field, and with their horsemen braved the Turks even to the gates of PESTH. This so sudden a coming of the Christians, brought a great fear both upon them of PESTH and BUDA; insomuch, that they sent their wives and children, with the chiefest of their substance down the river unto places of more safety, and farther off from danger: which was done so disorderedly (as it happeneth in such common fears) that many of them for haste thrust one another into the river, and so perished. Hitherto in the former wars against the Turk, had Mathias been General of the Christian armies: but now of late, Ferdinand the emperors uncle County of TIROL being dead, Mathias was by the emperor his brother preferred to the government of that rich country and the provinces thereabouts, not inferior to some kingdoms; and Maximilian his younger brother appointed General in his stead: who departing from VIENNA in the latter end of july, came into the camp the fourth of August, where he was by the lord SwartZenburg his lieutenant, and the lord Palfi, honourably and with great triumph received. Now were the Christians threescore thousand strong, and having fortified VACIA, and therein placed a convenient garrison, resolved by common consent to besiege HATWAN, a strong town of the Turks in the upper HUNGARY. Hatwan besieged by the Christians And thereupon rising with their army from VACIA the thirteenth of August, came the fifteenth of the same month about noon and sat down before the town; and that with such speed, that they were before seen of the Turks in the town, than that they heard any thing of their coming: insomuch, that at the first show of them, they of the town took them to have been some come out to seek after booty; and therefore sallying out upon them, skirmished with them a while, until they perceived the whole battle coming. The Christians approaching the town, encamped themselves as they thought most convenient, and began in three places to batter the counterscarp. This frontier town of the Turks, beside that it was kept with a strong garrison, was also strengthened with a broad ditch, and fortified with a broad counterscarp and strong palisadoes. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege, the Turks sallying out of the town broke into their trenches, and there did great harm, and like enough they were to have done more, had not the horsemen in good time come in upon them and enforced them to retire. Cowardice punished. In this sally, amongst others was one Greis a notable captain slain, being shamefully forsaked of his own men; who for that their cowardice, were all in the sight of the whole army disarmed, and so turned out of the camp as men unworthy any longer to bear arms. One morning also as the Christians were at their devotions in their trenches, a Turkish priest from out of an high tower not far off, railed most bitterly upon them, cursing and deriding them: wherewith one of the Christian canoneers much moved, made a shot at the tower, which he so well bestowed, that therewith he struck down the tower together with the idolatrous priest, as he was yet railing and blaspheming. At length the Christians had with exceeding labour and continual battery made the town saultable; wherewith the Turks discouraged, offered (but all too late) to yield up the town upon the same conditions, that they of STRIGONIUM had: whereunto they received no answer, yea commandment was given throughout the camp, that no man upon pain of death, should have any parley with them. Shortly after all things being now in readiness for the assault, the Christians one day about five a clock in the afternoon, assaulted the town in four places; and after three hours hard fight, Hatwan won by the Christians. by strong hand took it, with the great scriching and lamenting of the women and children, and other fearful people, who now gave themselves all lost and forlome. Four hours execution was done upon all that came to hand, Extreme cruchie. without respect of age, sex, or condition: women were slain great with child, and young children hanging at their mother's breasts, it booted not to cry for mercy, the bloody sword devouring all. The fury of the Walloons here exceeded, who ripped the children out of their mother's wombs, and made thongs and points of the skins of men and women, whom they had slain quick. Which their cruelty they afterwards excused when they were therefore reproved, by pretending that thereby they did teach the Turks hereafter not so wickedly to blaspheme against Christ, or with such their wont and barbarous cruelty to torment the Christians that fell into their hands, for fear of like themselves. In this assault and fury perished of the Turks about four thousand, and of the Christians not past three hundred. In this town beside that which the fire devoured, was found a very rich prey. The first that entered the town was one Terskie, a notable captain with his company: after whom followed Ruswurme, who each of them were thought in their entrance at the breach, to have slain with their own hand eight or ten Turks. Mahome● the grea● Sultan cometh to Buda with an army of two hundred thousand. Now in the mean time Mahomet the great Sultan being come to BELGRADE, removed thence to come down into the heart of HUNGARY, sending Cicala Bassa before him: and at length after long looking for, the second of September arrived at BUDA, having in his army about two hundred thousand men, and three hundred field pieces. From thence he presently sent forty thousand to TEMESWAR; but stayed there himself with the rest of his army. The Christians yet lying at HATWAN, and doubting least the Sultan suddenly passing the river should come upon them not yet ready for battle; departing thence, and retiring back again, came and encamped not far from VACIA. And albeit that the Archduke before his departure from HATWAN, had left a convenient garrison for the keeping of the town; yet such was the terror of the Turks approach, that the next day after, they that were there left in garrison forsook the town, and setting it on fire, followed themselves after the camp. This coming of the Turkish Sultan to BUDA, brought also a great fear upon them at VIENNA, as much doubting lest he should that way have turned his forces, which caused them both day and night to labour for the better fortification of the city, and for the provision of all things, as if it had been for a present siege. But Mahomet not provided for the undertaking of so strong a place, and not ignorant of the disgrace his great grandfather the victorious Solyman had sometime received under the walls thereof; had no purpose thereto, as having bend his thoughts quite another way. In the upper part of HUNGARY is an ancient famous city, Agria. well fortified and honoured with a bishops See called AGRIA, not far from HATWAN: Upon this city, as the chief fortress of the Christians in those quatters, had Mahomet at his coming into HUNGARY cast his eyes, and began now that way to make head; with purpose by taking of that city, and placing there of a strong garrison, to hinder the uniting of the emperors forces with the transylvanians, for the mutual strengthening of the one the other by the way of the upper HUNGARY. Which the Archduke perceiving, sent thither forthwith the valiant Colonel Terskie with a notable company of Italians and Germans, and a thousand other arquebusiers, who all arrived there in safety. At which time also the lord Teusfenbach sent into the city three thousand footmen, under the conduct of county Turn, Agria besieged by Mahome●. with good store of warlike provision needful for the defence thereof. The one and twentieth of September, Mahomet attended upon by the great Bassas, Ibrahim, Giaffar, Hassan, and Cicala, for old Sinan was now dead, with his army of an hundred and fifty thousand men, came and encamped between the two rivers of Danubius and Tibiscus, covering a great part of the country with his tents. Approaching the city, he with wonderful celerity cast up five great mounts, and from them with such fury battered the walls, that the Christians were glad night and day to stand in arms for the defence thereof. And although that the walls were so great, and in many places so weakly fortified as that they were not but by a greater garrison to be defended against so puissant an enemy; and that therefore the defendants with their honour lawfully might even the first day have set the city on fire, and retired themselves into the castle, which was both fair and strong, and the only place to be trusted unto; yet for the space of six days they worthily defended the whole city against the fury of the enemies, and out of it did them great harm. But seeing the danger daily increasing, and that the city was not longer to be holden, they set it on fire; having before conua●ed all the best of their substance with themselves into the castle: which the Turks quickly perceiving, broke so suddenly into the city, as if they would together with the Christians have entered ●he castle also; but in the attempting thereof they were notably repulsed and many of them slain. Adjoining to the castle was a great and strong bulwark, against which the Turks for certain days furiously thundered with their great ordinance, A bulwark twelve times assaulted in 〈◊〉 days. and that without intermission: and having in divers places sore shaken it, in the space of two days assaulted it twelve times, but not without the wonderful loss of their men: and yet gave it not so over, but as men with their loss more enraged, came on again with 〈◊〉 fury than before, and so at last by plain force took i●: and there put to the sword all them they found therein, except such as by good hap got betimes into the castle. This bulwark thus lost▪ the Christians the next day sallying out, again recovered; wherein they sl●w a great numbe● of the Turks, with the loss of some thirty men, and as many more wounded. The besieged now divers times both by letters and messengers craved aid of Maximilian the General, giving him to understand, that they could not long hold out for want of shot and po●der, if they were not betimes relieved (whereof the enemy also was not ignorant) yet were they resolved to hold it out even to the last man; although the great Sultan had oftentimes by messengers sent of purpose, willed them to yield it up, with promise that they should in safety with life and good depart, otherwise threatening unto them greater extremities than was of late showed unto the Turks at HATWAN, if they should as obstinate men hold it out unto the last. Whereunto they never answered him any thing: for Terskie had forbid them all parl●y with the enemy; and in the midst of the market place had caused a pair of gallows to be set up, threatening to hang him thereon, whosoever he were that should once make motion of yielding up the city. Whilst the besieged thus live in hope of relief, the Archduke upon the coming o●er of the Sultan towards AGRIA, having retired with his army to STRIGONIUM, and there stayed somewhat too long expecting the coming of more aid: began now at length to set forward▪ and to make some show as if he had indeed purposed to have relieved his distressed friends so hardly beset at AGRIA. But such was the foulness of the weather, hindering the passage of his great ordinance (not to speak of any thing else) that in fourteen days he marched scarcely twelve miles forward. Whereby the enemy took occasion to prevail as he did in his siege: who now hearing of the coming of the Christians, and seeing to how little purpose he had so long battered the castle, converted all his endeavours to the filling up of the ditch of the old castle, with faggots, earth, and such like matter: for the hastening of which work, Mahomet himself spared not to ride up and down in all places of his army, with his presence and cheerful speech encouraging his men in that desperate work. But whilst the Turks are thus busy in fulfilling his command, the Christians sallying out upon them made great slaughter of them, and put to flight Ibrahim the great Bassa with such as were about him: after whom they so eagerly followed, that he in the flight lost his tulipant for haste, and was there very like to have been taken. Nevertheless the work went still forward, and was now at length with the restless labour of so great a multitude brought to such perfection, that the Turks thought it now no great matter by assault to enter the castle: The old castle taken. and thereupon the tenth of October gave unto it four desperate assaults one upon another, being still with great slaughter of his men repulsed. But coming on again the fifth time with fresh supplies, and greater fury than at the first, they prevailed; and so entering, put to the sword all they found in the castle, in number about eight hundred: four hundred of whose heads, one of the Turks captains caused to be carried unto Mahomet in the camp, in the beholding whereof he is said to have taken great pleasure, as in the undoubted signs of his victory. The old castle thus taken, nothing remained but the new castle, against which the Turks converted their whole forces, wherein they reposed not so much hope, although their battery were very terrible and their power great, as in the secret mines wherewith they had in fourteen places undermined the castle, and were now almost ready to be blown up. Which the besieged perceiving, and withal considering the state wherein they stood, and not hearing any thing of relief; resolved amongst themselves (without the consent of their chief commanders) no longer to hold out, but to yield. And thereupon altogether as if it had been but one man, rise up in a mutiny against their two Governors, Paul Niari and Terskie; who at the first by all the reasons they could devise, dissuaded them from such cowardice, putting them in mind of the oath they had taken: which not prevailing, they afterwards upon their knees requested them as men to hold it out yet a while, in hope of speedy relief: yea Terskie with his hands cast up entreated them, that if they would no longer hold it out but needs yield, they they should first kill him with their own hands, that he might not live to see so great a dishonour▪ But what availeth persuasion with men possessed with so great fear? And in the mean time two hundred and fifty of the common soldiers, amongst whom were many Italians, secretly escaping out of the castle fled into the camp, of whom divers became renegats and turned Turk; which added to the former fear, so much discouraged the minds of the rest▪ that they forthwith required to come to parley with the enemy, and so agreed, That they might with bag and baggage & their swords by their sides in safety depart: Agria yielded unto the Turks. the great Sultan giving his faith for the performance thereof, with hostages delivered on either side. So the thirteenth of October about noon, the gar●ison soldiers came out of the castle in number about two thousand: but they were not gone far, but that they were in a great plain set upon by the Turks and Tartars, and there cut in pieces; some of them were slain quick, and some other of them otherwise shamefully dismembered; the Turks in the mean time upbraiding them, and saying, That faith was not to be kept with them that had so cruelly before dealt with them of HATWAN. This perfidious dealing much offended divers of the better sort of the Turks, insomuch, that some of them complained thereof unto the Sultan; who (as is reported) caused some of the chief authors thereof to be put to death: and afterward by open proclamation commanded, that if any of the Turks or Tartars had taken any of them prisoners, they should forthwith set them at liberty. Thus is the famous city of AGRIA, of long time a Christian bishops seat, now become a sure receptacle for the Turks and Infidels. Petrinia besieged by the Turks. Whilst Mahomet thus lay at the siege of AGRIA, the Bassa of BOSNA with certain other of the Sanzacks' thereabouts, having raised a great army, came and besieged PETRINIA in the borders of CROATIA: which he at his first coming so furiously battered by the space of seven days, that it was of many thought not possible for it to hold out two days longer. In the mean time the lord Herbenstein and Leukowitz, with all the power they could make out of CROATIA and WINDISMARCH, came towards PETRINIA: but having no means in so great haste to make a bridge over the river of Kulp, they retired towards SISEG there to pass over. The Turks hearing of their retire, and supposing them to have fled for fear, put six thousand horsemen over the river to pursue them: upon whom the Christians turning, and charging them home, overthrew them; and having slain many of them, drove the rest headlong into the river, where most of them perished. The Christians nevertheless keeping on their way to SISEG, there the next day by a bridge passed over the river, and so marching towards PET●INIA, and being come near unto the town, were encountered by eight thousand Turks, whom they also put to flight; and by certain prisoners there taken, understood that the Bassa the day before was risen from before the town and gone: Petrinia relieved. which they at the first believed not, but coming thither found it so, to their own good contentment, and the great joy of the late besieged. Maximilian the General marching on fair and softly from STRIGONIUM, at length the seventeenth of October came to CASSOVIA, four days after that AGRIA was lost; and there met with the Transyluanian prince, who was come thither with eighteen thousand men, and forty field pieces to aid him: of whom eight thousand were mercenary horsemen, fifteen hundred were of the nobility of his country, and the rest footmen. The next day after they setting forward from CASSOVIA, joined themselves with the rest of the army led by the lord Teuffenbach and Palsi, and so of all their united forces made one army, consisting now of two and thirty thousand horsemen and eight and twenty thousand foot: who drew with them an hundred and twenty field pieces, and twenty thousand wagons, wherewith they every night enclosed their army as with a most sure trench. So orderly marching, they kept on their way towards AGRIA, with a full resolution to give the Turks battle, whereof the whole army seemed to be very desirous. By the way at length they came to a fair heath two miles long and four broad, where they were to pass over a certain river, the passage whereof Giaffar Bassa had before taken with twenty thousand Turks and Tartars, the rest of the Turks army lying still not far from AGRIA. Now the purpose of the Bassa was, to have enlarged the passage of the river, and so to have made way for the whole army, to have afterwards passed unto the other side, as most commodious for many purposes, especially for water, whereof they so might themselves have had plenty, and yet kept the Christians from it. But of this his purpose, by the coming of the Christians he was quite disappointed: for the next day being the three and twentieth of October; they skirmished with him in divers places, especially at the passage of the river, where at the first encounter he lost three hundred of his men, & in the end seeing himself too weak to withstand the whole power coming on, fled to the Sultan, having lost two of his ensigns and twenty field pieces, but of his men not many, both for that he fled betime, and the approach of the night hindered the pursuit of the Christians, who were now become masters both of the passage of the river, and of the place where the Bassa lay: which they finding not so commodious for them as they had at the first supposed (especially for lack of wood, the weather then being extreme cold, as also hearing of the approach of the Sultan with his whole army) they forthwith forsook the same, and retired again over the river unto the place where they lay before, enclosing themselves with their wagons, as if it had been a city strongly enclosed with wooden walls. The next day, which was the four and twentieth of October, towards night, Mahomet with all his army showed himself unto the view of the Christians, and sent three thousand Tartars to pass the river: of whom the Christians slew a great number with their great shot, and put the rest to flight. Both the armies were populous and strong, and covered a great deal of ground, a most goodly sight to behold: both drunk of the same river, as well the men as their horses, and therefore kept continual watch all that night on both sides of the river, especially at the passage. In the morning betwixt six and seven a clock, Mahomet with his army ranged in order of battle, came within sight of the Christians, A great and long skirmish betwixt the Turks and the Christians. his squadrons as it were covering all the country on that side of the river as far as the Christians could well see; and now again sent part of his army over the river: with whom the Christians skirmished from morning till night, both the armies parted but by the river, all this while standing fast, and as it were facing the one the other. But being at length on both sides well wearied, and many slain, the Turks retired again over the river to the camp: in the mean time (as if it had been by consent) they resolved on both sides the next day to try the fortune of a battle, and so commandment was given through both the armies, for every man against a certain appointed time to make himself ready. So the next day, being the six and twentieth of October, Mahomet brought forth his army again out of his camp, which was not far from the Christians; and began now to draw down towards the river. near unto this place were the ruins of an old church, Ten ●housand Turks pass the river, and are ●oge●her with the Tar●ars put ●o flight. where Mahomet placed certain companies of janissaries, and four and twenty field pieces, and commanded ten thousand of his select soldiers to pass the river, which they readily did. The Christians also ready for battle, and now thinking it time upon the coming over of the enemy to begin; with part of their army thereunto appointed, so fiercely charged the Turks that were already come over, that they quickly overthrew them, and not them only, but certain companies of Tartars also that were in another place come over the river: and not so contented, but following them they had in chase, put to flight them also that stood on the further side of the river, of whom they slew a great number, and by the coming on of the rest of the army took from them an hundred and ninety great pieces of artillery: whereof so great a fear rise in the enemy's camp, that Mahomet with Ibrahim the great Bassa seeing the discomfiture of the army, fled in all haste towards AGRIA, shedding some tears by the way as he went, and wiping his eyes with a piece of Mahomet's garment, which he for reverence carried about him as a relic. It drew now towards night, and the Archduke was about to have caused a retreat to be sounded, and that day to have done no more. But the Transyluanian prince, the lord Palfi, and the rest, persuaded him in that so great fear of the enemy to prosecute the victory; and the rather, for that the Turks began again to make head, and to repair their disordered battles. Wherefore the Christians still keeping their array, charged afresh the front of their enemies restored battle, consisting of forty thousand men, and that with such violence, as that they in short time had slain the most part of them, and put the rest to flight: and with the like good fortune charging the body of the main battle, forced the discouraged Turks with great slaughter into their own camp. Now commandment was before given throughout the Christian army, that no man upon pain of death should in seeking after spoil break his arra●▪ or forsake his place, before the victory were assuredly gotten. But they in this hot pursuit breaking together with the Turks into their tents, & there killing a great number of them, and seeing in every place great store of rich spoil, contrary to the aforesaid commandment, left the pursuit of the enemy, and disorderly fell to the spoil of the tents, until they came to the very tent of the great Sultan. The Christians i● seeking too greedily after the spottle, o●erthrowne and discomfited. But here began all the mischief, with a most sudden change of fortune. For here these greedy disordered men, not now worth the name of soldiers, light upon a strong squadron of resolute men, with good store of great ordinance ready charged, which they discharged amongst the thickest of their enemies, and rend in sunder a number of them, and after that came on resolutely themselves: when in the mean time Cicala Bassa with his horsemen yet untouched, broke in upon them also, and with the terror of his coming brought such a fear upon them, that they began amain to fly, especially the Hungarians and Germans, most busied in the spoil. Neither could they in that fear, by any threats or entreaty of their commanders be persuaded to make a stand, or so much as once to look back, or to show any token of true valour: which their hasty flight was the overthrow not of themselves only, but of others also that would have fought: for whilst they fled headlong upon the spur, and could not be stayed, they overran their own footmen, and so furthered the enemy's victory. Thus for want of good order, through the greedy covetousness of a sort of disordered men the most notable victory that ever the Christians were like to have had over the Tu●ks, was let slip out of their hands. Many noble gentlemen and commanders, in seeking to stay the flight of their own men, were here slain: and although the enemy followed the chase scarce half a mile, yet were the Christians possessed with such a fear, that they fled amain all over the country with greater shame than loss, no man pursuing them. The Archduke himself seeing all desperate, fled to CASSOVIA. The Transyluanian of all others most orderly retired himself towards TOCAII, having not lost in this battle above two hundred men, and of them never a man of name. All this loss he imputed to the covetousness of the Hungarians, and cowardice of the German horsemen. The lord Bernstein having charge of the great artillery, fled also, and made shift for himself, as did Palfi, and in fine all the rest. Neither was the fear less amongst the Turks (a wonderful thing to be spoken) than it was amongst the Christians: for the night following they for fear of the return of the Christians, trussing up the best of their things, fled also towards AGRIA. And it was afterwards known, that the Turks great ordinance, tents, and baggage stood three days in their trenches, either altogether unguarded, or so slenderly guarded, as that they might have been easily taken by the Christians, if they would but have made head again. Yea Mahomet himself is reported oftentimes to have confessed the danger and fear he was then in to have been taken, Twenty thousand Christians slain, and threescore thousand Turks. and all his army destroyed, if the Christians had (as they should) pursued the victory, and not so basely run after the spoil: by which danger he then warned, hath ever since shunned to adventure his person to the like peril in the field. In this battle of KARESTA (for so it is of a place thereby called) and at the siege of AGRIA were lost of the Christians about twenty thousand, and of the Turks threescore thousand. Mahomet after this victory fortified AGRIA, and for the keeping thereof left in it 10000 soldiers, and so returned to BELGRADE. The Bassa of BUDA persuading himself that the Christians after so great an overthrow could not this year to any purpose recover their strength, Vacia besieged by the Bassa of Buda. came with all the power he was able to make, and the fourth of November besieged VACIA, in hope to have easily carried it: but finding there greater resistance than he had before imagined, and hearing that the dispersed Christians in the upper part of HUNGARY were making head for to come to the relief of the town, he more afraid than hurt, broke up his siege, and so returned to BUDA: for indeed the dispersed relics of the late army of the Christians were drawing together, but unarmed and unserviceable, as having in the late flight shamefully cast away their arms, and therefore could have done the Bassa small harm if he had continued the siege. Mahomet thinking it honour enough for him to have thus won AGRIA, and driven the Christians out of the field, divided his army into two parts at BELGRADE: whereof the one he billeted in the country thereabout, to be ready for all events; and with the other he returned to CONSTANTINOPLE: but by the way he was set upon by Barbelius januschi the Transyluanian princes lieutenant, and the Vayvod of VALACHIA, who with a great power both of horse and foot being got over the Danubius, and secretly favoured by the country people, lay in ambush for him in places of advantage, and still following in the tail of his army, cut off 7000 of his men before he could be rid of them: and so with much trouble arrived at length at CONSTANTINOPLE, where we will for this year leave him, until we hear of him more. Maximilian with a small retinue arrived at VIENNA in the latter end of November, where he found the Viscount of BURGAW, SwartZenburg, with some other of the commanders of his late army; most of the rest, especially the Italians, being slain. The small remainder of this unfortunate year was spent with often skirmishes and inroads one into another's frontiers, as the manner of war is, without any other great thing done worth the remembrance▪ Rodolph the Christian Emperor, notwithstanding the late discomfiture of his army not far from AGRIA, made choice again of his brother Maximilian the Archduke, for the managing of his forces for his next years wars against the Turk. Whereunto the Pope by his legate Fran. Aldobrandino promised of his own charge to send ten thousand Italians, under the conduct of the duke of MANTVA: as did also the German princes their wont aid, with some others: All which slowly at length meeting together near unto POSSONIUM and ALTENBVR●, in the months of july and August, Pappa taken by the Christians. departing thence, marched to PAPPA; which after eight days hard siege they took, and so again retired to ALTENBURG, where they took a general muster of the army: and afterwards in the beginning of September showed themselves before the strong town of RAB: where the lord Bernsteine approaching too near the walls, was with a shot slain. Nevertheless the rest there stayed, until that hearing of the coming of Mahomet Bassa the Turks General with a great army, they left the siege, and the four and twentieth day of September passing over the river Danubius into the island SCHUT towards KOMARA, there on the North side of the river encamped. Where they had not lain past eight days, but that the castle of DOTIS, Dotis taken by the Turks. standing upon the South side of Danubius, was by the Bassa before their faces and as it were even under their noses besieged and taken; the whole army of the Christians in the mean time as idle beholders looking on, but not daring to relieve their distressed friends: but afterwards arising, marched to VACIA, where hearing of the Turks coming against them from PESTH, they set fire on the castle, and so retired alongst the North side of the river, until they came overagainst VICEGRADE, a castle of their own on the other side of Danubius: where by the good direction of the lord George Basta a most expert captain, and lieutenant General of the army, they encamped so strongly, as that the Turks after many brave attempts given to have forced them in their trenches, were glad with some loss to depart. Neither went things this year better forward with the Christians in other places than in this side of HUNGARY. For Sigismond the Transyluanian prince by his Chancellor besieging the strong city of TEMESWAR in October, was by the valour of the defendants and the unseasonableness of the weather enforced to raise his siege, Michael the Vayvod yieldeth his obeisance unto the Turk, and yet refuseth to aid him against the Christians. and with dishonour to depart. Michael also the Vayvod of VALACHIA, who moved with the example and persuasions of the Transyluanian prince, had revolted from the Turks, and done them great harm (as is in part before declared) now wearied with their often invasions and the spoil of his country, almost brought to utter desolation, many thousands of his subjects being by the Turks and Tartars carried away captives, and his towns and castles for the most part razed, to give his people a time of breathing, submitted himself again unto the Turkish obeisance, solemnly receiving at the hands of one of the Turks Chiaus (for that purpose sent from CONSTANTINOPLE) an ensign in token of his submission unto the Turkish Emperor, as also of his favour towards him. Which the more to assure him of, he by another honourable messenger shortly after received from Mahomet the Turkish emperor more kind letters than at any time before, with the confirmation of the Vayvodship of VALACHIA, by the grand signor his solemn oath unto Michael the Vayvod and his son Peter, then about thirteen years old, for the term of both their lives, without disturbance, paying but the half of the old yearly tribute by the Turks before demanded: so glad they were upon any conditions to have reduced that martial man with his country unto their obeisance: and in token of further grace together with these letters, he received also a goodly horse, most richly furnished, with a fair scimitar and an horseman's mase, in sign of the martial power and government committed unto him by the great Sultan Mahomet. All which goodly gifts and honours the Vayvod seemed thankfully to accept▪ nevertheless not daring too far to trust unto the Turkish faith, of the small assurance whereof he had before had sufficient experience, he still kept strong garrisons upon the frontiers of his country, with such other forces also as he was wont, excusing the same to be done for fear of the Tartars; by whom he also excused himself, for not going with the Turks General this year into HUNGARY, as he was by special messengers from the grand signor himself requested, telling them that he might not in any case so do for fear of the Tartars most horrible incursions, and the spoils of his country: yet knew he right well how that they were by the great Sultan his express commandment charged not to do any harm either in MOLDAVIA or VALACHIA, as they went into HUNGARY. But this wary Vaivod not greatly trusting either the Sultan or them, as also loath himself a Christian to go against the Christians his friends and late confederates, excused himself by the necessary care he had of his subjects and country, and so requested that his reasonable excuse to be in good part of the great Sultan accepted: but of him more is to be said hereafter. Thus passed this year without any great thing done more than is before declared, both these great princes, the emperor and the Turkish Sultan, being well warned by the last years work what it was to put all to the fortune of a battle: and therefore now contenting themselves to have showed their forces, as not afraid one of the other, countenanced this years wars with greater shows than deeds. 1598. What great things might by the Christian princes at unity amongst themselves be done against the Turks, is by the considerate right easily to be gathered: but especially by the notable victory of the famous Transyluanian prince Sigismond, who confederated but with his poor oppressed neighbours the Null and Moldavians, and strengthened with some small aid from the Emperor and the Hungarians, not only delivered those three countries from the heavy burden of the Turkish thraldom, but vanquished also their most renowned captains, overthrew their mighty armies, burnt and spoiled their countries, razed their towns and cities, which as it hath been in part before declared, so if it should be all particularly set down, beside that it would be tedious, so also might it happily seem almost incredible. Beside which calamities of war (commonly more felt of the subjects than of the prince) the great Sultan himself found no small wants, as well in his coffers, as other his necessary supplies for the maintenance of his wars, especially in HUNGARY; A great tribute. the only country of MOLDAVIA (before these troubles) yielding unto him yearly a tun of gold, two thousand horses for service, ten thousand great measures of wheat, with as much barley, and a wonderful proportion of butter, honey, and other victuals; the other two provinces paying also the like or more, as a yearly tribute: whereof he had of late to his great discontentment by the general revolt of these three countries been quite disappointed. But this so wholesome a confederation, to the great hurt of the Christian commonweal and benefit of the Turks, now broken, and MOLDAVIA by the Polonians dissevered from the rest, and again made tributary unto the Turk (as is before declared) and now VALACHIA also in a sort acknowledging the Turks obeisance, the noble Transyluanian prince, who hitherto with great cheerfulness and courage had fought the most Christian battles against the Turk, now left as it were all alone, and doubting how with his own small forces to be able long to defend his country against the Turk and the Polonian, whom he feared not much less than him; lest the same should together with himself fall into the hands of the Turks, or some other his enemies, by a wonderful change voluntarily resigned this his country of TRANSYLVANIA unto Rodolph the Christian emperor and his heirs for ever: The prince of Transyluania ●esigneth his country unto the Emperor. and so leaving his wife in TRANSYLVANIA, went himself into SILESIA, there to take possession of the dukedoms of OPPELL and RATIEOR, which together with the yearly pension of 50000 joachims', or the revenues of the bishopric of VRATISLAVIA, he had in am thereof received of the emperor: whereupon the possession of TRANSYLVANIA, by the general consent of all the states of that country, was in the beginning of this year 1598. delivered unto the Archbishop of VACIA, the County Nadasti, and Doctor Petzi, the emperor's commissioners; and a solemn oath of obedience and loyalty taken of them all in general: albeit that the aforesaid commissioners as also the emperor himself would have persuaded the prince either not at all or at leastwise not so suddenly to have forsaken his country, but to have still kept the government thereof himself yet for a year or two; well foreseeing that the same could not so conveniently be governed by any other as by himself, a natural prince therein borne, Michael the Vaivod submitteth himself with his people unto the emperors protection. and exceedingly beloved of his subjects. The same commissioners also in june following going into VALACHIA, there took the like oath of obedience of Michael the Vayvod and his people: who loathing the Turkish sovereignty, all willingly yielded themselves into the emperors protection. These commissioners also at the same time came to agreement with the Tartar's ambassadors, offering unto the emperor peace and aid for the yearly pension of 40000 ducats, and as many sheepskin gowns, their usual manner of apparel. All this while continued the Diet of the empire, begun in December last passed at RATISBONE, Mathias the emperors brother being there his deputy, and in his majesties name demanding a greater aid for the maintenance of his wars against the Turk the common enemy, than was by the princes and states of the empire offered▪ where after great and long deliberation, a large proportion was by them all agreed upon for the defraying of the charges of those wars and defence of the Christian commonweal, to be paid in three years next, and so thereupon was the assembly dissolved. But as they were returning home, behold contrary to all hope RAB one of the strongest fortresses of Christendom, three years before betrayed unto the Turks by county Hardeck, was now by the wisdom and valour of Adolphus Baron of Swartzenburg, the emperors lieutenant in the lower HUNGARY, again recovered; to the great grief of the Turks, and wonderful rejoicing of the Christians, in sort as followeth. This noble gentleman the lord Swartzenburg of no less courage than experience, then lying at KOMARA, and still in doubt lest the Turks so near unto him at RAB, should attempt something against him and his charge, provided for his own defence all that winter time with a strong garrison, keeping continual watch and ward, although it were as then no time for the enemy with any army to keep the field. So Winter passing and the Spring approaching, it fortuned that the two and twentieth day of March about seven a clock in the night, the gates being shut, were heard near unto the walls of the town two men, who by their speech seemed to be Italians: with great instance requesting, Two Italian prisoners flying out of Rab discover the state of the town to the lord Swartzenburg. for the safeguard of their lives to be let in, for fear of the enemy's pursuit. Which by one of the Sentinels was forthwith reported unto the Governor; who doubting it to be some subtle practice of the enemy, commanded them there to take their fortune until the morning: at which time they were received into the city, and being brought before the Governor, prostrating themselves forthwith at his feet, pitifully requested him to have compassion of their misery▪ and to comfort them with his charitable relief, that so they might at length return again into their country: who at the first asked them, what country men they were? and from whence they came at that time of the night? Whereunto they answered, That they were Italians, and that they had but even then escaped out of the cruel hands of the Turks at RAB. But desiring to know of them some news, they after their manner humbled themselves, showing by their gesture not to know any; yet would he needs understand of them the particularities, when and how they were taken by the Turks, and the means they had used to escape out of that cruel servitude, all in order as it had befallen them. Where the younger of them beginning, told him, That now almost two years ago, at such time as the Christians were overthrown by the Turks under AGRIA, and every man in that confusion then seeking the best and nearest way to save themselves; they having by flight now escaped the greatest danger of the enemy, and so traveling over the country towards VIENNA, were to their great misfortune (by an hundred Turks come out of RAB to scour the country, and to seek after prey) taken prisoners, and as slaves committed to the chain, where they had almost two years until now, with great patience served. These two fugitives by their outward appearance, seemed to be men of good spirit and valour, which caused the Governor to be the more desirous to know of them the means they had used for their escape. So the younger proceeding in his tale, gave him to understand of the whole matter, telling him, That they had been three months before still carefully devising how to recover their lost liberty, which now seemed to make some offer of itself unto them: For that since the time that the emperors army rise the last year from before the town, they were not kept so straight or looked unto as before, but lay as men by the Turks not much regarded: which caused them the more cheerfully to take the offer of the time, and to resolve either the sooner to die, or to set themselves at liberty. And that so one day as they were carrying certain munition from the palace of Giaffer Bassa for the soldiers, they secretly conveyed three pieces of chord of some reasonable bigness, therewith by night to let themselves down from the wall, and so as they might to escape: which stolen chord that it should not be seen, and so their purpose suspected, they buried in the ground. But the night being come for them to effect in what they had so long desired, and they roaming up and down in the dark, and still finding one let or other, they were enforced for that time to stay, and to defer it until the night following: which being come, and choice made of a most convenient place, they made fast the chord above, and so thereby slid down, first the elder, and then the younger; who not knowing how to swim, was yet by the good direction and help of his fellow conducted over unto the farther side of the broad and deep ditch: and that so, in the night (so dark as that one of them could hardly see the other) they were come by chance to KOMARA, thinking to have taken the way to VIENNA. The Governor thus fully instructed of their escape, demanded of them farther, how the strong town of RAB was by the Turks governed and guarded: who told him, very evil, and with small care, especially since the departure of the emperors camp: and also, that four gates of the town were filled up with earth, which if they were broken open, would all f●ll into the town ditch, and so farther them that would attempt to enter: with divers other particularities. Whereof the Governor having well considered, thought with himself, that if by some ingenious devise he might by night with some good strength upon the sudden enter the town, it might happily be so again recovered. Upon which so great a dessignment he thought good to consult farther with the lord Palfi, whom he requested in all haste and with as much secrecy as was possible, with 1600 foot and as many horse as he could make, to come unto him to KOMARA. Who upon the advertisement so given sta●ed not, but presently giving order unto his men, set forward by night, and the six and twentieth day of March before day with 1400 foot and 120 horse arrived at KOMARA; where they were all joyfully received, and the gates after they were entered, again fast shut, and so kept for fear of the enemies secret spies, of whom no man can be too war●e, be he never so wise. Now whilst these soldiers were refreshing themselves, in the mean time the Governor with the lord Palfi discoursed to the full concerning the intended enterprise: which resolved upon, they found themselves upon the view of their men to have two thousand six hundred foot of the garrison soldiers, and three hundred horse▪ all good and courageous men, and well appointed for the intended service: who there staying two days after their coming, and many of them in the mean time (after the manner of their religion) confessing themselves, and receiving the sacrament, were become so courageous, as that they doubted not in the quarrel of the Christian Religion to encounter a far greater number of the Turks than themselves. The notable speech of the lord Palfi unto his souldi●rs. And the more to stir them up, the lord Palfi at the same time delivered unto them a notable speech: not for all that telling them whither they were to go, but that they were his Christian soldiers and brethren, under his leading both of long and late time; who never by him deceived of their wont pay at such time as it was due, would not now as he hoped forsake him. And albeit that he well knew them to have deserved at his hands a greater contentment: nevertheless being himself deprived of his revenue by these late wars, and his possessions every hour subject unto the incursions of the Turks, could not therefore according to his desire and their deserts, show unto them the great good will he bore them: Yet that now, and even presently was come the time wherein they might not only aboundandly enrich themselves, but also adorn their heads with an immortal crown of glory, and make themselves for ever famous, by performing the most happy and glorious exploit that ever was by valorous soldiers attempted or achieved in that part of the world. And to the intent that they all might know how dearly he accounted of the life and honour of every one of them, he would therefore himself with the lord Swartzenburg (of whom proceeded all that fair devise and new stratagem) be present with them in the action: and that therefore they were not to think, that they were led forth to any private danger, farther than their commanders themselves▪ whose folly were to be accounted great, if rashly and upon no good ground they should adventure their lives and honours together: whereof they ought not now to doubt, having by a thousand proofs known, how much they had been of them always regarded. And that therefore it behoved them so much the more to show their valour in this piece of service undertaken for the great benefit of the Christian common weal, and the honour of Christ jesus: unto whom they were with one accord to make their prayers, with his mighty hand to strengthen their hearts, and with glorious victory to bring to happy end the intended exploit against his enemies, to the honour of his name, and the advancement of the Christian religion and faith. At the end of which speech all the soldiers cried aloud, That they were most ready to do any their commands, and to follow them whither soever. So order was taken, that within three hours they should every man be priest and ready with their arms according to their places: and so having well refreshed themselves, about eleven a clock the seven and twentieth day of March, they in good order began to set forwards toward RAB. But for that the multitude of soldiers oftentimes giveth the enemy warning of that is intended against him, Palfi gave order to one john Stroine his Sergeant mayor, to follow fair and softly after him with 1700 horse and foot, which he well performed. And so upon the break of the day they began to draw towards RAB, and there lay close in ambush all that day until night, about seven miles short of the town: refreshing themselves in the mean time with plenty of victuals, which they had brought with them from KOMARA. Night (the favourer of deceit) being come, in two hours march they began to draw near to RAB, and there stayed about five hours: from whence they sent before them a French engineer, a man of great judgement, with thirteen others (before rewarded with 1500 ducats) having with them four Petardes (engines of force to blow up into the air any thing whereunto they be fastened, be it never so great or weighty;) where by good chance they found the drawbridge down, and the portculleis up: for that the Turks then casting no peril, expected every hour for certain wagons with provision from ALBA REGALIS. By which good hap the Christians unperceived coming to the gate, and thereunto fastening their Petardes, in good order gave fire to the same, which presently took not hold: yet were they not far gone, but that they were by a Sentinel descried, who demanding what they were, was presently answered by the violent engines, which in a trice tore in sunder the gate, with some part of the wall and of the fortifications near unto it. Rab surprised by the Christians. When now the watch (but all too late) began to give the alarm, and the Christians in the forward thrusting presently in, took the gate, none of the Turks yet coming to the defence thereof, or to hinder them from entering. The first that appeared were two hundred Turks, which with their wont cry, Alla, Alla, in such hideous manner as if they would therewith have rend the heavens, would have stayed the Christians from farther entering, but were themselves overcharged by three hundred which were already entered. At which time also the Bassa came on, with more than a thousand following him, and that with such courage and fury, as was never greater to be seen in any Turk: where after a most terrible fight maintained by the space of two hours, Two of the Turk● Bassa's slain. the Bassa himself being slain, the Turks began a little to retire; whereby a thousand Christians more had leisure to enter: when straight ways after came Giaffar the great Bassa, with above a thousand tall soldiers following him, all the inhabitants also of RAB running after him, and that with such force, that they constrained the Christians to retire unto the gate whereby they entered. Who (resolved rather honourably to die within the town, than with dishonour to be forced out) there with incredible courage sustained the greatest impression of the furious enemy: where was to be seen the true Christian valour, for the performance of so great an exploit, well worthy of eternal memory. But this Bassa also (the other being dead of a wound in his neck) encountered by the lord Swartzenburg, after he had in that sharp conflict showed great tokens of his valour, was there at length slain also: both whose heads struck off, were for a present afterwards sent to the emperor at PRAGE, with all the particularities of the whole action. But now the Turks perceiving that all their chief commanders were slain, retired most part of them into the city: some three hundred of them crept underneath one of the bulwarks, where stood certain barrels of gunpowder, which they desperately set on fire, and so together with themselves blew up 300 Christians that were above upon the bulwark, the greatest loss the Christians had in all that victory, who were otherwise supposed not to have lost therein above 200 of their men. Thus the Turks discomfited and altogether full of fear, losing both their force and courage, fled in every place before the Christians, they in every corner making of them a most horrible slaughter. The Turkish women all this while out of their windows and other high places, ceased not to cast down stones, timber, and such like things upon the heads of the Christians, whom they sought by all means to annoy, and to help the Turks. The bloody execution continued all that day until night, the Christians still finding one or other hidden in the most secret places of the city, upon whom to exercise their wrath: who ransacking also every corner thereof, A great bootle. were by the wealth therein found greatly enriched. But coming to the palace of Giaffer the great Bassa, they found such great store of rich furniture, as better beseemed some great prince than a Turkish slave. There they found also letters written in characters of gold from the Bassa of BUDA to this Bassa, greeting him and promising him in his behalf to deal with the grand signor against the next Spring, with the first that his army should take the field, That he might therein have some honourable place of command, to the end he might in the field show his greater valour, and no longer lie idly in that strong town. So found they there also many things written from the great Sultan himself unto this Bassa, with great store of coin, which all fell to the soldiers share; insomuch that by this so notable an exploit, so well performed, the public state, together with the soldiers private, was not a little bettered. There amongst other things were recovered threescore and six pieces of artillery, which were known to have been sometime the Emperors, and four and twenty others, which the Bassa had caused to be brought from BUDA with great store of shot and powder and other small pieces, and meal sufficient to have served four thousand men for a year and a half, but of wine (little used of the Turks) only four vessels. In the Bassa's palace was also found of armour and weapons of all sorts, great store, with abundance of cloth and apparel, which was all given in spoil to the soldiers. Thus RAB, one of the strongest fortresses of Christendom, not full four years before besieged by Sinan Bassa with 150 thousand men, by the space of almost three months, and then at length by the treason of the Governor to him betrayed; was now in one night, by the valour and policy of a few resolute men to their immortal glory again restored to the Christian commonweal, the nineteenth day of March in the year 1598. Of which so notable a victory, the Christians rejoiced not a little both in HUNGARY and elsewhere: the great Sultan with the Turks in the mean time no less grieving and storming, as well for the loss of the town before got with no small charge, as for the death of his people there slain, to the number of about six thousand and more, with the loss of scarce six hundred Christians. Yet for all this Mahomet the great Sultan ceased not to make great provision for his wars in HUNGARY, and that greater than before; and so with greater fury also, to prosecute his wrathful indignation, A great tumult between the janissaries and the Spahi. to be revenged upon the Christians. Whereunto order was given unto Ibrahim Bassa his brother in law, and General of his army, with all convenient speed to take the field: which for all that fell out far otherwise, for that now thinking to have had all things in good forwardness, a great dissension rise betwixt the janissaries and the Spahi: the janissaries being the best footmen, and the Spahi the best horsemen of the Turkish empire; both the faithful keepers of the person of their prince, and the greatest strength of his state: whereby it cometh to pass, that in setting forward towards the wars, these two sorts of valiant soldiers, the one standing upon their strength, and the other upon their honour, and both jealous of their reputation and credit, have no good liking of one the other, but oftentimes, and especially of late in this corruption of their martial discipline under their degenerate emperors, fall at odds among themselves, as now they did, to the great hindrance of their affairs, and trouble of their General. Insomuch that to appease this tumult, he was glad to put to death certain of the insolent janissaries, refusing to set forward as they were by their Aga commanded. But proceeding farther, and thinking to have executed some others of them also, to the farther terror of the rest; he was by them and their adherents put in such fear of his life, that to avoid the present danger, he was glad to excuse himself by his lieutenant, laying all the blame upon him as the cause thereof: who was therefore as a sacrifice delivered unto the fury of the janissaries, by whom he was presently slain, with some others of the Bassa his followers. So these broils with much ado overpast, Ibrahim having taken a general review of his army at SOPHIA, there stayed, expecting order from the great Sultan where to begin his wars, in HUNGARY o● in TRANSYLVANIA (for as yet that was in question:) which could not well be before the beginning of july, by reason of the scarcity of victuals even then arising in the camp: for the supplying whereof Mahomet himself had no small care. But this long delay was the cause that a great number of the janissaries coming from HADRIANOPLE, and hearing by the way that the General would not as yet set forward, not knowing the cause of his stay, and doubting to be deceived of their promised entertainment, were about to have returned back again: which known at the Court, commandment was presently sent thence unto the General, without longer stay to set forward towards HUNGARY, which the more hastened his departure with his army. In this the Turks so long delay, the Christians had good leisure to prepare their new forces, being now the latter end of Summer: for well they might think that the enemy slept not, knowing what provision he had made as well in CONSTANTINOPLE as in other places. Wherefore reasonably doubting, that Summer well spent and August now at hand, he would not so late turn his forces into the lower HUNGARY, they thought it best to provide for the safety of the upper country: And to the end that the enemy approaching those frontiers might there find forces ready to encounter him, the lord George Basta, a man of great experience and valour, was appointed lieutenant General for that country; to the great contentment of the soldiers in general, all showing themselves most ready at his command. The lord Swartzenburg in the mean time remaining in the lower HUNGARY at RAB, with eight thousand good soldiers: and the Archduke Mathias at VIENNA for the dispatch of George Basta, and the hasting of him foeward: for that the upper HUNGARY to the great hurt thereof began now to feel the incursions of the Turks and Tartars: besides that, he was afterwards to return himself to speak with the emperor his brother, still expecting a Chiaus of the Turks by the appointment of the Grand signor, sent by the way of POLONIA for PRAGE, to entreat with the emperor concerning a peace. They of BUDA in the mean while seeing the delay of the Turks, of whom not one band yet appeared in those quarters; and on the other side perceiving the great preparation of the Imperials, and the great garrison at RAB so near at hand; began now to doubt some new resolution of the Christians: wherein they were no whit deceived; for no army of the Turks being then in field in the lower HUNGARY, Buda besieged by the Christians. and the country plain and open, the lord Pal●i with a convenient power and certain pieces of battery set forward to attempt the enterprise, and the sixteenth of October with sixteen pieces of artillery began to batter the city of BUDA, to the great fear and discomfiture of them within: having first taken the fort S. Gerarde, with hope to have gained the rest also. For which cause, the men, the women, and all that dwelled in the city, most instantly besought the Bassa, not to endure the destruction of the same, with the inhabitants and wealth thereof altogether; but being not able long to hold out against so furious a battery, in time to hearken unto some reasonable composition, that so they might yet every man at least with life depart. Whereunto the Bassa for all that would not hearken, but put them still in hope that they should be presently relieved. Howbeit the battery still continuing, and they not able longer to endure the force of the Imperials; nor any relief yet coming, they were glad at length to abandon the city with the loss of two thousand of the janissaries, and but three hundred of the Christians slain, and eight hundred hurt: the rest of the Turks at the same time retiring themselves into the castle, where they might for a space deem themselves safe. So the lord Palfi possessed of the city, with all his forces laid siege unto the castle, which although it were in some places shaken with the continual fury of the cannon, yet were the defendants still ready to make good the same: insomuch, that Palfi upon good hope of success giving thereunto a general assault, was by their valour enforced to retire; they within in the mean time with great labour and industry repairing the breaches and galls made by the artillery. So that Palfi considering the difficulty of the assault, thought it better by undermining to shake the rock whereon the castle stood, than by a new assault to expose so many worthy men unto so manifest a danger: which his purpose by the enemy discovered, was by them also by countermining disappointed: yet for all that were the Christians still in good hope by an other mine not yet by the enemy perceived, to sort to the full of their desire: and the more, for that they saw not so much bravery or show of courage in the defendants as before. Who now kept themselves silent and quiet, as if they had been consulting about the yielding up of the castle, as men bereft of all hope of relief and succour: the Christians being now possessed of a strong abbey and fortress fast by, and having broken down all the bridges over the Danubius, in such sort, as that the besieged could not receive any relief either by land or water. But forasmuch as the time of the year began now to grow tedious, and the winter weather sharp, the Christians thought it not best there long to protract the time; and therefore resolved to present unto the castle another general assault, and at the same instant to blow up the mine: but in giving this assault, they were again repulsed with the loss of two hundred men. At which time also a number of the Turks ●allying out of the castle, courageously encountered the Christians, but not with success answerable to their valour, being there almost all cut in pieces: neither did the mine take the desired effect, but being blown up did little or no harm at all. So that the Christians weary of their long suffering of the extremity of the weather, and withal considering the great courage of the defendants, were even upon the point to have risen: yet willing to give a fresh attempt by the mine, they began again to work in the same, and in hope to prevail began to parley with the defendants about the giving up of the castle, but all to little or no purpose; for that the mine having taken no effect, the soldiers could hardly be drawn on through the deep and muddy ditches, The Christians depart from the siege of Buda. to give a new assault. In fine, seeing no hope to prevail, and hearing also of the coming of a great army of the Turks for the relief of the besieged, they raised their siege, and at their departure burned their suburbs, carrying away with them a great booty: and so retiring towards STRIGONIUM, expected farther direction where to winter. Where shortly after order was taken, that the forces disbanded should be dispersed, some into the garrisons, and some into the country thereabout; to the intent they might so be in the more readiness with the first of the next Spring to take the field, or as occasion should serve to be otherwise employed. But Sigismond the Transyluanian prince in the mean time repenting himself of the unequal exchange he had made with the emperor, in disguised apparel hasting in post out of SILESIA came to CLAUSENBURG in TRANSYLVANIA: and there joyfully received of his subjects, and taking of them a new oath of obedience, by messengers sent of purpose certified Maximilian the Archduke (appointed by the emperor for the government of TRANSYLVANIA, and now upon his way as far CASSOVIA) of the causes of his return, persuading him rather to convert his forces against the Turks for the recovery of AGRIA, than to trouble himself to come any farther for TRANSYLVANIA, now again by him to the great contentment of his subjects repossessed: as did also the princess his wife (Maximilian his cousin german) wishing him to consider what hurt and dishonour he should do unto the Emperor his majesty, himself, the Roman empire, and the whole Christian commonweal in general, if in so dangerous a time he should attempt any thing against the prince her husband, and unto him by her so nearly allied. Veradinum besieged by the Turks. Now the Turks great army being come into the upper HUNGARY, lay encamped under the walls of the strong city of VERADINUM, where that worthy captain George Basta was lieutenant General for the emperor: but not having such strength, as without farther help to go against so mighty an enemy, or to relieve the besieged city, not as then furnished with a sufficient garrison, he gave knowledge thereof unto Maximilian the Archduke, who (as is aforesaid) with a convenient power was but a little before come to CASSOVIA, to have gone into TRANSYLVANIA, had he not there by the way been stayed by ambassadors from the prince Sigismond but lately before returned out of SILESTA; and having again taken upon him the government, by these his ambassadors requested him no farther to trouble himself with that journey, offering to give him aid against the Turks whensoever he should require it. The besieged nevertheless in the mean time notably defended themselves, and with certain brave sallies did the enemy great harm; still expecting, that Basta the lieutenant, or the Transyluanian prince, or Maximilian the Archduke, or they all with their united forces should send them relief: unto whom they gave knowledge the nineteenth of October, how that the Turks with all the force and fury they had used, had as yet little prevailed, being by their valour still repulsed, and with many sharp sallies to their great loss encountered, and some of their great ordinance cloyed, in such sort, as that they were in good hope to protract the time until they might by them their friends be relieved: yet not doubting, but that the Turks according to their wont manner, would do what they might to subdue them. According to whose expectation, the Transyluanian prince with a great power taking the field to have relieved them, was letted so to do by the Tartars, to that purpose stirred up by the Turks: so that he could by no means join his forces with Maximilians, for looking to the safety of his own people and country. Yet in token of forwardness, he sent certain companies of brave soldiers unto the lieutenant Basta: who understanding that of two thousand good soldiers in garrison in the city at the beginning of the siege, there were scarce seven hundred left alive, all the rest being with continual assaults slain or mortally wounded, A new supply put into Veradi 〈◊〉 by ●●sta. used a notable stratagem to delude the enemy withal: for having put his men in good order, and coming bravely on, as if he would even presently have joined battle (a thing which the Turks most desired) whilst they likewise with great stir were putting themselves in order of battle, and wholly busied therein, he by an other way (of the Turks lest suspected) cunningly thrust into the city eight hundred good soldiers; and that done, presently retired again into his trenches, wherein he strongly encamped feared not all the Turks forces: who thinking even then to have come to a day of battle, and still in vain expecting the same, returned deceived by this fineness. And so shortly after (enforced by continual foul weather) raised their siege, not without great difficulty and danger (relief lying so near at hand, and the defendants strengthened with new supplies) to have been longer maintained. So passed the troubles of this year, with no gain but great loss of the Turks: who at their departure enforced by the unseasonableness of the weather and fear together, left behind them in their trenches many tents, with some great pieces of artillery, being not able to convey the same by water to BUDA: and withal fearing greatly to be encountered by the forces of Basta, strengthened with new supplies even then sent unto him from the emperor. The Archduke Mathias, Swartzenburg, and the other commanders of the army in the lower HUNGARY, being twelve thousand strong, with the garrison soldiers of RAB, STRIGONIUM, and KOMARA, in the mean time because they would not stand idle, together with the Hungarian horsemen, overran all the country thereabout even unto the gates of BUDA: in good hope also to have met with 8000 Turks (as they were by their espials advertised) coming towards PESTH with victuals for the relief of the castle of BUDA. Whilst things thus passed in HUNGARY, Mahomet to show his greatness, as also the more to keep the Christian princes in suspense, sent Cicala (or as the Turks call him Cigala) Bassa his Admiral with a great fleet to sea: wherewith being come upon the coast of SICI●IA, he requested the Viceroy of that kingdom, to send him aboard his fleet the lady Lucretia his mother, which dwelled in MESSINA, for that he greatly desired to see her and to do her honour; promising so quietly to depart without any harm doing. And the Viceroy again considering how that the angry renegat for the like courtesy to him at an other time before denied, had in his rage done great harm all alongst the sea coast; covenanting with him to send her in safety back again, sent her honourably accompanied aboard the Admiral galley: whom Cicala her son received with great joy and triumph, and having kept her with him one day with all the honour that might be, according to his promise sent her back again to MESSINA; and so without any harm done for her sake to any part of Christendom, peaceably returned ba●ke again with his fleet. Now in the mean time Michael the Vayvod of VALACHIA with good forces of his own, because he would be doing something also, resolved to give an attempt upon NICOPOLIS, a city of the Turks in BULGARIA: and so giving order to his people, caused a bridge to be made over Danubius to pass that great river by. Whereof the Bassas of SILISTRIA and BADOVA understanding, thought good with all their power to disturb him in that work: and so coming, as the said bridge was by the Vayvod his soldiers laid over the river upon boats, without farther stay attempted to have broken the same, to the intent that the Vayvod should not that way pass. Who hasting thither with his army, rescued his work, and enforced the Bassas to forsake the exploit by them begun: where betwixt them for a space was fought a most hard conflict, until at length the Turks were with a great slaughter overthrown; and so glad, some here, some there, by flight as they might to save their lives. After which victory, he without let passing over the river with his whole forces, came & encamped under the walls of NICOPOLIS: where they of the city understanding of the late slaughter of the Turks, and finding themselves not able to hold out against the force and valour of the Valachies', Nicopoli● sacked and burn● by th● Vayvod. and now out of hope of any help or relief in time to come from the Turks, without farther resistance yielded themselves into the power of the Vayvod. Who having sacked the city and set it on fire, carried thence a great spoil and booty, with a number of the Bulgarians: choosing out the best and most able bodies amongst them to serve him in his wars, and appointing the rest to inhabit & manure the wasted places of VALACHIA. The report of this overthrow given unto the Turks by the Valachian, with the sacking of NICOPOLIS, running abroad, brought a general fear upon the Turks even in the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE. For the staying whereof Mahomet commanded the chief of his Bassas, with a great power of tumultuary soldiers taken up in haste to go forthwith against the Vayvod, to stay the course of his farther proceedings, to the dismaying of his people, himself thundering out most horrible threats against him: who encouraged with his late victory, and well acquainted with the Turks manners, little regarded the same, as knowing that he was not with words but with arms to be vanquished. Now Mahomet the Turkish emperor oppressed with melancholy to see himself at once assailed with the plague then raging in CONSTANTINOPLE, 1599 the bloody wars in HUNGARY, and the horrible mortality and loss of his people in both places; and withal not ignorant of the e●ill success of his army at VERADINUM, & of the great harm done at NICOPOLIS by the Valachian: yet for all that ceased not in what he might to provide for so many evils, but gave order to Taut Bassa with all speed to set forward (as we have said) from CONSTANTINOPLE toward VALACHIA; as from whence he feared the greatest danger: who without delay to make the Vayvod to understand how highly the great Sultan was displeased with him, put himself upon the way with six hundred janissaries towards HADRIANOPLE, with purpose there to Winter until the Spring, and so to expect the coming of the rest of the army, that so with the same, united unto the forces of Mehemet Satergi (who the last year besieged VERADINUM) he might in the field appear more terrible unto his enemies. The Christian Emperor also at the same time rested much discontented, that his people in so fair a way for the winning of the castle of BUDA, had yet failed thereof: the Walloons laying the fault upon the lords Swartzenburg, Palfi, and the rest of the commanders, that it was not won; for that when they as valiant men offered to have done therein the uttermost of their devoir, their leaders had made choice by the spade and mattock rather than by the sword to perform the same. The Turks again spoiled by the Vayvod. But Michael the Vayvod seeing the Turks not a little dismayed with the sacking of NICOPOLIS, began afresh to their greater terror and hurt to make new inroads upon them, in such sort, as that he was entered an hundred miles into their territory: against whom Mehemet Satergi (as yet the Turks general in HUNGARY) coming with his forces, he again retired, carrying away with him the spoil of the country by him wasted. Buda distressed. They of BUDA in the mean time fearing some sudden assault to be given upon them, and suffering within great want of victuals, expected long to be relieved both with victuals and other necessaries: understanding yet withal, that the Grand signor had caused it to be given out in CONSTANTINOPLE, that he was raising a great power of his best and most expert soldiers, and had therefore sent for unto the Court all his old men of war, such as had served in the wars of PERSIA, to be now again employed in HUNGARY. Where the Turks in the mean time providing to relieve the distressed city of BUDA both with men and many other necessaries; certain resolute Hungarians understanding by their espials, that one of the Turks Bassas with three thousand soldiers was coming thither to increase the garrison, laid themselves close in ambush in a place whereby the Turks were to pass: where they had not long stayed, but that the Turks as men without fear disorderedly passing by, were by them with such force and fury assailed, that in a moment, when they least thought, they were overthrown and put to flight, with the loss of many of their horses, much money and jewels, and many captains there taken prisoners, the Bassa himself with much ado hardly escaping into the city. But shortly after four hundred Christians scouring the country about BUDA, and having taken a good booty of cattle and other pillage, returning loaded with the prey, were by the way assaulted by the Turks, and enforced to forsake the same, and to fight for their lives: whom for all that they notably repulsed, with the slaughter of divers of them, and so again recovering their booty, returned with victory. And about this time or not long after in the upper HUNGARY, a great power of the Turks and Tartars having foraged a great part of that country, and done the Christians great harm, came before CASSOVIA, making show as if they would even presently have besieged that city: which put the inhabitants in such a fear, that many of them without further deliberation fled forthwith as fast as they could into the mountains, thinking themselves more safe there than in the city. Nevertheless, by the persuasion of George Basta, the emperors lieutenant in those parts, two thousand valiant and expert soldiers stayed there with him, expecting what the Turks would do: who approaching the walls, demanded of them of the city a great sum of money, by way of contribution, threatening otherwise the utter ruin and destruction thereof. Which their proud demand was by Basta stoutly rejected, and they with the loss of a great many of their lives enforced to get them further off. Wherefore seeing themselves not able to prevail against a city so well provided, they for fear by night rise, and departed quite another way than that whereby they came, doing great harm still as they went. The free Haiduckes of VALACHIA also, a warlike kind of people, living for the most part upon prey, and willing to show some token of their hatred toward the Turks, by certain bridges passing over the Danubius, encountered with the Bassa of ANATOLIA with a great power, whom they overthrew with much slaughter of his people, and the loss of his brother there slain also: and so afterwards overrunning the country, did there exceeding harm, and took the same Bassa his son prisoner. Thus passed the Winter with many light skirmishes and incursions in divers parts of HUNGARY and other the frontier countries, which had done great harm had it not been before hand well provided for by the Imperials; who in most places strengthened with new supplies, stayed the fury of their barbarous enemies. Maximilian the Archduke in the mean time coming from PRAGE to VIENNA, found himself there to have in his camp but four and twenty thousand foot and ten thousand horse, ready against the next Spring (divers of the German princes this year not sending thither any aid at all, by reason of their troubles nearer home, with the Spaniards in the lower side of GERMANY) which made him the more to dread the enemies coming, who he knew after his accustomed manner would that Summer appear in the field with a far greater number. But to have holpen this want, the great duke of MVSCOVI● about this time, by his ambassadors amongst other things requested leave of the Polonian, for forty thousand horsemen to pass through his country, which horsemen he had determined (as he said) to send in aid of the emperor against the Turk. Which his request the Polonian would by no means grant, as dangerous to his estate. Wherefore the Muscovite offended with the Polonian, sent other his ambassadors unto the emperor by sea: who embarked in an English ship in the port of S. Nicholas, and sailing about the kingdoms of SWEDEN, NORWAY, and DENMARK, after long trouble at sea, at length arrived at STOAD, and so from thence by land traveling to HAM●OROW, LVEECKE, and MAIDEN●OROW, and in every place honourably entertained, came at last unto the emperor into BOHEMIA, then lying at PLISENA, for that the plague was then hot at PRAGE: where they having with great state delivered their presents and letters of credence unto the emperor, had audience, and were by him most honourably used. Yet the Polonian having thus denied the Muscovite passage, suffered the Turks ambassador, who called himself Gabriel a jew, to pass through his country unto the emperor, to entreat with him of a peace to be made betwixt him and the Turk. Which Gabriel coming to PRAGE as ambassador from the great Turk, and having no letters of credence to show for his negotiation (for that they were, The Turks ambassador taken for a spy, and imprisoned as Vienna. as he said, upon the way taken from him by the Polonian Cossackes, and certain of his retinue slain) was there taken for a spy, and so sent to VIENNA: where at his first arrival he was well used in a common june: but the night following being taken in his chamber by the martial, was so clapped fast in prison, with as many irons upon him as he could bear, and all his followers with gives upon their legs compelled as slaves daily to work in the town ditch. About this time also Sigismond the Transyluanian prince (whom hitherto all men admired as a man even sent from heaven, for the benefit of his country and of the Christian commonweal) by a wonderful change gave a most manifest token of a divers and unconstant nature, to the great wonder of the world: For having broken the agreement made with the emperor the last year, and being secretly in post returned out of SILESIA into TRANSYLVANIA, and again taken upon him the government (as is before declared) and having withal requested himself and the transylvanians his countrymen to be discharged of the oath of obedience and loyalty by them before given unto the emperor, and the city of VERADINUM, with the country thereabout, to be again restored unto him; and the emperor pausing thereupon: did now (doubting of his own ability for the keeping of that country) in the beginning of this year 1599, by his ambassadors the Bishop of AL●A JULIA, and Stephen Paschai his Chancellor, sent of purpose unto the emperor, request him to have the first agreements again renewed, and the principality of TRE●NITZ in MORAVIA, to be added unto the two dukedoms of OPPELL and RATIBOR in SILESIA, with fifty thousand ducats to be yearly paid unto him out of the chamber of the empire; and a general pardon to be given unto all the transylvanians, that following him had of late revolted from the emperor, and their ancient liberties to be again unto every one of them confirmed. With all which conditions obtained at the emperors hands (as of him that saw how needful it was for him by any means to keep that strong country in his power) the same ambassadors with their dispatch returned from PRAGE the nineteenth of April. But Sigismond in the mean time at home, was entered into new conceits with certain of the Polonian● nobility, far differing from his former agreement with the emperor: and having sent for one of the Turks Chiaus from CONSTANTINOPLE, and for his cousin Andrew Bathor the ●●oud Cardinal out of BORUSIA, and so meeting with them in an obscure village in the confines of TRANSYLVANIA, towards POLONIA, accompanied with certain of the chiefest of the states of his country: Sigismond yieldeth his country of Transyluania unto the Cardinal Bath●r hi● cousin. there in the presence of the Polonians and of the Turkish ambassador▪ resigned all the right and title he had in the country of TRANSYLVANIA unto the Cardinal his cousin, commanding all the States there present to swear unto him their obedience and fidelity who shortly after together with the Polonian ambassador sent one of his especial fauourits to CONSTANTINOPLE, to desire safe conduct for his ambassadors to be sent thither to conclude of all matters with the Turk. Which messenger so sent, together with the Polonian ambassador, were both courteously received in the Turks Court, and as with an especial favour rewarded with right sumptuous garments, and charge given them, That the Cardinal within three months next should send thither a solemn ambassador, with the old accustomed tribute by the Turk demanded. Thus through the inconstancy of the prince, the ambition of the proud Cardinal, and the foul collusion of the Polonian, the country of TRANSYLVANIA (one of the strongest fortresses of that side of Christendom) falling from the obedience of the emperor, and so in sort bereft from the Christian commonweal, became again tributary unto the Turk; most good men detesting the lightness of the one, the ambition of the other, and the slyness of the third. Now the Turks in BUDA not able longer to endure the great famine therein, had most earnestly requested relief from the other Turks their friends in HUNGARY, who on all hands ran to have relieved them: but coming near thereunto, could not put thereinto such provision as they had brought for the relief of the same, being letted so to do by the Imperials; who about a league off diligently attended every motion of the enemy: from whence the lord Swartzenburg in the night secretly approaching one of the gates with his followers, thought with a Petard to have broken it open, and so to have entered. Which his device taking not effect, as did that at RAB, the gate being within strongly fortified by the enemy, he was enforced to depart, being also discovered by the Turks from the wall. Now shortly after the Bassa of BUDA with six hundred horse issuing out of the city to have met with victuals that were coming thither, The Bassa of Buda taken prisoner. fell into an ambush of the Haiduckes, who after their manner fiercely encountered him, and putting him to flight, took him prisoner, his horse in the chase falling under him: whom his soldiers seeking to rescue, there began a new skirmish, increasing their former overthrow with the loss of the greatest part of them that were left: amongst whom the Bassa his son, with the Aga of the janissaries, there lost their lives also. Which conflict thus ended, the Bassa was with safe conduct brought to the camp, and there with great threats enforced to reveal the state of his city, with other the secret designs of the Turks. Whereupon the Haiduckes returned again towards BUDA, seeking by all means to stop the coming of victuals thither, so in hope at length to have gained the distressed city. But whilst they thus lay upon the passages, behold news was brought unto them, how that the Bassa of BOSNA, with the Sanzackes of SIGETH, QVINQVE ECCLESIae, and COPPAN, with ten thousand Turks were coming to oppress them, and to open the passages by them holden. The Turks overthrown, and the Bassa of Bosna slain. But they knowing their own strength, and nothing fearing so small a force, stayed not for their coming but went to meet them; and in a place of good advantage waiting for them, upon their first appearance with great assurance and courage charged them, broke their array, and slew the greatest part of them, together with the Bassa himself: yet with so much ado, as that had not the lord Palfi in good time sent in unto their aid certain companies of fresh men, it was not without cause doubted but that the Haiduckes had been put to the worse, above three hundred of them having there already lost their lives. The Tartars yet nevertheless in good number held on their way towards BUDA, with purpose to have overrun the country, and so to have withdrawn the Imperials from the city: but for as much as that base nation was known to be good for nothing but to rob and spoil, the lord Swartzenburg his regiment only going against them, and encountering them, overthrew them, in such sort, that part of them being there slain in fight, and part for fear driven into the Danubie, the greatest number of them there most miserably perished. Basta the emperors lieutenant in the upper HUNGARY at the same time lay at CASSOVIA with eighteen thousand men, doubting lest the enemy's army, which he heard to be at hand, should come to besiege that city. In the mean time Ibrahim Bassa General of the Turks forces, came to SOLNOCH with an army of fifty thousand strong, amongst whom were ten thousand janissaries: but for all that, understanding that Basta nothing dismayed awaited his coming at CASSOVIA, not thinking it good to go any further (his soldiers being already weary with long travel) neither yet safe there to stay so near unto his strong enemy, retired back again to BELGRADE, a place of more strength and security; expecting a great fleet of ships, which charged upon the Danubius, were to bring victuals for the army, as also for the relief of BUDA, ALBA REGALIS, and other such distressed places, with divers great pieces for battery, and other less artillery upon carriages, with a number of ladders and other instruments of war, declaring their purpose for the performance of some notable exploit; all guarded with five thousand Turks, The Turks receive a notable overthrow upon the river of Danubius. which conducted it up the river. Of all which the Imperials understanding, the lord Palfi dispatched his lieutenant with a convenient power, and the captain of the Hussars with his followers, all good and valiant soldiers, to cut off this convoy: Who to make the matter short, suddenly assailing them, and so coming to handy blows, cut in pieces the convoy, and rifled the ships, of whom the greater part were there sunk in the deep river; and so took an exceeding great booty, deemed to be worth a million of gold: where amongst other things of great value, there was found aboard an hundred thousand dollars, which were all divided amongst the soldiers as a reward of their travel. This great overthrow once known at BUDA, ALBA REGALIS, and the cities thereabouts, brought upon them a great fear: yea the army of Ibrahim grew thereby much discontented, as being at once disappointed both of their victuals and their pay. Besides that, the Imperials overran all the country thereabout, ransacking, sacking, and destroying the country villages and castles without mercy, although the poor inhabitants offered them large contribution to have stayed their fury, which would not be accepted. Upon this notable overthrow also the lord Swartzenburg was determined with all his forces to come again to the siege of BUDA, in hope in so great a discomfiture and want of victuals to have had it delivered unto him; and for that purpose sent for certain great pieces of artillery to VIENNA. But whilst things went thus well in the lower HUNGARY, colonel Rodoler of S. Andrew's in the upper country, took occasion also upon this overthrow of the Turks with five hundred horse and six hundred foot, to show himself with this small company before AGRIA, having yet left the greatest part of his forces a little off in secret ambush: Which small company the Bassa of AGRIA beholding, presently put himself in arms, and so sallying out, began an hot and brave skirmish: when suddenly the other soldiers left in ambush starting out and courageously assailing their enemies, broke their order, & put them to flight, pursuing them at the heels even to the gates of the city: and had there been a greater force of footmen, it was verily thought, that the Turks (dismayed with the flight, and altogether confounded) had abandoned the defence of the place, and the Christians even then become masters of the city, which had been the cause of their notable overthrow in the year 1596. Nevertheless they with great bravery and small loss retired, having slain a great number of the Turks, and carrying away with them an hundred prisoners, with a booty of five hundred horse, and much other cattle. The free Haiduckes also strengthened with new supplies, had done great harm in the country about BUDA, scouring freely all over it, finding none to oppose themselves against them: for which cause the poor Christians, which yet dwelled in that country, rise up against the Turks, promising their obedience unto the emperor: and moreover, to the intent they might be no more molested by the Imperials, offered to take up arms themselves against the enemy, and to the uttermost of their power to hinder his passage both by land and water. These same Haiduckes also had broken down all the bridges which the Turks had made betwixt BUDA and ALBA REGALIS, to the end they should not that way commodiously bring either victuals or munition from the one place to the other. And the lord Palfi and Nadasti understanding by their espials, That the Tartars divided into three companies, had overrun a great part of the country, and with a great booty were retiring towards BUDA, presently went out against them and enforced them to fight▪ which barbarous people, better enured to filch than to fight, there lost all their lives, together with that they had before stolen. After which victory, these valiant men turning their forces against certain other places of the Turks there by, took two of their castles with much rich spoil: which castles they sacked and burnt, together with the great town of ZOINA, breaking down also the bridge upon the river Trava. Now at this time the Turks at BUDA held themselves male content within the city, The Turks 〈◊〉 fear forsake the city 〈◊〉 Buda, and fly into th● castle. having no Governor; their Bassa being before taken by the Haiduckes, and they themselves pinched also with great want of victuals T Wherefore doubting some sudden attempt of the Christians, as men dismayed, they for their more safety, retired themselves into the castle, a place of great strength, lea●ing the city unto the Imperials then ready to have besieged it but doubting of the Turks great army, which as they heard was marching thitherwards, the avauntguard thereof being come to MOA●●ESH, where Sar●es Bassa was also looked for; the report being given out, that the Turks having relieved BUDA, would go to besiege CANISIA or else S●●I●ONIVM they stayed to go any farther, as men in doubt what to resolve upon. So were sent certain colonels ●nd other captains with their soldiers, to fortify certain passages whereby the Turk's army was to pass. The Christians upon the approach of the Turks great army retire. The rest in the mean time retiring, for that the puissant enemy began now to approach; as also for that they knew the great desire that Ibrahim Bassa had to recover again STRIGONIUM, and had therefore sent a great number of Tartars to forage and waste the country, and so suddenly having relieved BUDA and AGRIA, there to resolve whether to turn his forces. The Imperials in the mean time encamping near unto HATWAN and ZOLNOK, to hinder the Turks from victualling of BUDA, as they desired, cut off five hundred of them at their first arrival, who to that purpose were going towards BUDA; and took also one of the Turks Chiaus prisoner: who sent from Ibrahim the General, was going to AGRIA, to put them in hope of their speedy relief. They also at the same time attempted to have surprised ZOLNOK: where a good number of them with certain Petardes approaching the gates, in hope so to have broken them open, being discovered by the watch, were enforced to retire, leaving forty behind them slain, and carrying away with them many more of their fellows wounded: in revenge whereof, the rest showed their fury upon the country thereabout, destroying the villages, and intercepting a great deal of munition, which together with other victuals they met by the way as it was going to BUDA and AGRIA. Summer now almost spent, Ibrahim the great Bassa in the beginning of September came to BUDA with an army of an hundred and thirty thousand strong, and from thence in the name of his great lord and master gave the emperor to understand at PRAGE, That for the saving of further effusion of innocent blood, and not for any fear or distrust of his own strength and power, he could be content to hearken unto some reasonable conditions or treaty of peace. Whereunto both these great princes (having well wearied themselves with these long wars, and exhausted their treasures) seemed not now unwilling, expecting (as was thought) nothing more than for the honour to be the first entreated: and the rather, for that the old Sultannesse, Mahomet his mother (whom by the weakness of her sons government, such as never was in any the Ottoman kings or emperors before, beareth the greatest sway in his affairs) seemed in what she might to further the same. Wherefore in the latter end of September a place was agreed upon for a parley for peace, A parley for peace. which was in an island in the river of Danubie beneath STRIGONIUM: whither the lords Swartzenburg, Nadasti, Palfi, and the bishop of VACCIA, being come for the emperor▪ and Amurath the Bassa of BUDA, with the lieutenant General of the Tartars, and some others for the Grand signor: the Turks at the first (after their unreasonable manner) demanded to have RA●, STRIGONIUM, FILEK, SETCHIN, with all the rest of the towns and castles in five years before taken from them by the Christians, to be now again surrendered unto them, with a certain yearly tribute by the emperor to be paid unto the great Sultan at CONSTANTINOPLE; as also there to have his ambassador leiger continually attending upon the Turks Court: for which they offered to deliver again unto the emperor the city of AGRIA only. All which their proud and unreasonable demands being by the aforesaid commissioners on the emperors behalf rejected, they were contented to come to some more reasonable talk, offering to leave unto the emperor RAE and AGRIA (whereof RAE was his own already) only for STRIGONIUM, exchanging as it were STRIGONIUM for AGRIA. Which when it could neither be obtained, the parley was so broken off, and nothing concluded, and so the wars again continued, without any memorable thing more this year betwixt them done, either on the one side or the other: the Christians contenting themselves to have distressed the chief cities the Turks held in HUNGARY, and the Turks no less apaied to have relieved the same. Michael the Vay●od with a gr●at army entereth into Tran●y●uania. But whilst things thus passed betwixt the Christians and the Turks in HUNGARY, Michael the Vayvod of VALACHIA, yet the emperors friend and confederate, and under his protection, certainly informed his life to be sought after in the Turks Court by the ambitious Cardinal Bathor his envious neighbour, but lately become the prince of TRANSYLVANIA (as is before declared:) by commandment from the emperor, and to be revenged of so great a wrong, as also betimes to provide for his own safety, with an army of threescore thousand strong suddenly entered into TRANSYLVANIA, in most horrible manner burning the country and killing the people before him as he went. Where whilst the Cardinal (who was thought to have purposed to have served him in like sort, had he not been by him prevented) was making head against him, 〈◊〉 the mean time had the city of 〈◊〉 (commonly called BRASSO) with the strong castle of Fogaras, yielded unto him: from whence he marching towards ALBA JULIA, the six and twentieth of October with all his army, before divided into three parts, but now again united, came into the plains near TEMISON, about three leagues from HERMENSTAT: where understanding that his lieutenant corrupted by Ibrahim Bassa, had promised to kill him; and now well assured thereof, to rid himself of that danger, with his own hands presently cut his throat, and so dispatched him. When by and by after came unto him the Pope's Nuntio, sent by a fineness from the Cardinal, accompanied with another ambassador, the better to countenance out the matter, telling him, that the same ambassador had commission from the emperor, to will him forthwith to desist from arms, and without further delay to depart out of TRANSYLVANIA. Which thing seeming unto the Vayvod very strange and almost impossible, he desired to see the said commission. Whereunto the Nuntio before instructed, answered, that he had left it with the Cardinal himself: but I (said the Vayvod) have one here present from the emperor of another purport, which I purpose fully to put in execution: yet was he for that day entreated by the Nuntio to stay his army. And so in the mean time lying both still, and in great suspense, the Vayvod desired to know of the Nuntio the cause why the Cardinal forgetting himself, so troubled that country, by intruding himself thereinto, to the great prejudice of them unto whom it of better right belonged, not attending unto the government of the Church, better beseeming his calling than the managing of arms, to the disturbance of the Christian peace. Whereunto he received no answer. So the eight and twentieth of October, a day dedicated to the commemoration of the Apostles Simon and Jude, these messengers were sent back again unto the Cardinal: who presently returned them back unto the Vayvod with new instructions (being then busy with his young son, in setting his men in order of battle, presently to go against the Cardinal:) of whom they could get no other answer, but that he was resolved forthwith to come unto the trial of a battle with him. So the two armies lying encamped not passed a quarter of a league the one from the other, A terrible battle betwixt the Va●uod and th● Cardinal. and the same day meeting together, joined a most terrible and cruel battle, which for the space of five hours was with such desperate obstinacy fought, as if they had every man vowed to have carried away the victory over his enemy, or there to have left themselves dead upon the ground; until the Cardinal's people at length overcome in a long and bloody fight, were there utterly overthrown: amongst whom were thirty thousand Turks and Tartars, sent unto him from Ibrahim Bassa the Turks General. The Cardinal himself seeing the discomfiture of his army, was by some reported to have saved himself by flight: but by some others was said to have been drowned in passing a river, as he fled from the Null that had him in chase. But the truth was, that the Vayvod now master of the field sent out certain troops of horsemen divers ways still to pursue him: and himself with the rest of his army prosecuting the victory, came to the Cardinal's camp, now by the transylvanians and Turks quite forsaken, wherein he found five and forty pieces of artillery, with great store of coin and wealth, beside a number of tents and horses, all which became unto him a prey. From thence he marched unto ALBA JULIA, where he was with great joy received of his friends and confederates there: for though the greater part of the transylvanians, especially the nobility, had together with the Cardinal submitted themselves unto the Turks protection, and followed his ensigns: yet were there divers others also, who still favoured the emperor, and therefore rejoiced not a little of this victory. The Vayvod after that sent his lieutenant to CLAUDIOPOLIS, to see if they would yield also: which they willingly did, with many other cities and castles in divers parts of that country, which having none to rest upon, now yielded also: in such sort, that shortly after all TRANSYLVANIA submitted itself again unto the emperors obeisance, and swore unto him obedience: most of the nobility of that country being either slain in the battle, or afterwards put to death by the Vayvod: amongst whom were five, which corrupted by the Cardinal, had before undertaken to kill him. Now the fourteenth of November, The Cardinal's head sent for a present unto the emperor. after divers reports of the Cardinal's escape, his ungracious head was for all that presented unto the Vayvod, which to the terror of others, being for a while set up in ALBA JULIA (where he but a little before had commanded as a prince) was afterwards taken down, and sent for a present from the Vayvod unto the Emperor and the Archdukes his brethren; his headless body being afterward by the commandment of the Vayvod honourably buried in a monastery at ALBA JULIA, in the same tomb he had before made for his brother, beheaded by his cousin Sigismond Bathor. The Cardinal's treasure also fell into his hands, which was said to have been three millions of gold. Thus the country of TRANSYLVANIA, lately before by the Cardinal yielded unto the obeisance of the Turk, was again by this worthy Vayvod recovered, and restored unto the Christian empire; the proud Cardinal cast out and brought to confusion, having not yet possessed these his new honours full eight months. His cousin Sigismond the late Transyluanian prince, who almost all this while had stayed at BORUSIA, and in disguised apparel seen DANSK, and divers other the free cities thereabouts, now hearing news of the Cardinal's overthrow, secretly got him away from thence into POLONIA to seek again his new fortunes. The lord Swartzenburg at the same time uniting his forces in the lower HUNGARY with them of STIRIA, and now twenty thousand strong, sought by all means to reduce so many places upon those frontiers as he could unto the emperors obeisance, and so took in above two hundred villages. But afterward thinking to have surprised the strong castle of CAPISVAR, and by night secretly approaching one of the gates with a Petarde, which took not the expected effect, he was discovered by the watch, and so by the garrison soldiers (now raised with the alarm) repulsed, and enforced to retire with the loss of about an hundred men, and divers others wounded, all men of good account: in revenge whereof Swartzenburg afterwards sent out divers troops of horsemen, which scouring all over the country as far as SIGETH, burned it also, and so returning, carried away with them a great booty. Ibrahim Bassa hearing of this overthrow of the Cardinal, with all the forces he had sent him, much troubled therewith, sent news thereof in post to CONSTANTINOPLE: the brute whereof brought a general fear upon the whole city also, insomuch that commission was forthwith sent unto him from the great Sultan, giving him power (if it might be) to come to some honourable peace with the Emperor, The Turks great army of itself dissolved. and to bring it with him to CONSTANTINOPLE: whither he was shortly to return, being now no longer time to keep the field with his army, which beside the cold season of the year suffered great want of bread, the plague also then raging therein with the death of many his best soldiers both horse and foot, beside the wonderful mortality of their cattle also: in such sort, that the soldiers not able longer to endure the famine and wants increasing, fell to robbing of one another, and so at length into mutiny; wherein divers of them being slain and cut in pieces by their fellows, the rest for the most part broke in sunder of themselves, and so by divers ways returned home, not well trusting one another. So that nothing more was now done with the great preparation of the Turks, their army being discomfited with wants and the evil success of their affairs, as well in HUNGARY as in TRANSYLVANIA. Neither did Ibrahim the great Bassa for the relief of those evils, at his return bring any conclusion of peace unto his great lord and master, as was commonly expected. Cusahin Bassa of C●ramania riseth ●p in rebellion against the great Sultan. Now beside these troubles of TRANSYLVANIA and the other revolted countries, Cusahin (or as some call him Cassan) the son of one of the Sultanesses, brought up in the Seraglio according to the manner thereof, and having long served in the wars of PERSIA and in HUNGARY, and so at length made Bassa of CARAMANIA, a man of great spirit, and not able to endure the imperfections he daily saw in the Ottoman empire, and the cowardice of the grand signor; upon the report of the evil success of the affairs of HUNGARY on the one side, and the desire he saw in the Persians to recover their lost fortresses on the other, and grieved also with more particular wrongs concerning himself; as a man altogether discontented, resolved to take up arms: and calling unto him his soldiers, and (as he was a well spoken man) laying before them the deformities of the present state, gallantly persuaded them with the promise of honour, sovereignty, and rich rewards, what an easy thing it were to chase the grand signor out of ASIA, and to set themselves with all that part of the empire at liberty. And so even at the first having won unto him three thousand arquebusiers, and five thousand horsemen, took the field to the great hurt of the Turks, and trouble of the state. A strange matter in that tyrannical empire. The news whereof coming in post to the Court, commission was forthwith directed unto four of the Sanzackes of ASIA nearest unto him, for the speedy suppressing of that rebellion but even then arising. Whereof Cusahin understanding, and that they with ten thousand horse and foot were coming to oppress him: without farther stay went courageously to meet them, and so encountering of them, overthrew them with a great slaughter, and took from them their baggage with six pieces of great ordinance. And after with his people seized upon all the castles thereabouts, giving whatsoever he found therein for a prey unto his soldiers: who also much enriched themselves with the spoil of the jews, as the people whom they most hated, and never rested until he had made almost all the country of CARAMANIA his own. After that he laid siege to COGNA, a city in the confines of ANATOLIA, which was forthwith yielded unto him. And yet not so contented, gave it out by open proclamation, that for the reformation of the disordered state, he would ere long go to besiege the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE: and that therefore all such as would follow him, should of him be entreated as his friends and companions, threatening unto the rest most cruel death and destruction. Of which his proceedings Mahomet (as then disporting himself at his gardens of pleasure in the country, all alongst the side of PROPONTIS) understanding, and fearing to be there surprised, or that some sudden innovation might be raised in the city: hasted with all speed to CONSTANTINOPLE, and from thence in all hast dispatched Mehemet one of the Visier Bassanes the son of Sinan, with all the forces he could make to go against him. Mehemet one of the Visier Bassas sent against the r●bell. Who passing over into ASIA with a great power, and yet fearing to come to the trial of a battle with him whom he knew to be a man of himself desperately set, and not a little favoured also even of his own soldiers: so secretly wrought by large promises, that Cusahin his footmen were even upon the point to have forsaken him. Which he quickly perceiving, fled forthwith through SYRIA into ARABIA with his horsemen, and the horsemen of Simon the Georgian: purposing the next Spring by the help of Arabians and Persians to appear in the field with greater forces than before. After whom Mehemet the great Bassa following, came with his army to ALEPPO, there to Winter, and to expect the return of the rebel together with the Spring. This so dangerous a rebellion, with the troubles of TRANSYLVANIA and VALACHIA, were the cause that the grand signor seeing himself in so many places forsaken of his subjects, was the readier to incline unto peace with the emperor; whereunto for all that the emperor was not hasty to hearken, but upon honourable conditions: as knowing that the Turk required the same, not for any desire he had to live in quiet, but for that his troubled affairs both at home and elsewhere abroad so required; his janissaries and other men of war in this his so weak government being grown so insolent, as that they were hardly to be by him commanded; openly threatening in their discontented humours not only the deposing of the principal officers about him, but of himself also, and of the banishment of the sultaness his mother, saying, that she had bewitched him, to the end she might herself rule, which she indeed doth in all his greatest affairs. But the rebel Cusahin the next year grown again very strong, was now come into the field, and even ready to have given the Bassa battle: who as he was a man of great wisdom and experience, well considering with what a desperate enemy he had to do, thought it best again to prove, if his rebellious followers might by fair means be drawn from him: and so coming near unto him, by open proclamation promised a free and general pardon to all such as had followed the rebel in those wars, if forsaking him, they should forthwith return home to their dwellings, and so to the obedience of their just and lawful prince and sovereign. Which general pardon so proclaimed, was the ruin of Cusahin, for that the greatest part of his followers now enriched with the great booties they had gotten, and now also having free pardon offered them, returned home into their own countries, there at ease to live of their evil gotten goods, Cusahin the rebel taken and tortured to death at Constantinople. leaving their captain with some few others which stayed with him, with little hope to be saved. So that within a few days after Cusahin thus forsaken of his followers, was himself taken and brought prisoner to CONSTANTINOPLE, where shortly after he was with most exquisite torments tortured to death. The troubles of this year thus past, 1600 Rodolph the Christian emperor with the beginning of the next (whilst the ground yet covered with snow, The emperor maketh provision against the Turk●. and the unseasonableness of the weather would not suffer the soldiers to keep the field) caused a Diet of the princes of the empire to be called, to consider with him of such helps as were by them to be given against the Spring, for the maintenance of the wars which yet he had against the Turk: who all promised to send their soldiers with their pay, and such further contribution as might serve for the maintenance of that defensive war against the common enemy. Whereunto also Clement now bishop of ROME (this year of jubilee) put to his helping hand, as he had divers times before, by sending thither such aid both of men and money as he had before promised: so that by this means great preparation was made by the Christians for the taking of the field with the first of the Spring. At which time the Turks also began to stir: who although Ibrahim Bassa their General by the appointment of his great lord was then in some speech with the emperor about a peace, yet ceased not they in the mean time that this treaty was from day to day prolonged, with their companies scattering here and there, to do what harm they could upon the frontiers of the emperors territories, the cause why he with more speed called upon his friends for their promised aid. And for the better managing of this years wars against the Turk, he appointed duke Mercury (who had drawn a great number of Frenchmen both horse and foot out of FRANCE) General of all his forces, sending Ferrant Gonzaga surnamed the Lame (whom for his approved valour and experience in martial affairs, he had sent for to MANTVA) governor into the upper HUNGARY. So the soldiers now day by day by companies resorting from divers parts into AUSTRIA, were from thence sent unto such places as were by the Turks most molested, so to repress their often incursions, as in many places they did. For eight thousand of the Turks going out upon the sudden to have surprised PAPPA, were by the garrison soldiers of that place encountered and overthrown. And on the other side, whilst Ferdinand the Archduke was assembling his people in CROATIA, for the defence of that country against the incursions of the enemy, six thousand Turks without resistance entering the same as far as BUCCARI, and burning the country villages as they went, had taken many prisoners, with a great booty of cattle; and so (merry and out of fear) being about to have returned, were suddenly set upon by the County Serinus in certain strait and troublesome passages, where they lest feared any such matter, and overcharged also with their prey, were (I say) easily by him for the most part overthrown, and the rest put to flight, and so the prisoners with all the rest of the booty again recovered. At which time also one of the imperial colonels with fifteen hundred horse making an inroad into the country about ALBA REGALIS, and meeting with the Turks and Tartars thereabouts, slew six hundred of them, and took divers of their captains prisoners. Six thousand other Tartars also at this time returning out of HUNGARY home towards their own country, were by the Cossackes near unto the Black sea set upon with such force, that many of them being slain, the rest for fear ran into the sea, leaving all the prey they had got in HUNGARY unto their enemies. In the heat of these broils the noble lord Palfi governor of STRIGONIUM, a man that all his life long had done great service for his prince and country, The death of t●e lord Palfi. & whom we have so often in this history remembered, died the three and twentieth of March in his castle at BI●ERSPVRG, to the great grief of many, especially the Hungarians his countrymen. And for that STRIGONIUM (so near unto the enemy) required in his stead to have a right valiant and courageous governor, the emperor appointed the lord Swartzenburg to that charge: the same still running, that Ibrahim Bassa would come thither with the great army he was in providing, if the peace went not forward, which was now still less and less hoped for, by reason of his proud and insolent demands. The Frenchmen and Walloons mutiny in Pappa. But whilst these troubles with such others too long to rehearse, thus passed in divers pa●ts of this miserable country of HUNGARY: twelve hundred Frenchmen and Walloons in garrison at PAPPA (a strong frontier town of the emperors in the lower HUNGARY) for want of pay began to mutiny. For which cause it was thought good to the chief commanders to have them thence removed, and others placed in their room. Which they perceiving, and withal knowing themselves too strong for the rest of the garrison, all Hungarians or Almains, not partakers of their conspiracy; they first resolved to thrust their own captains out of the town, as lets unto their desires: and then laying hands upon Michael Marotti the paymaster, and other the Hungarian and Dutch commanders, with their soldiers, took from them their weapons, and ca●● the said Marotti with the other captains and some of the better sort of their soldiers into irons, exacting of the rest as well Hungarians as Dutch, in number about a thousand persons, a thousand ducats; threatening otherwise to deliver them into the hands of the Turks: and albeit that Marotti offered for his liberty eighteen hundred ducats; yet would they not be so contented, but spoiling both him and the rest of all that they had, with their apparel and weapons furnished such Turks as were there prisoners, and so sent them away to ALBA REGALIS; and afterwards rifling every man's house, as if they had been enemies, took from them whatsoever pleased themselves: and that which worse was, to increase these outrages, compacted with the Turks of ALBA REGALIS and BUDA, for the pay which (they said) the emperor ought them, to deliver them the town: certifying them withal, how that the lord Swartzenburg within two days was coming with money to give them contentment; Pappa offered unto the Turks by the mutineers. promising if he came into the town, to deliver him with the same into their hands: or to be the more sure of him, they might if they so pleased intercept him at the passage ZESNEGKH, whereby he must needs come. For the more credit of which their wicked purpose, they sent an ensign of the emperors, as a token unto the Turks at ALBA REGALIS: who for all that altogether believed them not, yet willing farther to try them, sent them for hostages two Chians; for whom the rebels sent also two others of the better sort of them to ALBA REGALIS; with conclusion, that the five and twentieth of june at the furthest the money should be paid, and the town delivered. For the receiving whereof, and for fear of some hidden treason, the Turks and Tartars began to make themselves strong: the Imperials also doing what they might for the appeasing of so dangerous a tumult. So the tenth of june the lord Swartzenburg with two thousand horse and foot came within two miles of the town, and from thence sent four and twenty horsemen to dissuade the rebels from yielding the town unto the Turks, and to tell them that they should shortly receive their pay: who shamefully deriding them, sent them back again as wise as they came: so that Swartzenburg perceiving himself with so small forces to be able to do nothing against them, neither yet by fair means to persuade them, retired again to RAB, until some greater strength were come unto him. Immediately after, doctor Petzen, councillor for the wars, a man of great authority, gravity and wisdom, was by Mathias the Archduke with four hundred horse conducted to PAPPA, to see if he by his discretion could have dissuaded them from their so ungodly a purpose, for the yielding of the town unto the enemy: whom they not only refused to hear, although he spoke unto them most kindly, but also bend their muskets and harquebusies upon him, threatening to kill him if he did not forthwith depart. When shortly after, twenty of the Hungarians imprisoned in a cellar in the town, broke out, and coming to RAB, brought news thither, That the Frenchmen and Walloons in PAPPA were at variance among themselves about the yielding up of the town unto the Turks (some better minded than the rest, not willing to consent thereunto) insomuch, that they in the castle shot at them in the town, and they again at them in the castle: and that they had already received from the Turks twenty thousand ducats, with some provision of victuals, & were shortly after to receive from them the rest of the money promised them, and so to deliver the town. For preventing whereof, the lord Swartzenburg the two and twentieth of june sent the lord Sharpfenstein with a French colonel, three thousand soldiers, certain Petardes, and a number of scaling ladders towards PAPPA: whom the false rebels suffered peaceably to enter the town the four and twentieth of june, still encouraging them to come on, calling them their countrymen and brethren, and in token of friendship shaking them by the hands, telling them, that having assurance of their pay, they desired no more: But having now received in so many of them as they thought good, and as they knew they were well able to deal with, shutting the rest out, they cut them all in pieces, and afterwards in derision called upon the high Duchess to come on in like manner. Three hundred of these rebels at the same time had laid themselves in ambush by a mill fast without the town, who by the Walloons and Haiduckes without discovered, were also by them charged: upon whom for all that, by reason of the shot out of the town, they could do no good; but having lost three hundred men, and amongst them Hannibal Kralzs, the lord Sharpfensteine his lieutenant general, and one Deal la Margose the chief engineer, they retired: Which loss the desperate rebels (if it had been in their choice) had wished rather to have happened unto the Duchess than to the Walloons or Hungarians. About three days after, three of these rebels being by chance taken prisoners by the Imperials, and brought to RAE, were not only appareled but also trimmed after the Turkish fashion, as men not desiring longer to be accounted Christians, the rest of their fellows in the town also all imitating the Turks fashions, as well in their apparel as in their manner of service: yet for all that would not these metamorphosed monsters yield the town unto the Turks, before they had the full sum by them agreed upon, the Bassa of BOSNA being commanded from the Grand signor in all haste to provide it for them, and so to receive of them the town. Nevertheless, for their more strength and their more credit with the Turks, they received into the town one ensign of the Turks, with certain wagons of victuals, brought thither with so strong a convoy as that the Imperials durst not meddle therewith: A most wicked fact. in which wagons (being discharged) they sent in bonds six hundred Hungarians and Dutch, men, women, and children, prisoners to ALBA REGALIS; being all of them glad to be so sent away, in hope to find more favour and courtesy at the hands of their enemies, than they had found with these renegat Christians. So shortly after, these rebels sent out certain messengers unto the governor of AL●A REGALIS, to know his full resolution; which messengers (conducted by certain Turks of great account) were upon the way by the free Haiduckes all intercepted, and the messengers taken, with an hundred Turks more. In the mean while Michael Marotti, before imprisoned by the rebels in PAPPA, by letters secretly advertised the lord Swartzenburg of a certain place, whereby he might (as he said) easily enter the town, and the rather, for that the rebels were at variance amongst themselves. Who thereupon the twelfth of july came to PAPP● with nine thousand horse and foot, but disappointed of his purpose for entering the town, hardly nevertheless belayed the same: upon whom the mutineers many times desperately sallied out, & right valiantly encountered them, albeit that they were still, without any notable loss, by their enemies (too strong for them) beaten back again into the town. In one of which sallies it fortuned one of their captains to be taken, who to the terror of the rest was presently slain quick, and his head and skin upon a pike set up before the town, for his fellows to behold. But the lord Swartzenburg still more and more prevailing upon them, they sent secretly for aid to the Turks: whereof he for all that getting intelligence, sent also for three regiments of soldiers more to come unto him to the siege; by whose coming he well strengthened, and bringing his approaches nearer the town, took from the rebels the mill, a strength which they very unwillingly lost, as in hope thereby to have the more easily received aid from the Turks; who having made preparation to have relieved them, were letted so to do by the rising of the water, which had spoiled all the provision for their relief at the bridge of ESSEG, as also hindered them for marching forward. At length the Imperials were come with their trenches even to the town ditches, out of which they had let out all the water: where some of the townsmen escaping out of the town, declared, how that the mutinous soldiers within laboured both day and night to fortify the town, but to be in their work much letted by the continual assaults of the Imperials: as also that they now had neither bread nor wine, nor other victuals left, more than a little salt, and threescore horse, of which they had already begun to eat: and that although they were not altogether so valiant, yet that they had resolved to die by the hands of the soldiers, as men expecting no other mercy. Yet shortly after, viz. the nine and twentieth of july, they desperately fell out upon the trenches of Marspurgisch, a Dutch captain; of whose soldiers they slew many, being drunk, and driving the rest out of their trenches, raised a great alarm. Which the lord Swartzenburg hearing, hasted thither to the rescue; where with an unlucky musket shot he was struck in the head and slain. The lord Swartze●burg slain. Whereof the rebels got knowledge the same evening, and Del la Mota their General in reward of that service gave unto them that had made that sally a thousand dollars to be divided amongst them. The dead body of that so worthy a man, as had done great service for the Christian commonweal, was afterwards with great solemnity brought to RAB, and there honourably interred. The like desperate sally they made again the next day, and slew of the Imperials an hundred and thirty, and took certain prisoners: and in retiring back again into the town, cried aloud, That when they lacked meat, rather than they would yield the town, they would eat Christians, whereof Marotti should be the first. The lord Swartzenburg thus slain, the government of the army was by Mathias the archduke committed to the lord Redern, a noble man both valiant and learned, who although he were very sickly came unto the camp before PAPPA the eight of August; Pappa abandoned by the mutineers. where understanding that the rebels now brought unto extremity, had a purpose by night to fly away and so be gone, he caused a more vigilant and strong watch to be kept; when lo according to his expectation the next night after about two hours before day they began to issue out: whereof the watch giving knowledge unto the General, they were indeed suffered to go out as unperceived, but presently after at their heels were sent out the lord Nadasti and the earl of Thurn with two hundred Hussars, and after them the chief colonel and county Solmes with part of their horsemen also, who in three divers places overtaking them near unto a great wood called Packem, slew most part of them: Del la Mota their chief captain or ringleader being slain by the chief colonel, because he would not yield, and his head afterwards by him presented unto the General in the camp. Two hundred Walloons the Hussars under the leading of the lord Nadasti, county Solmes, and county Thurn, found out in the wood; who albeit that they for a space made great resistance, yet in the end were enforced to yield, and so with their two ensigns were brought into the camp. The Hussars also upon another passage light upon other two hundred more of these rebellious Walloons, who because they stood strongly upon their guard, and were more desperately set than the rest, the General sent out other two hundred of the colonels horsemen upon them, by whom and the Hussars they were almost all slain: divers others of them also were slain in coming out of the town, and in the marshes thereabouts. Their General's lieutenant with such other of their principal commanders as were taken, were by the lord Rederns' commandment delivered ●nto the Provost martial; the rest of the rebellious traitors he at the request of the soldiers divided into divers parts of the army, there to the terror of others to be executed, from whom the soldiers could hardly be persuaded even for the present to hold their hands. But afterwards having brought them to RAB, and leave given them to do with them their pleasure, An horrible excecution. they as far exceeded in the cruel manner of their execution, as had they before in their outrageous dealings, especially the Hungarians and Walloons, notwithstanding most of them were of the Wallon countries. Some of them they empailed, some they broke upon the wheel; some of their skins they cut off their bodies as it were into thongs, and so poured into the wounds, vinegar, salt, and pepper; from some others they cut off their privities; some they roasted, and some they put unto the Tenalia; upon some they dropped molten pitch, and then casting gunpowder upon them, so burned them to death; othersome they hanged upon iron hooks; and some they set in the ground up to the chin, and for their disport with iron bullets bowled at their heads. In all which torments no sign of compassion was to be seen, the tormentors to make their pain the greater doing nothing but deride them: the miserable wretches in the mean time confessing the heinousness of their offence, and craving for death as a favour. A most horrible thing it was to see, how whilst some were thus tortured, others were brought to see the same misery they themselves were by and by to endure. Amongst the rest of these exquisite torments, one Peter Orsy caused one of the mutineers to be sowed up in the belly of a mare, with his head hanging out, and so to be roasted; in which miserable torment he lived three hours, and then died: after which he caused the loathsome body so roasted, to be given to them that lay starving upon the wheel to eat. Thus was the dangerous mutiny at PAPPA with much ado ended, and that strong town like to have been lost, preserved: the rebels themselves being become a dreadful example to all posterity, for all them to look upon that shall attempt the like villainy. Now at this same time also, though neither the Christians nor the Turks had as then any great army in the field, yet many an hot and bloody skirmish passed daily betwixt them in one place or other of HUNGARY: all which to recount as it would be much tedious, so in silence to pass them all over, were greatly to wrong those worthy personages by whom they were not without their great adventure done. Among the rest one Nicholas Horbath county Serinus his lieutenant, with an hundred and fifty soldiers, and Andrew Thussi an other great commander, going forth to seek for booty; Thussi hearing that the Turks were abroad for the surprising of certain Haiduckes then gone out, stayed fast in a secret place ●ntill he might hear farther news, Horbath another way still going on. Now it happened that the Bassa of SIGETH having been abroad, in returning home by chance met with Horbath, and encountering with him overthrew him, and slew most of his men, Horbath himself by flight hardly escaping. But Thussi hearing this skirmish, as lying close not far off, and now hasting thither to have been partaker thereof, found the Bassa yet in the field on foot▪ viewing the bodies of the slain: upon whom he came so suddenly and with such force, as that the Bassa with his disordered men had much ado to take horse, and so without any great resistance to betake himself to flight: after whom the Hungarians fiercely following slew many of the Turks, Two Bassas of Sigeth slain one after another. and amongst the rest the Bassa himself, whose head presently cut off, Horbath sent to the county Serinus, who shortly after by Thussi himself sent it to Mathias the archduke, This Bassa was a man of great strength and courage, a most exp●rt and adventurous captain, about thirty six years old, and for his valour of a common soldier created a Bassa by the great Sultan. His head being brought to VIENNA, and there showed to the Bassa of Buda then there prisoner, and he demanded whether h● knew it or not, sighing answered, that he knew it well, and that it was the head of the Bassa of SIGETH, a braver man than whom the Sultan had none in all his empire, earnestly withal desiring to know how he wa● slain. And not long after the adventurers out of COMO●A, STRIGONIUM and other places thereabout having made a great party, and taken a great booty from the Turks at a fair at GOMBAR, and by TRA and ESSEG, thinking to have passed Danubius in hope of a greater booty, seven hundred of them being passed the river, were by the new Bassa of SIGETH and others with five thousand Turks in an hot skirmish overthrown▪ yet not without their great loss also: the Bassa himself with two other Sanzackes and five hundred Turks being there slain, and but fifty of the Christian adventurers left dead in the place, the rest disorderedly retiring to their boats, I●la surprised and burn● by the free Haiduckes. being for most part drowned in the Danubie. The free Haiduckes also surprised JULA and set it on fire, in which confusion the Turks flying into the castle, for haste thrust one another from the bridge into the castle ditch; wherein so many of them were drowned, that a man might have gone dry foot over upon the bodies of the dead. They took there also six hundred prisoners with much other booty, and delivered two hundred Christians which were there captives. And albeit that these Haiduckes after this exploit done were hardly pursued by the Turks from other places, yet they in safety retired with such booty as they had already gotten. But now to leave these the troubles of HUNGARY for a while, as the forerunners of greater ere long to ensue; let us again look back into TRANSYLVANIA and VALACHIA, to see how Michael the Vayvod now in the mean time behaved himself there. The Cardinal Bathor overthrown and slain, and the country of TRANSYLVANIA again brought under the emperors obedience; the Vayvod by his ambassadors gave him forthwith to understand of all his proceedings, with the whole success thereof, as also of a purpose he had to invade MOLDAVIA: for that it was commonly reported, and also believed, that Sigismond the late prince (not a little moved with the death of the Cardinal his cousin, and the revolt of his country) aided by the Turks, the Tartars, the Polonians, and Moldavians, would now attempt some great matter for the recovery of TRANSYLVANIA: All which was shortly after the rather thought to be true, for that divers of his spies being taken, some at CLAUSENBURG, some at NESSEN, beside the letters that were found about them from him unto the nobility and states of TRANSYLVANIA (persuading them to revolt from the Vayvod unto him, and that his meaning was shortly to come with a great army out of POLONIA for the repulsing of him) they also of themselves confessed, how that Sigismond in disguised apparel had himself been in TRANSYLVANIA, to confer with divers his secret friends concerning that matter. Which his ambassadors the emperor honourably entertained, The government of Transyluania by the emperor confirmed unto Michael the Vayvod. and by them confirmed unto the Vayvod the government of TRANSYLVANIA, sending also unto him divers honourable presents; forbidding him nevertheless to invade MOLDAVIA, for fear of raising a new and dangerous war against the Polonians also, under whose protection and the Turks the Palatine thereof then rested. According unto which command the Vayvod stayed his intended expedition; yet sending some good part of his forces unto the frontiers of MOLDAVIA, for fear of Sigismond whom he heard to be hatching some mischief in POLONIA, and even then to lie upon the frontiers of that country. Some few months thus passing, Husraim Aga (a grave reverend old man, and much employed by the Turkish Sultan) with five other Turks of good account, ambassadors from the great Sultan, and a great retinue following him, came to CRONSTAT in TRANSYLVANIA where the Vayvod then lay. Of whose coming the Vayvod hearing, with four thousand horsemen most bravely mounted, went half a mile out of the city to meet them: the footmen in the mean time on both sides of the street standing in good order, from the gate of the city whereby they were to enter, even unto the Vayvods' lodging; where stood also his guard all in red and white silk. So meeting in the field, they both alighted from their horses, with great reverence saluting the one the other: when presently the ambassador embracing the Vayvod, ungirt his scimitar, and in the name of the great Sultan put another about him, so richly garnished with gold and precious stones, as that no part of the scabbard was therefore to be seen: Besides this, he presented him with a fair plume of black Hearnes feathers mixed with some white (a right goodly ornament, in form of a great bush) which the Vayvod would not in the field put upon his head, although he were thereunto by the ambassador most earnestly requested, but caused it to be carried before him: He also presented him with two very fair red ensigns, in token of the Turks favour and protection; the one for himself, and the other for his son Petrasco: moreover, he gave unto him two exceeding fair horses richly furnished, with four others, and a most fair falcon. The Vayvod himself was most bravely mounted, and (after the manner of his country) had ten very fair spare horses led before him. At whose entrance into the town, all the great ordinance was discharged, with great volleys of small shot. And so the ambassador still riding on the left hand of the Vayvod, being brought to his lodging, had six of his chief followers every one of them presented with a rich rob of cloth of gold; in requital whereof the ambassador rewarded an hundred of the Vayvod his followers every one of them with a good suit of apparel: with this ambassador of the Turks was also the Polonian ambassador, whom the Vayvod in like manner honourably entertained. These ambassadors (as was thought) did what they might to have drawn this worthy and renowned man, together with the countries of TRANSYLVANIA and VALACHIA, from the emperor unto the Turks obeisance: howbeit he seldom or never spoke with them, but that either before or after he had conference with the lords Vngnad and Zeckell (the emperor's commissioners) concerning their requests; always protesting unto them, not to yield to any thing without the emperors consent and good liking. Whereof Mahomet advertised, and that he was not by any thing yet said or done to be removed from the emperor, gave him by the same ambassadors to understand, How that he was in some speech with the emperor concerning peace (as indeed he then was by messengers from the Bassas at PRES●VRO) which if it sorted to effect, that then all should be well; but if not, that then it should be good for him whilst he had yet time, wisely to consider of his own estate, and to submit himself unto his protection who was able to defend him, rather than for the vain praise of a certain foolish constancy, to adventure himself with all that he had unto most certain danger and destruction: promising him in recompense of that his loyalty, to give unto him for ever the countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, and at his need to furnish him both with men and money; offering moreover to make him a great commander in his army in HUNGARY, and the Bassa of T●MESWAR as his friend to be at all times ready with fifty thousand horse and foot (as need should be) to assist him against the emperor, reserving unto himself whatsoever he should more win from him: for all which bounty and kindness, requiring only to have him unto him loyal. All which his large offers the Vayvod little regarding, declared the same unto the emperors commissioners; yet still protesting never to start, but to stand fast for the Christian emperor. Notwithstanding as a man desirous to better his estate, he took hereupon occasion to request of the emperor the country of TRANSYLVANIA, by him so lately taken in, unto him and his son in inheritance for ever, with such frontier towns as in former time belonged unto TRANSYLVANIA: and that whatsoever he should win from the Turks, might be his and his sons: He also requested, that all the preferments and dignities in former time granted by his Imperial majesty unto Sigismond the late prince, might now be bestowed upon himself; and for his service done, to be furnished with money for the payment of his soldiers: And that the emperor with the other princes of the empire should assure him, That if he were taken by the Turk, they should ransom him: but in case he were by the great power of the Turk driven out of those countries, then by the emperors appointment to have some convenient place allotted unto him in the upper HUNGARY to live in, with the yearly pension of an hundred thousand dollars. All which his requests if it would please him to grant, he promised this year to do so much against the Turk, as had not in an hundred years been done before: with vaunt, that if he had had the employment of the money which was spent in the time of this war, he would not have doubted but to have brought all the countries from the Euxine (or Black sea) to BUDA, ALBA REGALIS, and SOLNOCK, under the emperor's obeisance. A large promise indeed, but hardly to have been performed by a far greater prince than he. Thus whilst things stood in discourse after the Cardinal's death, Sigismond the late prince in the mean time supported by the Polonians, Michael the Vayvod goeth against Sigismond Bathor and the Vayuo● of Moldavia. with the aid of the Turks, the Tartars, and the Moldavians, was ready to have invaded TRANSYLVANIA: yea the Tartars (as the forerunners of his greater power) were already entered the country, and had out of the frontiers thereof carried away some booty. Whereof the Vayvod understanding, in great haste assembled his forces out of all places, which in short time was grown to some good head, the country people together with the free Haiduckes (an adventurous and resolute kind of soldiers) in great number daily resorting unto him. So being now eight thousand strong, and most of them brave and lusty men, he with them and twenty pieces of artillery removed to CRONSTAT the four and twentieth day of April, sending part of his army (which every day more and more increased) before him to NESSEN: where all his forces being assembled to the number of almost fifty thousand horse and foot, he with great sceleritie passed the rough and high mountains into MOLDAVIA without resistance, but yet not without some trouble, his soldiers by the way being glad sometimes to eat the leaves of trees, the enemy having of purpose before carried away whatsoever he could that might have yielded him relief. Of whose speedy coming and great strength, Sigismond and jeremias the Vayvod of MOLDAVIA hearing, and upon the reasonable estimate of their own forces finding themselves too weak to encounter him, retired themselves out of MOLDAVIA into the frontiers of POLONIA, there to gather greater strength, and so to meet him: for as yet jeremias the Vayvod had not received from the Turk such forces as were unto him promised, and as he still expected. Michael the Vayvod in the mean time (his enemies thus fled) with fire and sword entering into MOLDAVIA, took in the greatest part thereof, the fearful country people still yielding unto him as he went: and the rather, for that jeremias their Vayvod (placed by the Polonian, but tributary unto the Turk) had laid upon them a most grievous imposition, as upon every man a ducat a month, for which they exceedingly hated him. But here in MOLDAVIA, Michael the Vayvod (having still in his company one of the emperors commissioners in TRANSYLVANIA most trusty servants, who might faithfully report unto them the whole manner of their proceedings) after the departure of Sigismond and jeremias his enemies, stayed not long; but hearing that they were retired towards the confines of POLONIA, without longer delay made towards them, and the eighteenth of May found them by the castle OTHUNE near unto the river Nester, Sigismond and the Moldavian overthrown by Michael the Vayvod. being thirty thousand strong, Polonians, Moldavians, Turks, and Tartars: with whom he joined a most fierce and cruel battle, which begun about ten a clock before noon, was with great courage but greater obstinacy on both sides maintained until the evening. At which time the fortune of the Valachian prevailing, his enemies at last betook themselves to flight, of whom were there slain eight thousand, beside many others of them drowned in the river Nester: where of the Null were lost two thousand only. Concerning Sigismond and jeremias, divers reports were after this overthrow given out, some saying that they were slain, and some that they were in flying drowned: howbeit the truth was, that they both by flight escaped, to the greater trouble of themselves as of their afflicted countries also. Michael after this so notable a victory, taking in the rest of MOLDAVIA, Moldavia subdued by Michael. caused the people to swear their obedience unto the emperor, himself, and his son, to the great offence of the Polonians, not a little (as they took it) wronged therein; but especially of the great Chancellor, an old enemy unto the house of AUSTRIA. Whereof ensued greater troubles in those frontier countries than before, to the further effusion of more Christian blood, much better to have been employed against the fatal enemy in defence of the Christian commonweal. Yet thus the three warlike and frontier countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, the surest bulwarks of that side of Christendom, and most exposed unto the fury of the common enemy, were now once again united under the obeisance of the emperor, to the great benefit (no doubt) of the Christian commonweal, and hurt of the Turks; if they might have so continued, as God wot they did not long. Now the Vayvod notwithstanding this so great a victory, well considering that he of himself could hardly keep this new gained province of MOLDAVIA against the power of the Turk, pretending that to him it belonged as his own to give to whom he pleased: as also against the Polonians (not more desirous to restore jeremias again into MOLDAVIA, than the prince Sigismond into TRANSYLVANIA) without the help of some other more mighty prince whom he might rest upon: by his ambassadors (sent for that purpose) offered the sovereignty of all those three countries unto the emperor, with condition, that he should appoint him perpetual Governor of the same under him. The emperor also understood how that Mahomet the great Turk had not long before again sent unto him another of his Chiaus, commanding him without delay to restore the country of TRANSYLVANIA unto the prince Sigismond (unto whom he was by the mediation of the king of POLONIA now before reconciled) threatening otherwise with fire and sword to destroy VALACHIA, and by force of arms to deprive him both of TRANSYLVANIA and his life together. Wherefore the emperor doubting least the Vayvod either for fear, or for the better assuring of his own estate, should to his prejudice fall to some agreement with the Turk, yielded to all that his ambassadors had of him requested; with condition, that he should be bound as need should require to serve with his people against the Turk; and that in TRANSYLVANIA near unto his own person should be always resident one of the emperors counsellors, as superintendant over the whole country. Wherewith the Vayvod being contented, the Emperor sent thither doctor Petzen with six thousand soldiers, and a great sum of money to pay the Vayvods' soldiers, as he had before requested; and so to take of them an oath, That they should from thenceforth become his majesties faithful servants. Which superintendant so by the emperor sent, the Vayvod received with great honour, as unto him of all others most welcome. Nevertheless being again returned into TRANSYLVANIA, it was not long, Michael tyrannizeth in Transylvania▪ but that (without regard of him) he begun with new exactions to oppress the people of that country, and in some sort to tyrannize over them; using great severity against divers of the Nobility also, especially such as he knew to have taken part before with the Cardinal, or now of late with Sigismond his cousin, or any way to have favoured his quarrel. All which he did without the consent or good liking of Petzen, contrary to his promise made, No more to imbrue his hands in the blood of the nobility of TRANSYLVANIA, without the knowledge or consent of his Imperial majesty, or the superintendant by him appointed: which for all that had he not done, he could not possibly have kept them (disdaining to be governed by him) under his obeisance. Nevertheless the transylvanians taking it in evil part to be so oppressed, and the nobility almost extinguished, The transylvanians rebel. yea and indeed to be at all ruled by him; by general consent as if it had been but one man, rise all up in arms against him: insomuch, that he finding himself with his Null and other his fauourits too weak for them, retired with all such as would follow him into the mountains, and from thence sent presently for aid unto the lord George Basta (a worthy captain and then the emperors lieutenant in the upper HUNGARY) for the subduing of these rebellious people, and the reducing of them to their former obedience. Who by letters from Mathias the Archducke at the instance of the Vayvod commanded so to do, with about six thousand horse and foot, and eight field pieces, removed from CASSOVIA in the upper HUNGARY the fourth of September: Where by the way came unto him ambassadors also from the people of TRANSYLVANIA now up in arms, and confederate also against the Vayvod: who in like manner also requested his aid, pretending themselves to be the emperors most loyal subjects, but not under the government of such a tyrant as was the Vayvod: alleging and exaggerating many his most cruel actions, and clearly protesting, That for the present want of a good Governor they were enforced for the safeguard of their own lives to band themselves together: which if happily it might be in any thing prejudicial unto the emperor his claim and interest, which he with so great toil and cost had procured in that province, it was against their wills, as enforced by necessity to do that they did in defence of themselves. Which ambassadors so sent from the people, Basta with all speed dispatched away back again, comforting them without farther stir to expect his arrival in TRANSYLVANIA: yet covenanting withal, That they should before conceive into writing the oath of their fidelity and allegiance unto his Imperial majesty. Now might many and important considerations trouble the mind of Basta in so doubtful a case. To give aid unto the Vayvod against the people, was the express order from Mathias the Archduke the emperors lieutenant General: but to aid the people confederate against him as they had requested, seemed now both more profitable and honest, especially having most certain tokens of the small and doubtful faith of the Vayvod; who only by deputation interessed in that providence, was not so careful of an other man's; neither seeming to have regard of Petzen, or of his own word given, for not farther imbruing his hands in the blood of the nobility of TRANSYLVANIA, without the emperor's knowledge and leave: upon which promise was also grounded the Archdukes order for giving of him aid. So that such breach of his faith, and contempt of Petzen had hastened the conspiracy of the people against him, despairing of all other health than that which by force of arms they could procure unto themselves. To stand doubtful himself, or to hold others in suspense, until that by couriers in this new case he might receive new instructions from the emperor or the archduke, had in it too much danger, as giving leisure to each party to make sides, and to increase the slander of the last year, That he might so easily (and especially from the Valachian) have assured that province to his majesty, had he not been an heartless man of no resolution, even such an one as durst not look upon a cat (as some had said:) all which might not a little prick an honourable mind. To take part with the people confederate against the Vayvod, if it should not happily fall out at the first encounter; might betwixt the two contendants give an entrance unto the third, either the Turk or the Polonian in the favour of Bathor: but if it should sort to the quite contrary, and so himself to lose the day; then he saw himself void of all defence against the malicious, especially in that the world commonly measureth the wisdom used in any action, according to the success thereof, than which nothing can be more unreasonable, but above all others in matters of war. In this so troubled a tempest of contrary winds, of power to have driven a right good mariner out of his course, Basta laid hand upon the helm of good meaning, and spread the sails of such discretion as taught him, in matters of war to be lawful for a General to depart even from the instructions of his prince, not concerning the end, but the means leading to that end: especially when the present occasion so requireth, which the prince could not with reason before comprehend; as depending of the most mighty fortune of war, which suffereth not so much delay as to expect counsel from far. So in this ambiguity, Basta resolved to join himself unto the confederates, most in his judgement concerning his Imperial majesty, as being the uttermost scope of his so great cost and charge, to keep the country of TRANSYLVANIA at his devotion, which consisted in the people, and not in the woods or mountains: the matter being not great by what means soever it were done, so that it were honourable and honest. Upon this desire Basta set forward, and the 14 day arrived at TORDA ●nd there joined himself unto the confederates (to the great wonder of the Vayvod in whose help he was sent: Basta taketh part with the transylvanians against the Vayvod in whose aid he was sent. ) where reposing himself one day consulting and considering of their forces, about twelve thousand strong, with four field pieces, besides eight of his own, with the six thousand soldiers he brought with him, in all about eighteen thousand: he determined not to give leisure unto the Vayvod to call unto him farther help, having now with him about twenty thousand foot and twelve thousand horse, with seven and twenty field pieces; amongst whom were divers of the Siculi, in hope of their ancient liberty, men of good account and sort, with a mixture of the Cossackes, Null, Rascians, and Seruians, people of prey serving only to spoil: whom Basta knew to be far inferior in courage to his twelve thousand foot and six thousand horse; not only for the valour of his own men accustomed unto the frontier service, but also for the confederates: who engaged with their goods, lives, and honour, and desirous to be revenged of the Vayvod, were like enough to stand well by it. Wherefore he set forward the sixteenth day, and in two days march came within sight of the Vayvod: who having sent out certain great troops of horsemen to take view of the enemy, and seeing them repulsed, set fire on MIRISLO, a village fast by, out of which they had before drawn certain small field pieces into the camp. MIRISLO is a village two leagues on this side of ALBA JULIA, directly upon the high way, stretching from the side of Maracz, a navigable river, unto the foot of an hill; alongst which the river running, sometimes nearer, and sometimes further off, together with the rising of the hill, maketh an unequal list of ground, in some places half a mile broad and more, and in some other shut up as it were into a narrow throat, as in the selfsame place where the aforesaid village standeth, and where the Vayvod lay encamped in a place of great advantage, behind a great trench drawn from the river cross that little space of ground betwixt the mountain and the river. On this side, which from MIRISLO the further a man goeth the further the plain enlargeth, Basta encamping close unto the village, opposed against the coming of the enemy three great corpse du guard, two of them Hungarians, towards the hill favoured with a church, and the third towards the river, of the Almain footmen, under the charge of county Tomaso Caurioli of BRESCIA, Sergeant Major of the field, with all the artillery: who as in a place near and very open unto the enemy there entrenched himself, still approaching nearer and nearer both on the one side and the other. Towards the evening of the selfsame seventeenth day came to Basta one Peter Armenio with letters from the Vayvod, containing, That having understood of his arrival in the camp of the conspirators, he now further desired to know whether it were by the consent and commandment of the emperor, or not; and how it came to pass, that he would so do, considering the divers chances of war, the sword hanging as it were even over his head, if he should chance to lose the battle? Whereunto Basta answered, That the morrow following he would show him the authority he had from the emperor (alluding to the imperial standard he carried with him:) and that as concerning the fortune and danger to ensue, he referred that unto the will and pleasure of the Almighty, the just judge of all controversies. But in the mean time he exhorted him to leave that province he had so evil governed, unto his imperial majesty, as he was in duty bound; promising him free passage into VALACHIA, and giving him time to consider thereupon until eight a clock the next morning; after which time it should be free for every man to do for himself what he could. Which answer the Vayvod having red, inflamed with disdain, with many proud words full of threats and disgrace, although it was then night, presently caused by the sound of the drum and trumpet the battle to be proclaimed against the next day. On the other side, Basta after he had assured his camp, having not only sent, but gone himself to have the counsel of his own eyes, for his better understanding how the enemy lay: and finding no reasonable means for him there to attempt any exploit by, as well for the strength of the trench before the front, and in part along the side of the enemy's camp, as also for the danger of a rising ground on the left hand, whereunto all the plain betwixt the enemy's camp and the village was subject: thought it best to remove, and to make a short retreat about the space of an Italian mile, according to the commodiousness of the place; thinking it no hard matter, of so proud an enemy and not altogether so well acquainted with martial stratagems, to gain a notable victory. This his purpose propounded in counsel, was greatly disliked of the captains of the confederates: unto whom it seemed more safety to assault the Vayvod, yet lying in his strength, than to retire before the face of an enemy, so strong and adventurous: for that such a retreat according to the manner of that country, would be deemed no other than a plain flight; and to break his order and arise, was (as they said) but to discourage his own people, and to encourage his enemies. But Basta the better to persuade them, promised therein to show unto them a more cunning kind of fight than was yet unto them known; and declared the assurance that he in his own person, with the Almains in the rearward would give them in that retreat, in such sort, as that they should not lose so much as a man, much less they needed to fear to fall into any disorder in so short a space, his purpose being only to give the plain unto the enemy, wherein to show himself in the open field. So the retreat being agreed upon, the morning following being the eight and twentieth of September, the three corpse du guard (before spoken of) were betimes called back, and the baggage sent away: after which followed the transylvanians and Hungarians, the Almains in the rearward enclosing the great ordinance. The Vayvod aware of their departure, The battle of Mirislo betwi●● Michael the Vayvod and Basta the emperor's lieutenant. sent forthwith a great troop of horsemen, especially of the Cossackes, to take view of them, and to skirmish with them; which were so far kept off by a company of musketeers in the rearward, as that they could not come so nigh as to do any harm, although that all the way they went they were by them still charged, to the great contentment of Basta, to see so good a beginning of his designs as might bring them all to their wished effect. But when he saw the great artillery upon the carriages to come out of the village, a certain sign that the enemy set forward with all his forces, he marched fair and softly to give him hope to overtake him: and so retired as far as he thought good from the village, having before thought of a convenient place wherein his people might with room enough upon advantage stay: when as about half a mile from him, and as far from the village, he might see the enemy march with his people in order of battle, than began he to march towards him also: and perceiving the enemy to come on in one only thick front, by reason of the straightness of the place, having on the right hand towards the river placed as it were all his horsemen, and towards the mountain his footmen alone, and five hundred foot placed aloft without any artillery, as it seemed he would have done, having planted some below at the foot of the hill in the way, and in the midst, even before the front of the battle, where the horsemen came after the footmen: he also placed his squadron in one front only, to the intent not to be enclosed by the enemy on the flank of his army. The body of his main battle consisted of one great squadron of about three thousand Almain footmen, flanked on each side with a hundred & fifty Rutters of SILESIA: before the squadron toward the right hand he had set a loose wing of three hundred musketeers: in the right wing towards the hill he placed a company of lances, with two squadrons of the country footmen: and in the left wing toward the river one squadron of Transyluanian footmen, and two of lances, for that the enemy was at that time very strong in horsemen: the Cossackes, archers, and arquebusiers he placed in the reward: of his great artillery he would make no use, for that having not much, he would not stand upon the defence thereof, but desired rather with all speed to come to the sword with the enemy, unacquainted with such close fight, foot to foot; and well the less fit, by reason of their light armour. And therefore he thought it best first to set forward his squadron of Almains to give the charge, bending towards the right hand, amongst the thickest of the footmen towards the artillery at the foot of the hill, as there whereas was the strength of the enemy's infantry. And doubting in the performing hereof, to be charged on the left side with a great squadron of about three thousand lances, which seemed to stand upon that wing to give the first charge; he gave order unto Rodoviz his lieutenant and colonel of the Rutters, which had the leading of the left wing, that he should at a certain sign given, set forwards towards the left hand, for the charging of that great squadron. So his people being set in order, and the manner of proceeding set down, he putting on his helmet, with cheerful countenance said, That at that time he trusted he should show unto the Vayvod, that his truncheon could do more than his scimitare: And himself setting forward betwixt the squadron of the Almain footmen and the wing of the musketeers, about two hours after noon, marched fair and softly towards the enemy: who without moving expected the discharging of their artillery; whereunto the nearer that the enemy came unto it, the less harm it did him, by shooting either over or short in the field, which easily ascended. The wing of musketeers went directly to give a charge unto the artillery; and the squadron towards the foot of the hill, where Basta desired forcibly to charge, that thereby they might be enforced to spend their first volleys, and with some discouragement or disorder to retire, presently came in all affront just upon the sign given; and so with his Almain footmen and the Rutters on the right hand, enclosed and compassed in behind the greatest part of the enemy's footmen. At which very instant, the Rutters on the left hand also so courageously charged upon the three thousand lances, that better could not have been desired of any band of most old and expert soldiers. Michael the Vayvod overthrown. The lances retiring without any hurt, and the first volley discharged, forced the infantry, and so disordered the rest. Whereupon the wings charging, there ensued presently a great slaughter and overthrow, only forty of Basta his men being slain, and as many hurt; where of the enemies were lost in the battle ten thousand: and greater had the slaughter been, if the village and approach of the night had not covered many of them that fled, and stayed the pursuit of the victors that followed them. Which putteth me in remembrance of the great victory that Scipio Asiaticus had against Antiochus, wherein were slain of the Romans but three hundred (although that in the fight one of the wings stood for a time doubtful) there being lost of the enemies above fifty thousand. Howbeit there were afterwards found in all (as was by the peasants of the country reported) twenty thousand slain in this battle. By this victory Basta recovered many ensigns and much armour, before sent by the emperor unto the Vayvod, together with all his tents and baggage. And presently after the overthrow there were many troops of horsemen sent out every way with proclamation, To spare the lives of such of the Siculi as should lay down their arms: of whom many were sent prisoners unto divers places, especially to FOGARAS, a strong town toward VALACHIA. As for the Va●uod himself, he with certain Cossackes escaped by flight. The morrow following, Basta dispatched away the County Cauriòli, to inform the emperor of all the particularities of the success of that expedition: who seemed to be therewith pleased, yet neither gave reward unto the County, neither commended Basta in that he had done, (foreseeing perhaps what was to ensue thereof) although he had in writing before approved his resolution and motion made in favour of the Confederates. Staying that day in that quarter, Thi● Chiaki was the chief man, and ●s it w●re the ringleader of the transylvanians into rebellion. Basta gave order unto the Chiaki, to send out a thousand horsemen to pursue the flying Vayvod: who in stead of so doing, joining themselves with other their consorts, settled themselves to ransack ALBA JULIA, under the colour, that there was the Vayvods' wealth and substance; yet (as the manner of such men is) sparing neither merchant nor citizen: which worthily seemed unto Basta a great wrong for to see the innocent punished, and the guilty to escape free. And albeit that he made what haste he might thitherwards with all his camp, and so stayed one day not far from thence, to have given some redress unto the spoil that had happened: yet was all that his labour lost, for that so many of the greater sort and chiefest amongst them had their hands therein, with whom he thought it more wisdom as then to dissemble, than to fall into any terms of severity, without hope of doing any good. So he resolved in all haste to march towards FOGA●AS (whither he heard say the Vayvod was come with new forces out of VALACHIA and MOLDAVIA) and in six days march came to CIBINIUM, where he received certain news, That the Great Chancellor of POLONIA, and Sigismond (sometime the Transyluanian prince) were with a strong army upon the frontiers of MOLDAVI●; having sent before them Moses the Siculian, with about eight thousand of the Siculi (his soldiers) to what purpose was easy to be seen. Which advertisement interrupted the course of Basta his victory, for that it seemed not reasonable to pursue the enemy, and to leave behind him a doubt of so great importance: and especially, for that he thought he could not assure himself of the aid of the country people, in case that Sigismond their old prince were once seen in TRANSYLVANIA. Wherefore he thought good to stay where he was, to provide for all events as need should be; and so resolved to send the Chiaki and one Ladislaus Pithi to parley with Moses, who made a show of no great moment of his good will towards the confederates. A reconciliation made betwixt Michael the Vayvod & Basta. In the mean time came two messengers from the Vayvod, offering in his name, that he should do whatsoever were in the behalf of the emperor to be imposed upon him: unto whom these conditions were by Basta and the rest of the counsel propounded: First, that he should for ever resign all the claim he had or might have into the country of TRANSYLVANIA; then, that he together with his army should give his oath of fidelity unto his imperial majesty; also, that he should forthwith through VALACHIA go with his army unto the frontiers of MOLDAVIA, to stay the Polonians from further entrance; and moreover, to give his wife and little son in hostage for the performance of these things. With which messengers was sent one Sebastian Techelli, to receive the oath and promised hostages: unto whom was appointed for the place of their safe keeping, the bishop's castle in ALBA JULIA, the Vaivod having before requested, that they might be so kept in TRANSYLVANIA: although Basta thought it much better to have had them kept in the upper HUNGARY. This agreement being made, Basta kept on his way towards Fogaras, which he found already possessed by the Chiaki, and so from thence to CORONA. After which the Vayvod distrusting of the articles agreed upon, went directly into VALACHIA, but not at all into MOLDAVIA; not so much discomfited with the forces of the Polonians whom he went against (not doubting to give them a great overthrow) as for the distrust he had of Moses the Siculian, who in the battle might show himself his enemy behind him. Now whether it were for the distrust he had in his own followers, or only for fear of treason by the Polonians plotted, being not likely that they with so small forces were come to fight, without some greater secret deceit; he not knowing whom to trust or to fear, of his own accord took his flight into the strength of the mountains, without any great loss of his people, having left his baggage behind him, which was assailed and taken by the Haiduckes and such other sharkers enured to prey, and always ready in like occasion to help to spoil and chase them that are already running: although that afterwards in divers skirmishes with the Turks (who to cause him the rather to turn his back unto the Polonians, Micha●l for fear of being betrayed unto the Polonian●, taketh his flight into the mountains. had presumptuously scoured up and down the country) he lost many. In five, giving MOLDAVIA lost, he was now out of hope how to be able to hold only VALACHIA, his old government. Even he which but a little before commanded above an hundred thousand soldiers in field: he (which in despite of who said nay) was able to command VALACHIA and MOLDAVIA, and happily the other countries also near unto him; as having received the command of TRANSYLVANIA, as governor for the emperor: he that made CONSTANTINOPLE to tremble, and found no empire equal to his designs. But it fareth oftentimes with the great, as with birds of prey, who greedily seeking to prey upon others, become themselves a prey unto other, greater than themselves: for they never contented, and attributing only unto their own valour and wisdom, their own prosperous proceedings, are the true shores of the unstable wheel of fortune: or what say I of fortune? being rather the very children of folly. So commonly falleth it out with princes (especially the new) which in the garboils of war betwixt their mighty neighbours, not governed by their own wisdom, rest themselves only upon the advice of their counsellors, are by them led they wot not whither, for the great interest they have in them. For had the Vayvod had but the least in sight into political government, he might well have understood, that amongst so many mighty princes, he could not much grow, or yet well root himself, without the assured stay of some one or other of them. He should also have known within what compass a new prince ought to have used severity and rigour; and that he ought to abstain from all offence in goods, or otherwise, which might any way procure unto him the displeasure or hatred of his subjects. Whereas his counsellors not so much respecting his profit as their own, had not the power or not the will to persuade him so by good means to plant himself sure in TRANSYLVANIA; but so both cast him headlong from his high estate, and at the same time furthered the loss of CANISIA, a matter of important consequence. Now lay Basta encamped in the field in TRANSYLVANIA, when a messenger came unto him from the great Chancellor of POLONIA, to declare unto him, That it was not his purpose to trouble TRANSYLVANIA, having no such order from his king: albeit that he would advise the transylvanians if they wished to live in quiet, to make choice of a prince of their own nation, and such an one as the Turk should well like of, whereas otherwise they should but seek their own destruction, together with their neighbours. Which his counsel was well marked of them all, albeit that it was thought by many of the wiser sort not so much to proceed of any good meaning he had towards the transylvanians, as of an old grudge and inveterat hatred he had always borne against the house of AUSTRIA: as also that he even then countenanced the prince Sigismond with his army, to no other end, but by him to raise up new stirs in that province, and so to draw it from the emperors obeisance, although thereby it became again tributary unto the Turk, who in all these matters had a great hand. Yea some sticked not to say, That he covertly aimed at that principality for his son, howsoever he masked the same under the show of Sigismond the late prince. But unto him answer was given by the transylvanians in general (with thanks for his good will) that in all their consultations they would have a principal regard of their own welfare, together with the common. Which answer he having received, forthwith placed one Simon (the brother of Hieremias the Moldavian) Vayvod of VALACHIA in stead of Michael by him driven out, The Chancellor placeth a new Vayvod in Valachia in stead of Michael, by him driven out. and so leaving a convenient number of soldiers with him, returned himself towards POLONIA. Unto which election so made by the Polonian, the Turks craftily gave place, knowing well to play the foxes where they could not play the lions, wisely for a time comporting the injury: and the old Chancellor as crafty as they, having a secret purpose by occasion of these present troubles, to prefer his son at length unto the principality of TRANSYLVANIA, and thereunto also to join the countries of MOLDAVIA and VALACHIA, had therein of purpose placed the aforesaid Simon, a man of no valour, and of a small apprehension, whom he might again at his pleasure displace, and join those provinces unto his new purchase; which he could not so well do, if he should have there placed a man of greater reach and courage. So work the heads of the great, and so travel the brains of the ambitious aspiring. Basta understanding of the retiring of the Polonians, entered into consultation with the Chiaki and other the principal men of that province (which lodged with the army in the country villages thereabout) for calling together the states and people, False rumours raised ●o have terrified B●sta. to make choice of some such men as they thought meetest to be sent unto the emperor, to know his pleasure for the government of that province. But now in the mean time, whilst there was no suspicion of the foreign enemy, began to work certain Malcontents, which thinking with greater liberty to live under a weak prince than under one of greater power, with one voice cried out, That Sigismond with a great power was entered into the confines of TRANSYLVANIA; one whiles towards VALACHIA, another while by the way of MOLDAVIA; and that the strength of the country and others thereby still resorted unto him: with other such like inventions, of purpose devised to have made Basta suddenly departed, or at leastwise to have troubled the Diet or assembly called, and the consultation also. But he well advised of their purpose, moved not out of his quarter, but there lay very privately, to declare thereby the great confidence he had in the thankfulness of the nobility of the country, as by him delivered from the oppression of the Vayvod: as also to make them to understand, That the government to be appointed, was not to be settled in the sole power of a tyrant, but in the fidelity of the subjects protected under a most gentle, royal, and most fatherlike government, not ambitiously sought after, but most voluntarily of themselves offered, and (for the common good) by the emperor accepted. Beside that, he knew right well how that Castaldo (in like case before in the year 1551 sent into TRANSYLVANIA with eight thousand Almains) left behind him his army, and without any precedent courtesy went privately to ALBA JULIA, where queen Isabel had for her defence assembled a Diet of all the states, and there by well handling of the matter got to Ferdinand the emperor that kingdom, which he could not by the fear of his forces have gained: for which doing, Writers attribute unto him the name of great wisdom; notwithstanding that the year following he was enforced to abandon his conquest, but yet not through any default in himself. But it is truly said, That men pleasured, according to the occasion change their manners, as doth the Chameleon his colour according to the place: nothing being by nature so short, nothing of less life than the remembrance of a benefit with the unthankful, which the greater it is, the more it is repaid with ungratitude; either by making it to have been of little worth, or to have proceeded not of courtesy, but from some other more private and proper considerations of the giver. The Diet (aforesaid) being assembled, divers broils were there raised by the malcontents, as usually it cometh to pass where the people have to do with the government; apt to be moved with every rumour, always ready to change their opinion as straight glutted therewith, headstrong, faithless, all in words to no end▪ Some of them in that assembly cried out, that the Almains might be paid, discharged, and thanked for the pains they had taken for them as their neighbours, with offering to do them the like pleasure as their occasions should require: othersome cried to have them all put to the sword, so much they were devoid of reason: others cried out as fast, that they were not by any means to endure the government of Maximilian the Archduke, but by some nominated unto them would needs have a prince of their own country, and such an one as the great Turk should well like of, as the Chancellor had persuaded them. The ●●out speech of Basta, unto the Chiaki and the rest of the nobility of Trans●luania. Basta for all that not dismayed with so unexpected an encounter (albeit that he began to suspect that he had lost all his labour, if he were not in short time with greater forces relieved) at such time as the Chiaki with other the chief men amongst the people, came as their manner was every other day to visit him: with courageous speech and unappauled countenance told them plainly, That he well perceived their drift and purpose; and yet doubted not either of their oath of obedience given unto his Imperial majesty, either of the fresh remembrance of the great benefit they had from him so lately received; and in case it might happen them little to esteem of those things (greater than which could not happen amongst men) that yet they should well know, that he was not a man to be feared with words, but fully resolved not to stir one foot thence with his forces but rather to lose his life, which he would for all that sell as dear as he could. Whereunto answer was given with much courteous speech, That he should not give ear unto any the speeches of the light vulgar people; but to content himself that the Nobility in whose hands the chief power of that province was, had not done any thing not beseeming themselves. So after much dispute, were appointed three persons according to the three estates (the Nobility, the Commons, and the State in general) to go unto the Emperor, to request of him Maximilian the Archduke for their Governor: with special request also, that it would please him not to overcharge with foreign soldiers that province already sore impoverished; especially having in itself people sufficient for the defence thereof, and more nimble to encounter with the Turks, than the heavy and slow Almains and they also of double charge. These difficulties with much ado thus appeased by such as stood fast for the emperor, Basta thought it not good again to call any such assembly, hoping that time and the emperor's great wisdom, would for all these matters find convenient remedy. Yet saw he plainly the mind of the people was to resolve to remain for ever free, if they should have come to a second consultation; and in them a princely desire to command rather than to be commanded: Yea in that selfsame Diet the Chiaki was declared Governor on the behalf of the people, with authority in many things of himself to determine without calling together of any assembly of the rest of the States: which they said they did only until they were by his Imperial majesty provided of a Governor. Nevertheless Basta well perceived more than a tribunitial power to be now joined by the people unto the emperors commissioners, knowing that this Chiaki was in great hope to have been proclaimed prince of the confederates, in case they had not been presently relieved against the Vayvod: and having in him yet noted still his great ambition, for that marching from TORDA toward the Vayvod, he caused to be carried before him a spear with an Hungarian cap, and a plume of feathers upon a lance, in token of his chief command; albeit that afterwards at the complaint of Basta, pretending therein a wrong to be done unto his regiment marching under the Imperial standard, he took it down: neither was he then a little suspected to have suffered his soldiers to have sacked ALBA JULIA, as also to have surprised FOGARAS, and to have used divers other means all tending unto popularity and ambitious aspiring: wherein he deemed it yet better to dissemble than to proceed farther, and then to do it in deed when he had power sufficient. The next day following came all the Counsel of that province, with the Deputies (appointed to have gone unto the emperor) and the people unto the house of Basta, requesting him (although such their manner of coming might seem to exceed the bounds of request) that he would send his Germans out of the country, and so after so many troubles to give it leave a little to breath: as for himself, that he might stay at ALBA JULIA, until the men deputed to that purpose might go unto his majesty with their requests. Basta not a little troubled with such an imperious request, and now (but not before) perceiving the occasion of this great discontentment; saw himself much deceived in a most material point and the ground of all this action, The error of B●sta. by trusting too much unto his own too small forces, too weak for the defence of his own person, much less to keep under so populous a province, such as before in the year 1552 under the leading of Castaldo, had of itself sent out 70 thousand fight men for the besieging of LIPPA, and now upon the sudden twelve thousand with a few noble men in the face of a mighty and armed enemy; where they now held an armed consultation with him, the Nobility meeting together with their great retinues; and so much the greater, by how much the suspicion was the more by them feared, for them to be enforced to resolve upon any thing contrary to their good liking: whereas he contenting himself only with their oath without any other hostages, and so giving aid unto the confederates, had put himself upon their faith, together with all his people, into the midst of TRANSYLVANIA; a matter of far greater importance than any pledge they were able to have given him. Besides that, of the six thousand men which he had brought with him into that country, three thousand five hundred of SILESIA now brought to two thousand, could not be persuaded longer to stay without their pay before hand, the pay of their country being already spent: and the rest drawn out of the garrisons of the upper HUNGARY, or else there pressed, were at a certain time to return. Yet nevertheless he attempted in some sort to satisfy their request, for not grieving of the country, by requesting of them to deliver unto him some strong place, whereinto he putting his men in garrison, they might so lie without any farther charge or trouble to the country, living upon their own wages. Which when he could not obtain, and withal considering that if those few of his people which yet remained could be contented to stay with him, the retaining of them might give occasion unto the desirous of new stirs upon every the least disorder of the soldiers, to alter the matter at their pleasure; as had happened unto the eight thousand Almains of Castaldo, driven sometimes out of that country under the colour of some insolency by them committed, although others had been the chief doers thereof, namely about some twenty Polonians: he resolved of all these things to give notice to the Court, and so fair and softly to march with his soldiers unto the confines of that country; and to save his eight pieces of artillery with his other munition in Samos Viu●● castle, a strong fortress a good way within the confines, which together with the strong castle of KVIVAR, Aga Leche an Albanoise and General of the Vaivods' horsemen delivered to Zakel captain of ZACCOMAR, one of his majesties commissioners; who there provided for the Governor Basta his familiar favourite: although that the transylvanians had with great promises sought to have crossed such delivery of the aforesaid castles, and to have had them in their own power. The discretion of the doer is not always to be deemed by the event of the thing done. Wherefore Basta not deceived, but by necessity enforced, yielded that he could not hold, and gave that he could not sell, making a virtue of necessity; deceived in the event of the matter which he had propounded unto himself from the beginning, for the assurance of that country unto the emperor, by an excusable error, if it be true that some wise men say, Nothing to be more unreasonable than by the event of matters to judge of their wisdom by whom they were managed; which consisteth not in divining before of the certainty of the event, but in the reasonable conjecture thereof, by the means leading thereunto, than which nothing is more deceitful, as not depending from our own actions only, but from other men's also more gross and unreasonable: none knowing better how much the wisdom of man deceiveth itself, than those which are unto themselves true witnesses of the event of their own consultations. Nevertheless the matter was afterward so well handled by Basta, Petzen, and others the emperors great fauourits in TRANSYLVANIA, that in a Diet holden by the transylvanians, he was with a convenient guard again by them received as the emperors lieutenant, until further order were by him taken for the government and assurance of that country: the Chiaki and his complices faintly consenting thereunto, as not greatly pleased therewith. Neither had Basta much cause to be proud of such his government, having thereof no longer assurance than pleased that fickle people to afford him: yet sith no better could be had, he must take it as he might, deeming it better in some sort for the present to hold it for the emperor, than not at all: with which his weak state amongst more enemies than friends, we will for a while leave him. But whilst things thus passed (as we have said) in TRANSYLVANIA and HUNGARY (the treaty for peace betwixt the Emperor and the Turk being vanished into smoke;) Ibrahim Bassa the Turks General in HUNGARY, having all the last winter made great preparation for the invasion of the emperors territories, and the doing of some notable enterprise for the recovery of his reputation somewhat impaired by the evil success of the last years wars; and even in these his greatest preparations of this year, not a little troubled by the mutiny of the janissaries and Spahi for want of their pay at CONSTANTINOPLE, as also with the rebellion in CARAMANIA: now at length in the latter end of August (by order from the Grand signor his great lord and master) began to set forward with his army from BELGRADE, supposed to be above two hundred thousand men strong. And coming to BABOTSCA, a strong fortress of the Christians in the neither HUNGARY, sat down before it, and having planted his artillery, furiously battered it, with purpose to have the next day assaulted it: but the captain of the castle considering the weakness of his garrison to withstand so puissant an enemy, and that the walls to be already sore shaken with the fury of the great ordinance, came to a reasonable composition with the Bassa, and so delivered unto him the place. Which exploit done and the castle to him surrendered, he marched from thence to CANISIA, a strong town in the frontiers of STIRIA, of most men before supposed a place impregnable; for that it was situate in a very deep ma●ish, and furnished with a strong garrison of valiant soldiers, part Hungarians and part Almains: after this strong town Ibrahim the great Bassa especially longed, Canisia besieged by the Turk●. so to free those frontiers of the Turks from the often incursions that the garrison soldiers of that place made thereinto; as also by the taking of that so strong a fortress from the Christians, to open a more free and safe passage for the Turks into AUSTRIA, to the endangering of other places of the empire also farther off. Wherefore encamping his great army on the side of the marish which compassed the Isle round whereon the town stood, he began with faggots and earth to fill up the marish, so to pass over his army; they in the town in the mean time not ceasing with their thundering shot to disturb them, and to do them what harm they might: who for all that proceeding in their work, had brought it now almost close unto the island, where whilst they were about to have landed, they were by the soldiers of the garrison so encountered, that having lost a number of their men as well janissaries as others, with two of their best captains also, they were by plain valour enforced to retire. But preparing themselves against the next day with a greater force to have again returned unto the assault of the Isle, they saw the Imperial army now at their backs, and come so near them, that with their artillery they did them great harm; which put them in no small fear, seeing themselves enclosed betwixt the town and the camp, and both out of the one and the other to receive no small hurt, as well with the small shot as the great: beside that out of the camp divers whole bands sometimes sallied, discharging great volleys of shot even into their trenches. In the Imperial army were about two and forty thousand horse and foot, men of divers nations, under the leading of duke Mercury, now General of the Emperor's forces in HUNGARY; with whom were also the lords Nadasti, Esdrin, Bacchian, and the Governor of CROATIA, with divers other famous captains, come thither for the relief of CANISIA, a place of so great importance for the defence of that side of the country, and to help that it fell not into the power of the barbarous enemy. The battle betwixt the Christians and the Turks before Canisia. But Ibrahim Bassa understanding by his espials the small number of the Christians; and well knowing how much he was too strong for them by reason of his great multitude, went out against them, and finding them as ready as himself, joined battle with them, with great slaughter of men both on the one side and the other: which bloody fight (the victory yet standing doubtful, but in all men's judgement more inclining unto the Christians than to the Turks) was at length by the coming on of the night broken off. At which time the Christians retiring themselves into their trenches, the Turks stood all the night in the field with their weapons in their hands, as fearing to have been again in the night by their enemies assailed▪ Mean while the Christian captains in the camp at variance amongst themselves, and so not now to be commanded by duke Mercury their General (at such time as the Turks presuming on their multitude dared them to battle the next day) could by no means be persuaded to go out against them, or once to stir out of their trenches. Insomuch that the General of the Tartars thereupon taking courage, made an inroad into the country thereby, and meeting with two hundred wagons laded with victuals going unto the Christian camp, slew the convoy that guarded them, and so carried them quite away. Whereby such want arose in the Christian camp, that having not what to eat, and out of hope of any new supply of relief in time to come, they were glad by night to dislodge and retire; which could not so secretly be done, but that it was by the Turks perceived, who presently following after them in the tail of the army, cut off about three thousand of them, with certain pieces of great ordinance, and most part of the baggage; the rest of the army in the mean time retiring farther off into places of more safety. From this victory the Turks returned again to the siege of CANISIA, where after a few days, the garrison soldiers now out of hope to be in good time relieved, suddenly fell into mutiny, refusing any longer to defend the town now hardly laid unto by the Turks; and the rather, for that divers of the Hungarians were already fled out of the town unto the Bassa, having (as it was thought) revealed unto him the whole estate of the besieged: so that now there was no remedy but that the town must be delivered unto the enemy, Canisia yielded unto the Turks. although Paradiser with some other of the captains did what they might (as they said afterwards) to have persuaded the contrary. Whereupon they came to parley with the Bassa, and covenanting with him that they might with bag and baggage depart, and with a safe convoy be brought over the river Mur, promised to yield unto him the town: all which the Bassa granted, fearing how to have been able to have kept the field, if they should for any long time have holden out, Winter now so fast approaching. So the two and twentieth of October the town was unto the Bassa right cowardly delivered, and the garrison soldiers with their baggage in an hundred wagons lent them by the Turks, safely conducted over the Mur as was unto them promised. After the agreement made for the yielding up of the town, the Bassa in courtesy sent unto Paradiser the Governor a very rich gown of cloth of gold; which albeit that he refused, yet was it afterwards laid to his charge as a presumption of some treacherous collusion betwixt him and the Bassa for the betraying of the town, which it was thought he might much longer have kept. Ibrahim now thus possessed of the town he so much desired, fortified it more strongly than ever it was before; S●●●ia foraged by the Turks. and for the more assurance thereof, put into it a strong garrison of four thousand foot and five hundred horse, all old expert soldiers. And immediately after without resistance, foraged the country round about CANISIA, burning all before him as he went; the poor Christian inhabitants still flying as fast as they could for safeguard of their lives. But having thus with the spoil of the country well pleased his soldiers, he desirous to have the same again in time repeopled, as thereby to yield unto the Turks the more profit, stayed their farther outrage, upon great pain forbidding the same; by open proclamations in every place set up, inviting the Christians without fear of farther harm to return again into the country, where submitting them unto the great Sultan's obeisance, they should under his protection safely dwell, without any tribute to be of them exacted for the space of three years next following. Which proclamations were in his name thus published. Ibrahim Bassa to the Inhabitans of the country about CANISIA, greeting. Ibrahim Bassa his proclamation We Ibrahim Bassa by the grace of God, Visier, and Cousin unto the most puissant and invincible Sultan Mahomet, Emperor of the Turks, unto all the Inhabitants of the marches about CANISIA, and the rest of the country of STEIRMARCK, from the greatest to the least, greeting. Whereas we have willingly heard that some of you willing to submit yourselves unto the great Sultan, and to swear unto him fealty, are again returned unto your old dwellings: We promise and assure you upon the faith of the said Emperor, that whosoever shall be found near unto the fortress of CANISIA now belonging unto the great Sultan, with all reverence submitting himself as his subject under his government, acknowledging him for his Sovereign; shall enjoy more privileges than ever he did before, and also be protected in the same. And for that we know that your houses are for the most part destroyed, as also your posterity; you shall therefore for these three years next following be exempted and free from all tributes and charges whatsoever, to the intent you may the better recover yourselves. Of which grace if you shall willingly accept, we promise you, that neither you, your wives, or children, shall be in any thing wronged, or your goods in any part impaired, but so much as in us possibly is to be defended: so that so many of you as please, may in safety return unto your own old dwellings, giving before knowledge thereof unto the Governor of this our fortress. Given in our camp after the conquest of CANISIA. Many of these poor country people before fled for fear of the Turks, and not knowing where to bestow themselves, now upon this proclamation returned again to their ancient dwelling places, there to begin the world again under the Turkish obeisance. But for that County Serinus was the man whom of all others in that country the great Bassa sought after, as him whom he most feared after his departure to trouble this his new conquest, and to seek to be revenged; having in this so general a calamity of STIRIA his country, lost twenty villages of his own, quite burnt by the Turks, and the people most slain or else taken prisoners: the Bassa having many times before sought to have persuaded him to have yielded his obedience unto the Turkish Sultan, and now in hope after so great a loss to bring him in, before he were come unto the utter ruin of all his fortunes (now by the loss of CANISIA, and the entrance of the Turks into STIRIA, not a little endangered) writ unto him as followeth: We Ibrahim Bassa, Ibrahim Bassa his letters unto the County Serinus. chief of the Visier Bassanes, and cousin unto the most puissant Sultan Mahomet, to the County Serinus sendeth greeting. We have oftentimes heretofore written unto thee concerning the matter thou knowest of: but what the cause is that we received no answer, we cannot tell. Yet could I not but write to thee again, that if yet thou canst be content to begin the matter aright, and to submit thyself unto our protection, we will be ready to receive thee. Thou seest, that what we foretold thee, is now more than fulfilled both upon thee and thine, which thou wouldst never believe. Nevertheless, for the staying of the further effusion of the blood as well of thy subjects as ours, and to come to some good atonement, it is high time for thee to lay thine hand upon thine heart, and to consider how much more it concerneth thee than us, and that the benefit thereof redoundeth more unto thine than ours. What our affection is towards thee, Hierome the Vayvod can tell thee. Fare thou well from our camp after the conquest of CANISIA the seventh of November, 1600. But these letters being also as the rest answered with silence, Ibrahim Bas●a returneth with his army to B●lgrade. the great Bassa having disposed of all as he thought best at CANISIA and in the country thereabout, returned with his army to BELGRADE, there to Winter: having before fully certified the great Sultan of all his proceedings, and the success of this war, vaunting after his vain manner, the next Spring to besiege VIENNA also, if it should please him so to command. Of all which things Mahomet understanding, and not a little therewith pleased, caused great triumphs to be made by the space of four days at CONSTANTINOPLE, and in token of his love and favour sent a rich rob of cloth of gold, with a leading staff, all set with pearl and precious stones, unto the Bassa, yet lying at BELGRADE. This loss of CANISIA much troubled all that side of Christendom, especially them of the territories belonging unto the house of AUSTRIA, in a sort dismayed to see the Turks so easily possessed of a town, before thought almost impregnable, and the strongest defence of all that country against the furious impressions of the Turks, to whom it was now become a most safe and sure receptacle, all men with one voice blaming the discord of the captains in the imperial army for so retiring without any good doing: but above all detesting the cowardice of Paradiser; who known to have in the town a strong garrison, with good store of munition and victuals (as was supposed) had so basely delivered the same unto the enemy, not doing the uttermost of his devoir as had beseemed him for the defence thereof: whereas if he had so done, happily in the mean time the cold and unseasonableness of the weather (though no other relief had been) Winter being now come, might have enforced the Turks to have raised their siege. Whereupon he was for this so foul a fact by the emperors commandment apprehended and cast in prison at VIENNA, where after he had long line, and his cause oftentimes examined, he was the next year following condemned of felony and cowardice, Paradiser executed for the yielding up of Canisia to the Turks. and so the fifteenth day of October executed, having first his hand at four strokes of the executioner struck off, and after that his head: with him was also in like manner executed his ensign-baerer: and after them his lieutenant, with the mayor of the town, who both bound fast to a stake, had first their tongues cut out, and afterwards their heads chopped off also. Now the rebellion before raised in CARAMANIA by Cussahin Bassa (as is aforesaid) was not with his death altogether appeased. Also ORFA, a great city of that country (which having tasted the sweetness of liberty in the time of Cussahin) yet still holding out against Mehemet the great Bassa, the Sultan's lieutenant General there. At which time also a companion of Cussahin the late rebel, called the Scrivano, and one of his greatest fauourits; seeing how hardly not only Cussahin himself, but the rest of his followers had been handled by the Turks, began to make head, and to call unto him all such as loved their liberty: unto the sweet name whereof, so many were in short time come about him, as that out of them he form such an army, as made him now dreadful unto the Turks his enemies. Against whom, Mehemet Bassa going with all his power to have oppressed him, found him with those his rebellious followers so courageous (for the desire they all had to break out of the Ottoman slavery, and to live in such liberty as was promised them by their captain and General) that joining battle with them, he received of them a notable overthrow, insomuch that fearing to have lost his whole army, he was glad to retire, The Turks ambassador evil entreated by the king of Persia. and to send out commissions for the raising of greater forces. Sultan Mahomet in the mean time, whether it were for fear of this new rebellion, or for that he understood of the ambassadors sent from the Persian unto the Christian princes, began to suspect lest that king should break the league he had with him, and so to his farther trouble take up arms also against him. Wherefore upon a Turkish pride he sent an ambassador into PERSIA, to give the king to understand, That for the more assurance of the league betwixt them, he demanded to have one of his sons sent unto him in hostage, as a pledge of his father's faith. Which so proud a demand the Persian king took in such disdain, that he commanded in his rage the ambassador to be forthwith slain: but that his fury being by his grave counsellors somewhat appeased, he remitted the severity of that his rigorous command, and sparing his life, was contented, that in despite and contempt of him that had sent him, he should be put to the Bastonado only: and so grievously threatened, sent back again unto his master. Who having received this shameful answer, and in doubt of some further matter from that angry king, commanded new and strong garrisons to be put into all his strong holds confining upon the Persian kingdom. 1601 This troublesome year of jubilee thus past, the emperor much troubled with the loss of CANISIA, and in doubt of worse to come (albeit that Ibrahim Bassa, whom for all that he trusted not, did afresh entreat with him concerning peace) and seeing also the great need he had of greater aid to withstand the mighty power of the Turk, with great instancy requested aid of the Pope and of the other princes of ITALY: The aid sent out of Italy unto the emperor. who considering also how much it concerned the rest of the Christian commonweal, to have the frontiers of HUNGARY defended, condescended unto the emperors request: and so the Pope with the beginning of the Spring sent him eight thousand soldiers in pay, under the leading of Io. Francisco Aldobrandino his nephew their General, who with the like charge had now served ever since the year 1599: King Philip also at the instance of the emperor gave order unto the County Fuentes to send into CROATIA certain bands of Duchess; who by direction from him, were forthwith conducted to MILAN: The great duke of FLORENCE also sent unto him two thousand soldiers, under the leading of Francisco del Monte; with whom also by his appointment went the lord Io. de Medici's, whom Ferdinand the Archduke forthwith requested for to be master of his camp: Thither came also the duke of MANTVA with an honourable company both of horse and foot, being forthwith by the Archduke made his lieutenant general. And so whilst these people assembled together into CROATIA, the emperor sent also another good army into HUNGARY, drawn for most part out of GERMANY, which under the leading of the Archduke Mathias his brother, and the duke Mercury his lieutenant general, went into those parts to withstand the Turk. A third army he also made of the Imperials: which strengthened with the forces of Don Ferrant Gonzaga, Governor of the upper HUNGARY, joined themselves with Basta, for the recovery of TRANSYLVANIA; out of which he had been of late driven, as shall hereafter be declared. And so whilst these armies were in preparing, many hot skirmishes passed in HUNGARY betwixt the Christians and the Turks, the loss falling sometime to the one side and sometime to the other. Ibrahim Bassa death at Belgrade But the time now come that soldiers might well take the field, Ibrahim Bassa being now before dead at BELGRADE, whilst he was yet entreating of a dissembled peace, and Hassan one of the Visier Bassas by Mahomet appointed General in HUNGARY in his place: yet delaying his coming, the parley for peace laid aside (as never indeed by the Turks intended, but only by them entertained to dally off the time to their own more advantage) duke Mercury General of the emperors forces taking the offer of so fit an opportunity, Alba Regalis besieged by duke Mercury. came with his army from COMARA (where he had lain expecting the event of the parley) and laid siege to ALBA REGALIS, one of the chief and strongest cities of HUNGARY: which seated in the midst of a marish, was thought almost impregnable, being hardly to be approached but by the suburbs▪ which strongly fortified and defended by the marish, served the city in stead of three most sure bulwarks, within which stood also the city itself, well defended with a good wall and a ditch. This city the duke for certain days continually battered, as if he had purposed at length to have taken it by assault: but in the mean time certainly informed by a fugitive (but lately fled out of the city) that the broad lake on the other side of the city over against the place where he lay, was not so deep, but that it was to be passed (contrary to the opinion both of the Turks captives and of the natural inhabitants, whom he had upon that point examined) and that the Turks presuming upon the strength thereof, and thinking themselves on that side safe, had turned almost all their care and forces unto that side of the city which was now by him battered, without regard of any great peril to be from the other side feared: he appointed the lord Russwurm with his soldiers to make proof if the SIGETH suburbs (for so they were called) on the aforesaid side of the city so little regarded by the Turks, were not to be surprised: for that these suburbs being taken, the city could not long hold out. For the undertaking of which enterprise, Russwurm was both by the captive Turks and country people thereby dwelling, much discouraged, they all with one consent affirming, That albeit he should find no other difficulties in the attempting thereof, yet the lake itself was not possible to be passed: who nevertheless not altogether trusting them, sent certain of his men secretly to try the matter: who having so done, brought him word, That the lake was undoubtedly though with much difficulty to be passed: Whereupon he with a thousand select soldiers with every one of them a good faggot on his back beside his arms, to fill up the deepest of the marish, by night entered the same; wherein he had not gone far, but that he almost 〈◊〉 the danger of his life found it much deeper and more troublesome than the spies had unto him before reported: but carried with an invincible courage himself, and his soldiers moved by his example, he still went on, they also following of him. It is almost a thing incredible to tell what these adventurous men endured, plunged in the deep mud amongst the flags and bulrushes, going still up in water and mud unto the waist even where the marish was the shallowest; where also if one miss but a step, he was by and by over head and ears, and in danger to be drowned, if he were not by his fellows presently holpen: yet at length by God his help having with the loss but of six or seven men a little before day got over, the duke by an appointed sign advertised thereof, with greater stir and tumult than at any time before assailed that side of the city where he lay, as if even then and there he had only meant to have engaged his whole forces for the winning thereof. The suburbs of Alba Regalis surprised by the lord Russwurm. When in the mean time the lord Russwurm on the other side with his resolute soldiers, with ladders provided for the purpose scaled the walls of the suburb, and almost unperceived, recovered the top thereof (the Turks being at the same time wholly bend for the defence of the other side of the city, where most stir and apparent danger was) and so being got into the suburbs, with a great and terrible cry assailed the Turks; who surprised with an exceeding fear, and not well knowing which way to turn themselves, without any great resistance fled into the city, the Christians following them at the heels, and making of them a great slaughter. In which so great a confusion, even where was least feared, the duke by other his soldiers took the rest of the suburbs as he had before determined, the Turks there also for fear forsaking them, and retiring with all the hast they could unto their fellows in the city, there to live or die together. The Christians in these suburbs, beside much other rich prey, took also fourteen great pieces of artillery, with good store of shot and powder. The suburbs (the greatest strength of the city) thus happily taken, the duke again summoned the city, requiring to have it delivered unto him: whereunto the Turks gave no other answer but by their pieces, which they discharged upon the Christians so persuading them to yield. Wherewith the duke much displeased, sent them word, That he would send them other manner of messengers to morrow, and by Gods help sup with them in the city, although he were not unto them welcome. Neither failed he of that his promise: for the next day having out of the suburbs by the fury of his artillery made two fair breaches into the city, he by the ruins thereof with great slaughter of the enemy entered the city, Alba Regal●● taken by the Christians. albeit that the Turks did what they might to have defended the same, by casting down upon the Christians as they entered, darts, wild fire, and such like things, usually provided for such purpose. But seeing now no remedy, but that they must needs give place unto the fortune of their enemies, they fled amain into their houses, there to defend themselves, or else to die: many of which houses they had before of purpose so undermined, as that they could easily overthrow them, and so overwhelm as many as should come within the danger of them: which so strange a resolution was by many of them as desperately performed, insomuch that the goodly church, the palace, with many other sumptuous buildings, were left unto the Christians all rent and torn, not much better than rude heaps of rubbish and stones. Howbeit the Bassa upon promise of life yielded himself, and was by the duke presently sent unto the camp, the rest of the soldiers being (as in such case it commonly happeneth) all or most of them put to the sword. The greatest part of the prey fell unto the Walloons; who by heaps breaking into the richest houses, not only took what themselves light upon, but stripped the Germans also of such things as they had by chance gotten, to their great heartburning and grief: yea these ravenous and irreligious men not so contented, opened the tombs of the Hungarian kings, there long before buried, to spoil even the dead of such things as had for honour's sake been long before interred with them (if happily any such thing were there to be found) showing themselves therein more barbarous than the Turks, who by the space of threescore years having had the city in their possession, had yet spared those reverend monuments, and suffered the relics of those worthy princes to rest in peace. Of this taking of ALBA REGALIS, the Bassa of BUDA long before taken prisoner, and then lying at VIENNA, hearing, abstained from meat with his two servants a whole day prostrate upon his face, praying unto his prophet Mahomet, who had (as he said) all this year been angry with the Turks. Which had the siege of CANISIA taken the like effect, had then undoubtedly been unto them most unfortunate: but God in his wisdom still tempereth the sweet with the sour. Assan B●ssa cometh out of season to have relieved Alba Regalis. Now in the mean while was Assan the Visier Bassa and General of the Turks army with such soldiers as were already assembled at BELGRADE, coming t● have relieved ALBA REGALIS: and albeit that he understood by the way as he marched, that the city was by the Christians won, yet held he on his intended journey: and so taking with him the Bassa of BUDA, with the other Sanzackes and commanders of the towns and castles thereabout, had form an army of about threescore thousand strong, but for most part raw and unexpert soldiers: with which power he still held on his way towards ALBA REGALIS, as well thereby to give some contentment unto the angry Sultan his master, as in hope also to overthrow the Christian army, or at leastwise to find the city as yet unrepaired, and so to regain it. But vain was that his designment, especially for the recovery of the city: for that the duke had no sooner taken it, but that he forthwith caused the breaches to be repaired, and for the more assurance of it, put into it a strong garrison of old expert soldiers: The victory of the Christians over the Turks. and being himself about twenty thousand strong, and hearing of the Bassas coming, set forward to meet him, and being come near unto him, began an hot and bloody skirmish with him. Yet the Bassa to prosecute his intended purpose for the recovery of ALBA REGALIS, the next day sent away part of 〈◊〉 army, to make proof if happily the city might yet be again recovered, and himself in the mean time with the rest of his army offered battle unto the Christians, so to busy them, that they should not be able to trouble them whom he had sent to ALBA REGALIS, or to relieve the city, if it should chance to be by them distressed. When as the duke, before informed of the baseness of the soldiers in the Bassa's army, and that although he were for number of men far above him, yet that for old, hardy, and expert soldiers he was strong enough for him, valiantly went out and encountered him: and so even at the first onset by plain valour disordering the foremost squadrons of the Turks battle, enforced them to retire with the loss of six thousand men; amongst whom were the Bassa of BUDA, The Bassa of Buda slain. six Sanzackes, with divers other captains and commanders of good place and mark. At which time he also took from them divers pieces of great artillery, and had undoubtedly with a notable slaughter overthrown all the rest of the Bassa's army, had not a great squadron of the Tartars even at that instant showed themselves at the backs of the Christians, and so staying them, given leisure unto the Bassa again to restore his disordered battle. Whereupon the duke contenting himself with the victory he had already gotten, in good order retired again into his trenches, having in this conflict not lost above three hundred of his people. But whilst both armies thus lay, and new supplies still repairing unto them, expecting but when they should come to a general day of battle; the janissaries still murmuring, that it was now no time of the year longer to keep the field, by their importunity enforced the Bassa to retire to BUDA, and there to disband his army. In which his retreat many were by the Christians cut off in the tail of his army, and a number of prisoners taken, and amongst the rest fifty of the French mutineers of PAPPA, whom the archduke Mathias at the instance of duke Mercury afterwards pardoned. Neither sped they much better that were sent by the Bassa to have attempted the taking of ALBA REGALIS; for being come near thereunto, they were so welcomed with great shot out of the city, and charged with often sallies by the strong garrison, that seeing no hope to prevail, they were glad to rise and to return again unto the Bassa that sent them. About the same time that the duke began to besiege ALBA REGALIS, Ferdinand the archduke having received great aid from the Pope, with the other princes of ITALY and the king of SPAIN, and so now thirty thousand strong, by the advise of the duke of MANTVA his lieutenant General, Canisia besieged by Ferdinand the Archduke. resolved to besiege CANISIA; which to have again recovered out of the hands of the Turks concerned much, not them of STIRIA and AUSTRIA only, but the other provinces adjoining, yea and ITALY itself also: whereupon he with his army in good order came the tenth of September and encamped before it; the duke of MANTVA and Don john di Medici's with two thousand arquebusiers and two cornets of horse, being come the day before to take view of the town, at whom the Turks made divers shot, but without any harm doing. And albeit that the Turks there in garrison in number not past a thousand (accounting amongst them three hundred of the Walloons sometime of the garrison of PAPPA) with their often and gallant sallies greatly troubled the Christians, and that great bands of other Turks came many times out of the strong town and fortresses thereby, to skirmish with them, and to see if they could put any more soldiers into the town for the more assurance thereof: yet such was the carefulness of the Christian commanders, and valour of their soldiers, that the Turks both in the one place and the other, were to their cost still repulsed and put to flight, with the loss also of some of their small castles and forts thereabout. To approach this strong town and to plant a battery against it, seemed to be a matter of great difficulty, for that it was (as we have elsewhere said) environed round with a marish: yet means was found to dry it a little, and to fill it up on the one side, and to come so near the town, that having planted three tire of artillery against it, the Christians began furiously to batter it, beating down both the walls, the houses, and other buildings therein. Yea at length they had brought their approaches so near, that they were come with their trenches even close unto the town ditch, persuading the Turks now whilst they might upon good conditions to surrender the town, and so to save their lives. Whereunto their fierce and enraged minds were so far from hearkening, that braving the Christians, they said, That they would in despite of all their forces keep the place for their Sultan do what they could. Whereupon the Archduke and the duke of MANTVA, by the advise of Medici's and the rest of the principal captains and commanders in the army, resolved to give a general assault unto the town. In the mean time news was brought into the camp, of the winning of ALBA REGALIS, which there made great rejoicing, in sign whereof the Christians (as the manner is) in triumph many times discharged their great ordinance: and by fit men persuaded the garrison soldiers in CANISIA to yield, and not to cast themselves into such danger as had their fellows at ALBA REGALIS, for that in so doing they should not only save their lives, but easily also obtain such other good conditions as they could reasonably desire; whereas otherwise they should to their cost find the Christians strong enough to constrain them, which must needs bring with it their utter ruin and and destruction. Whereunto the garrison soldiers (amongst whom the renegat Walloons were the chief) contemptuously answered, That they little feared such weak assailants: and with great cry and scorn commanding the messengers to depart, in token of their confidence as also not to seem inferior unto the Christians, oftentimes to small purpose discharged their great ordinance, as had the Christians the day before. Now though the walls of the town were with continual battery sore shaken, and the breaches almost laid open; yet was the intended assault for a while delayed, until the bridges might be made that were to be laid over the town ditch, for the Christians to pass over upon. But all things (as was thought) now in a readiness, and the Florentines with some other of the Italians (whose lot it was to give the first assault) being come forward, the bridge whereby they were to pass the town ditch was found both too short and too weak for them to get over unto the other side by: so that sinking under them, not the soldiers only but even the commanders themselves and namely Herberstein, were in great danger to have been lost. By which means they hindered, and the enemies murdering pieces continually flanking them, and their musketeers still playing upon them affront, they were enforced to retire, leaving behind them three hundred of their men slain. Yet were not the Christian commanders any thing therewith discouraged, but being generally resolved not to give over that they had taken in hand until they had brought it to effect, began to make such provision as they knew to be needful to preserve their army under, against the violence of the winter weather; as also to hinder that no victuals might be brought unto the town, so by famine at length to enforce the Turks and Walloons to yield: who although they were already pinched with wants, insomuch that hors-flesh was dainty cheer with them; yet for all that they nothing abated of their wont fierceness, but being again required to yield, vouchsafed not to answer them one word, but in stead thereof shook their naked swords a far off at them, in token of their undaunted courage. But yet for all this resolution of the commanders for the continuance of the siege, Aldobrandino General of the Italians being now a little before dead (of an old infirmity he had) the Italians began at the first some few of them secretly to withdraw themselves out of their quarter: but afterward by greater numbers to depart, and so to return again into their country; alleging for their excuse, want both of pay and victuals. But the rest better minded, understanding that the Turks were risen from before ALBA REGALIS, and the rest of their army disbanded, began to enter into new hope by some devise or other to pass the ditch, and so by force to take the town: and the rather, for that they were by a French fugitive informed both of the weakness and wants of the besieged. Whereupon they began afresh to make new engines for the approaching of the walls, without danger of the enemy's ordinance any more to flank them. At which time also (viz. the fourth of November) the lord Russworm came unto the camp, sent thither from duke Mercury with eight thousand soldiers (after that Hassan Bassa had broke up his army) by whose coming they were also the more encouraged to prosecute that they had taken in hand: neither failed the Turks in the mean time with often sallies to trouble the Christians, attempting above all things to have fired their tents; for that so lying open in that so cold a season of the year, they must thereby of necessity be enforced to raise their siege and be gone. But the success of these their so great designs was not answerable to their hopes, being still to their loss beaten back into the town by the Christians: whom it behoved to look well about them, for that the besieged desperately set, and all resolved rather to die than to yield, adventured themselves to all dangers, never ceasing to do what they might to put the Christians out of hope for winning the town. The Christians by tempest and extremity of weather enforced to give over the siege of Canisia. But whilst the Turks with doubtful and as it were desperate hope so defend the place, and the Christians grown stronger by the coming of their friends lay in hope to win the same: lo, in the latter end of November the North wind accompanied with a deep snow, so furiously raged, that it overthrew the greatest part of the tents and pavilions of the Christians, and as it were buried their whole army in the snow and ise; in such wise, as that in Ferdinand the archdukes camp (being reasonably well provided for) were a thousand five hundred men, with three hundred horses, starved and frozen to death. At which time the state of them that came with the lord Russworm was most miserable, who wearied with the siege of ALBA REGALIS, and as it were spent with the dirty travel of the deep way, had not brought with them their tents or other provision, and were therefore enforced to lie abroad in so cold and unreasonable a time: with whose miseries, although their good General was much grieved, yet to do the Christian commonweal service, he with them right patiently endured. In which so great an extremity, the Archduke with the rest of the commanders upon view taken, well considering what small hope there was in good time to take the town, the unreasonableness of the winter weather still more and more increasing; thought it better in time to rise, than longer to expose their army unto most certain destruction, either of the enemy or the cold. Which was done with such haste and confused tumult, as that their rising seemed rather an hasty flight than honourable departure; leaving behind them for hast their great ordinance, with their tents and baggage; a common voice still running, That they were well if they might but save themselves: so that the soldiers every man mindful but of himself, and in fear to be pursued by the enemy, no man chase them, fled, but still accompanied with such furious winds, snow, and extreme cold, that with all the labour they could take they could get them no heat, but fell down to the earth many of them frozen, and so once falling never rose more, being unable for want of heat to help themselves: in which case they were not to expect for help from others, every man having enough to do to look unto himself: so that upon the way whereby the army went thus dispersed with the weather, lay above five hundred dead of cold; beside four hundred others left sick in the forsaken trenches, who forthwith after the departure of the army were thought to have been all put to the sword by them of the garrison of CANISIA. But having thus passed through these troubles of HUNGARY, it is time now also to look back again into the frontier countries of TRANSYLVANIA and VALACHIA; which to have kept in the emperors obeisance, and so preserved as a lively member of the Christian commonweal, no less concerned him, than the keeping of any other his frontier territories, which are many. Michael the Vayod submitteth himself unto the emperor. Michael the Vayvod of VALACHIA, the last year for his cruelty first driven out of TRANSYLVANIA by Basta, and afterwards out of VALACHIA by the Great Chancellor of POLONIA (as is aforesaid) and another placed in his stead, as a man forsaken even of his own better fortunes, and not well knowing which way to turn himself: thought it best now at last to submit himself unto the emperor, if so happily by his means he might in some sort repair his broken estate, and so at leastwise recover his government in VALACHIA. So resolved, he set forward, and in the beginning of this year, viz. the three and twentieth of januarie, with five and thirty of his followers and six coaches arrived at PRAGE, where he was by the emperors appointment honourably received, and his cost at the emperors charge defrayed. Unto whom he excused himself of the severity by him used in TRANSYLVANIA (the cause of those late troubles in that country) as enforced thereunto by the stubbornness of the transylvanians themselves, whom he found still inclined to rebellion, and unwilling to be commanded by any but by themselves. Which his excuse (as true) was well admitted, and he with all kindness used. Now at this same time Basta lying also in TRANSYLVANIA, as Governor for the emperor, right slenderly accompanied, (as is before also declared) the parliament at CLAUSENBURG being ended, Basta taken prisoner by the transylvanians. and all controversies (as was thought) well composed, now without fear one night the watch being set, went to bed to take his rest; where he had not long lain, but that certain of the Transyluanian lords, among whom the Chiaki was chief, came with their followers, and surprising the watch, and entering the palace, broke into the chamber where he lay, took him out of his bed, and so kept him prisoner all that night. And the next morning going forth, about twelve miles off met with Sigismond Bathor their late prince, Sigismond recovereth his state in Transyluania▪ before secretly by them called in, whom they honourably conducted to CLAUSENBURG, and there delivered unto him Basta, the late governor for the emperor, whom he commanded to be cast into irons: and so going to the palace, gave like order for the apprehending and safe keeping of the rest of the nobility also, such as had taken part with Basta in the behalf of the emperor. For now the transylvanians were divided into three parts: whereof the one stood for the emperor; the second for Istuan Bathor (pretending, that unto him belonged the sovereignty of that province) but the third and far the greatest, for Sigismond their ancient lord and leader, who now by means of the king of POLONIA reconciled unto the great Turk, and in this troublesome time by his favourites called again into his country, was by them joyfully received at AL●A JULIA, CLAUSENBURG, and the rest of the chief cities of TRANSYLVANIA. Who now thereof again possessed, for the better assuring of his estate forthwith writ unto the emperor what had happened, requesting him to content himself, that he was desirous of his love and favour, promising to be always his good friend and neighbour, and for ever to keep good amity with him: giving Basta also (whom he had now at the intercession of certain great friends again enlarged) to understand, That he was forthwith to depart from all the places belonging unto his principality, as also to cease from further molesting of his people that were now voluntarily again returned unto his obedience. Which his request was neither of the one nor of the other much regarded or harkened unto: for the emperor upon the first advertisement of this so great an alteration in TRANSYLVANIA, calling unto him Michael the Vayvod (not so much troubled with the strangeness of the matter, as for that his wife and son, whom he had left as hostages with Basta, were now come into the hands of the transylvanians his mortal enemies) and satisfying him in many things that he had before requested, took order with him, That with all convenient speed returning home again into VALACHIA, where he was now much longed for (the people generally disliking of the simple Vayvod, by the great Chancellor set over them) and gathering together such power as he could, he should join himself with Basta his lieutenant general, unto whom he had already sent great companies both of horse and foot for the expulsing of Sigismond out of TRANSYLVANIA, and the reducing again of that province under his obeisance. Whereupon the Vayvod forthwith returning into VALACHIA, and assembling about ten thousand of his friends, all good and expert soldiers, went to seek for Basta as he had with the emperor agreed; whom he found ready in the field with about twenty thousand foot and eight thousand horse, but newly departed from VERADINUM: where mustering their army, they with their united forces entered into TRANSYLVANIA, there to put in execution what the emperor had commanded. Where the Vayvod in disdain of the people which loved him not, with fire & sword wasted all the country before him as he went: not without the great discontentment of Basta, to whom it seemed not good to make desolate that country which he was in good hope should in short time be his lord and masters the emperors. But Sigismond understanding both of the coming of his enemies and of the harm they did in his country, rise from SOLNOCK where he lay encamped with his army, and so to hinder their further proceeding went to meet them: howbeit being come so near unto them as that he might well discover them, he would not come to the trial of a battle with them, which was by them offered; but fortified himself in his trenches, so seeking but to delay the time until the coming of the Tartars, which were to have come unto him from the Chancellor of POLONIA, as also of six thousand Turks to have been sent him from the Bassa of BELGRADE. Where having afterward understood that the passage of the Tartars to have been sent him, was stayed by Don Ferrante Gonzaga the emperors lieutenant in the upper HUNGARY; and that the Turks staying at GIULA would come no farther except they had their pay before hand: finding himself too weak with his own power to encounter with his enemies, he rise with his army, with purpose to have retired a little back, and to have taken certain strait passages whereby the enemy must needs pass, so by the advantage of the place to have holpen his own weak strength. But Basta and the Vayvod perceiving his rising (whereunto they were still attentive) followed him with such speed, Sigismond overthrown by Ba●●a and the Vayvod, s●●●●h o●t of T●an●yluania. that they overtook him before he could get thither, and so hardly pressed him, that needs he must turn his face and join battle, or else suffer his people altogether like beasts to be slain. In which doing, albeit that neither he nor his failed to do what was by men to be done for the obtaining of a notable victory, yet such was the valour of the soldiers of Basta and the Vayvod, that in a great fight having disordered his footmen, they put them to flight, and so cut them all in pieces. Which the prince beholding, and not able to remedy the matter, betime fled with his horsemen from the fury of his enemies, and so retired to the uttermost confines of TRANSYLVANIA, having in this battle lost ten thousand of his faithful soldiers. Whereupon CLAUDIOPOLIS with divers other cities and towns of that country, returned again unto the emperors obeisance. In the prosecuting of this victory, the Vayvod to satisfy the hatred he had of long borne against the transylvanians, did what spoil he could, utterly wasting all the places whereby he pas●ed: which Basta not liking, requested him to use his victory with more modesty, and to have more respect to what he did, especially unto such places or persons as of themselves returned unto the emperors obeisance. Whereunto he proudly answered, That he would do what he thought good without his appointment or the emperors either, especially in that country which he had now with his own sword twice conquered: and that therefore Basta might command them that were by him to be commanded, as for himself he acknowledged no sovereignty that either Basta or the emperor had over him. Unto which his so presumptuous a speech Basta replied not, but yet much therewith discontented, began to enter into a great suspicion from what ground those his haughty conceits (easily by his words to be gathered) might grow. And so from that time better observing his proceedings, perceived him to have intelligence with the Turks, with purpose to join hands with them, that so by their help chase the Imperials out of TRANSYLVANIA, he might hold it to himself as tributary to the Ottoman emperor, of all others best able to defend him. Which to be true (beside divers other strong presumptions) he certainly understood by certain letters of his written to that purpose, intercepted by his soldiers and brought unto him: whereupon he became very pensive and heavy, for the great power the Vayvod was of in those countries, as also for the great strength he had even then present about him, and wherewith he was as it were then guarded. So consulting with certain of his Colonels and chief commanders of his army, what were best to be done in that so dangerous a case, whereof so much depended? a Wallon captain offered himself to go into the Vayvod his camp, and there in his own tent to kill him as a traitor. Which his offer well liked of, and he as ready to perform as he was to promise, going into the Vayvods' camp accompanied with some threescore men, and finding him in his tent, boldly stepping to him, willed him to yield himself the emperors prisoner: Whereat he being about to lay his hand upon his scimitar, Michael the Vay●od slain. the Wallon captain with an halberd thrust him into the breast, at which very instant another with a sword at one blow clave his head down to the shoulders. An unworthy death for so worthy a captain, had not ambition the torment of great spirits carried him too high with the wings of immoderate desire, beyond the bounds of loyalty and reason. But there he lieth now dead among his friends, whom the great Turk sometime more feared even in his palace at CONSTANTINOPLE, than he did all the rest of the emperor's commanders. Presently upon his death a great tumult and hurly burly was raised by the soldiers in his camp: but Basta forthwith showing himself with all his soldiers in arms, and withal producing the letters declaring the treason by the Vayvod contrived with the Bassa of T●MESV●AR against the emperor, all was again appeased: but especially for that his soldiers now saw themselves without an head, and too weak also for the Imperials there present and already in arms. In the Vayvods' tent were also other letters found, so plainly declaring his secret collusion with the Turk, and treason against the Emperor, that the Walachians who at the first were wonderfully moved with his death, and hearing the same read, rested not now only contented, but said moreover that he was worthily slain, and that if they had known him to have had any such traitorous purpose, they would themselves long before have taken of him deserved punishment. Now unto his soldiers Basta offered, at their choice, either to depart whither they would without danger; or else taking the oath of obedience unto the emperor to enter into his pay, which most part of them did. The tumult appeased, the dead body of the Vayvod was laid out a whole day for the soldiers to gaze upon, and so afterward buried. So lieth he, that but of late and many times before, had so fortunately overthrown his enemies; unhappy man himself now overthrown by his own ambition and unconstancy. Basta now delivered of the great fear he had before of the Vayvod, The transylvanians submit themselves unto Basta. what by force, what by agreement, in short time took in most part of the country: for that the transylvanians seeing the small power of Sigismond, and well comforted with the death of Michael the Vayvod so much of them hated; as also to avoid the dangers even presently hanging over their heads from the Imperials, if they should in any thing show themselves obstinate against them, submitted themselves wholly to the courtesy of Basta, so that the places were but few that yet held out for the prince Sigismond: who in the mean time was doing what he might for the raising of a new army (having not altogether with this late overthrow forthwith also lost his hope) by the help of the Turks, Tartars, and Polonians, to recover again the possession of his state, and by force of arms to chase out the Imperials. But he being brought to so low an ebb, and almost the country of TRANSYLVANIA possessed by Basta; who would not have thought but that now after so long travels it would have remained wholly at the emperors devotion? and so many that thought themselves to see much, said assuredly it would. But see the change, and what small assurance even the greatest have of the constancy of the vain multitude: never more like themselves, than in disliking to morrow what they best liked to day, foolish, senseless, improvident, rash, headstrong, violent, and above all things mutable and unconstant. So now for all that Basta had done for the assurance of this country unto the emperor (being so much as most men thought to have been sufficient, and indeed as much as was possible for him to do) even in the winding up of this year 1601, the transylvanians understanding that Sigismond with a great army of Polonians, Turks, and Tartars, was now coming against the Imperials, most part of them presently took up arms in his favour, The transylvanians re●el● again unto Sigismond their old prince. saying, That their first oath voluntarily given unto him as their natural prince and Governor, was more to be respected than any other afterwards by force extorted from them by a foreign prince. Insomuch, that Basta perceiving with what a tempest he was like even presently to be overwhelmed; to save himself and his people from the rage thereof, withdrew himself with his followers unto a strong town in a corner of that country: Basta flieth. from whence he with all speed sent unto the emperor for greater aid, as well for the defence of the place he yet held, as for the subduing again of that rebellious people. After whose departure, Sigismond without resistance entering the country, was of the people in general joyfully received as their most lawful prince and sovereign, and all the honour done unto him that was by them possible: in which his so princely, but dangerous estate, now twice in less than the space of one year by him regained, and yet thereof no whit assured, we will for a while leave him to joy therein with his subjects. The janissaries in mutiny at Constantinople. But whilst the state thus turneth upside down in TRANSYLVANIA, the Bassa of AGRIA going out with ten thousand Turks in hope to have surprised TOCCAIB (a strong hold of the Christians in the upper HUNGARY) was encountered by Ferrant Gonzaga the emperors lieutenant there, and by him overthrown, and with great slaughter of his Turks chased to the gates of AGRIA. Now was Mahomet the Turkish emperor this year also, no less troubled with the proceedings of the Scrivano in CARAMANIA and ANATOLIA, than with the evil success of his affairs in TRANSYLVANIA and HUNGARY. For the Scrivano by his last years victory grown into great credit with the common people, and still by them more and more followed; to maintain the reputation of his credit, came now again this year with a great power into the field, to meet with Mahomet the great Bassa and General of the Turks army▪ who with fifty thousand good soldiers (a power thought sufficient to have repressed him) was ready to encounter him. With whom the Scrivano joining battle, in a great fight ●ut in sunder a great part of the Bassa's army, and so became master of the field, foraged all the countries adjoining almost as far as ALEPPO, still calling the people unto liberty; and causing himself to be proclaimed the true defender of the Mahometan faith, and of the liberties of those co●●tries with him combined: in such sort, as that it now stood the great Turk upon to send an other great army to the aid of Mahomet the discomfited Bassa. With whom also the Scrivano (presuming of his former fortune) coming to a day of battle, and overcharged with the multitude of his enemies, was at the first encounter with his people put to the worse: but forthwith by his good direction having repaired his disordered battle, and thereby given as it were new courage to his fainting soldiers, he with a great slaughter disordered also the Bassa's army. Yet having not any other firm state or stay to rest upon, more than the favour and reputation he held with these his rebellious followers, of whom he had now lost a great many, he thought it not best to adventure too far (not knowing how presently to repair his losses) but contenting himself with that he had already done, retired with his army into the strength of the mountains, there that Winter to live upon the spoil of the countries adjoining, and the next year to do more harm than ever he had done before. The Bassa of Agria overthrown by Ferrant Gonzaga. Beside all which former troubles, the plague also this year sore raged both in CONSTANTINOPLE and many other places of the Turkish empire, At which time also the janissaries at CONSTANTINOPLE having received some disgrace by some of the great Sultan's fauourits, and with great insolency requiring to have their heads, caused their Aga well accompanied presumptuously to enter into the Seraglio to prefer this their request: Whom Mahomet to the terror of the rest, caused for his presumption to be taken into the midst of the Spahi, and so by them to be cut in pieces; which was not done without the great slaughter of the Spahi themselves also, slain by the janissaries. Whereupon the other janissaries arising up in arms also, and even now ready to have revenged the death of their captain, were yet by the wisdom of Cicala Bassa bestowing amongst them a great sum of money, again appeased without farther harm doing. Which their so great insolency Mahomet imputing unto their excessive drinking of wine, contrary to the law of their great Prophet; by the persuasion of the Mufti, commanded all such as had any wine in their houses in CONSTANTINOPLE or PERA, upon pain of death to bring it out and to stave it, except the ambassadors of the Queen of ENGLAND, the French king, and of the State of VENICE: so that (as some report) wine for a space ran down the channels of the streets in CONSTANTINOPLE, as if it had been water after a great shower of rain. 1602 Sigismond the Transyluanian prince now of late again possessed of TRANSYLVANIA (as is before declared) could not yet well assure himself of the keeping thereof: for that he with the transylvanians of his faction alone, was not able to withstand the force of Basta; who still strengthened with new supplies both of men and all things else necessary for the wars from the Emperor, was now with a great power already entered into TRANSYLVANIA: the Polonians busied in the wars of SUEVIA, and the Turks with their other greater affairs, neither of them sending him their promised aid, the greatest hope and stay of himself in that newness of his state. Wherefore seeing himself every day to lose one place or other; and fearing also lest his soldiers for want of pay should in short time quite forsake him and go over to Basta: he thought it best betimes and whilst he had yet something left, and was not yet altogether become desperate, otherwise to provide for his estate, especially having small trust in the Turks, to whom he had before been so great an enemy. Wherefore he dealt with Basta for a truce or cessation from arms, until ambassadors might be sent unto the emperor, to entreat with him for some good atonement. Wherewith Basta being content, and the ambassadors sent, the matter was so handled with the Emperor, that Sigismond to make an end of all these troubles, was contented to the behoof of his Imperial majesty, to resign unto Basta his lieutenant all such places as he yet held in TRANSYLVANIA, upon much like conditions he had about three years before made with him: and so in all and for all, to submit himself unto his majesty. Which intended surrender of the princes being bruited in TRANSYLVANIA, Zachell Moses his lieutenant (and now in field with the prince's forces) not able to endure or to hear that that noble province should again fall into the hands of the Germans; encouraging his soldiers, went upon the sudden to assail Basta, in hope to have found him unprovided, and so discomfiting his army, to have driven the Imperials quite out of TRANSYLVANIA: But he an old and expert commander, perceiving even the first moving of the transylvanians, with great sceleritie put his army in good order, and so joined battle with them: wherein he with the loss of some five hundred men overthrew Moses, Zachell Moses overthrown by Basta. with his army of transylvanians, Turks, and Tartars, having slain above three thousand of them, and put the rest to flight: Moses himself with some few others being now glad to take their refuge into the frontiers of the Turks territories towards TEMESWAR. But when Sigismond understood what his lieutenant had without his knowledge done, he in token of his own innocency went himself unto the Imperial camp, accompanied only with certain of his Gentlemen, and there unto Basta excused himself of that which was by his lieutenant against his will, and without his privity done; frankly offering to perform whatsoever was on his part to be performed, according to the agreement made betwixt the Emperor and him. And so presently calling his garrisons out of all such strong places as were yet for him holden, he surrendered them to Basta; and so forthwith honourably accompanied, put himself upon his way towards the emperor. After whose departure out of TRANSYLVANIA, all that province voluntarily and without more ado yielded to Basta as to the emperors lieutenant: who presently called an assembly of all the Nobility of the country, taking of them an oath for their obedience and loyalty unto the emperor. Thus by the wisdom and prowess of this worthy commander, is the country of TRANSYLVANIA once again brought under the emperors obeisance; a matter of far greater importance, than to have won the strongest city the Turk holdeth in HUNGARY. But whilst things thus passed in TRANSYLVANIA, Great troubles in Valachia. great troubles arise also in VALACHIA (the country next adjoining) for that the people of that province not able longer to endure the great insolency of the Turks (who after the death of Michael had by their power made one Hieremias Vayvod there) by a general consent took up arms, and proclaiming one Radol (a favourite of the Emperors) Vayvod, chased Hieremias (before placed by the Turks) quite out of the country▪ who flying unto Simon Palatine of MOLDAVIA, his friend, by his means and the help of the Turks returning into VALACHIA, drove out thence Radol again: who being now at this present with Basta, with about ten thousand Null his followers, earnestly requested of him (now that he was so quietly possessed of TRANSYLVANIA) to help him with his forces for the recovery of VALACHIA. And Basta well considering how much it concerned the quiet and sure keeping of the possession of TRANSYLVANIA for the Emperor, to have that so near a province to friend, easily yielded to his request; and gave him a great regiment of his old approved soldiers, and so sent him away to recover his estate: with whom (at his entrance into VALACHIA) the Moldavian meeting with a great power both of his own and of the Turks, come thither in the favour of Hieremias, there was fought betwixt them a most terrible and bloody battle, the glory whereof fell unto Radol, he carrying away the victory. In which battle two of the Turks Bassas were there slain, with a great numbers of others both of the Moldavians and Turks. After which victory Radol recovered again the sovereignty of VALACHIA, for which he was beholden to Basta: and shortly after with the same aid cut in pieces a great power of the Tartars, that were coming to have aided the Moldavian. Troubles in Hungary. Now in the mean time in HUNGARY also passed many an hot skirmish betwixt the Christians and the Turks, whose garrisons at BUDA and other places in the lower HUNGARY, attempting to have surprised ALBA REGALIS, and discovered by the Christians, were with great slaughter enforced to retire. At which time also, County Serinus understanding by his espials, that the Turks with two hundred wagons with munition and victuals were going to CANISIA; upon the sudden set upon them, and having slain and put to flight the convoy that guarded them, carried the wagons with all that was in them away with him. And shortly after the free Haiduckes of COMARA in a great party going out towards BUDA to seek after booty, and having taken threescore Turks prisoners, and so with them about to have returned home; understanding by the way, that Ali sometime the Bassa of BUDA, and now governor of PESTH, was with a small retinue about to come down the river Danubius from BUDA towards BELGRADE, there to meet the Visier Bassa, but then coming into HUNGARY, they slew all their prisoners; and having got two small boats, about fifteen miles beneath BUDA lay in wait for the Bassa: who according to their expectation coming down the river, was by these adventurers fiercely assailed, and of his thirty followers having fourteen slain, being himself also shot in two places of his body, Ali Bassa taken prisoner. was there with a great booty taken, and so brought to COMARA, and shortly after presented unto Mathias the archduke at VIENNA: who amongst other things certainly informed him, that Hassan Bassa was with a great army by the commandment of the great Sultan Mahomet coming to besiege ALBA REGALIS, and that he was now upon his way as far as BELGRADE; presently sent thither the County Isolan governor thereof, who with much ado got into the city, the Turks having already taken all the passages, to have hindered the Christians from putting either men or munition, more than was therein already. Howbeit the County now got in there, and being no less good engineer than a valiant commander, caused all them in the city to labour upon the rampires: so that beside the natural situation thereof, which was very strong, he had in short time so fortified it, as that in most men's judgement it seemed a place almost impregnable. This Ali Bassa was sometime the Great Turk's butler, but after the taking of AGRIA made Bassa of BUDA; which great place he held but three months, being by the envy and ambition of some, but especially of Amurath Bassa, removed thence, and made governor of PESTH: from whence now going down the river to BELGRADE, it was his fortune to be thus taken by the Haiduckes, unto whom he offered for his ransom three hundred thousand Sultanines; A great ransom offered by Ali Bassa. and had with him when he was taken seventy thousand ducats. Mahomet the great Sultan not a little troubled with the loss of ALBA REGALIS (taken from him by the Christians the last year) and now resolved for the recovery of the same to engage if need should be a great part of his forces; had caused an army of above an hundred thousand strong to meet together at HADRIANOPLE, for that purpose, under the leading of Mahomet Bassa (otherwise called Sardar Bassa, an Albanois, and one of the chief Viziers) to be sent into HUNGARY. Who by the way of BELGRADE coming to BUDA, and from thence to ALBA REGALIS, Al●a Regalis besieged by the Turks. there the twelfth of August encamped (as he had oftentimes before threatened) with the multitude of his tents covering all the country round about, as if it had been a white snow: where having well entrenched himself, and planted his artillery, he began a most terrible and furious battery, in such sort as if he had not meant to have made a breach only, but to have beaten the city even from the face of the earth, which seemed now to tremble under his feet, and the clouds to rend with the thundering of his great ordinance: and for that the marish and deep ditches were a great let unto his men for to come unto the assault, he caused them with the number of his pioneers to be filled up, a work thought almost impossible, and so brought on his men to assault the counterscarp, which the governor had caused to be made before the city for the better defence thereof: which assault cost him much blood, by reason of the wonderful valour of the defendants: yet in the end the great number of the Turks prevailing, the Christians were enforced to forsake it and to retire into the city. But shortly after sallying out again, they with such force assailed the Turks now got within the counterscarp, that having slain most part of them that were entered, they forced the other out again: at the brute whereof, an alarm being raised throughout the camp, infinite numbers of the barbarous enemies came running thither with such beastly fury, that without regard of their lives they as desperate men pressing still on, fell twice as many as before: insomuch that the Christians weary of that long and bloody fight, and on every side charged or rather overwhelmed with the enemies shot, were glad again, but not without great loss, to abandon the place. With which skirmishes and divers others that they had, the number of the defendants was greatly diminished: yet was not the courage of the valiant Governor any whit therewith abated, but by his letters gave the Archduke Mathias to understand in what case things stood with them in the city, requesting him with all speed to send them relief, for that otherwise the city would be in danger to be lost; as well for that many of the garrison soldiers were already slain in the defence thereof, as also that divers of the Hungarians forsaking the walls, daily fled unto the Turks camp: promising yet nevertheless himself to do the uttermost of his devoir. Upon the receipt of which letters, the Archduke gave order unto the lord Russworm (master of his camp) to go forthwith to COMARA, and there with such forces as were from divers places come thither, to go forth and to prove if by any means the weak garrison of ALBA REGALIS might so be relieved, by putting in some good supply of fresh soldiers. According unto which command, Russworm coming thither, without delay took the field with twelve thousand men which he found there, to see if he might with them put into the city the desired relief. But whilst the matter was in the performance thereof too long delayed, by discord arising betwixt him and the other colonels, about the command, A long and terrible assault. the Bassa had time to effect his purpose: who the eight and twentieth of the same month of August, after a long and terrible battery, caused a general assault to be given unto the city: which the Turks from time to time renewing, continued all that day and the next night, with some part of the day following also, without intermission: so that the defendants now brought to a small number, and they also so wearied or wounded, as that they were not well able to make any longer resistance (and the County himself, who gave as it were life unto them all, being now also carried away, dangerously hurt in the thigh with a musket shot) gave unto the enemy a sign of their yielding. Alba Regalis by the Turks won. Whereupon the fury of the assault being stayed, whilst they were yet talking with the enemy from the wall about the conditions of their yielding, a renegade Christian which knew the city well, in the mean time conducted a great squadron of the Turks unto a place but weakly defended; who forcing the walls, entered the city, and with a great cry gave signs of their entrance unto the rest of the army on the other side: who thereupon breaking off the parley, presently renewed the assault, and by force gained the walls: where the few Christians that were left, now both before and behind enclosed with their fierce enemies, were there valiantly fight for the most part slain, the County only with some few others found wounded in their lodgings (the fury overpast) being taken prisoners and spared. So the Bassa having in eighteen days taken ALBA REGALIS (now being eleven months possessed by the Christians) caused the breaches he had made to be again repaired, and the city well provided for both of victuals and munition, leaving therein a strong garrison of six thousand good soldiers: and with his people having overrun all the country as far as STRIGONIUM, rise with his army, and retired again to BUDA: where as he was making a bridge of boats over the Danubius betwixt BUDA and PESTH, for the more easy transporting of victual, and better relieving of the one the other as need should require; and having brought that work to pass, and was about to have gone to the siege of STRIGONIUM, commandment came from the great Sultan, That he should with all speed return to CONSTANTINOPLE; for that Mahomet accounting of him as of a most valiant man, was now minded to employ him in his wars against his rebels in ANATOLIA, where things now went not well (as shall hereafter be declared.) Upon which commandment the Bassa gave leave to all such in his army as had charge of any place, forthwith to return to their several places of government: appointing some others with thirty thousand soldiers in the company of Zachael Moses (but of late prince Sigismond his lieutenant) to go with him into TRANSYLVANIA; who after the overthrow he had there received by Basta, was come unto this great Bassa, offering unto him (with such an aid as was now appointed for him, and the help of such other his friends as he had in TRANSYLVANIA) to chase Basta with his Germans from out thence, and to reduce that province again unto the devotion of the Ottoman emperors, as it had in former time been. And so by the way of BELGRADE hasted himself with the rest of his army towards CONSTANTINOPLE: which he was thought the more willingly to do, for that the great Sultan before his setting forth had put him in good hope to marry one of his aunts, a woman of great wealth and honour, if by the winning again of ALBA REGALIS he should make himself worthy so honourable a match, after which he now longed. But long it was not after his departure, but that the Imperials now at last assembled together at COMARA, to the number of about thirty thousand men, with twelve These Nassadies a●e a certain kind of boats which the Hungarians use upon the river of Da●ubius. Nassadies and two galleys, some by water, some by land, marched down alongst the river to STRIGONIUM; where were also twenty other ships ready to receive them, and so all embarked, were by the lord Russworm and other the imperial captains conducted to BUDA, there with some notable enterprise to redeem the disgrace by them before received in not relieving of ALBA REGALIS. Whose coming was so sudden and so unlooked for of the Turks there, as that they had no time to take in any greater help or provision, than was already in the city. And for as much as the Christians knew the good success of this their enterprise taken in hand, not so much to depend of their strength, as of their politic proceeding and speedy dispatch of the matter begun, they thought it not good to use any long delay, or to spare for any labour, but so soon as they might by taking of the Water city (or as some call it the jews suburbs) so to cut off the passage of them of BUDA to PESTH: as also from thence to trouble them in the castle and the upper city of BUDA. Which their intended exploit they happily attempted and brought to pass in this sort: The city of PESTH standing right over against BUDA, is (as we have oftentimes beforesaid) divided from the same with the great and swift river of Danubius: over which the Turks upon boats had with great labour and cost of late built a most easy and commodious bridge, for passage or carriage of things from the one city to the other: this bridge the Imperials thought necessary first to break, the more easily to besiege either the one or other city; and for that purpose had by a strange device built a ship, which by the force of the stream carried down the river, and resting upon the bridge, should by a wonderful power break the same. Which ship the Turks seeing coming down the river with the rest of the fleet after her, The lower city of Buda taken by the Christians. they ran by heaps especially out of the Water city to the bridge, for the defence thereof: where whilst they were thus busied, County Sultze on the other side by land with a Petarde blew up one of the gates of the city, and so entering, and killing all such as he light upon, came unlooked for upon the backs of the Turks at the bridge, of whom some he slew, some he drove into the river, who there perished; the rest in number not many, by speedy flight retiring themselves into the city: whereupon he had now brought such a general fear, that they all as well the soldiers as the citizens, with the Christians at their heels, with as much haste as they could took their refuge into the upper city of BUDA, much stronger and better fortified than was the lower city. At which time the bridge was by them upon the river broken also, so that now the one city could no more thereby relieve the other as before. The Water city thus won, and the bridge broken, the next was for the Imperials to besiege either the one or the other city. But for that they of PESTH might with their great ordinance much annoy them in the besieging of the castle and the upper city of BUDA, they thought best to begin with it first: which they did in much like sort as they had before done at the lower city of BUDA, the same device again well prospering in their hand. For the lord Russworm with the fleet upon the river making a great show, as if he would even presently on that side have entered, had with the stir by him raised, drawn down most part of the garrison soldiers unto that side of the city where most show of danger was: whilst in the mean while County Sultze with the governor of ALTHEM (before undiscovered) upon the sudden by land scaled the other side of the city, The city of Pes●h t●k●n by the Christians. and gained the walls, the Turks yet dreaming of no such matter. But hereupon began a great outcry, the Turks standing as men astonished, especially now feeling the Christians weapons in their bodies before they knew they were got into the city. In this so great an amazement, such of them as could, fled into the strongest towers, the rest hid themselves in cellars and other the most secret corners they could find, out of which they were afterwards by the Christians drawn and slain. They which were retired also into the towers and other stronger places of the city seeing the great ordinance in every place bend upon them, and now out of all hope of relief, offered to yield, requesting only, that they might with their wives and children with life depart; promising for that favour so showed them, to persuade them of BUDA also in like manner to yield: Upon which promise, that their poor request was granted, and the lord Nadasti with certain other captains sent with some of these citizens of PESTH with their wives and children to BUDA: who coming thither, according to their promise most earnestly requested them of BUDA to yield, for that they were not now to expect any further help, and that by their foolish obstinacy they should be the cause of the death of them, their friends, their wives, and children. Unto whom also, to move them the more, the lord Nadasti promised in the name of the General, That they should all, excepting some few of their chief commanders, in safety depart: howbeit, they of BUDA would not hearken thereunto, but stood still upon their guard. In this city of PESTH, well inhabited with Turkish merchants, the Christians found great store of wealth, which all became a prey unto the soldiers, with a thousand horses for service, many great pieces of artillery, and much other warlike provision. PESTH thus won, The upper city and castle of B●da besieged by the Christians. and a strong garrison left therein, they returned again over the river to besiege the castle and upper city of BUDA: which they attempted by undermining the same, as also by battery; having placed some of their great ordinance so high, that they could at their pleasure shoot into the midst of the streets of the city, wherewith they much troubled the Turks, not a little before discouraged with the loss of PESTH; thundering also at the same time with their other batteries in divers places at the walls both of the castle and of the city. Where understanding, that the Turks garrisons of the frontier towns and castles thereabouts (hearing of the siege) were coming to the relief of their distressed friends, they sent out their horsemen with some part of their footmen against them: who meeting with them, gave them a great overthrow, and so with victory returned again unto the rest of the army lying at the siege, being still in hope either by force or composition to become masters of the city. But whilst they lay in this hope, and having the twelfth of October brought their approaches nearer unto the walls, had there planted certain notable pieces of battery, with purpose the next day with all their power to have assaulted the city: behold, the Visier Bassa hearing (by the way as he was going to BELGRADE, and so to CONSTANTINOPLE) that PESTH was won, and BUDA besieged; changing his mind, returned in haste with such forces as he had yet left, and so unlooked for, came and sat down before PESTH, being not then above five and twenty thousand strong, but those all or for the most part old and expert soldiers. But whilst the Bassa thus lay at the siege of PESTH on the one side of the river, and the Imperials at the siege of BUDA on the other, divers brave attempts were in both places given both on the one side and the other. A notable skirmish betwixt the Christians and the Turk●. The Christians besieged by the Turks in PESTH, having amongst them divers brave captains, and desirous of honour, one day under their conduct sallied out of the city to skirmish with the Turks; and coming with them to the sword, by plain valour disordered them, and enforced them to fly; and so alured with the sweetness of the victory, pursued them even to their trenches: from whence a great squadron of the Turks horsemen and arquebusiers at the same instant issuing out, and with their multitude overcharging the Imperials, constrained them of force to retire: in which retreat, County Maximilian Martinengo (one of these adventurers) doing what he might both with his valour and direction to have stayed the disordered retreat of the Christians, was with many others slain: wherewith the rest discouraged, took their refuge towards the city. Which they of the garrison beholding, sent out certain companies to relieve them; by whose coming out, the fury of the Turks was not only repressed, but they also even unto their trenches again repulsed. Shortly after which hot skirmishes, the lord Russworm with the other Christian captains on the other side of the river, having with continual battery made such a breach into the castle as that the same seemed to be now saultable, in good order came on with certain companies of their footmen appointed for that service, and so courageously assailed the breach: where the Turks, who before had expected this assault, having in best sort they could repaired the breach and on both sides thereof placed divers murdering pieces, with great store of dangerous fireworks, at such time as the first companies of the Christians sought courageously to have entered the breach, overwhelmed them with that deadly fire, and so rend them with their murdering shot, that they no faster entered, but that they were forthwith cut off and slain: with the sight whereof, they which were appointed to second them, nothing discouraged, but seeking desperately to have entered, and with the taking of the castle and slaughter of the Turks to have required the death of their fellows, were themselves in like sort welcomed. So that now a thousand of them being lost, the captains considering how much the loss of so many brave soldiers concerned the whole enterprise taken in hand, and that the breach could not be gained without the loss of the greatest part of them, they caused a retreat to be sounded, and so the assault for that time to be given over. But long it was not that the Visier Bassa (thus retired as aforesaid) had lain before PESTH, but that by reason of his so sudden return, great wants began to arise in his camp; his soldiers for want of food being glad to eat their dead horses, a pound of bread being sold for two Hungarian ducats, and a bushel of oats for five, and yet hardly so to be gotten: which wants in that so wasted a country still more and more increasing, and many of his soldiers secretly stealing away from him, he had much ado by all the means he could use, to persuade them there to stay eight days longer. Which time expired, and nothing more done, than some few weak attempts given, and some light skirmishes made, rather for fashion's sake than for any hope of prevailing, The Visier Bassa raiseth his siege. and the want of all things still increasing; he with the rest of the commanders fearing some sudden mischief to be done them by the hungry and discontented soldiers, the second of November causing his baggage to be trussed up in the dead time of the dark and silent night, rise with his army, and so in haste retired directly to BELGRADE, leaving behind him in his camp three hundred dead horses, not yet eaten by his hunger-starved soldiers. Immediately after whose departure, the lord Nadasti and some other of the commanders in the army, with five thousand soldiers and certain great pieces of artillery, some by land, some by water, went down alongst the river to ADOM, a fair well built town upon the bank of Danubius, about four Hungarian miles from BUDA, and serving as it were for a storehouse for the garrison there: which town Nadasti summoned by his Hussars sent before, requiring to have it delivered unto him. Which they of the town at the first refused to do: but afterwards seeing a far greater power come, provided of great ordinance and all things else requisite for a siege, they with the sight thereof discouraged, without more ado offered to yield the town, so that they might with bag and baggage in safety depart: which they did, the Christians conducting them as far as FELDWAR, which castle was also at the first summons, by the persuasion of them of ADOM delivered unto them: for they of the castle, by them informed of the great strength of the Christians, and of the store of great ordinance they had brought with them, and that they stayed therewith but fast by, were easily persuaded to hearken to their friends, and so yielded. Which done, the free Haiduckes the same night surprised also the castle of Pax: from whence the Christians still marching on alongst the river, took in also the city of TOLNA. But whilst Nadasti with the rest were thus busied in taking these castles and towns alongst the South side of Danubius, they in the camp at BUDA were advertised of the new designs of the Turks lieutenants and captains thereabouts, for the relief of the besieged: as that the Bassa of BOSNA, with the Governors of CANISIA, SIGETH, and others, had assembled an army of thirty thousand for the raising of the siege. Wherefore the Christians doubting as they lay at the siege dispersed, to be by them oppressed; leaving their tents in their trenches, gathered themselves together into the Water city: which the Turks out of the upper city quickly perceiving, as feeling themselves now at some more liberty, presently sallying out, took both the trenches and the tents so left, with no small slaughter of such as were left for the keeping of them: and so possessed of the trenches and tents, held them by the space of two hours, until they were by strong hand by the Christians beaten out, and so with some loss enforced again to retire into the city. The lord Nadasti also, with the rest that had taken the aforesaid castles and towns upon the side of Danubius, making a road towards ALBA REGALIS, in their return within a mile of BUDA light upon a thousand Turks there gathered together, most part of whom they slew, and having put the rest to flight, took some fifty of them prisoners. At which time also another of the Imperial colonels meeting with certain other companies of the Turks coming to the relief of the besieged, not far from BUDA, slew most part of them, took an hundred and threescore of them prisoners, with a number of horses and much other rich booty, all which he brought into the camp. Neither were they at the siege in the mean time idle, their great artillery still thundering against the walls both of the castle and the city: so that by the fury of the cannon having beaten down a strong town next unto the Danubius, not far from the king's stable, they were a little before night about to have there entered, when suddenly such a tempest of wind and rain arise, as that they could not possibly use their pieces, or well any other weapon: so that the heavens as it were then fight for the enemy, they were enforced for that time to give over the assault begun. Which storm was no sooner ended, but that two thousand of the Turks both horse and foot, to keep the Christians otherwise busied, suddenly issuing out of the city, charged upon the Stirian horsemen; who presently relieved by the men at arms, so welcomed them, that having lost an hundred and threescore of their men, they were glad with more speed to retire than they came out. But seeing some of the Christians that so hardly pursued them, some slain and some hurt from the walls, taking heart again, the next day (being the eleventh of November) they sallied out again; where albeit that a great number of them were slain, yet fell they out again the third day also, and were again by the County Thurn with great loss of their men beaten back into the city: where in pursuing of them, the Christians were by certain janissaries (laid close for that purpose) suddenly assailed and dangerously gauled, the County himself being hurt in his left arm, and some other captains slain. In all which sallies, although the Turks were still put to the worse, yet thereby they gained time in some good sort to repair again their breaches. Shortly after, the Imperials thus lying at the siege, certainly informed that a world of the fierce and rude Tartars by the incitement of the Turk (having made themselves way through VALACHIA) were coming as far as TEMESWAR to relieve BUDA; thought it not best (especially now that Winter was come) to abide the coming of that so great a Northern tempest, The siege of B●da for fear of the Tartars gruen over by the Christians. but betimes whilst they had yet space, to raise their siege and be gone: Which they did the sixteenth of November, leaving the Water-citie, with all that they had got about BUDA again unto the enemy: only PESTH they furnished with victuals and all things else necessary, leaving therein almost ten thousand soldiers in garrison, for the defence thereof against the Barbarous enemy. As for ADOM, it was strengthened with a garrison of Hungarians only, with their wages offered to be paid before hand; which for all that they refused to accept, alleging that for the great danger this place was exposed unto above others, they could not safely take their oath for the defence thereof: yet offering withal to undertake the charge, and to do what beseemed valiant soldiers, in such sort, as that all men should well understand, that nothing evil should happen thereunto through their default or negligence. The siege of BUDA for fear of the Tartars thus given over, and the Imperials departed and gone, the Turks forthwith came down out of the higher city into the lower, declaring their joy for the recovery thereof, by the often thundering of their great ordinance, with divers other signs of triumph. But whilst in their jollity they spared not by the mouth of the cannon to send commendations to them of PESTH, they from them again received the like; but in such rude manner, that the Turks weary of such greetings, requested them to spare their shot and powder, and quietly to live by them as became neighbours for that Winter until the next Spring, at which time it was to be thought that this strife should be ended by their Emperors, the weaker yielding unto the stronger either the one or the other city. Yet for all this their great joy, their cheer in BUDA was not great, victuals by this siege being become so scarce, that it was by the Turks feared, That if the Christians had there longer lain, they should for very want have been enforced to have yielded the city. Of which their need their friends not ignorant, and having made what provision they were able for their relief, were with a great convoy bringing the same towards BUDA: whereof the garrisons of COMARA and STRIGONIUM having intelligence, went presently out, and meeting with the Turks in the midway betwixt ALBA REGALIS and BUDA, overthrew the convoy, and carried away all that provision of victual, like unbidden guests making themselves merry with that which was never provided for them. These doubtful wars of HUNGARY with the general revolt of TRANSYLVANIA, much troubled Mahomet the great Sultan, Mahomet much troubled with the Scrivano. but nothing like unto the wrrres he had in ASIA against the Scrivano and the rebels his followers: the evil success whereof (as most dangerous to his state) so much tormented his haughty mind, as that it would scarce suffer him to think of any thing else. For the rebel encouraged with the success of the late years wars, and still growing stronger and stronger (by reason of the great number which alured with the sweet name of Liberty, hope of prey, or the good entertainment by him given, daily more and more resorted unto his camp) had this year overrun a great part of the Turks dominions in ASIA, putting all to fire and sword that stood in his way, ransacking also divers walled and fenced cities by the way as he went: Which he might the more easily do, for that the janissaries of ALEPPO and DAMASCUS, with many other their partakers and fauourits which might greatly have hindered his proceedings, were at the same time also up in arms and together by the ears amongst themselves, to the great benefit of the Scrivano: who in the midst of the course of these his desired fortunes, The death of the Scrivano. fell sick of a natural disease and so died. By whose death the rebellion was no whit appeased (as commonly in like case it falleth out, and as was then of many expected) but in short time grew to be both far greater and more dangerous than before: for the Scrivano was no sooner dead, The Scrivano his younger brother taketh upon him the leading of the rebels in his brother's stead. but that a younger brother of his, no less warlike and courageous than himself (to the great contentment of the rebellious) stepped up in his place, fiercely prosecuting the wars his brother had before him taken in hand. Against whom Hassan Bassa by commandment from the Grand signor with a great army setting forward, with hope in that newness of his command to have oppressed him, and so to have quenched that so spreading a fire: Hassan Bassa slain, and his army overthrown by the rebels. at length met with him that was easy enough to be found, and joining battle with him, was by him in a great and bloody fight overthrown and slain together with his whole army, except such as by speedy flight saved themselves from the fury of their fierce enemies. So that Mahomet the great Sultan now enforced to employ his best commanders and soldiers into those parts for the subduing of him, hath for that cause called Mahomet the Visier Bassa out of HUNGARY, to serve against this new rebel: but with what success, I leave it to be hereafter told by myself, if God give life, or by some other that better can, as time shall reveal the same. The rebel in the mean time following the course of his victory, made havoc of all as he went, taking unto his own use all such tribute as was in those countries and others also further off, due unto the great Sultan; having of late exacted only of the city of ANCYRA and the country thereabout, three hundred thousand ducats: so by exacting of great sums of money from the country people (such as be his enemies) heaping up great treasures for the maintenance of his wars. Diuer● incu●sions of the Tartar● into the frontiers of the empe●our●●erri●ories▪ and much h●●me by them there done. Now though Mahomet the Turkish emperor had called home Mahomet the Visier Bassa out of HUNGARY to go against the rebels into ASIA (as is aforesaid) yet had he before provided, that for the better assurance of his towns and territories in HUNGARY, the Tartar Han with a great power of his Crim Tartars should even against that time come down into that country. Which rough and needy people (dwelling near unto the fens of MEOTIS) for pay or prey, always ready to do the Ottoman emperors service, setting forward under the leading of their great Han himself, and of his two sons; and by plain force breaking through VALACHIA, though not without great loss of their men (being fought with by the Null and free Haiduckes a whole day) were now in the latter end of December with their huge companies come into HUNGARY; the Han himself with forty thousand to QVINQVE ECCLESIae, and his sons with twenty thousand more into POSSEGA (a fertile country lying between the great rivers Saws and Draws:) where they spoilt as well the Turks as the other poor Christians, pretending all that frontier country with the whole command thereof to be given unto them by the Turkish emperor in reward of their service. But long they lay not there quiet, but that to show for what they came, they enforced the Christians thereabout to victual CANISIA for the Turks: and so breaking into STIRIA, not far from CORAMANT, the nearest fortress of the Christians towards CANISIA, carried away above two thousand Christians captives: and shortly after surprising KETSCHEMET, a great and populous town, slew most part of the inhabitants, and carried away the rest prisoners. Othersome of them also at the same time making an inroad to SHARVAR, and having burnt twenty country villages down to the ground, carried away thence about a thousand souls into most miserable captivity and thraldom. They also at their first coming relieved them of BUDA, the lord Nadasti with his Hussars, who before kept them from victuals, not being able (for the great number of them) now longer so to do. By them also the Turks encouraged, took and burnt certain places possessed by the Christians near unto BUDA, putting them all to the sword that they sound therein. So that the poor country of HUNGARY (never to be sufficiently pitied) with the rest of the countries and provinces belonging unto the house of AUSTRIA, and confining upon the Turk, were not so much eased by the calling home of the Visier Bassa with his army, as they were now annoyed by the coming of these roagish Tartars, a people wholly even from their infancy given to the spoil. Against whom for all that, the Christians besides their ordinary garrisons began now even in the depth of Winter to oppose some other of their forces also: the Palatine of R●ENE sending ten companies of horsemen to POSSONIUM from thence to be sent to SHARVAR, for the defence of STIRIA: and Collonitz (but lately knighted by the emperor) for his part raising four hundred horse, a thousand Hussares, and three thousand of the free Haiduckes, for the repressing of those Tartars: the duke of BRUNSWICK also at that time for the same service sending thither a thousand horse, with two thousand foot, against those sworn enemies of the Christian Religion. The troubles of this year thus overpast, ALBA REGALIS being by the Christians lost, 1603 PESTH with some other places won, A great 〈◊〉. TRANSYLVANIA recovered, BUDA besieged, the Visier Bassa returned, and the Tartars come into HUNGARY: januarie with a sharp frost began to open the next year (even this which now is, viz. 1603) by force whereof the rivers in many places, but especially in those more Easterly countries, were not only frozen over, but seemed rather wholly turned into ice, Danubius that great river (for all his swift course) being then also (as it is often) so hard frozen, that men and carts might safely pass too and fro thereupon. In which so hard a season, the Turks in garrison at BUDA having once upon the frozen river braved the Christians in PESTH, and the two and twentieth of januarie coming out the second time in like bravery, were by two hundred of the Christian soldiers of PESTH put to flight: upon whom the Turks in greater number returning, chased them likewise back again even to the bridge whereby they were to have passed the ditch into the city; which now drawn up, for fear of greater harm from such a number of the Turks as were now co●e out, the poor soldiers so shut out, and too weak for so great a power of their enemies, were there all every man slain, the Turks themselves with little harm returning to BUDA, But within a few days after, one Lehner (a captain of the Christian garrison) grieved more than the rest with this so great a dishonour, and certainly understanding that certain of the chief of the Turks of BUDA, with two captains and a great train of gallant gentlewomen were for their pleasure gone to the hot baths near unto BUDA; taking with him threescore muskitiers, went in haste over the river upon the ise to salute them in their bath, and to wish it might be unto them wholesome: who coming suddenly upon them, as they were merry and bathing of themselves, and not dreaming of any such danger, slew all the men except one boy; the gentlewomen in the time of the conflict naked as they were, running as fast as they could unto the city, fear having in them overcome the modesty of their sex. Which exploit done, the captain leaving the Turks slain in the bath, now become red with their blood, returned with his soldiers the same way he came to PESTH: after whom they of BUDA (stirred up with the cry of the fearful women) sent out certain of their garrison after them, but to no purpose, for why they were in safety before got home. By continuance of this frost, by reason that victuals could not be sent down the river, the soldiers in garrison at PESTH were driven to such wants, as that dogs and cats were accounted good meat amongst them. About this time also, The Ianizari●● and Spahi raising a sedition in Constantinople, again appeased. the janissaries and Spahi, the Turks best soldiers, perceiving the wars against the rebels in ASIA not to have been so well managed as they could have wished, and as in truth they might have been, many of their captains and commanders (as it was thought) secretly favouring and furthering the rebels proceedings, whereby much of their blood had been spilled, and many a good man through their carelessness lost, to the small good of their Sultan; rise now up in a tumult, and so as men enraged, beset the house of the chief of the Visier Bassaes. Who much dismayed therewith, and understanding the cause of their discontentment, went in haste unto Mahomet, requesting him for the speedy appeasing of so dangerous a sedition to have the hearing of the matter himself, and with exemplare punishment to chastise such as were by those his worthy soldiers suspected. Who forthwith called (as they were by them named) were without more ado in their presence beheaded, and others placed in their stead: who with what fortune they have for these five months last passed managed the aforesaid war, Time (which all revealeth) shall in short time make known. The Tartars also, Great har●es done by the Tartars in the frontiers of the Christians. beside the great harm by them before done, this month breaking into the lesser WARDINIA, ransacked and spoiled five and twenty country villages, carrying away with them a great booty both of men and cattle, no man resisting of them. At which time al●o another company of them at divers inroads by them made into County Serinus his island, and so to RACKENSPURGE, carried away ten thousand men prisoners. For remedy of which mischiefs, Collonitz having gathered an army of ten thousand strong, came at length into the frontiers of HUNGARY, to have a sight of these Tartars, and to welcome them: who not willing to come to any set battle with him, would in no place abide his coming, but went still pricking up and down the country, as the manner of their service is, always fitter to spoil than to fight. The dead time of this year (unfit for great armies to keep the field) thus passing, Pogranius (one of the emperors great commanders) having before sent out divers spi●s to BELGRADE, TEMESWAR, and such other places, to take view of the Tartars forces, was by one of them (which was sent to TEMESWAR, and had served the Tartar three year) in March certainly informed, That the Tartar Han had with him above five and forty thousand Tartars, beside others which lay here and there dispersed upon the frontiers: and that Zachell Moses having requested of him fifteen thousand horsemen for the foraging of TRANSYLVANIA, could obtain of him but ten thousand only, the Han himself purposing with the rest as occasion should serve to make an inroad into AUSTRIA, expecting still for the coming of a new supply of threescore thousand Tartars more, which he daily looked for. Buda victualled. This month also they of BUDA making show as if they would have made an expedition towards ADOM, under the colour thereof, received into their city a convoy of five hundred wagons laden with victuals and munition. And thereupon in great jollity with their thundering shot saluted their overthwart neighbours at PESTH: in which doing, fire by chance falling into their powder, did themselves much more harm, than had they with their shooting done their enemies. And shortly after, the same garrison soldiers of BUDA going forth, thought to have upon the sudden surprised PALOTTA; but being in good time discovered, were deceived of their hope, and with great loss enforced to retire: unto whom the captain of the castle, by a country peasant before sworn to do the errand, sent a saucer full of salt, and a bottle of wine, willing them in derision with that salt to salt the flesh they had gotten at his castle, to keep it from putrefying, and of that bottle of wine in kindness to drink an health unto him. Four hundred of the Turks gar●ison in Canisia intercepted by the Christians. Collonitz also much about the same time, viz. the one and twentieth of March, going betimes in a morning with his army towards CANISIA, lay close in a wood about a mile from the town with his scouts, conveniently placed half a mile nearer; upon whom five of the Turks coming out of the town by chance lighting, were three of them slain, the fourth taken, the fifth by good hap escaping through the marshes back again into the town: Who telling there what had happened, told withal, That they were but certain straggling Haiduckes that lay there in the wood in hope of some booty: for the oppressing of whom, four hundred of the Turks there in garrison, going out, and entering into the wood, fell before they were aware, into the danger of Collonitz his army, and were there two hundred of them slain, and an hundred and thirty of them more taken, the rest by speedy flight saving themselves. The Conclusion. THus with many sharp skirmishes (the common exercises of the Turks, and those warlike people in HUNGARY and the other frontier countries) passed the dead time of the year, with a good part of this last Spring also; no great army either of the Christians or of the Turks (more than the roaming Tartars, and such small forces as the Christians had, as is aforesaid, opposed against them) yet appearing in the field. Since which time what hath happened, especially in these two or three months last passed; or what is even at this present in doing (being the time of the year that the Turks use commonly to set forth with their great armies, and to undertake their greatest exploits in) is not as yet come to my knowledge. So that having far beyond my hope and the strength of my weak and sickly body, by the power of the Almighty passed through the History of this the greatest Monarchy now on earth, I must now here needs make an end: beseeching his omnipotent majesty, for his only Son our Saviour Christ his sake, in mercy to turn the hearts of this mighty and froward people unto the knowledge of his Son crucified, and the love of his truth: or otherwise in his justice (for the more manifesting of his glory) to root out their most blood-thirsty and wicked empire, with all the rest of the blasphemous mahometans; so by proof to confirm the truth of that hath long ago been foretold, and for many ages believed; as also by the Turks themselves not a little feared, That the Mahometan superstition, by the sword begun, and by the sword maintained, shall at length by the Christian sword also be destroyed: in such sort, as that the name of Gog and Magog be no more heard of under heaven, but that all may be one blessed flock under one great shepherd Christ jesus: At the greatness of which work all the world wondering, may with joy sing Unto him in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity, be all honour and glory world without end. A brief discourse of the greatness of the Turkish empire: as also wherein the greatest strength thereof consisteth, and of what power the bordering princes, as well mahometans as Christians are in comparison of it. THe History of the Turks (being indeed nothing else but the true record of the woeful ruins of the greater part of the Christian commonweal) thus as before passed through, and at length brought to end; and their empire (of all others now upon earth far the greatest) as a proud champion still standing up as it were in defiance of the whole world: I thought it good for the conclusion of this my labour, to propose unto the view of the zealous Christian, the greatness thereof; and so near as I could to set down the bounds and limits within the which it is (by the goodness of God) as yet contained, together with the strength and power thereof, as also in what regard it hath the neighbour princes bordering or confining upon it, with some other particularities tending unto the same purpose. All or most part whereof, although it be by the considerate well to be gathered out of the whole course of the History before going, yet shall it more plainly here together in the full thereof appear, than by the long and particular consideration of the rising and increase thereof be perceived: not much unlike the overgrown tree, at the greatness whereof every man wondereth, no man in the mean time either perceiving or marking how by little and little in tract of time it grew up to that bigness, Constantinople the seat of the Turks Empire. as now to overtop all the rest of the wood. The imperial seat of this so great and dreadful an empire, is the most famous city of CONSTANTINOPLE, sometime the glory of the Greek empire, but now the place where Mahomet the third of that name, and thirteenth of the Ottoman emperors, acknowledging no man like unto himself, triumpheth over many nations: a city fatally founded to command, and by the great conqueror Tamerlan of all others thought to be the best seated for the empire of the world. In which city (taken from the Christians by Mahomet the second, by the Turks surnamed the Great, and the Greek empire by him subverted) as the Ottoman emperors have ever since seated themselves, so have they wonderfully even to the astonishment of the world, out of the ruins of that so glorious a State increased both their strength and empire, almost altogether fixed even in the selfsame kingdoms, countries, and regions, as was sometimes that; though not as yet (God be thanked) able to attain to the uttermost bounds that that empire sometimes had, especially in EUROPE; albeit that it have oftentimes in pride thereof most mightily swollen, and in some few places thereof somewhat also exceeded the same. Amongst the rest of the Ottoman emperors, this great Monarch of whom we speak (namely Mahomet the third, which now reigneth in that most stately and imperial city) hath at this present under his command and empire, the chief and most fruitful parts of the three first known parts of the world: only AMERICA remaining free from him, not more happy with the rich mines thereof, than in that it is so far from out of his reach. For in EUROPE he hath all the sea coast from the confines of EPIDAURUS (the uttermost bound of his empire in EUROPE Westward) unto the mouth of the river Tanais, The bounds of the Turks Empire in Europe, Africa, & Asia. now called Don, with whatsoever lieth betwixt BUDA in HUNGARY, and the imperial city of CONSTANTINOPLE: in which space is comprehended the better part of HUNGARY, all BOSNA, SERVIA, BULGARIA, with a great part of DALMATIA, EPIRUS, MACEDONIA, GRaeCIA, PELOPONESUS, THRACIA, the ARCHIPELAGO, with the rich islands contained therein. In AFRICA he possesseth all the sea coast from VELEZ (or as some call it BELIS) DE GOMERA, or more truly to say, from the river Muluia (the bounder of the kingdom of FEZ) even unto the Arabian gulf or red sea Eastward, except some few places upon the rivage of the sea holden by the king of SPAIN, viz. MERSALCABIR, MELILLA, ORAN, and PENNON: and from ALEXANDRIA Northward unto the city of ASNA, called of old SIENE, Southward: in which space are contained the famous kingdoms of TREMIZEN, ALGIERS, TUNES, and EGYPT, with divers other great cities and provinces. In ASIA all is his from the straits of Hellespontus Westward, unto the great city of TAURIS Eastward: and from DERBENT near unto the Caspian sea Northward, unto ADENA upon the gulf of ARABIA Southward. The greatness of the Turks Empire. The greatness of this his empire may the better be conceived by the greatness of some parts thereof: the mere of MEOTIS, which is all at the Turkish emperors command, being in compass a thousand miles; and the Euxine or Black sea in circuit two thousand and seven hundred; and the Mediterranean coast which is subject unto him, containing in compass about eight thousand miles. But to speak of his whole territory together, he goeth in his own dominion from TAURIS to BUDA, about three thousand two hundred miles. The like distance is from DER●ENT unto ADENA. From BALSERA upon the Persian gulf unto TREMISENA in BARBARY, are accounted little less than four thousand miles. He hath also in the sea the most noble islands of CYPRUS, EVBoeA, RHODUS, SAMOS, CHIOS, LESBOS, and others of the ARCHIPELAGO. In this so large and spacious an empire are contained many great and large countries, sometime most famous kingdoms, abounding with all manner of worldly blessings and nature's store: For what kingdom or country is more fruitful than EGYPT, SYRIA, and a great part of ASIA? What country more wealthy or more plentiful of all good things than was sometime HUNGARIA, GRaeCIA, & THRACIA? In which countries he hath also many rich and famous cities, but especially four, which be of greatest wealth and trade: namely CONSTANTINOPLE, The four chief cities for trade in the Turkish Empire. CAIRO, ALEPPO, and TAURIS. CONSTANTINOPLE for multitude of people exceedeth all the cities of EUROPE; wherein are deemed to be above seven hundred thousand men: which if it be so, is almost equal to two such cities as PARISH in FRANCE. ALEPPO is the greatest city of SYRIA, and as it were the centre whereunto all the merchandise of ASIA repair. TAURIS of late the royal seat of the Persian kings, and one of the greatest cities of that kingdom, from whom it was in this our age taken by Amurath the third, hath in it above two hundred thousand men. CAIRO amongst all the cities of AFRICA is the chief, leaving all others far behind it (although that some make the city CANON equal unto it in greatness) being as it were the storehouse not of EGYPT only and of a great part of AFRICA, but of INDIA also; the riches whereof being brought by the red sea to SUES, and from thence upon camels to CAIRO, and so down the river Nilus to ALEXANDRIA, are thence dispersed into all these Western parts: albeit that this rich trade hath of late time been much impaired, and so like more to be, the Christians (especially the Portugeses) trafficking into the East Indies, and by the vast Ocean transporting the rich commodities of those Eastern countries into the West, to the great hindrance of the Grand signor his customs in CAIRO. The Ottoman government mere tyrannical. The Ottoman government in this his so great an empire is altogether like the government of the master over his slave, and indeed mere tyrannical: for the great Sultan is so absolute a lord of all things within the compass of his empire, that all his subjects and people be they never so great, do call themselves his slaves and not his subjects: neither hath any man power over himself, much less is he lord of the house wherein he dwelleth, or of the land which he tilleth, except some few families in CONSTANTINOPLE, unto whom some few such things were by way of reward and upon special favour given by Mahomet the second, at such time as he won the same. Neither is any man in that empire so great or yet so far in favour with the great Sultan, as that he can assure himself of his life, much less of his present fortune or state, longer than it pleaseth the Grand signor. The means whereby the Turkish Emperors preserve themselves in so absolute a sovereignty. In which so absolute a sovereignty (by any free borne people not to be endured) the tyrant preserveth himself by two most especial means: first by taking of all arms from his natural subjects; and then by putting the same and all things else concerning the state and the government thereof into the hands of the Apostata or renegade Christians, whom for most part every third, fourth, or fifth year (or oftener if his need so require) he taketh in their childhood from their miserable parents, as his tenths or tribute children. Whereby he gaineth two great commodities: first, for that in so doing he spoileth the provinces he most feareth of the flower, sinews, and strength of the people, choice being still made of the strongest youths and fittest for war: then, for that with these as with his own creatures he armeth himself, and by them assureth his state: for they in their childhood taken from their parents laps, and delivered in charge to one or other appointed to that purpose, quickly and before they be aware become mahometans; and so no more acknowledging father or mother, depend wholly of the great Sultan, who to make use of them, both feeds them and fosters them, at whose hands only they look for all things, and whom alone they thank for all. Of which fry so taken from their Christian parents (the only seminary of his wars) some become horsemen, some footmen, and so in time the greatest commanders of his state and empire next unto himself, the natural Turks in the mean time giving themselves wholly unto the trade of merchandise and other their mechanical occupations: or else unto the feeding of cattle, their most ancient and natural vocation, not intermeddling at all with matters of government or state. So that if unto these his soldiers, all of the Christian race, you join also his fleet and money, you have as it were the whole strength of his empire: Four things wherein the greatest strength of the Ottoman empire consisteth. for in these four●, his horsemen, footmen, his fleet, and money, especially consisteth his great force and power: whereof to speak more particularly, and first concerning his money, it is commonly thought that his ordinary revenue exceedeth not eight millions of gold. And albeit that it might seem, that he might of so large an empire receive a far greater revenue, The Turks ordinary revenues, and why they are ●o greater. yet doth he not, for that both he and his men of war (in whose power all things are) have their greatest and almost only care upon arms, fitter by nature to waste and destroy countries than to preserve and enrich them: insomuch, that for the preservation of their armies, and furtherance of their expeditions (every year to do) they most grievously spoil even their own people and provinces whereby they pass, scarce leaving them necessaries wherewith to live; so that the subjects despairing to enjoy the fruits of the earth, much less the riches which by their industry and labour they might get unto themselves, do now no further endeavour themselves either to husbandry or traffic than they must needs, yea then very necessity itself enforceth them: For to what end availeth it to sow that another man must reap? or to reap that which another man is ready to devour? Whereupon it cometh, that in the territories of the Ottoman empire, yea even in the most fruitful countries of MACEDONIA and GREECE are seen great forests, all every where waist, few cities well peopled, and the greatest part of those countries lying desolate and desert: so that husbandry (in all well ordered commonweals the prince's greatest store) decaying, the earth neither yieldeth her increase unto the painful husbandman, neither he matter unto the artificer, neither the artificer wares to furnish the merchant with, all together with the plough running into ruin and decay. As for the trade of merchandise, it is almost all in the hands of the jews, or the Christians of EUROPE, viz. the Ragusians, Venetians, Genoese, French, or English; the natural Turks having therein the least to do, holding in that their so large an empire no other famous cities for trade, more than the four abovenamed, viz. CONSTANTINOPLE, TAURIS, ALEPPO, and CAIRO: whereunto may be added CAFFA and THESSALONICA in EUROPE, DAMASCUS, TRIPOLI, and ADEN in ASIA: ALEXANDRIA and ALGIERS in AFRICA. In our countries here in this West part of EUROPE, of the abundance of people oftentimes ariseth dearth; but in many parts of the Turks dominions, for want of men to manure the ground: most part of the poor country people drawn from their own dwellings, being enforced with victuals and other necessaries to follow their great armies in their long expeditions, of whom scarcely one of ten ever return home to their dwellings again, there by the way perishing, if not by the enemy's sword, yet by wants, The Turks casualties more than his ordinary revenues. the intemperateness of the air, or immoderate pains taking. But to come nearer unto our purpose, although the great Turks ordinary revenues be no greater than is aforesaid, yet are his extraordinary escheats to be greatly accounted of, especially his confiscations, forfeitures, fines, amercements (which are right many) his tributes, customs, tithes and tenths of all preys taken by sea or land, with divers other such like, far exceeding his standing and certain revenue: his Bassas and other his great officers like ravening Harpies as it were sucking out the blood of his poor subjects, and heaping up inestimable treasures, which for the most part fall again into the Grand signor his coffers. Ibrahim the Visier Bassa (who died but the last year) is supposed to have brought with him from CAIRO to the value of six millions: and Mahomet another of the Viziers was thought to have had a far greater sum. His presents also amount unto a great matter: for no ambassador can come before him without gifts, no man is to hope for any commodious office or preferment without money, no man may with empty hands come unto the presence of him so great a prince, either from the province he had the charge of, or from any great expedition he was sent upon; neither unto so great and mighty a prince are trifles presented. The Vayvods of MOLDAVIA, WALACHIA, and TRANSYLVANIA (before their late revolt) by gifts preserved themselves in their principalities, being almost daily changed, especially in WALACHIA and MOLDAVIA: for those honours were by the Grand signor still given to them that would give most; who to perform what they had offered, miserably oppressed the people, and brought their provinces into great poverty. In brief, an easy thing it is for the great tyrant to find occasion for him at his pleasure to take away any man's life, together with his wealth, be it never so great: so that he cannot well be said to lack money, so long as any of his subjects hath it. Nevertheless, the late Persian war so emptied the most covetous Sultan Amurath his offers, and exhausted his treasures, that all over his empire the value of his gold was beyond all credit enhanced, insomuch that a Checcine was twice so much worth as before: beside that, the metal whereof his gold and silver was made, was so embased, that it gave occasion unto the janissaries to set fire upon the city of CONSTANTINOPLE, to the great terror not of the vulgar sort only, but of the Grand signor himself also. And in the city of ALEPPO only were in the name of the great Sultan threescore thousand Checcines taken up in priest of the merchants there, which how well they were repaid, we leave for them to report. The Turks Timariot● of greater value than his revenues. Now albeit that the Turks revenues be not so great as the largeness of his empire and the fruitfulness of his countries might seem to afford, all the soil being his own; yet hath he in his dominion a commodity of greater value and use than are the revenues themselves: which is the multitude of the Timariot or pensioners, which are all horsemen, so called of Timaro, that is, a stipend which they have of the great Sultan, viz. the possession of certain villages and towns, which they hold during their life, and for which they stand bound for every threescore ducats they have of yearly revenue to maintain one horseman, either with bow and arrows, or else with target and lance; and that as well in time of peace as war: for the Ottoman emperors take unto themselves all such lands as they by the sword win from their enemies, as well mahometans as Christians, all which they divide into Timars, or as we may call them Commendams, which they give unto their soldiers of good desert for term of life, upon condition, that they shall (as is aforesaid) according to the proportion thereof keep certain men and horses fit for service always ready whensoever they shall be called upon. Wherein consisteth the greatest policy of the Turks, and the surest mean for the preservation of their empire. For if by this means the care of manuring the ground were not committed unto the soldiers, for the profit they hope thereof, but left in the hand of the plain painful husbandman, all would in that so warlike an empire lie waste and desolate; the Turks themselves commonly saying, That wheresoever the Grand signor his horse setteth his foot, the grass will there no more grow: meaning, The two chief pillars of the Ottoman empire the destruction that their great armies bring in all places where they come. The institution of these Timariot, and the taking up of the Azamoglans (for so they call those children which are taken up from their Christian parents to be brought up for janissaries) are the two chief pillars of the Turks empire, and the strength of their wars: both which seem to be devised unto the imitation of the Romans, as are divers things more in the Turkish government; for the Roman emperors used their own subjects in their wars, and of them consisted the Praetorian army, which never departed from the emperors side, but were still to guard his person as do the janissaries the great Turk. And in the Roman empire lands were given unto soldiers of good desert for them to take the profit of during their lives, in reward of their good service and valour, which were called Beneficia, and they which had them, Beneficiarij, or as we term them, Benefices, and Beneficed men. Alexander Severus granted unto such soldiers heirs that they might enjoy those lands and commendams, upon condition also, that they themselves should serve as had their fathers, otherwise not. Constantine also the great gave unto his captains that had well deserved of him, certain lands for them to live upon during the term of their life. The like fees in FRANCE which they called Fe●da, were of temporaries made perpetuities by these their late kings. These Timariot horsemen i● the Turkish empire serve to two great and most notable purposes: whereof the first is, that by them the Grand signor as with a bridle keepeth the rest of his subjects in every part of his great empire in awe, The great use of the Timariot horsemen in the Turks Empire. so that they cannot so soon move, but that they shall have these his Timariot as falcons in their necks; for to that purpose they are dispersed all over his dominions and empire: The other use of them (and no less profitable than the former) is for that out of them he is always able at his pleasure to draw into the field an hundred and fifty thousand horsemen well furnished, ready to go whether soever he shall command them: with all whom he is not at one farthing charge. Which so great a power of horsemen cannot be continually maintained for less than fourteen millions of ducats yearly. Wherefore it is to be marveled, that some comparing the Turks revenues with the Christians, make no mention of this so great a part of the Ottoman emperors wealth and strength, serving him first for the suppressing of all such tumults as might arise in his empire, and then as a most principal strength of his continual wars, always ready to serve him in his greatest expeditions. The number of these Timariot horsemen is now grown very great, taking increase together with the Turks empire. It is reported that Amurath the third, father to this Mahomet that now reigneth, in his late wars against the Persian, subdued unto himself so much territory as served him to erect therein forty thousand Timariot: and appointed at TAURIS a new receipt, which was yearly worth unto him a million of gold. These Timariot are in all accounted to be seven hundred and nineteen thousand fight men: The number of the Timariot. of whom two hundred fifty seven thousand have their abode and dwelling in EUROPE; and four hundred sixty two thousand in ASIA and AFRICA. The Spahi, Vlufagi and Carapici, seminaries of the great offices in the Turks Empire. Beside these Timariot, the Grand signor hath a great number of other horsemen also unto whom he giveth pay, which are his Spahi, Vlufagi, and Carapici of his Court, being indeed the nurseries and seminaries of the great officers and governors of his empire: for from among them are ordinarily chosen the Sanzacks', which afterwards through their good deserts or the Sultan's great favour, become Viziers, Beglerbegs, and Bassas, the chief rulers of that so mighty a Monarchy. He hath also still in his armies a great multitude of other horsemen called Acanzij, The Acanzij. being indeed but rural clowns, yet for certain privileges which they have are bound to go unto the wars, being even of the Turks themselves accounted of small worth or value in comparison of the Timariot. He receiveth great aid also from the Tartars in his wars, as also from the Null and Moldavians (until that now of late by the example of the transylvanians they have to the great benefit of the rest of the Christian commonweal revolted from him:) all which are to be accounted as the Romans Auxiliarij, that is to say, such as come to aid and assist him. And thus much for his horsemen. Another great part of his strength consisteth in his footmen, The janissaries the second strength of the Turks Empire. and especially in his janissaries: in whom two things are to be considered, their Nation, and Dexterity in arms. Concerning their Nation, such of the Azamoglans as are borne in ASIA, are not ordinarily enroled in the number of the janissaries, but such as are borne in EUROPE: for they of ASIA are accounted more effeminate, as they have been always, more ready to fly than to fight: whereas the people of EUROPE have even in the East been accounted for better and more valiant soldiers, having there to their immortal glory set up the notable trophies of their most glorious victories. The soldiers of ASIA be called Turks after the name of their nation, and not of their country (no country being indeed so properly called) and they of EUROPE Rumi, that is to say, Romani or Romans, as the country especially about CONSTANTINOPLE, is called by the name of RUM-ILI, that is to say, the Roman country, as it was in ancient time of the notable Roman colonies therein, known by the name of ROMANIA. Now as concerning their Dexterity, such male children are culled out from the Christians, as in whom appeareth the greatest signs of strength, What manner of children are taken up to make janissaries of. activity, and courage: for these three qualities are in a soldier especially required. This choice is made every third year, except necessity enforce it to be made sooner, as it happened in the late Persian war: wherein not only oftener choice was made, but they were glad to use the Azamoglans also, The Azamoglans are such untrained youth as are taken up to become janissaries, but yet are not of their order. a thing never before by them done. For those youths, the children of Christian parents, being by them that have taken them up brought to CONSTANTINOPLE, are taken view of by the Aga of the janissaries, who causeth to be registered the name of the youth, with the name of his father and country wherein he was borne: which done, part of them are sent into the lesser ASIA (now called ANATOLIA) and other provinces, where learning the Turkish language and law, they are also infected with the vices and manners of them with whom they live, The manner of their bringing up. and so in short time become right mahometans. Another part of them, and those of the most towardliest, is divided into cloisters which the Grand signor hath at CONSTANTINOPLE and PERA, of whom the fairest and most handsome are appointed for the Seraglio of the great Sultan himself. All the time that these youths thus sent abroad, live in the lesser ASIA or other the Turks provinces, they are not appointed to any certain exercises, but still kept busied some at husbandry, some in gardening, some in building, some in other domestical services, never suffered to be idle, but always occupied in painful labour; where after certain years they have been thus enured to labour and pains taking, they are called thence into the cloisters of the Azamoglans (for so they are called all the time until they be enroled into the number of the janissaries) and are there delivered unto certain special governors appointed to take charge of them: who keep them still exercised in painful work and labour, entreating them evil enough, as well in their diet, as in their apparel and lodging: they sleep together in large rooms like unto the religious Dormitories, wherein are lamps still burning, and tutors attending, without whose leave they may not stir out of their places. There they learn to shoot both in the Bow and Piece, the use of the Scimitar, with many feats of activity: and being well trained in those exercises, are enroled amongst the janissaries or Spahi: of whom, the janissaries receive not less than five aspers, The daily pay of the janissaries and Spahi. nor more than eight for their daily pay, and the Spahi ten. Being recorded among the janissaries, they are either sent away into the wars, or into some garrison, or else attend at the Court. These last have for their dwelling three great places like unto three monasteries in the city of CONSTANTINOPLE: there they live under their governors, to whom they are deputed, the younger with great obedience and silence serving the elder in buying of things for them, in dressing of their meat, and such like services. They that be of one seat or calling, live together at one table, and sleep in long walks. If any of them upon occasion chance to lie all night abroad without leave, the next evening he is notably beaten, with such nurture and discipline, that after his beating he like an Ape kisseth his governors hands that so corrected him. These janissaries have many large privileges, are honoured, although they be most insolent, The janissaries insolent. and are feared of all men, yea even of the great Sultan himself, who is still glad to make fair weather with them. In their expeditions or travel they rob the poor Christians cottages and houses, who must not say one word to the contrary. When they buy any thing, they give for it but what they list themselves. They can be judged by none but by their Aga: neither can they be executed without danger of an insurrection, and therefore such execution is seldom done, Their great privileges and royalties. and that very secretly. They have a thousand royalties: some of them are appointed to the keeping of ambassadors sent from foreign princes: othersome of them are assigned to accompany strangers, travelers, especially them that be men of the better sort, to the intent they may safely pass in the Turks dominions, for which service they are commonly well rewarded. They have made choice of their prince, namely of Selimus the first, his father Baiaze● yet living; neither can any the Turks Sultan's account themselves fully invested in their imperial dignity, or assured of their estate, until they be by them approved and proclaimed. Every one of their Sultan's at his first coming to the empire doth give them some great largesse; and sometime the better to please them, increaseth also their pay. In every great expedition some of them goeth forth with their Aga or his lieutenant, and are the last of all that fight. There is no office among the Turks that more envy at, than at the office of the Aga of the janissaries, for the greatness of his authority and command: only he and the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA choose not their own lieutenants, but have them nominated unto them by the Grand signor. Unto this great man the Aga of the janissaries, nothing can portend a more certain destruction, than to be of them beloved, for than is he of the great Sultan straightway feared or mistrusted, and so occasion sought for to take him out of the way. The number of the janissaries of the Court is betwixt ten and fourteen thousand. The order of the janissaries in our time much embased. This warlike order of soldiers is in these our days much embased: for now natural Turks are taken in for janissaries, as are also the people of ASIA; whereas in former times none were admitted into that order, but the Christians of EUROPE only: beside that, they marry wives also, contrary to their ancient custom, which is not now forbidden them. And because of their long lying still at CONSTANTINOPLE (a city abounding with all manner of pleasure) they are become much more effeminate and slothful, but withal most insolent, or more truly to say intolerable. It is commonly reported the strength of the Turkish empire to consist in this order of the janissaries, which is not altogether so, for albeit that they be indeed the Turks best footmen and surest guard of the great Sultan's person, yet undoubtedly the greatest strength of his state and empire resteth nothing so much in them, as in the great multitude of his horsemen, especially his Timariot. Beside these janissaries, the Turkish emperor hath a wonderful number of base footmen, whom the Turks call Asapi, The Turks Asapi in what small regard they a●e ●ad. better acquainted with the spade than with the sword, serving rather to the wearying of their enemies with their multitude, than the vanquishing of them with their valour: with whose dead bodies the janissaries use to fill up the ditches of towns besieged, or to serve them for ladders to climb over the enemy's walls upon. But as the Romans had both their old legionary, and other untrained soldiers, which they called Tirones; of whom the first were the chief strength of their wars, and the other but as it were an aid or supply: even so the Turk accounteth his Timariot horsemen the strength of his army, and the Acanzijs (which is another sort of base and common horsemen) but as an accessory: and so amongst his footmen he esteemeth of his janissaries, as did the Romans of their Praetorian legions, but of his Asapi as of shadows. The janissaries are by none to be commanded, more than by the great Sultan himself, and their Aga; as for the Bassas, they much regard them not, but in their rage oftentimes foul entreat even the greatest of them. The Asapi as they are but base and common soldiers, so have they also their ordinary captains and commanders, men of no great place or mark. The whole state of the great empire of the Turks is commanded by the great Sultan, The great commanders of the Turks empire. by the grave advice and counsel of his Visier Bassas, which were not wont to be in number above four, so providing for the secrecy of his high designs or important resolutions, hardly by a greater multitude to be concealed: The great authority of the Visier Bassaes. howbeit that the Sultan's of later times have had sometimes more, sometimes fewer, as their pleasure was. These men are of all others in that empire the greatest, and for their high places most honoured: unto them even the greatest princes that have any thing to do in the Turks Court, sue and send their honourable presents. By their advice the great Sultan taketh his wars in hand, neither without them concludeth he any peace. They give audience unto the ambassadors of foreign princes, and from them receive their dispatch. The greatest honours and preferments (which are many in that so great and large an empire) are all by their means to be obtained: which maketh them of all others to be sought unto. Some one or other of them are still Generals over the great armies of the Turks, especially in these their late wars, their three last emperors never themselves going forth into the field (excepting once that this Mahomet which now reigneth for the maintenance of his credit with his men of war, came down into HUNGARY, and there won the city of AGRIA:) which leading of such mighty armies is still with great emulation and ambition of the Visier Bassas amongst themselves sought after, as well for the great profit thereby unto them arising, as for the honour thereof, which is of all other the greatest. But leaving these great ones, the chief counsellors for his state: The great authority of the Beglerbegs. the whole body of his so large and mighty an empire (all in the hands of martial men) is governed by other great Bassas, whom they by a most proud barbarous name call Beglerbegs, that is to say, Lords of Lords, every one of them having under him certain Begs or Sanzackes, who are lords and rulers also over some particular cities and countries, with the Timariot therein; yet all still at the command and beck of their Beglerbeg. In ancient time there was wont to be but two of these proud Beglerbegs in all the Turks empire: the one commanding over all the provinces the Turk had in EUROPE: and the other over all that he had in the lesser ASIA, now of the Turks called ANATOLIA. But the Turkish empire greatly augmented in ASIA by Selimus the first, and also afterwards much enlarged both in EUROPE and ASIA by Solyman his son, the number of the Beglerbegs were by him increased, and in some part also changed: who although that they be all Beglerbegs, and that one of them (especially in time of peace) in the managing of his soldiers and affairs of his country, is not subject to any other, but is only at the command of the great Turk; yet notwithstanding in time of war, where the Beglerbeg of ROMANIA is, all are obedient unto him, as the chiefest of the rest: insomuch that none of them but only he and the Bassa of ANATOLIA are called by the stately name of Beglerbegs, the others being then only called the Bassas of such and such places, as of BUDA, ALEPPO, and such like, although indeed they are in nature Beglerbegs, and so written in their records. For the more manifesting of which their government, as also that they which come hereafter, may by comparing of that which is here written, with the state that then shall be, see how much this great empire in the mean time increaseth or deminisheth: I have thought good here briefly to set down all the said Beglerbegs with their Sanzackes and Timariot, and as near as I could (either by reading or the credible relation of others well traveled in those countries) together, and as it were at one show set forth the whole strength and power of this so mighty an empire, as also in what countries and provinces the same is especially placed. The Beglerbegs or great Commanders of the Turks Empire in EUROPE. 1 The Beglerbeg of Romania chief of the Beglerbegs of the Turks Empire in Europe. The first and chiefest of all the Beglerbegs in the Turkish empire, is the Beglerbeg of ROMANIA or GRaeCIA, called of the Turks RUM-ILI (or as we say, the Roman country) the principal residence of whose Beglerbegship, is at SOPHIA, a city of BULGARIA; so appointed for the commodious situation thereof, for the better command of the rest of the provinces of EUROPE: howbeit that he for the most part or rather altogether abideth at the Court, which the other Beglerbegs cannot do, for that they are bound not to depart from the government of their provinces: in which charge they ordinarily continue but three years only, the great Sultan still changing and altering them at his pleasure. This Beglerbeg hath under his own ensign and command forty thousand Timariot always ready at his call, under the conduct of these one and twenty Sanzackes following, namely, the Sanzacke of 1 Sophia in Bulgaria. 2 Nicopolis. 3 Clisse, or Quadraginta Ecclaesiae. 4 Vyza in Thracia. 5 Kirmen all in Macedonia. 6 Silistria all in Macedonia. 7 Giustandill all in Macedonia. 8 Bender, near unto the Euxine. 9 A●herman, in the confines of Moldavia. 10 uscopia. 11 Prisrem all in Thessalia. 12 Salonichi all in Thessalia. 13 Trichala all in Thessalia. 14 Misitra, of old called Sparta, in Morea. 15 Paloeopatra, in the same province. 16 joannina in Aetolia. 17 Deluina both in Achaia. 18 Elbassan both in Achaia. 19 Auelona or Aulona in Albania. 20 Ducagin in Epirus. 21 Iscodra or Scodra in Albania. 2 The Beglerbeg of Buda. The Beglerbeg of BUDA, who there resideth in the frontiers of the Turkish empire, having under his charge eight thousand Timariot, beside twelve thousand other soldiers, which in continual pay lie still ready in garrison in the confines of HUNGARY, CROATIA, STIRIA, and other places bordering upon the Christians, but especially the territories belonging to the house of AUSTRIA. He had of late under his ensign and command these fifteen Sanzacks', viz. the Sanzacke of 1 Novigrad. 2 Filek. 3 Zetschen. 4 Zolnock. 5 Gran or Strigonium. 6 Segedin. 7 Alba Regalis. 8 Sexard. 9 Simontorna. 10 Copan. 11 Muhatz. 12 Zigeth or Saswar. 13 Petscheu or Quinque Ecclaesiae. 14 Sirmium. 15 Semendria. Of which, FILEK, ZETSCHEN, and STRIOONIUM are in these late wars won from the Turks by the Imperials, and so yet by them holden: as was also ALBA REGALIS, which but the last year was by the Turks again recovered. The Beglerbeg of TEMESWAR in HUNGARY, 3 The Beglerbeg of Temeswar. who there hath his abode, having under his command seven thousand Timariot, with these eight Sanzacks', the Sanzacke of 1 Temeswar. 2 Mudava. 3 Vilaoswar. 4 Tschianad. 5 Wtschitirni. 6 Iswornick. 7 Vidin. 8 Lipa. The Beglerbeg of BOSNA, 4 The Beglerbeg of Bosna▪ who lieth at BAGNIALUCA, hath under him these Sanzacks', the Sanzacke of 1 Bagnialuca. 2 Poschega. 3 Clissa. 4 Hertzegovina. 5 Lika. 6 Sazeschna. 7 Giula. 8 Brisrem. 9 Allatschia chissar. The Beglerbeg of COUGH or CAPHA, who there resideth in TAURICA CHERSONESUS, and beside the country thereabout, 5 The Beglerbeg of Cough or Capha. commandeth over all the Sanzacks' near unto the great river Tanais, and the fens of Moeotis. It was at first but a Sanzackeship, subject to the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA, and is in truth rather a Beglerbegs place in name than in strength and power. The Beglerbegs or great Commanders of the Turks Empire in ASIA. The Beglerbeg of 1 Anatolia, The Beglerbegs of the Turks empire in Asia. who hath his resiance in Cutaie, the metropolitical city of the greater Phrigia (called of ancient time Catyai) and hath under his ensign and command thirty thousand of the Timariot horsemen, with twelve Sanzacks'. 2 Caramania who hath his abode at Caisaria (in ancient time called Caesaria) a city of Cilicia, and hath under him seven Sanzackes, with twenty thousand Timariot. 3 Sivas, who hath his abiding at Sebastia, a city of the lesser Armenia, and hath under his government ten thousand Timariot. 4 Tocatun, who resideth at Amasia, the metropolis of Capadocia, and hath under him five Sanzackes. 5 Dulgadir, sometime part of the kingdom of Aladeules, and commandeth over four Sanzackes. 6 Halep commonly called Aleppo, a city of Syria, and one of the most famous marts of the East, who hath under his regiment five and twenty thousand Timariot. 7 Shame, otherwise called Damascus, a most famous city of Syria, who commandeth over forty thousand Timariot. 8 Tarapolos or Trapolos, commonly called Tripoli, another famous city of Syria. 9 Maras, a city upon the great river Euphrates, betwixt Aleppo and Mesopotamia, who hath under his command ten thousand Timariot. 10 Diarbekir, otherwise called Mesopotamia, who maketh his abode at the city of Amida, or as the Turks call it, Cara-hemid; who commandeth over twelve Sanzackes, and thirty thousand Timariot. 11 Bagdat (or new Babylon) where he resideth, not far from the ruins of old Babylon, who hath under him forty thousand Timariot. 12 Balsara, not far from Bagdat upon the Persian gulf, who hath under his rule or government fifteen thousand Timariot. 13 Laxa, towards Ormus, and near unto the Persian, hath under his regiment ten thousand Timariot. 14 Gemen and Aden, two famous cities in Arabia Foelix, upon the coast of the red sea, who hath under him thirty thousand Timariot. 15 Chebetz or Zebet upon the coast of the Arabian gulf, near unto the kingdom of the great Aethyopian king Preianes, commonly (but corruptly) called Presbyter john. 16 Cyprus, who lieth at Nicosia or Famagusta, commanding over all that great island, sometime of itself a kingdom. 17 Scheherezul in Assyria, bordering upon the Persian, who hath under his government ten thousand Timariot. 18 Wan, a city in the confines of the greater Armenia towards Media, who hath under him twelve thousand Timariot. 19 Artzerum or Erzerum, in the borders of Armenia towards Capadocia, about four days journey from Trapezonde, who commandeth over twenty thousand Timariot. 20 Tiflis, near unto the Georgians, erected by Mustapha Bassa, General of Amurath the third his army against the Persian, in the year 1578. 21 Siruan or Media, erected by the same Mustapha, and at the same time, commandeth over all that great country, sometime a famous kingdom. 22 Temircapi or Derbent, near unto the Caspian sea, taken by Osman Bassa the same year 1578, who having slain Schehemet Chan his father in law, reduced that country into the form of a Beglerbegship. 23 Cars, a city of Armenia the greater, distant from Artzerum four days journey, by Mustapha Bassa made a Beglerbegship in the year 1579. 24 Tschilders or Tzilder in the confines of the Georgians, erected by the same General Mustapha the same year 1579. 25 Fassa or Phasis in Mengrelia, near unto the Georgians, erected by Vluzales the Turks Admiral the same year 1579. 26 Sochum, in the borders of the Georgians, erected by the great Bassa Sinan in the year 1580. 27 Batin, there erected also by the same Sinan Bassa. 28 Reivan, erected by Ferat Bassa, General of the Turks army, taken from Tocomac Chan the Persian in the year 1582, whereof Cicala Bassa was the first Beglerbeg. 29 Somachia, in the country of Media, erected by Osman Bassa in the year 1583. 30 Tauris, a most famous city of Armenia the greater, sometime the regal seat of the Persian kings, but of late taken from them by Osman Bassa, and converted into a Beglerbegship in the same year 1583, as it is by them yet holden. But these late erected honours, namely the Beglerbegships of TIFLIS, SIRVAN, TEMIRCAPI, CARS, TSCHILDERS, FASSA, and the rest gained by Amurath from the Persians and the Georgians, although they contain a great territory, are not of themselves any of them worthy of those proud titles, or yet able to maintain the same, SIRVAN, REIVAN, and TAURIS only excepted: but were by the great Bassas, Mustapha, Sinan, Ferat, and Osman, Amurath his lieutenants, for their own greater honour, and the encouraging of them which were to defend those their new conquests, erected; being indeed nothing either in power or strength comparable with the other more ancient Beglerbegs either in EUROPE or ASIA. But having thus passed through the great kingdoms and provinces by the Turks holden in EUROPE and ASIA, with their proud honours therein, let us go forward toward the South, to see what great kingdoms and territories they at this present hold in AFRICA also. The Beglerbegs or great Commanders of the Turks Empire in AFRICA. The Beglerbeg of 1 Missir, who still making his abode at the great city of Cairo, hath under his command all the kingdom of Egypt, with sixteen Sanzackes, and an hundred thousand Timariot. 2 Cesair (in ancient time called julia Caesaria) but now commonly Algiers, where the Beglerbeg still residing, commandeth over all that kingdom, wherein are forty thousand Timariot. 3 Tunis, where he still remaining as a Viceroy commandeth all that great and large kingdom. 4 Tripoli, the seat of his Beglerbegship, by Sinan Bassa taken from the knights of Malta in the year 1551. There are beside these other two kingdoms in AFRICA enroled in the Turks records as their own, although they be not as yet by them brought into the form of Beglerbegships: namely the kingdoms of FES and MAROCO, but are as yet holden by them as their tributaries and vassals. But having thus as it were taken view of the greatness and forces of this so mighty a monarches Empire by land, and so in some sort bounded it out: let us consider also his power by sea. With the great Ocean he much meddleth not, more than a little in the gulfs of PERSIA and ARABIA: most of his territories lying upon the Mediterranean & Euxine seas, or else more inwardly into the heart of ASIA, The great power of the Turk in the Mediterranean and Euxine seas. near unto no sea. Now for these seas, no prince in the world hath greater or better means to set forth his fleets than hath he: for the overgrown woods of EPIRUS and CILICIA; and more than they, those of NICOMEDIA and TRAPEZONDE, are so great and so thick, and so full of tall trees fit for the building of ships and galleys of all sorts, as is almost incredible. Neither wanteth he store of shipwrights and other carpenters for the framing of that so great store of timber, large pay drawing even the Christian skilful carpenters and workmen into his Arsenals at CONSTANTINOPLE, SINOPE, CALLIPOLIS, and others. For proof whereof it is worth the noting, that Selimus the second in our fresh remembrance, the next year after that notable overthrow by him received at the ECHINADES (commonly called the battle of LEPANTO) rigged up a fleet wherewith Vluzales his Admiral was not afraid to face the whole power of the confederate Christian princes at CERIGO. Neither hath the Turk ever wanted good store of expert seamen, after the manner of those seas: for beside those he hath in store at CALLIPOLIS and SINOPE, out of his galleys which he hath always in readiness in LESBOS, CHIOS, From whence he hath his chief seamen. RHODUS, CYPRUS, and ALEXANDRIA, and from the pirates which he continually receiveth into the ports of TUNIS, BUGIA, TRIPOLI, and ALGIERS, he can and doth from them when need is choose captains, mariners and rowers sufficient for the manning and storing of his fleet. What he is able to do in those seas, was well seen in our time, by those fleets which he had at MALTA, CYPRUS, the ECHINADES, and GULETTA. He hath beside of all necessary and warlike provision abundant store, and of great ordinance to furnish himself withal both by sea and land an infinite quantity. Out of HUNGARY he hath carried away above five thousand great pieces, out of CYPRUS five hundred, and few less from GULETTA, not to speak what he hath more got from the Christians in divers other places also. What store he hath of shot and powder, he showed at MALTA, where he discharged above 60000 great shot; at FAMA●VSTA, where he bestowed 118000; and at GULETTA, where in the space of 39 days he by the fury of his great ordinance overthrew the fortifications which the Christians had been 40 years in building. So that to return again unto our purpose, the great Turk so well provided of men, money, shipping, and great ordinance, and having done so great matters at sea as is before rehearsed, is not in reason otherwise to be accounted of than as of a most mighty and puissant prince, as well by sea as land: which to be so, 6 The Denizi Beglerbeg, the Turks great Admiral, to be accounted six of the Beglerbegs in Europe. the greatness of his Denizi Beglerbeg or great Admiral (commonly called Capitan Bassa, of whom we have not yet spoken) well declareth. This great man having charge of all the Grand signor his strength at sea, is always one of the Visier Bassanes, not bound still to follow the Court, as the other Visier Bassanes be, but always or for most part resiant at CONSTANTINOPLE or CALLIPOLIS, so to be the nearer unto his charge. He that now hath this honourable place, is called of the Turks Cigala Bassa, descended of an honourable family of that name in GENVA: who commonly residing at CONSTANTINOPLE or CALLIPOLIS, hath under him fourteen Sanzacks', all of them great commanders and men of great place, namely, the Sanzacke of 1 Gallipolis, or Callipolis. 2 Galata, or Pera. 3 Nicomedia. 4 Limnos, or Lemnus. 5 Mitylene, or Lesbos. 6 Chios, or Sio. 7 Nexia, or Naxus. 8 Negropont, or Euboea. 9 Rhodus. 10 Cavala in the frontiers of Macedonia. 11 Napolidi Romania. 12 Lepanto, or Naupactus. 13 S. Maura. 14 Alexandria. The princes as well mahometans as Christians, upon whom the great Empire of the Turk confineth, and of what power they be in comparison of the Turk. The greatness, wealth, and strength of this so mighty an Empire, as well by sea as land, thus in some sort declared: let us now see upon what princes it also confineth, and of what power every one of them is in comparison of it, so great and overgrown a State. The Turks toward the East border upon the Persians, according to a right line, drawn by imagination from TAURIS to BALSARA: upon the Portugeses at the Persian gulf, and so there likewise toward the South: at the red sea, upon the great Aethyopian king Preianes, commonly called Prester john: towards the West, in AFRICA upon the king of MAROCO: and in EUROPE upon the kingdom of NAPLES, with some part of the Venetian signory: towards the North upon the Polonians, and the territories of the house of AUSTRIA. Now to begin with the Persian, The Persian too weak for the great Turk. the great Turk no doubt is in field too strong for him, as by proof hath been oftentimes seen: For Mahomet the Great in plain battle overcame the valiant Vsun-Cassanes: Selimus the first, and after him Solyman his son, put to flight the noble Hysmaell and Tamas, the two great and famous Persian kings: and now of late in our time Amurath the third by his lieutenants hath taken from the Persians all MEDIA, with the greater ARMENIA, both sometimes famous kingdoms, together with the regal city of TAURIS. That the Turk so prevaileth, is by reason of his footmen, which the Persian wanteth; and of his great ordinance, whereof the Persian hath neither store nor use: and although the Persians by valour of their horsemen hath sometime in open field foiled the Turk, yet have they still lost some part of their country, Solyman taking from them MESOPOTAMIA; and Amurath MEDIA and ARMENIA. Neither did the Persians alone feel that harm, and lose their own, but undid their confederates also: Selimus the first spoiling the Mamalukes of EGYPT and SYRIA, and utterly rooting them from off the face of the earth; and Amurath by his lieutenants having brought to a low ebb the warlike Georgians, both of them the Persian kings friends and confederates. Now is not the Turk so much too strong at land for the Persian, The Portugeses too strong for the Turk in the East Indies. but that he is as much too weak at sea for the Portugeses: in those seas I mean where their forces have more than once to the Turks cost met together in the East Indies. The Portugeses having in those rich but remote countries many sure harbours and ports, yea fair countries and territories abounding with victuals and all provision necessary for shipping, with some also of those great Eastern princes their allies and confederates: whereas the Turk on the other side hath nothing in the Persian gulf strong, beside BALSARA; the sea-coast of ARABIA, which might stand him in best stead, having no more but four towns, and those but weak and of small worth. So that there, as also in the red sea, it is a matter of exceeding charge and difficulty for him to set out any great fleet into those seas: for that those countries are utterly destitute of wood fit to make ships of. For which cause, those few times that he prepared his fleets in the red sea (to have cut off the Portugeses trade into the East Indies) being not able to perform the same in the Persian gulf, he was enforced to bring the timber for the building of his galleys out of the ports of BYTHINIA and CILICIA (out of another world as it were) up the Nile unto CAIRO, and from thence upon camels by land to SVES, where he hath his Arsenal, a thing almost incredible. And yet having done what he could, as oft as he hath made any expedition against them, he never gained any thing but loss and dishonour: as in the year 1538 at the city of DIUM; and in the year 1552 at the island of ARMUZ; and after that at MOMBAZA, where four of the Turks galleys with one galliot which by the favour of the king of MOMBAZA had thought to have stayed in those seas, were by the Portugeses taken: who still have an especial regard and care that the Turks settle not themselves in those seas, but as soon as they perceive them to prepare any fleet, they forthwith set upon them, and to that end oftentimes without resistance enter into the red sea. Prester john too weak for the great Turk. Prester john of whom although men speak much, yet is he nothing in strength to be compared unto the Turk, but far inferior unto him both for commanders and soldiers, as also for weapons and munition: for that great prince hath a great kingdom without fortification, and a multitude of soldiers without arms: as appeared by the overthrow of Barnagasso his lieutenant towards the red sea; who having lost all that sea-coast unto the Turks, The king of Maroco and the Turk both in doubt of the king of Spain. was brought to that extremity, that to have peace with them, he yielded to pay unto them a yearly tribute of a thousand ounces of gold. In AFRICA the Turk hath more territories than hath the king of MAROCO, otherwise called the Xerife: For he possesseth all that there lieth betwixt the red sea and the kingdom of FES; but the Xerife hath the better part, the richer, stronger, and more united: yet dare neither of them well make war upon the other, The king ●f Polo●ia 〈…〉 the Turk, 〈…〉 Turk 〈…〉. for the nearness of the king of SPAIN, enemy unto them both. Now then there remaineth the rest of the Christian princes bordering upon the Turk: and 〈◊〉 the king of POLONIA. What these two princes can do the one against the other, hath been seen 〈◊〉 some former expeditions, wherein the Polonian had still the worse▪ Yet it should seem that of 〈◊〉 time the Turk hath not been greatly desirous to move the Polonian too far: For that being provoked by divers occasions (namely in the reign of Henry the third, in the wars that john the Vayvod of VALACHIA had with the Turks, many Polonian horsemen served the said Vayvod, though not indeed sent from the king: and in the time of Sigismond the third, which now reigneth, the Polonian Cossackes have with divers incursions not a little troubled them: beside the late motions of john Zamoschi the great Chancellor and General of the Polonian forces, for the staying of the Tartars by the Turk sent for) he hath been content to comport the same, and not with his wont pride sought to be thereof revenged, as he hath for far less upon some other princes▪ And on the other side the Polonians since the unfortunate expedition of king Ladislaus, never took upon them any wars against the Turks: n●●ther gave such aid as they should unto the Null their confederates, but suffered to be taken from themselves, whatsoever they had towards the Euxine or Black sea: a thing imputed rather unto the want of courage in their kings, than in the nobility of that kingdom. Sigismond the first being by Pope Leo the tenth invited to the wars against the Turks, answered him in these few words: Set you the Christian princes at unity amongst themselves, and I for my part will not be wanting. Sigismond the second so abhorred the wars, that he not only declined the Turks, but provoked by the Muscovites, never sought to revenge the same. King Stephen (by the commendation of Amurath chosen king of POLONIA) an indifferent esteemer both of his enemy's forces and his own, thought it a most dangerous thing to join battle with the Turk: and yet in private talk with his friends would oftentimes say, That with thirty thousand foot joined unto his Polonian horsemen, he durst well to undertake an expedition against the Turk: which he was supposed oftentimes to have thought upon. The Emperor with the rest of the princes of the house of AUSTRIA, The Emperor with the rest of the princes of the ●●use of Au●●●ia, together with the aid of the Germans have much ado to defend themselves against the Turk. are by a longer tract of ground joined unto this great Empire of the Turks, than any one other prince of the world, and bestow in fortifications and the maintenance of their garrisons (wherein they have continually above twenty thousand horse and foot) the greatest part of their revenues even in the time of peace, much more in these their long wars: and with the German forces joined unto their own, are more careful how to defend that they yet have left, than how to recover that they have already lost, or to enlarge their Empire. The Emperor Ferdinand with greater force than success undertook the unfortunate expeditions of BUDA and POSSEOA: which so evil fell out, not for that his forces were not sufficient or strong enough; but for that they wanted agility and dexterity. The truth is, those his armies were strong enough, and sufficiently furnished with all things necessary, but consisted for the most part of Germans and Bohemians, slow and heavy people, unfit to encounter with the Turks, a more ready and nimble kind of soldiers. The Venetians by policy rather than by force maintain their state against the Turk. The Venetians also confrontier the Turks by many hundred miles both by sea and land, and defend themselves rather by peaceable policy than by force of arms: notably fortifying their strong holds upon their frontiers, declining by all means the dangers and charges of war, by embassages and rich presents; leaving nothing unattempted (their liberty and State preserved) rather than to fall to wars. To say the truth of them, although they had both coin and warlike provision sufficient, yet want they men and victuals answerable to so great a war against so puissant an enemy. The king of Spain of all other princes that border upon the Turk best able to wage war with him. There remaineth only the king of SPAIN of all other the great princes either Christians or mahometans (bordering upon him) the best able to deal with him; his yearly revenues so far exceeding those of the Turks, as that they are also probably thought to countervail the greatest part of his Timariot: and his great dominions in SPAIN, PORTUGAL, NAPLES, SICILIA, MILAN, SARDINIA, and the Low Countries (if they were with him at unity) able to afford unto him so great and powerful a strength both by sea and land, as might make him dreadful even unto the Great Turk when he swelleth in his greatest pride: But considering how his forces are distracted for the maintenance of his wars at once in divers places; as also for the necessary defence and keeping of his so large and dispersed territories, not all the best of themselves affected to the Spanish government, he is not to be thought of himself strong enough against the united forces of the great Turk, whensoever they should chance to be employed upon him. So that by this we have already said is easily to be gathered how much the Turk is too strong for any one the neighbour princes, either mahometans or Christians, bordering upon him, and therefore to be of them the more feared. Yet lest some mistaking me, might think, What, is then the Turk invincible? far be that thought from me, to think any enemy of Christ jesus (be his arm never so strong) to be able to withstand his power, either quite to devour his little flock, Why the Turk is not to be thought inuinci●ble, neither his power so strong, as it in show seemeth ●o be. rage he never so much about it. As for the Turk, the most dangerous and professed enemy of the Christian commonweal, be his strength so great, yea and happily greater too than is before declared (the greatness of his dominions and empire considered) yet is he not to be thought therefore either invincible, or his power indeed so great as it in show seemeth for to be: his Timariot horsemen (his greatest strength) dispersed over his whole Empire, being never possibly the one half of them by him to be gathered into the body of one army: neither if they so were, possible in such a multitude long to be kept together, living upon no pay of his, but upon such store and provision only as they bring with them from their Timari, never sufficient long to maintain them. Besides that, the policy of his state hardly or never suffereth him to draw above a third part of his Timariot out of his countries where they dwell, for fear lest the rest of the people by them still kept under, should in their absence take up arms against him in defence of themselves and their ancient liberty: whereafter the greatest part of those poor oppressed souls, as well mahometans as Christians in every province of his Empire awaiting but the opportunity, most desirously longeth: so that more than two parts of them being always to be left at home for the necessary defence of the spacious borders of his so large an Empire, as also for the keeping in obedience of so many discontented nations; it is a great matter, if he even in his greatest wars draw together of these kind of soldiers the full number of an hundred and fifty thousand strong, making up the rest of his huge multitude with his Acanzij, living of no pay of his, but upon the spoil of the enemy only, the fifth part whereof they pay unto him also. All which put together, what manner of men they be, and of what valour, not only the small armies of the Christians under the leading of their worthy chieftains Huniades, Scanderbag, king Mathias, and others, have to their immortal glory in former times made good proof: but even in this our age, and that as it were but the other day, the Transyluanian prince with divers other valiant captains and commanders yet living, have done the like also: as well witnesseth the late battle of AGRIA, wherein the Christians, in number not half so many as the Turks, by plain valour drove the great Sultan Mahomet himself (with Ibrahim Bassa his lieutenant General) out of the field, and had of him had the most glorious victory that ever was got against that enemy, had they not by too much carelessness and untimely desire of spoil, themselves shamefully interrupted the same. But thus to let his horsemen pass, the chief strength of his footmen are his janissaries, never in number exceeding twelve or fourteen thousand, yea seldom times half so many even in his greatest armies, except he himself be there in person present in the midst of them: who beside the small number of them, in the time of these their late voluptuous and effeminate emperors corrupted with the pleasures of CONSTANTINOPLE, and for want of their wont discipline, have together with their ancient obedience and patience lost also a great part of their former reputation and valour: all the rest of his footmen filling up the great body of his populous army, being his Asapi, rather pioneers than soldiers, men of small worth, and so accounted of both of the Turks and their enemies also. So that all things well considered, his best soldiers being the least part of his greatest armies, and they also far unlike their predecessors, the stern followers of the former Ottoman kings and emperors, but men now given to pleasure and delight: it is not otherwise to be thought, but that he bringeth into the field far more men than good soldiers, more bravery than true valour, more show than worth, his multitude being his chiefest strength, his supposed greatness the terror of his neighbour princes, and both together the very majesty of his Empire. Which although it be indeed very strong (for the reasons before alleged) yet is it by many probably thought to be now upon the declining hand, The signs of the declining of the Turks Empire. their late emperors in their own persons far degenerating from their warlike progenitors, their soldiers generally giving themselves to unwonted pleasures, their ancient discipline of war neglected, their superstition not with so much zeal as of old regarded, and rebellions in divers parts of his Empire of late strangely raised, and mightily supported: all the signs of a declining state. Which were they not at all to be seen, as indeed they be very pregnant, yet the greatness of this Empire being such▪ as that it laboureth with nothing more than the weightiness of itself, it must needs (after the manner of worldly things) of itself fall, and again come to nought, no man knowing when or how so great a work shall be brought to pass, but he in whose deep counsels all these great revolutions of empires and kingdoms are from eternity shut up: who at his pleasure shall in due time by such means as he seeth best accomplish the same, to the unspeakable comfort of his poor afflicted flock, in one place or other still in danger to be by this roaring lion devoured. Which work of so great wonder, he for his son our Saviour Christ his sake, the glory of his name, and comfort of many thousand oppressed Christians fed with the bread of carefulness amidst the furnace of tribulation, in mercy hasten, that we with them, and they with us, all as members of one body, may continually sing, Unto him be all honour and praise world without end. FINIS. A TABLE OR INDEX, POINTING. unto all the most notable things in the History of the Turks before written, wherein such directory letters as are set without numbers, are to be still referred to the next number of the page precedent. AAron, Vayvod of Moldavia, suspected by the Transyluanian prince to have intelligence with the Turk, with his wife and son sent prisoners unto Prage. 1062 l Abas Mirize by the practice of Mirize Salmas brought into suspicion with Mahomet his father the Persian king. 946 i. by his ambassadors purgeth himself of the supposed treason. 964 g Abdilcheraie with his Tartars cometh into Siruan. 838 k. taketh Ares Chan. 939 a. spoileth Genge, is himself overthrown and taken prisoner by the Persian prince. 940 g. beloved of the Persian queen. k. slain in the Court. 941 a Abedin Bassa with a great army sent by Amurath to revenge the death of Mesites spoileth Valachia, and so entereth into Transyluania. 271 a. encourageth his Turks. 273 b. in a great and mortal battle overthrown by Huniades at Vascape. 274 l Abraham, otherwise called Pyramet, last king of Caramania slain by Bajazet. 447 b Abraham Bassa his description 645 f. his bringing up in Court 646 g. his great credit with Solyman. i. he persuadeth him to make war upon the Persians. 647. ●. maligned by Soliman's mother and Roxolana. 649 b. sent before by Solyman with an army into Syria. c. hath the city of Tauris yielded unto him. d. in disgrace with Solyman. 653 f. shamefully murdered in the Court by the commandment of Solyman. 654 h Abydus surprised by the Turks. 183 a Acanzijs what they be. 415 b Achmetes Bassa, Governor of Cyprus, slain by the janissaries. 979 b Achmetes the great Bassa his notable speech to Mahomet, to dissuade him from any more assaulting of Scodra. 423●. landeth with his army in Apulia. 432 i. by Bajazet made General of his army against his brother Z●●es. 438. l. his death contrived by Isaac Bassa. 443. b. in danger to have been put to death, delivered by the janissaries. 444. h. suddenly slain. k. Achmetes Bassa with his army overthrown by the Mamalukes, taken, and sent prisoner unto Cayt●eius at Cairo. 448 i Achomates politic and valiant, but too much given to pleasure. 478 k. discontented, 487●. threateneeh the Cadelescher sent unto him by his father. 488 g. entereth with his sons into rebellion. h. killeth his father's ambassador, proclaimed traitor. 489 f secretly favoured by divers great men in Selimus his army, 503●. overthrown in battle, taken, and by the commandment of his brother Selimus strangled. 504 i Achomates the great Bassa appeaseth the soldiers, up in arms for the unworthy death of Mustapha. 764 h. his miserable end. 765. c. Agria in vain besieged by the Turks. 756 k. yielded unto Mahomet the third. 1096 h Aladin, the son of Kei-Husreu, of the Selzuccian family, driven out of Persia, ceis●th upon Cilicia. 76 l Aladin his modesty about the division of his father Othomans inheritance and goods with his brother Orcanes. 179 d. Aladin the Caramanian king hanged. 208 m. Aladin, Amurath his eldest son, slain with a fall from his horse. 289 d Alba Regalis yielded to king Ferdinand. 700 l. besieged by Solyman. 740 i. the lake and ditches with incredible labour filled up by the Tarkes. l. the suburbs won. 741 c. the miserable slaughter of the Christians in their flight. d. yielded unto Solyman. 742 g besieged by duke Mercury. 1134 l the suburbs of the city surprised by lord Rusworm. 1135 d. the city taken by the Christians. 1136 g. besieged by the Turks. 1144 l. terribly assaulted. 1145. won by the Turks. d. Aladeules his kingdom. 519 a. the battle betwixt him and Selimus. ●. he flieth into the mountains. 520 g. taken by Sinan Bassa, and brought to Selimus, is put to death. l. his head sent to Venice for a present, and his kingdom brought into the form of a province. m. Albuchomar discovereth unto Selimus the power of Tomombeius, and the treason intended by them of Cairo. 547●. Aleppo in Syria betrayed and taken from the Christians by Saladin, Sultan of Damascus. 61 a. by the Tartars taken from the Turks, and by them sacked and razed. 113 d. by Cayerbeius the traitor delivered to Selimus. 530 l Alessandro the Georgian submitteth himself unto Mustapha. 933 c Alexius the great precedent of Constantinople committed to prison. 45 f. his eyes put out by the commandment of Andronicus. 46● Alexius Comnenus, otherwise called Porphyrogenitus, succeed his father Emanuel in the Empire. 43 b. by the practice of Andronicus is deprived of the Empire, and strangled. 50 b Alexius the young prince craveth aid of Philip the Emperor and the Latin princes against his uncle the usurper. 77 a. cometh to the army of the Christian princes going towards the holy land. 78 g. arriveth with a great fleet of the Latins before Constantinople. l. taketh land, and after an hot skirmish forceth the old tyrant Alexius to fly out of the city. 79 c. seeketh to bring the Latins again into the city. 80 k. is betrayed and strangled by Murzufle. l. Alexius Philanthropenus by Andronicus the Emperor made Governor of the frontiers of his empire in Asia against the Turks. 147 e. aspireth. 148 i. betrayed, hath his eyes put out. 149 a Alexius Strategopulus with a small power sent into Grecia by the Emperor Michael Palaeologus, by the treason of two Greeks taketh the city of Constantinople from the Latins. 115 d Algiers described. 720 g. in vain besieged by Charles the Emperor. h. Aliculi Chan taken. 944 l. in hope of liberty conducteth Hassan Bassa through the strait passages of Georgia. 945 b. cast in prison at Erzirum. d. escapeth from Ferrat. 972 m. by the Persian king (to the great discontentment of the Turcomans) made Governor of Tauris. 937 c. killeth the Bassa of Maras, doth the Turks great harm, and so flieth from Tauris. 991 c. conspireth with Abas Mirize against the Persian prince. 1000 h. being by the prince sent against the Turks, performeth nothing. 1001 c Alis Bassa with a great army overthrown by Scanderbag. 288 k Alis Bassa sent by Bajazet with an army out of Europe against Techellis, slain. 474 l. Alis Beg and his four sons treacherously slain by Ferrat Bassa. 600 l Alis Bassa of Buda by the commandment of Amurath strangled. 1003 d Alis Beg Governor of Strigonium coming down into the lower town, there stayed by the janissaries. 1066 k. his resolute answer unto the message sent him from the lord Palfi. 1009 e. slain with a great shot. 1071 c Almericus Earl of joppa after the death of his brother Baldwin chosen sixth king of jerusalem. 53 d. with a puissant army entereth Egypt, and in plain battle overthroweth Dargan the Sultan. e. aideth Sanar the Sultan against Saracon, Noradins General, whom he overthroweth in Egypt. 56 i taketh Alexandria. l. winneth Pelusium. 57 dieth. 58 k Aloysius Grittus the duke of Venice his son sent by Solyman as his lieutenant into Hungary, to oversee king john. 631 f. contemned by Americus, causeth him to be murdered. 633 d. besieged by the transylvanians. 634 h. taken and beheaded. l. the great riches found about him. 635 a Alphonsus king of Naples sendeth aid unto Scanderbeg. 369 f. with Alexander the Bishop of Rome craveth aid of Bajazet the Turk against Charles the French king. 551 a Alphonsus resigneth his kingdom of Naples unto his son Ferdinand. 453 e Alphonsus Davalus Vastius, lieutenant General of the emperors land forces in his expedition for Tunes. 655 b. his speech unto the Spanish captains. 659 b. commandeth the Emperor. 665 d. with Hannibaldus sent ambassadors from the Emperor and the French king to the state of Venice, for a confederation betwixt that State & them to be made against Solyman. 992 g. his Oration in the Venetian Senate. h. the answer of the duke. m. the Senators diversly affected towards the confederation. 693 d Alteration of Religion in the Greek Church the cause of great trouble. 144 m. Amesa with his Turks overthrown and taken prisoner by Scanderbag. 366 g Amesa employed by his uncle Scanderbag for the recovery of Croia out of the hands of Turks. 284 h. corrupted, flieth to Mahomet the Turk. 375 b. his first speech to Mahomet. c. honourably entertained. 376 i. by Isaac Bassa created king of Epirus. 378 d. taken prisoner by Scanderbeg. 381 d. sent prisoner into Italy. 382 h. enlarged, returneth to Constantinople, and there dieth. ●83 b Amurath the first succeed his father Orcanes in the Turkish kingdom. 189 c. invadeth Europe. d. taketh Hadrianople. f. maketh his royal seat in Europe. 191 b. beginneth the order of the janissaries. e. returneth into Asia. 192 g. marrieth his son Bajazet unto Hatune, the daughter of the prince Germean, with a great dowry. 193 c. purchaseth the principality of Amisum, of Chusen Beg. d. invadeth Servia, and taketh Nissa, the metropolitical city thereof. e. imposeth a yearly tribute upon the country of Servia. f. in a great battle overthroweth Aladin the king of Caramania his son in law with the other Mahometan prin●● his confederates. 196 g. by his captains winneth and spoileth a great part of Bulgaria. 199 a. in a great & mortal battle overthroweth Lazarus the Despot of Servia, with his confederates in the plains of Cossova. 200 i. slain. k. buried at Prusa. 201 b. Amurath the second placed in his father's seat. 255 c. afraid to go against the rebel Mustapha. 256 h. in vain besieged Constantinople. 258 g. strangleth his brother Mustapha. l. winneth Thessalonica. 260 g. taketh unto himself the greatest part of Aetolia. i. enforceth the princes of Athens, Phocis, and Beotia to become his tributaries. h. falsifieth his faith with john Castriot prince of Epirus, and poisoneth his three eldest sons his hostages. l. oppresseth the Mahometan princes in Asia. 261 c. spoileth Hungary. d. contrary to his saith invadeth Servia, and subdueth it. 262 g. putteth out the eyes of the Despots sons, his wives brethren. g. besiegeth Belgrade. 263 c. dealeth subtly with the ambassadors of king Vladislaus. 264 g. notably encourageth his soldiers to the assault of Belgrade. h. shamefully repulsed. 266 h. his sullen answer unto the ambassadors of king Vladisl●us. i. sendeth Mesites Bassa to invade Transyluania. 267 f. grieved with the loss of Mesites and his army, sendeth Abedin Bassa to revenge his death. 270 l. in despair about to have slain himself. 289 a. by the mediation of the Despot of Servia obtaineth peace of king Vladislaus for ten years. b. invadeth Caramania. d. weary of the world, committeth the government of his kingdom to his son Mahomet, and retireth himself unto a monastical life. c. at the report of those preparations of the Hungarians, and request of his Bassas, forsaketh his solitary life, and raiseth a great army in Asia. 296 k. by the Genoese transported with his army into Europe. l. joineth battle with K. Vladislaus at Varna. 297 b. about to have fled, reproved of cowardice by a common soldier. c. prayeth unto Christ. e. in danger to have been slain. 298 h. wisheth not many times so to overcome as he did at the battle of Varna. m. to perform his vow, resigneth his kingdom to his son Mahomet, which he shortly after resumeth again. 299 b. his crafty letters to Scanderbeg. 300 g. his passionate speech in his rage against Scanderbeg. 302 i. breaketh through the Hexamylum, & imposeth a yearly tribute upon them of Peloponnesus. 304 h. after three days hard fight with great slaughter of his men overcometh Huniades in the plains of Cassova. 309 b. invadeth the Despot. 310 k. his grave letters of advice to Mustapha, concerning his invading of Epirus. 311 e. cometh with a great army to Sfetigrade. 316 l. in vain with great ●urie giveth many a desperate assault unto the city. 319 b. in one assault looseth seven thousand of his Turks. 320 i. by great promises seeketh to corrupt the garrison of Sfetigrade. l. by the practice of one man hath the city of Sfetigrade yielded unto him. 321 e. having lost thirty thousand of his Turks at the siege of Sfetigrade, returneth to Hadrianople. 322 h. with a great army cometh again into Epirus, and besiegeth Croia. 323 c. in two assaults looseth eight thousand of his soldiers. 326 k. content to buy the life of one Christian with the loss of twenty of his Turks. 327 a. seeketh by great gifts to corrupt Vranacontes the Governor of Croia. 328 i. overcome with melancholy tormenteth himself. 330 g. by his ambassadors offereth Scanderbag peace. h. his last speech unto his son Mahomet concerning such things as at his death grieved him most. k. dieth. 331. b. buried at Prusa. 332 g Amurath the son of Achomates flieth unto Hysmael the Persian king. 504 k marrieth his daughter. 505 a. spoileth Cappadocia, and for fear of his uncle Selimus retireth. d. Amurath the third taketh upon him the Turkish Empire. 919 c. pacifieth the janissaries, and augmenteth their privileges. d. strangleth his five brethren. e. his letters unto the nobility of Polonia in the behalf of Stephen Bathor Vayvod of Transyluania. 920 i. attentive to the slirs in Persia. 923 f. informed thereof by Vstref Bassa of Van. 924 m. resolveth to take the Persian war in hand. 925 d. by Mustapha advertised of the success of the Persian wars. 938 g. consulteth of his proceeding therein. 941 e. dischargeth Mustapha of his General ship, and calleth him home to Constantinople. 946 l. appointeth Sinan General for the Persian wars. 951 b. in despite of Sinan appointeth Mahamet Bassa General for those wars in his stead. 957 e. circumciseth his eldest son Mahomet. 957 a. displaceth Sinan Bassa, and casteth him into exile. 962 l. appointeth Ferrat General for his wars in Persia. 665 d. sends for Osman Bassa into Siruan. 974 h. maketh him chief Visier and General of his army into Persia. 976 k. in disporting himself with his Muts, taken with a fit of the falling sickness. 977 d. causeth great triumph to be made throughout his Em●pire for the winning of Tauris. 996 h maketh choice again of Ferrat Bassa to succeed Osman Bassa, dead in the Persian wars. 999 b. concludeth a peace with the Persian king. 1005 b. his answer to the letters of Sigismond the third king of Polonia. 1004 h. glad himself to yield to the insolency of the janissaries. 1005 f. his letters to Elizabeth Queen of England. 1006 k. persuaded by his Visier Bassas to take some new war in hand. 1007 c. in doubt whom first to begin withal. 1008 k. resolveth to make war upon the Emperor, with the reasons leading him thereunto. 1014 k giveth leave to Hassan Bassa of Bosna as it were without his knowledge to pick quarrels with the Emperor, and so to disturb the peace. m. sendeth home the body of the Persian hostage dead in his Court. 1015 c. proclaimeth war against the Emperor. 1023 f. the proud and blasphemous manner of his denunciation of war. 1024 h. he dreameth. 1028 l. sick of the falling sickness. 1048 h. dieth. 1053 d Andrew king of Hungary maketh an expedition into the Holy land. 88 k. bathing himself in the river jordan, returneth with all his power. l. Andronicus aspireth to the Empire. 43 d. overthroweth Angelus sent against him with a great power by Alexius the great Precedent. 44 l. encampeth over against Constantinople. 45 a. taketh upon him the government, and tyranniseth. 47 b. causeth Mary the daughter of Emanuel the Emperor with her husband Caesar to be poisoned. e. causeth Xene the fair Empress to be unjustly condemned and strangled. 48 k. by his fauourits and flatterers joined in the fellowship of the Empire with Alexius the young Emperor. 49 c. depriveth Alexius of the Empire, and causeth him to be strangled. 50 h. destroyeth the Nobility, to establish his estate. i. seeketh in vain to appease the people, in a tumult risen up against him. 52 h. forsaken of his flattering fauourits, flieth, is taken, and brought back in chains to Angelus. 53 c. committed to the fury of the people, who with extreme cruelty put him to most shameful death. 54. Andronicus Palaeologus 〈◊〉 younger exceedingly beloved by 〈◊〉 Andronicus his grandfather. 158 h. by the persuasion of Syrgiannes' conspireth against his aged grandfather. 159 f. being sent for, cometh unto him secretly armed, with purpose to have slain him. 160 k. secretly flieth out of Constantinople. 161 b. proclaimed traitor, and proscribed. c. stirreth up the people of Thracia to rebellion. d. reconciled to his grandfather. 164 i. crowned fellow in the Empire with his grandfather. m. again conspireth against his grandfather. 165 b. his crafty speech unto his grandfathers ambassadors. 167 c. seeketh in vain by night to have been received into Constantinople. 169 e. is received into Thessalonica. 170 g. taketh in the greatest part of Macedonia and Thracia. m. by treason entereth into the city of Constantinople. 171 e. forbiddeth his captains and soldiers to violate the majesty of the old Emperor or any about him. 172 i. humbleth himself unto his grandfather. 173 a. evil persuaded, committeth him to strait keeping. 174 g. wounded in the battle with Orcanes at Philocrene. 180 m. by his own departure from his camp discomfiteth his whole army. 181 a Andronicus Palaeologus the old Emperor in restoring again the Greek ceremonies, by his father before altered, falleth into great troubles. 146 h. sparing to maintain his navy, weakeneth his Empire. k. suspicious of his brother Constantine. l. by taking him away, leaveth the East side of his Empire to be spoiled by the Turks. 147 e. reposing more trust in foreign aid than in his own subjects, greatly burteth his state. 149 b. immoderately favoureth his nephew Andronicus. 158 h. setteth Syrgiannes' to observe his doings. 159 a. sendeth ambassadors unto him. 161 d. in his trouble as of an heavenly Oracle asketh counsel of the Psalter, and so maketh peace with his nephew. 164 h. informed of the evil meaning of his nephew forbiddeth him to come into the city. 166 g. his notable speech unto the Patriarch and the rest of the bishops and Nobility concerning the young Emperor his nephew. 168 k. forsaken of the Patriarch and some others of the Bishops. 169 b. reposeth his whole trust in God. 172 i. his pitiful request unto the young Emperor his nephew. l. by him deprived of his imperial dignity. 174 g. falleth blind. h. against his will made a Monk, and called Anthony. k. his notable answer unto the catching question of the proud Patriarch. l. enforced to swear, never again to resume unto himself the Empire. 175 d dieth. 176 g. his death by many prodigies foreshown. h. Antioch described 18 h. by the Patriarch betrayed to Saladin. 65 a Apulia spoiled by the Turks. 671 f Ares Chan hanged. 939 a Artillery of exceeding greatness made by Mahomet at the siege of Scodra. 418 g. Asam-Beg with his army overthrown & taken prisoner by Scanderbag. 383 f Asmehemedi justly rewarded for his treachery. 478 k Assan Aga derideth the messengers sent unto him from Charles the Emperor. 719 b. taketh the Spaniards to mercy 724 k. Auria with his fleet doth the Turks great harm in Peloponnesus. 626 h. besiegeth Corone, and hath it yielded unto him. 627 a. taketh and ransacketh Patras, with the castles of Rhium and Molycreum. c. returneth to Genua. e. troubleth the Turks fleet, and taketh twelve of their galleys full of janissaries and of Soliman's other best soldiers. 672 l. braveth Barbarussa in the bay of Ambracia. 688 g. shamefully flieth with his fleet. 689 e. dieth. 787 c Austria spoiled by the Turk. 616 i. Altenburg taken. k. Austria sore wasted by Cason. 621. Axalla ● Christian in great favour with Tamerlan, and his lieutenant General in his wars against the Turk. 214 h. taketh Bajazet the great Turk prisoner. 219 d. without resistance taketh Prusa. 221 b. overthroweth one of the Turks Bassas with the slaughter of thirty thousand Turks. 235 d B BAbylon taken and sacked by the Tartars. 113 b. with the countries of Mesopotamia and Assyria yielded to Solyman. 651 a Bajazet the first why surnamed Gilderun or lightning. 195 f. succeed his father Amurath in the Turkish kingdom. 203 b. invadeth Servia. c. by Ferises his lieutenant spoileth Valachia. f. oppresseth most of the Mahometan princes, the successors of Sultan Aladin in the lesser Asia. 204 k. invadeth Valachia, overthroweth the Vayvod, and causeth him to become his tributary. 205 a. besiegeth Constantinople eight years. c. in a great battle at Nicopolis overthroweth Sigismond king of Hungary with his confederates. 206 g. returneth again to the siege of Constantinople. k. marrieth Despina, the fair daughter of Lazarus the Despot. 207 a. prettily reproved by his jester. d. in battle overcometh Aladin the Caramanian king, and delivereth him prisoner to Temurtases his lieutenant. 208 m. subdueth the Caramanian kingdom. 209 a. hath the great cities of Amasia and Sebastia yielded unto him. a. oppresseth the Mahometan princes of the lesser Asia. d. uncivilely entertaineth the ambassadors of Tamerlan sent unto him in the behalf of the poor princes by him oppressed. 211. accounteth a shepherd more happy than himself. 216 k. joineth a great and mortal battle with Tamerlan. 219 b. forsaken of his own soldiers. c. overthrown and taken prisoner by Axalla. d. brought to Tamerlan. 220. shut up in an iron cage like a wild beast. m. dieth miserably. 227 b. his issue, as also his immediate successor uncertain. 231 c. his true posterity. 232 g Bajazet the second excluded from the succession in the Turkish Empire by his son Corcutus, cometh to Constantinople. 437 e. by the mediation of the great Bassanes obtaineth the kingdom of Corcutus. 438 g. goeth against his brother Zemes, up in rebellion against him. i. in doubt to have been betrayed by his soldiers. 441 c. reviled by the janissaries. 444 h. putteth some of them to death. 445 a. purposeth their utter destruction. b. glad to dissemble his purpose, and to reconcile himself unto them. f. sendeth Dautius his ambassador to Alexander bishop of Rome. 451 d. glad to hear that divers of the Christian princes had combined themselves against the French king. 456 i. in danger to have been slain by a Deruislar or Turkish Monk. 463 c. Bajazet by nature peaceable. d. his children. 476 k. sendeth ambassadors with presents unto his son Selimus. 480 i. seeking to prefer Achomates his eldest son to the empire, himself yet living, is mightily withstood by the soldiers of the Court, before corrupted by Selimus. 481 b. he forbiddeth Selimus to come unto him, and threateneth him. 482● fearing to loose Constantinople, departeth from Hadrianople. i. his resolute speech unto the janissaries and other soldiers of the Court. 484 l. in plain battle overcometh his son Selimus at Tzurulum. 485 d. willing the second time to have resigned his Empire unto Achomates, is again withstood by his men of war. 487 b. his resolute answer unto Mustapha and the other traitorous Bassas, after that Selimus was by their practice by the soldiers of the Court saluted Emperor. 494 k. poisoned by Hamon his physician a Iew. 495 f. dieth. 496 g. Bajazet Solyman his younger son seeketh to aspire unto the Empire, his father yet living. 768 h. setteth up a counterfeit Mustapha to make an head to his intended rebellion. k. the subtle and crafty dealing of the supposed Mustapha to deceive the people. l. forsaken of his followers, is taken and brought to Solyman at Constantinople. 770 g. secretly with his complices drowned. h. Bajazet sent for by his father, goeth unto him in fear. l. in few words comforted by his mother. 771 a. sharply for his disloyalty reproved by his father, and so by him pardoned. b. returneth again to his charge. d. after the death of Roxolana, his mother, raiseth new stirs. e. admonished of ●his duty by his father. 772 h. unwilling to go to Amasia, the province appointed him by his father, seeketh delays. 773 k. by a Chiaus requesteth his father not to intermeddle betwixt his brother and him. 774 h. making show as if he would go to Amasia, stayeth at An●yra, and there raiseth his forces. l. his quarrel generally favoured of the soldiers. 775 b. his purpose. d. he goeth against his brother towards Iconium. e. fighteth a bloody battle with his brother Selimus, wherein were forty thousand Turks slain. 776 g. put to the worse, retireth, and so goeth to Amasia. h. more commended by the soldiers in his overthrow, than was his brother in his victory. i. seeketh again for his father's ●auour. 777 f. despairing thereof, flieth into Persia, deceiving by the way the Bassas of Sebastia and Erzirum. 778 k. at the first well entertained by the Persian king. 779 e. his followers by the cunning of the fearful Persian dispersed and slain. 780 k. he himself with his sons imprisoned. l. his miserable estate in prison. 781 f. with his four sons at the instance of his father by the Persian strangled. 782 h Bajazet Bassa sent by Amurath against Mustapha the rebel, forsaken of his soldiers yieldeth. 255 e. upon a false surmise executed. f. Baldwin County of Edessa, and brother to Godfrey second king of jerusalem. 25 a. winneth Casaria from the Infidels. b. overthroweth the Turks hard by Rama. c. besiegeth Ptolemais, and in retiring thence is mortally wounded. e. besiegeth it again, & hath it by composition yielded unto him. e. after many sharp assaults winneth Berythus. 26 h. taketh Sidon by composition, and in vain besiegeth Tire. i. maketh an expedition into Egypt, and near unto Laris dieth. m. Baldwin, surnamed Brugensis, county of Edissa, besiegeth Carras, and there taken prisoner, after five years' captivity redeemeth himself. 25 d. after the death of Baldwin the first chosen king of jerusalem, and called Baldwin the second. 27 a. overthroweth the Turks and joineth the principality of Antioch to his own kingdom. d. by Balac the Persian Sultan overthrown and taken prisoner: after eighteen months' captivity for the ransom of an hundred thousand ducats set at liberty. 28 l. in three notable battles overthroweth the king of Damascus. 29 a. dieth. h. Baldwin the third of that name crowned king of jerusalem. 31 a. hardly distressed by Noradin the Turk. b. he fortifieth Gaza, and taketh Ascalon by composition. 34 i. in a set battle over throweth Noradin the king of Damascus at the castle of Sueta. 35 f. falleth sick and dieth. 36 h Baldwin the fourth of that name, seventh king of jerusalem. 58 l. with a great slaughter overthroweth Saladin invading his kingdom. 59 d. putteth him with his great army again to flight. 60 k. resigneth the government of his kingdom to Guy Lusignan, county of joppa and Ascalon. 61 b. sendeth ambassadors unto the Christian princes of the West, and immediately after dieth. 62 i Baldwin the ●i●t of that name, yet but a boy, was crowned eight king of jerusalem, and within seven months after dieth. 62 i Baldwin county of Flaunders and Hai●nault, chosen by the Latins Emperor of Constantinople, and so solemnly crowned. 83●. subdueth Thracia, and besiegeth Hadrianople. 85 a. overthrown in battle by the Scythians, and taken prisoner, is by the commandment of their barbarous king most cruelly put to death. d. Baldwin the second of that name, ●i●t and last Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople. 97 a. pawneth his son unto the Bruges merchants for money. 112 m. slieth out of the city of Constantinople, being surprised by Alexius Strategopulus sent from Michael Palaeologus the Greek Emperor. 114 m Ballahanus sent by Mahomet against Scanderbeg. 395 b. put to flight, taketh divers of Scanderbegs best captains prisoners at Alchria. 396 g. with his army overthrown at Oronycheum. l. the third time overthrown in the battle at Sfetigrade. 397 b. overthrown by Scanderbag the fourth time in the battle at Valcha. 389 a. left by Mahomet to continue the siege of Croia. 400 l. slain. c. Barbarussa succeed his brother Horruccius in the kingdom of Algiers. 636 i. his wonderful success. k. sent for by Solyman. l. envied in the Turks Court. 637 b. by Solyman himself rejected to Abraham the great Bassa. d. traveleth by land unto him into Syria, and by him commended to Solyman. e. his speech to Solyman, to persuade him to invade the kingdom of Tunes. 638 g. he is made Soliman's great Admiral. 639 d. spoileth the coasts of Italy. 640 m. passeth over into Africa, and hath Bisert a yielded unto him. 643 b. cometh to Guletta, deceiveth the citizens, and is received into Tunes. s. discomfiteth the citizens risen up against him. b. hath the city of Tunes yielded unto him. 645 c. is much discouraged with the coming of Charles the Emperor into Africa. 656 h. in his rage executeth Aloysius Presenda. i. encourageth his soldiers. l. his chief captains. 657 b. the county of Sarne his head and right hand by Salec sent unto him for a present. 658 l. his fleet taken by Charles the Emperor at Guletta. 661 a. he rageth. b. calmed by Sinan the Iew. ●. in field with his army against Charles the Emperor. 665 e. flieth to Tunes. 666 g. dissuaded by Sinan the jew from killing the Christian captives, who shortly after breaking prison, drive the Turks out of the castle of Tunes. 666 l. flieth to Hippona, and there comforteth his soldiers. 668 k. escapeth to Algiers. 669 b. sent by Solyman against the Venetians. 687 a. repulsed in Crete. b. reproved of cowardice by one of the Turks Eunuches. 688 h. icasleth at the flight of Auria. 689 e. braveth the Christians at Corcyra. 690 g. suffereth shipwreck upon the Acroceraunian rocks. k. with a great fleet sent by Solyman to aid the French king against Charles the Emperor. 735 a. burneth Rhegium, and taketh the castle. b. becometh amorous of the captain of Rhegium his daughter. c. maketh them afraid in Rome. d. cometh to Marseiles. f. for lack of employment groweth discontented. 742 l. with the French besiegeth Nice in Provence. 743 c. rageth against the French, and threateneth Polinus. 784 h. giveth over the siege of the castle of Nice, and setteth fire on the city. i. derided by the Turks captains, sharply answereth their taunts. 744 l. rewarded and discharged by the French king, departeth out of Province. 749 d. requesteth of Appianus Governor of Elba to have a son of Sinan the jews there prisoner, delivered unto him. e. spoileth the island, and hath the young man delivered unto him. 750 g. in his return to Constantinople doth much harm upon the coast of Italy an▪ dieth. 751 c Barbadicus the Venetian Providitour a notable man. 874 l slain in the battle of Lepanto. 680 g Barbarous cruelty. 909 e the Barbarous manner of the Turkish Sultan's, to murder their brethren in the beginning of their reign, when and by whom first begun. 201 a Bare shift for money. 345 e the Bassa of Bosna and his brother slain. 1002 i. the Bassa of Temeswar overthrown by the Rascians and slain. 1138 k the Bassa of Buda taken prisoner. 1110 i the Bassa of Bosna slain. 1110 k. the Bassa of Anatolia taken prisoner by the prince of Sarcan. 217 c. his stout answer to Tamerlan. d. by Tamerlanset at liberty, and rewarded. e. the Bassa of Buda slain. 1136 l the Bassa of Agria with ten thousand Turks overthrown by Ferrant Gonzaga, and chased to the gates of his city. 1141 g. Basilicus a faithful man unto his prince. 170 h. Battles. A cruel Battle fought betwixt Solyman the Turk and the Christian princes going towards the Holy land. 16 l. an hundred thousand Turks slain in the battle near unto Antioch, betwixt Corbanas the Persian Sultan's lieutenant and the Christian princes. 20 h. an hundred thousand Turks and Saracens slain in the great battle not far from Ascalon fought betwixt Godfrey of Buillon and the Turks and Saracens. 24 l. the great battle betwixt Amurath the first and Lazarus the Despot fought in the plains of Cossova. 200 i. the battle of Nicopolis betwixt Bajazet the first and Sigismond king of Hungary. 206 g. the great and mortal battle betwixt Bajazet and the great Tamerlan. 219 b. the battle of Vascape betwixt Huniades and Abedin Bassa. 273●. the woeful battle of Varna betwixt king Vladislaus and Amurath the second. 297 b. the great battle of Cossova sought three days together betwixt Amurath & Huniades. 307 d. the battle betwixt Vsun-Cassanes the Persian king and Mahomet the great. 410 l. the battle of Tzurulum betwixt Bajazet and his son Selimus. 485 d. the great battle between Selimus and Hysmael. 510 m. the battle of Singa betwixt Selimus and Campson. 529 e. the battle betwixt Sinan Bassa and Gazelles. 535 e. the great battle of Rhodania betwixt Selimus and Tomombeius. 539 e. the great & dreadful battle of Cairo fought two days together betwixt the Mamalukes and the Turks. 545 e. the battle of Mohatchz, betwixt Solyman and king Lewis. 602 k. the battle of Toccaie betwixt the armies of king john and king Ferdinand. 606 h. the memorable battle of Lepanto betwixt Haly Bassa and Don john. 878 h. the battle of Sancazan betwixt the Persian prince and the Turks, Osman their General then lying sick. 994 m. the battle of Alba Regalis betwixt the Imperials and the Turks. 126 h. the battle of Strigonium. 1068 h. the battle of Agria betwixt Mahomet the third and Maximilian the Archduke the emperors brother. 1097 d Bedredin the counterfeit prophet hanged. 251 d Begum the Persian queen made away. 941 a. Belgrade besieged by Amurath the second. 263 c. notably defended by the Christians. 266 g. again besieged by Mahomet the Great. 357 b. won by Solyman. 569 b Belgrade in the confines of Epirus besieged by Scanderbag. 370 h Bloody precepts left by Selimus unto his son Solyman. 563 b Bodo constant to king john. 606 k Bosna of a kingdom converted to a province of the Turks Empire. 365 b Bosna with some part of Servia taken from the Turks by Mathias king of Hungary. 404 k Bragadinus governor of Famagusta encourageth his soldiers. 864 i. yieldeth unto the request of the citizens of Famagusta, in time to deliver up the city, not now longer to be defended. 866 k. entereth into parley with the Turks. I. coming to the false Bassa Mustapha upon his faith for his safety before given, is by him most shamefully and horribly murdered. 867 a Buda besieged by the lord Rogendorff, king Ferdinand his lieutenant. 702 i. surprised by Solyman. 710 k. besieged, and the lower city taken by the lord Palsi. 1105 c. the castle by him battered, undermined, and in vain assaulted. 1105 c. the lower city of Buda again taken by the Christians. 1146 i. the upper city and castle besieged. 1147. b. in vain assaulted. f. the siege for fear of the Tartars given over by the Christians. 1149 c C CAffa with the country of Taurica Chersonesus subdued by the Turks. 412 l Cairo described. 542 m. taken by Sely●mus. 546 i Calo joannes after the death of Alexius his father succeed him in the Empire. 27 c. he taketh Tarsus in C●licia, besiegeth Antioch, and upon composition raiseth his siege. 30 g. wounded with a poisoned arrow dieth. k. Calcis the chief city of Euboea besieged by the Turks. 405 d. taken by the Turks. 406 h Callipolis taken by the Turks. 186 g Caly Bassa dissuadeth Mahomet from the siege of Constantinople. 344 l. Caly Bassa cruelly executed. 350 g Calybeus Bassa and Cherseogles after a long and mortal battle taken by Vsbeg, and sent prisoners to Caytbeius. 450 h. Campson Gaurus with what causes moved to fall out with Selimus. 522 g. his moderate and happy government. 524 l. his answer unto the ambassadors of Selimus. 525 a. perplexed. 527 b. slain. 530 i. his dead body laid out to be seen of all men. 531 a Canalis the Venetian Admiral doth the Turks great harm. 405 a. with his whole family exiled. 406 l Canisia besieged by the Turks. 1131 c. cowardly yielded. 1132 h. besieged by Ferdinand the Archduke. 1137 b. the siege by reason of tempest and extremity of weather given over. 1138 k Capcapus Governor of Damascus revolteth from the Tartars to the Turks. 126 i. Carasina yielded unto Orcanes. 184 h. Caragusa a Turk offereth a challenge unto any of the soldiers in Scanderbegs army. 312 h Caragoses Bassa Beglerbeg of Asia, in a great battle overthrown by Techellis. 472 b. taken prisoner. 473 a. horribly empaled by the high ways side. 474 g Caramania by Bajazet united to the Ottoman Empire. 447 e Caracoza the famous pirate slain. 881 e Carazies' Bassa slain. 357 d Cardinal Bathor taketh upon him the principality of Transyluania. 1109 s in a great battle overthrown by Michael the Vayvod. 1113 c. his head sent for a present unto the Emperor. e. Cassan Bassa slain. 510 m the Castle of Buda by the garrison soldiers without the consent of their captain yielded to Solyman. 610 g Cassanes the Tartar invadeth Syria. 125 c. in a great battle overthroweth Melcenaser the Egyptian Sultan's lieutenant. d. repaireth jerusalem, and giveth it to the Christians, hath Damascus yielded unto him. e. Castronowm taken from the Turks, and by the Imperials unjustly detained from the Venetians. 690 g. recovered again by Barbarussa. 691 d the Catalonians entertained by Andronicus the Emperor, for want of pay spoil his subjects. 151 a. take the spoil of Callipolis, and there fortifying themselves, do great harm both by sea & land. d. aided by the Turks, overthrow Michael the Emperor in plain battle. 152 k. spoil a great part of Thracia. 153 a. seat themselves in the cities of Athens and Thebes. 154 i Caytbeius the Egyptian Sultan sendeth ambassadors to Bajazet in the behalf of Zemes. 440 l. dieth. 450 i Cayerbeius Governor of Comagena bearing a grudge to Campson, hath intelligence with Selimus. 528 k. playeth the cunning traitor. 529 d. by Selimus made Governor of Cairo and Egypt. 554 b Cazianer General of king Ferdinand's army against the Turks. 677●. besiegeth Exek. 680 i. to retire with more haste, would have broken his great ordinance. 681 c. a general fear in his camp. 682 i. his dishonourable flight. 683 e. generally hated. 685 s. breaketh prison. 686 h. shamefully murdered, and his head sent to king Ferdinand. i. Cephalenia taken from the Turks by the Venetians. 460 k Chamuzes Bassa and Catabolinus the Turks secretary hanged by Wladus. 361 d Charles the French king invadeth the kingdom of Naples. 453 d. received into the city of Naples. 455 d. Charles the Emperor his great preparation against Solyman. 616 h. his power at Vienna. 622 l. after the departure of Solyman returneth into Italy. 626 g. his great preparation for the invasion of Tunes. 654 m▪ be passeth over into Africa. 656 g. landeth his army at Guletta. 657 e. deserveth the Oaken garland. 663 c. he marcheth towards Tunes. 664 i. content to be commanded by his lieutenant. 665 d. putteth Barbarussa to flight. f. hath Tunes yielded unto him. 667 c. restoreth it to Muleasses, now become his tributary. 669 d. returneth to Italy. e. with the Venetians and the bishop of Rome entereth into a confederation against Solyman. 686 l. invadeth Algiers. 718 i. sendeth a messenger to Assan Aga Governor of Algiers for Barbarussa. m. his messenger and message scorned by Assan Aga the eunuch. 719 b. his notable courage in staying the flight of his army. 721 e. most part of his fleet lost by tempest. 722 h. the misery of his army. 723 a. horses good meat in his camp. c. raiseth his siege and departeth from Algiers. d. drowneth his horses of great price, to make room for his common soldiers. 724 h. after many troubles arriveth at length at new Carthage in Spain. 725 a. resigneth his Empire unto his brother Ferdinand, and shortly after dieth. 783 a. Charles county Mansfelt sent by the king of Spain out of the Low countries with two thousand horse and six thousand foot to aid the Emperor in his wars against the Turk. 1061 e. by the Emperor appointed lieutenant General of his army in the lower Hungary under Mathias the Archduke, and created one of the princes of the Empire. 1061 c. with severity appeaseth the mutinous Germans. 1064 g. removeth suddenly with his army from Dotis to Strigonium. 1065 ban a great battle overthroweth the Bassa of Buda coming to the relief of Strigonium. 1068 i. dieth at Komara. 107 k Chars in three and twenty days fortified by the Turks. 943 f Chasan Chelise and Schach-Culi, two hypocritical Persians, authors of the sect of the Cuselbassas or Red heads among the Turks. 465 e. stir up a great rebellion. 469 e. Chasan Chelife slain. 474 i Chendemus Bassa by many grave reasons dissuadeth Selimus from invading the Persian. 506 h. he is by the commandment of Selimus unworthily slain. 507 b Ch●rseogles Bassa what he was, and why he turned Turk. 484 g. a savorer of learning. i. the only great man faithful to Bajazet, persuadeth him to give battle unto his rebellious son Selimus. 483 d Chios taken by the Turks. 819 c Chiroche dissuadeth the Bassanes Partau and Haly from giving battle unto the Christians at Lepanto. 875 b. encountereth with Contarenus. 880 i. slain, and his galley taken. l. Christians fight against Christians, to the confusion of themselves, and benefit of the Turk. 340 k. in seeking too greedily after the spoil, overthrown and discomfited in the battle at Karesta. 1098 g. Cicala Bassa by the appointment of Osman the Visier Bassa commandeth the Turks great army after his death in the return thereof from Tauris. 995 c. dischargeth the army at Van. 996 h. afraid to give aid to Giaffer Bassa at Tauris. 998 l. restoreth the battle before lost at Karesta. 1098. with a great fleet cometh to see his mother the lady Lucretia at Messina. 1107 b. Columnius the Pope's Admiral interposeth himself as a mediator betwixt Don john and Venerius the Venetian Admiral, and so well appeaseth the matter. 874 g Comparison betwixt Bajazet and Tamerlan. 227 c Confederation hard to trust upon. 840 h Conrade Marquis of Montferrat slain by two desperate ruffians. 71 d Conrade the third Emperor of Germany taketh upon him an expedition into the Holy land. 31 c. cannot be suffered to enter into Constantinople, but is treacherously dealt withal by the Greek Emperor. 32. with a notable speech encourageth his soldiers to adventure the river Meander. 33 a. with a great slaughter overthroweth the Turks. 34 g. besiegeth Iconium, and so returneth. h. Constantine prince of Bulgaria with the Tartars invade the territories of Palaeologus the Greek Emperor, and spoileth Thracia. 117 b Constantine the Despot sent by the old Emperor Andronicus his brother against young Andronicus his nephew. 163 a. taken prisoner at Thessalonica, and miserably used. f. Constantine the Greek Emperor in vain craveth aid of the other Christian princes. 340 h. at the winning of Constantinople by the Turks, trodden to death. 347 b Constantinople built by Pausanias, destroyed by Severus, re-edified by Constantine the Great. 341 a. how seated. 340 a. taken and spoiled by the Latins. 83 a. recovered from the Latins by Alexius Strategopulus. 115 d betrayed unto the young Emperor Andronicus. 171 d. in vain besieged by Amurath the second. 257 f. again besieged by Mahomet the great. 340 k. assaulted by the Turks. 346 k. won. 347 c Contarenus the Venetian Admiral slain. 413 e. Corcutus saluted Emperor before his father Bajazet. 437 d. kindly resigneth the Empire to his father. 438 g. given to the study of Philosophy, and therefore not beloved of the janissaries. 478 k. cometh to Constantinople. 491 d. his notable speech unto his father, to persuade him to resign unto him the Empire before the coming of his brother Selimus. 491●. comforted by his father, and put in hope of the Empire. 492 m. flieth to Magnesia. 495 a. sought after by Selimus, hideth himself in a cave. 501 f. is found and taken. 522 g. by the commandment of Selimus strangled. h. Cortug-Ogli the pirate persuadeth Solyman to besiege the Rhodes. 570 g Corone, Pylus, and Crisseum, cities of Peloponesus belonging to the Venetians, yielded unto the Turk. 460 h Corone besieged by the Turks. 627 f. relieved by Auria. 629 d. abandoned and forsaken by the Spaniards. 631 c. Corn●a and Serbellio two ancient Spanish captains persuade the giving of battle unto the Turks at Lepanto. 872 i. Costly dishes. 745 d Cowardice punished. 1093 e Crete described. 868 h Croia besieged by Amurath the second. 323 b. in vain assaulted. 324 k. besieged by Mahomet the great. 400 i relieved. 401 c. again besieged by Mahomet. 402 h. the third time besieged. 413 d. yielded to the Turks. 417 a. Cubates Selimus his ambassador cometh to Venice. 839 f. but homely entertained there. 840 f. his speech in the Senate of Venice. k. for fear of the people secretly conveyed away. 842 g Curzola forsaken by the men, defended by women. 869 c Cusahin Bassa of Caramania riseth up in rebellion against Mahomet the third. 1114 k. overthroweth the Sanzackes sent to have oppressed him. l. at the coming of Mehemet the Visier Bassa sent against him, flieth. 1115 b. forsaken of his followers, is taken and tortured to death at Constantinople. d. the Cuselbassas, when and how they begun amongst the Turks. 465 f Cyprus described. 843 b. how that kingdom came to the Venetians. e. taken from them by Selimus the second. 867 f. Cyrene yielded unto the Turks. 852 i Czarnieviche corrupted, giveth the Turks passage over the Danubius into Valachia. 911 d. revolteth unto the Turks. 912 k D DAmasco betrayed to Saladin Sultan of Egypt. 58 m. taken and sacked by the Tartars. 113●. yielded to Selimus. 532 m Damiata, and the description thereof. 89 a. taken by the Christians, being before unpeopled by the plague. 92 m Dandulus Admiral of the Venetian fleet. 85 a. David and Alexius Comneni, nephews to Andronicus the Emperor, erect unto themselves a new Empire in Trapezonde. 84 l David the last Emperor of Trapezonde put to death by Mahomet the Great, and that Empire subverted. 36 m Daut Chan for his good service rewarded by Amurath the third. 996 i Dearth in the Turks army at Triala. 970 h. Debreas slain, and his army overthrown by Scanderbag. 367 c Dedesinit the Georgian widow with her son Alexander submit themselves to Mustapha the great Bassa. 937 e Delimenthes with five thousand Persians pursueth the Turks army. 652 k. assaileth their camp by night, and maketh of them a great slaughter. m. Demetrius submitteth himself unto Mahomet the Great. 355 b Demetrius the Rhodian traitor slain. 329 a. Desdrot Governor of Stellusa to the terror of the Turks in Sfetigrade before their faces executed. 287 a Didymotichum yielded unto the Turks. 189 c. Diogenes the Emperor discomfiteth the Turks. 8 h. himself by the treason of john Ducas by them again overthrown. 9 c. taken prisoner. 10 g. honourably used by the Turks Sultan. h. overthrown and taken prisoner by Andronicus, hath his eyes put out, whereof he dieth. m. Dissension among the Turks about the succession, after the death of Mahomet the Great. 437 b Dissension betwixt Don john and Venerius the Venetian Admiral. 873 e Dium a castle of the Venetians in the East Indies in vain assaulted by the Turks. 670 l Doganes Aga of the janissaries whipped and displaced. 339 b Dotis taken by the Turks. 1099 c Dragut a most famous pirate of the Turks, by Auria driven out of the city of Africa in the kingdom of Tunes. 752 i. cometh to the siege of Malta. 797 b. his soldiers enforced shamefully to retire. 799 a. slain. 801 h. Dracula Vayvod of Valachia dissuadeth king Vladislaus from farther proceeding in his wars against Amurath. 205●. aideth him with his son and four thousand horse. 296 h. his last farewell unto the king. i. the Drusian people what they are. 982 i. Dulcign●, Antivari, and Budua, strong towns of the Venetians upon the coasts of Epirus and Dalmatia yielded to the Turk. 869 a the duke of Muscovie his letters and presents sent unto the Emperor. 1071 a. Duke Mercury General of the Emperor's forces in the lower Hungary, cometh in vain to relieve Canisia. 1131●. in retiring looseth three thousand of his men with certain pieces of great ordinance and his baggage. 1132 g. besiegeth Alba Regalis. 1134 m. winneth it. 1135 f. enforceth Assan the Turks General with the loss of six thousand of his Turks to retire. 1136 l. Dyrrhachium now called Durazo taken by the Turks. 461 c E EArthquake most terrible in Constantinople. 476 h Edward, eldest son to Henry the third king of England, taketh upon him an expedition into the Holy land, and arriveth at Tunes. 119 c. arriveth at Ptolemais. 120 g. taketh Nazareth, and putteth the Turks to flight. h. by a desperate Saracen dangerously wounded with an envenomed knife. k. cured of his wound, maketh peace with the Sultan and returneth into England. 121 a. the Egyptians diversly affected towards the Mamalukes. 542 i Eivases Bassa hath his eyes burnt out. 258 m. Elpis the Egyptian Sultan besiegeth Tripoli and taketh it by force. 122 l. winneth Sidon and Berythus, and raseth them, taketh tire by composition, and winneth all the strong holds in Syria and Palestine, from the Christians, except only the strong city of Ptolemais. 122 m. maketh peace with the remainder of the Christians. m. Emanuel the Greek Emperor with a great power invadeth the dominions of the Sultan of Iconium. 38 h. looseth a great part of his army. 39 c. in danger to have been taken, notably defendeth himself. 40 l. in his greatest distress hath peace offered him by the Sultan, which he gladly accepteth. 42 i. he vanquisheth Atapack the Sultan's General. m. falleth sick and dieth. 43 a Emanuel the Greek Emperor upon hard conditions obtaineth peace of Bajazet the Great Turk, and becometh his tributary. 206 l. by his ambassadors offereth his Empire unto Tamerlan, & so to become his vassal. 221 d. cometh himself unto him at Prusa. 222 h. honourably entertaineth him coming in private over to Constantinople. i. Ambassadors sent from Tamas the Persian king to Selimus. 836 h. honourably entertained by the Turks at Hadrianople. 837 b. the Persian ambassador in going to visit Muhamet the Visier Bassa, in danger to have been slain. d. the rich presents by him given to Selimus. 838 g Emir Hamze the Persian prince cometh into Siruan. 939 c. killeth Caitas Bassa and recovereth Eres. d. overthroweth the Tartars, and taketh Abdilcheray. 940 g. recovereth Sumachia. i. returneth to Casbin. k. overthroweth the vauward of the Turks army. 990 l. in a great battle overthroweth Cicala Bassa and the Bassa of Caraemit. 993 b. dareth Osman the Turks General battle. c. with his own hand killeth the Bassa of Caraemit. f. killeth also the Bassa of Trapezond, with twenty thousand Turks more. 994 g. overthroweth twenty thousand of the Turks in the battle of Sancazan. 995 b. overcometh the rebellious Turcomans, and executeth their leaders. 998 h. sacketh Salmas. 1000 k. putteth the Bassa of Reivan to flight. l. slain by one of his Eunuches. 1002 h Emir Chan having his eyes put out, dieth miserably in prison. 973 c the Emperor, the French king, and the king of Polonia entangled in their leagues with the Turk, refuse to give aid unto the Venetians against him. 842 k. the Empire of Trapezond overthrown and subverted by Mahomet the Great. 361 a. Ertogrul with his brother Dunder and four hundred families of the Turks stay in their return toward Persia. 133 f. by his good service obtaineth of Sultan Aladin a place at Suguta for himself and his Turks to dwell in. 434 k. taketh the castle of Carachisar from the Christians. 135 a Euboea taken from the Venetians by Mahomet the Great. 406 k Eurenoses his rich present unto Amurath at the marriage of his son Bajazet. 193 b Eudocia the Empress contrary to her oath desirous to marry, dealeth cunningly with the Patriarch to dispense with her oath. 7 d. marrieth Diogenes Romanus, a prisoner condemned to die, and maketh him Emperor. f. she is deposed by the traitors, john Ducas, Psellus, and others, and thrust into a Monastery. 10 i Eustace Governor of the kingdom of jerusalem, discomfiteth the Saracens in a great battle near unto Ascalon, and not long after dieth. 28 i F FAmagusta besieged by the Turks. 852 k. hath a new supply put into it by Quirinus. 855 c. described. 863 b. the number of the defendants in it. c. twice assaulted and notably defended by the Christians. d. ●. undermined. 865 a. furiously by the Turks assaulted, and valiantly by the Christians defended. b. a great part of the wall blown up, and the city again assaulted. 866 g. yielded up to the Turks. m. Famine in Scodra. 426 g Falconers and Huntsmen in great number in the Turks Court. 338 k Ferat Bassa sent by Solyman against Alis Beg the mountain prince. 600 i. treacherously murdereth him and his four sons. l. Ferat Bassa by Amurath chosen General of his army against the Persians in stead of Sinan. 965 d. in the space of fifteen days buildeth a fort at Reivan, as he was by Amurath commanded. 966 i. breaketh up his army at Erzirum. 967 d. raiseth a new army. f. fortifieth Lori. 968 k. buildeth a fort upon the straight of Tomanis. 969 a. reproveth Veis Bassa of Aleppo. 970 k. is himself reviled by the janissaries and Spahi. l. by them disobeyed and threatened. 971 d. his stout answer to his mutinous soldiers. f. his tents overthrown and he again threatened. 972 g. disgraced, breaketh up his army at Ardachan. k. grievously complained of to Amurath. 973 e. by Amurath again made General against the Persians. 999 b. cometh to Van. 1000 g. putteth succours into Tauris. 1001 d. taketh Genge. 1004 m. sent by Mahomet General of his army into Hungary. 1060 l. disgraced at his first coming to the army. m. overthrown in Valachia. 1062 h. sent for to Constantinople, and there strangled. 1073 b. Ferdinand king of Bohemia layeth claim to the kingdom of Hungary. 605 b. taketh Buda. e. crowned king of Hungary. 606 k. seeketh for the favour of Solyman. 608. is by him rejected and threatened. k. persuaded by the Hungarian fugitives to invade Hungary. 698 g. dissuaded by Lascus. k. sendeth Lascus to Solyman and other ambassadors to the queen of Hungary to demand of her that kingdom. 699 b. he invadeth Hungary. 700 g. taketh Pesth and Vacia, and besiegeth Buda. h. dieth. 791 d. Filek taken by the Christians. 1027 c Foscarus a grave Senator. 693 f. unworthily disgraced by the multitude. 694 g. Fourteen wagons loaded with the heads of the slain Christians. 1017 c Francis the French king the more to trouble the Emperor, soliciteth Solyman to invade his territories. 725 c Francus Acciavoll duke of Thebes by the commandment of Mahomet murdered. 354 l Frederick the Emperor taketh upon him an expedition into the Holy land. 66 b Frederick duke of Suevia the emperors son, in his father's stead chosen General of the Christians army. 66 m. hath Antioch delivered unto him. 67 d dieth of the plague, and is buried by his father in the Cathedral Church at Tire. 68 g Frederick the German Emperor undertaketh an expedition into the Holy land. 98 l. crowned king of jerusalem, which is by him repaired. 99 e the Frenchmen and Walloons in mutiny at Pappa. 1116 k. compact with the Turks to deliver to them the town. 1117 a. seeking secretly to have fled, are most of them slain, and the rest that were taken, put to most horrible tortures. 1119 b Friuli part of the Venetian territory miserably spoiled by the Turks. 414 l. again spoiled by Scander Bassa and the Turks. 458 h the Frontiers of the emperors territories grievously spoiled by the Ta●tars. 1150 k. the Frugality of the Turks. 713 f Fulke County of Thurin, maine, and Anjou, taketh upon him an expedition into the Holy land. 29 b. dieth of a fall off his horse in hunting, and is buried at jerusalem. 30 m Fuscarinus in his absence by the general consent of the Venetian Senate chosen Admiral. 887 f. encourageth the confederates to give the Turks battle. 890 l. in vain persuadeth the confederates to take the advantage of the Turks dispersed fleet. 893 a. earnestly dissuadeth Don john and the Spaniards from returning without giving the Turks battle. 899 a G GAlliley spoiled, and the castle of Bury taken by the Turks. 60 i Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Silicia, after long delay at last setteth forward with his fleet to relieve the besieged at Malta. 814 k. by tempest driven into the island Aegusa. 815●. arriveth at Malta, and landeth his men. 816 i Gazelles his wholesome counsel unto Campson, for protracting the war against Selimus. 527 c. coming to have oppressed Sinan Bassa at Gaza, is by him himself overthrown. 534 i. his notable speech in submitting himself to Selimus. 546 m. by Selimus made Governor of Syria. 560 l. rebelleth against Solyman. 568 h. slain. ● Gaza yielded unto Sinan Bassa. 534 g George the Despot of Servia a man of no religion. 356 i. driven out of his kingdom by Amurath. 262 g. restored by king Vladislaus. 289 b. denieth passage unto Scanderbag through his country. 295 b. glad to crave aid of Huniades, whom he had before evil entreated. 310. his death. 356 i George bishop of Veradium a notable man 697 c. murdered in his own house. 756 i. Geordiron the physician notably deludeth the janissaries and Spahi of the Court. 252 k. George Basta by the Emperor appointed lieutenant General for his wars in the upper Hungary. 1104 m. commanded by Mathias the Archduke to give aid unto Michael the Vayvod against the transylvanians, aideth them against him. 1124 h. in a great battle overthroweth the Vay●od. 1126 h. his slout speech to the Chiaki and the rest of the nobility of Transyluania. 1129 b. his error. 1130 g. received by the transylvanians as the emperors lieutenant, until further order were by him taken for the government of that province. l. suddenly taken prisoner by the transylvanians. 1139 c. set at liberty and aided by Michael the Vayvod, with a great slaughter overthroweth Sigismond the Transyluanian prince, and driveth him out of his country. 1140 i. conspireth the death of Michael the Vayvod. 1141 a. taketh in most part of the country of Transyluania for the Emperor. c. for fear of Sigismond and the transylvanians flieth. f. in battle overthroweth Zachell Moses the Transyluanian princes lieutenant, and bringeth that country again under the Emperor's obeisance. 1143 c Geruaise Rogers an Englishman commended for his good service at the siege of the Rhodes. 430 k Gerasimus the Patriarch dealeth unfaithfully with the old Emperor Andronicus. 161 b Giaffer captain of the janissaries slain. 659 f. Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of Tripoli by Osman Bassa with a garrison of twelve thousand soldiers left Governor of Tauris. 994 i. besieged by the Persian prince. 997 e. prayeth aid of Cicala Bassa. 998 k. put to flight. 197 a. Godfrey duke of Lorraine with other the Christian princes with an army of three hundred thousand fight men undertaketh the first expedition into the Holy land. 14 i. concludeth a league with Alexius the Greek Emperor. 15 a. besiegeth Nice and taketh it. 16 g. in a great battle overthroweth Sultan Solyman with his Turks, takes Antiochia in Pisidia, Iconium, and Heraclea, winneth Cilicia, Armenia, and Capadocia. 17 a. c. putteth the Turks to flight at the river Orontes. 18 g. after long siege taketh Antioch in Syria. 20 m. winneth jerusalem by assault. 22 d. is chosen king of jerusalem. 23. his letters to Bohemund king of Antioch. 24 i. in a great & mortal battle overthroweth the Turks at Ascalon. 24 l. crowned king of jerusalem, and dieth of the plague. m. the Governor of Alba Regalis taken. 824 k. his sharp answer unto a Spaniard. l. Great treasure found by the Turks at the winning of Constantinople. 347 e a Greek priest his notable speech persuading the Great Master of the Rhodes to yield up the city. 594 h. with the most resolute answer of a common soldior to the contrary. 595 a. and that his speech notably refelled by a Greek, and the yielding of the city urged. e. the Greek Church by Michael Palaeologus the Emperor subjecteth to the Church of Rome, and why. 144 l the greeks careless of the Turks first small footing in Chersonesus, jest thereat. 185 f the Guise, Lord Grand Prior of the knights of S. john's in France, Admiral of Malta, taketh certain of the Turks galleys. 767 d Guletta how situated. 657 c. besieged by Charles the Emperor. 658 g. furiously battered. 660 k. assaulted and won. 661 a. besieged by the Turks. 914 l. taken from the Christians. 915 a. Guy County of joppa and Ascalon, the ninth and last king of jerusalem. 62 l. in battle overthrown and taken prisoner by Saladin. 63 e. set at liberty, besiegeth Ptolemais, and fighteth a great battle with Saladin. 65 f H HAalon, brother to Mango the great Cham of Tartary with a great army invadeth the Turks. 113 a. his great victories against the Turks. c. d. Hadrianople yielded unto the Turks. 189 f. by Amurath the first made the royal seat of his kingdom in Europe. 191 b Haider marrieth Martha the daughter of the great king Vsun-Cassanes by Despina, and hath by her Hysmaell, afterwards king of Persia. 464 l Haider murdered by jacup the Persian king. 485 a Haly Bassa slain. 881 c. his two sons taken in the battle of Lepanto. f. the Greek that slew him honourably rewarded. 884 g Hamon the jew for his treachery justly rewarded by Selimus. 496 i Hardeck Governor of Rab corrupted, yieldeth the city unto the Turks. 1044 l. executed at Vienna. 1046 h Hassan Bassa relieveth the distressed Turks in garrison at Teflis. 944 l. breaketh promise with Aliculi Chan. 945 c. rewarded for his good service. 946 g. sent by Ferrat Bassa to the relief of Teflis. 967 a. again rewarded by Amurath. b. left by Ferat with a garrison of eight thousand soldiers in the new fort at Tomanis. 970 h. General of Sultan Mahomet's army in Hungary, cometh out of season to relieve Alba Regalis. 1136 i Hassan Bassa the queen's Eunuch sent Governor to Cairo. 980 h. cast in prison at Constantinople, and his evils gotten goods confiscated. 981 d. his life spared at the intercession of the queen, and he set at liberty. ●. Hassan Bassa of Bosna inciteth Amurath to make war upon the Emperor. 1014 l. taketh Wihitz, the metropolitical city of Croatia. 1015. loadeth six wagons with the heads of the slain Christians. 1016 g. spoileth Turopolis. l. deceived by the Abbot of Siseg. 1021 c. his threatening letters unto the Abbot. d. besiegeth Siseg. 1022 g. in a great battle overthrown. 1023 a. drowned. b. Hatwan besieged by the Christians. 1093 d. taken by assault. 1094 g. again forsaken by the Christians. i. Henry brother to Baldwin chosen second Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople. 85 f Henry duke of Saxony with a great army sent into the Holy land by Henry the sixth Emperor of Germany, goeth accompanied with many great princes. 73●. falling sick of a fever, dieth. 74 h Henry the French king by his ambassador soliciteth Solyman to invade the king of Spain his territories. 767 c Heraclius the Greek Emperor by the help of the Arabians recovereth Syria and the holy city from Chosroe the Persian king. 22 g Hoccata the Tartar by his captains subdueth Armenia the greater, Colchis, and Iberia. 76 i. succeeding his father Zingis, invadeth the East and West part of A●ia, subdueth the East Indies, and buildeth Cambalu. 75●. driveth the Turks out of Persia, and subdueth many countries. 76 g Horruccius and Hariadenus how they of base pirates aspired to the kingdom of Algiers. 635 c. Horruccius his success. f. slain, and his head in triumph carried about in Spain. 636 h Hungary divided into two factions upon the choice of Vladislaus king of Polonia. 163 a. again divided upon the dissension betwixt king Ferdinand and king john. 605 c. becometh a prey unto Solyman, and by him converted into the form of a province of the Turkish Empire. 713 a Huniades by king Vladislaus made Vayvod of Transyluania. 266 l. in a great battle overthroweth Isa Beg Amurath his lieutenant in Servia. 267 d. overthroweth Mesites Bassa, and killeth him with twenty thousand Turks more. 269 e. of the spoil of the Turks sendeth a present unto king Vladislaus and the Despot of Servia. 270 g. his most Christian speech to encourage his soldiers against the Turks. 271 d. in a great and mortal battle overthroweth Abedin Bassa with his army at Vascape. 274 l. with ten thousand horsemen overthroweth a great army of the Turks by night. 277 f. eight times repulseth the Turks pursuing him in his retreat down the mountain Hemus. 279 d. with a great slaughter discomfiteth Carambey the Bassa of Romania, and taketh him prisoner. 280 k. flying out of the battle of Varna, taken prisoner by Dracula Vayvod of Valachia. 298 i. by general consent chosen Governor of Hungary in the minority of king Ladislaus. 304 l. goeth against the Turk. 305 b. with a notable speech encourageth his soldiers against the Turks. 306 i. fighteth three days together with Amurath in the plains of Cossova. 307 d. overcome, flieth. 309 b. falleth into the hands of two notable thieves. e. in doubt of a shepherd, is by him relieved. 310 g. taken prisoner by the false Despot. g. set at liberty, revengeth himself upon him. i. requested, giveth him and against the Turks. 311 a. his most Christianlike death. 358 l. Hysmaell after the death of his father Haider flieth to his father's friend Pyrchales. 465 b. his behaviour in the time of his exile. 466 g. recovereth his inheritance. k. taketh Sumachia. l. obtaineth Tauris. 467 b. overcometh Eluan the Persian king and killeth him. 468 g. peaceably received into S●yras. h. preacheth his father's doctrine. i. putteth Moratchamus to ●light, and obtaineth the kingdom of Persia. 469 b. the inscription of his coin. d. cometh to his army at Coy. 508 m. sendeth an herald unto Selimus. 509 b. with thirty thousand Persians giveth battle to Selimus with three hundred thousand Turks. 510 i. wounded, retireth. 512 g. the cause why he came with so small an army against Selimus. 517 d. his large territories. 518 h. the reason why he invaded not Selimus, wholly busied in the Egyptian wars. 560 h. I IAcup Arnaut slain, and his army discomfited by Scanderbag. 399 d the janissaries first instituted by Amurath the first. 191 e. stand upon their guard, and reviling Bajazet their Emperor, refuse to receive him amongst them. 445 f. in mutiny against Selimus. 512 m. up in arms against Solyman for the unworthy death of the noble Mustapha. 764 i. unwilling to go in the quarrel of Selimus against his brother Bajazet. 773 f. their insolent and threatening speech unto Ferat Bassa their General. 970 l. in a tumult at Constantinople. 1005 d. in an uproar with the Spahi. 1104 b. threaten the deposing of their Emperor. 1115 c. in mutiny at Constantinople. 1142 k jathatines' Sultan of Iconium succeed his father Aladin. 86 i. besieging Antiochia, is slain by Theodorus Lascaris the Greek Emperor. 87 c jathatines the second of that name Sultan of Iconium, maketh great preparations against the Tartars. 109 b. overthrown, flieth to the Greek Emperor Theodorus for aid. e. maketh peace with the Tartars, and yieldeth them a yearly tribute. 109 f. again by them oppressed, flieth to Palaeologus the Emperor at Nice. 114 l. dieth in exile. 117 c Ibrahim Bassa by Amurath made Governor of Cairo. 980 l. oppresseth the people, and enricheth himself. 981 e. goeth against the Drusians. 982 g. spoileth the country of Manogli the Drusian lord. 986 h. with fire and sword destroyeth the country of Seraphadin. 987 a. createth Aly Ebnecarfus Bassa of the Drusians. b. the rich presents by him given to Amurath and the ladies of the Court. 988 h. in danger to have been taken. 1095 d. flieth out of the battle of Agria. 1097●. sent again General into Hungary. 1104 l. cometh to Buda. 1112 h. purposing war, entreateth of peace. i. with a great army besiegeth Canisia. 1131 b. hath the town yielded unto him. 1132 b. his letters unto County Serinus. 1133 b. returneth with his army to Belgrade. c dieth. 1134 l Imailer what men they be among the Turks. 477 b Imirza stirreth up Solyman against his brother Tamas the Persian king. 751 d betrayed to his brother Tamas, and by him murdered in prison. 752 g innocency of great force. 782 i john Batazes made Emperor of the Greeks in Asia. 97 d. taketh in many islands of the Aegeum, and forageth the country of Thracia even to the gates of Constantinople, being very aged dieth. 108 g john County de Brenne by Innocentius the Pope appointed king of jerusalem. 87●. in derision called, Roy ●ans ville. 88 g. john Castriot prince of Epirus for fear giveth his four sons in hostage unto Amurath. 260 l john Sepusius Vayvod of Transyluania chosen and crowned king of Hungary. 605 a. after the battle of Toccay flieth into Polonia. 606 i. by Lascus his ambassador craveth aid of Solyman. 607●. cometh to Solyman at Belgrade. 609 b. by him restored to the kingdom of Hungary. 614 l. in his old years marrieth Isabella the daughter of king Sigismond. 695 d. dieth. 696 k Don john of Austria General of the confederate princes forces. 860 k. in a terrible fight encountereth with Haly Bassa in the battle of Lepanto. 881 b killeth him. c. delaieth the Venetians. 889 d. in doubt whether to send them aid or not. 890 k. sendeth word unto the confederates to meet him at Zacynthus. 893 f. faileth them. 894 i. meeteth them at Corcyra. 895 a. offereth the Turks battle. d. refuseth to follow the counsel of the Venetian Admiral. 896 k. breaketh promise with him, and returneth to Messana. 901 a john the Vayvod of Moldavia falleth into suspicion with the Turks. 906 g. his notable speech unto his nobility and subjects concerning the Turks demand. 907 a. in vain craveth aid of the king of Polonia. 908 g. with a great slaughter overthroweth the Palatine and the Turks. 909 a. giveth the Turks a second overthrow. 910 b. betrayed by Czarnieviche. 911. overthrown by the Turks. 912 m. shamefully and perfidiously by them murdered. 913 e jonima, Ballabanus his brother and Hither his son taken prisoners by Scanderbag. 401 b jonuses Bassa sent against Techellis, putteth him to flight. 475 e. hurt at the winning of Cairo. 545 f. envieth at the unworthy preferment of Cayerbeius. 554 l. is himself secretly hated of Selimus. 555 b. put to death. 556 i Irene the fair Greek beheaded by Mahomet the Great. 153 d Isa after the captivity of his father Bajazet seizeth upon the city of Prusa. 232 b●punc; overthrown in battle by his brother Mahomet. 238 i. with a great army sent by his brother Solyman against Mahomet. 240 i. burneth Prusa. l. dieth in obscurity. 241 c Ishmael last of the Isfendiars yieldeth his principality of Castamona and Sinope to Mahomet the Great. 359 f Ishender Bassa overthrown by Alaedeules, taken, and sent prisoner to Caytbeius to Cairo. 383 f Islan of a prisoner made a King. 975 e Ishmael the son of King Tamas saluted King of Persia. 922 l. murdereth eight of his younger brethren, altereth the Persian religion, & tyranniseth. m. by the device of his sister Periaconcona himself murdered. 921 b the Italians left by the Emperor for the aid of King Ferdinand in his wars in Hungary arise in mutiny. 623 f. eight thousand of them forsake their captains and return into Italy. 625 d. julia Gonzaga a fair lady of Italy put in great fear by Barbarussa. 641 c julian the Cardinal sent by Pope Viban to appease the dissension in Hungary, and to stir up the Hungarians against the Turks. 275 d. his effectual speech in parliament to persuade the war. e. cunningly persuadeth King Vladislaus to break the honourable and solemn league he had before made with Amurath. 290 k. disannulleth the league, absolving the King and the rest from their oath before given to Amurath. 291 i himself slain. 298 k K the Kingdom of Hungary by Solyman converted into a province of the Turkish Empire. 713 a the Knights of Malta crave aid of Garzias the Viceroy of Sicilia. 805 a. his cold answer. b. Komara besieged by Sinan Bassa. 1045 b. Koppan surprised by the Christians. 1002 l. L LAdislaus a child crowned King of Hungary at Alba Regalis. 263. a Lazarus Despot of Servia becometh tributary unto Amurath the first. 193 e. purposing to make war against Amurath, craveth aid of the King of Bosna 197 c. in a mortal battle overthrown in the plains of Cossova and slain. 200 i Lepanto yielded to the Turks. 459 c Lewis the eight of that name, the French King, making an expedition into the Holy land, is by the malice of Emanuel the Greek Emperor therein much hindered. 34 m. he besiegeth Damascus, where by the envy of the other Christian princes he was enforced to raise his siege, and so to return home into his country. 35 b Lewis the ninth the French King making an expedition towards the Holy land arriveth at Damiata. 102 m. taketh the city forsaken by the Turks. 113 h with his whole army overthrown, and himself taken prisoner. 115 e. undertaketh a second expedition toward the Holy land with his sons and most of his nobility 118 k. overthroweth the Moors, and besiegeth Tunes. 119 a. falleth sick of the bloody flix, and dieth. b. Lewis the eleventh the French King giveth aid unto the Venetians against the Turks. 461 c Lewis King of Hungary with an army of five and twenty thousand fond goeth against Solyman, being two hundred and sixty thousand strong. 602 h. overthrown, in his flight drowned in a ditch. 603 a Liscanus the covetous Spaniard dealeth uncourteously with Perenus. 732 k. is himself in like sort served and merely stripped of his wealth by Halis captain of the janissaries. 738 l Lissa taken by the Turks, and the bones of Scanderbag digged up, and by them worn foriewels. 425● Lodronius encourageth his soldiers. 684. h jested at by an old soldier. k. slain and his head with the heads of two other captains in a silver basin presented to Solyman at Constantinople. 685●. M MAhomet the first sendeth spies into Tamerlan his camp. 232 l. becometh famous in Tamerlans Court. 234 i. in battle overthroweth his brother Isa. 238 i. honourably burieth the body of his father Bajazet at Prusa. l. again overthroweth his brother Isa, supported by his brother Solyman. 240 m. giveth him a third overthrow, together with the other Mahometan princes his confederates. 241 c. besieged by his brother Solyman in Amasia. 242 i. upon report of his brother Musa his evil government, goeth against him into Europe. 246 k. overthrown, flieth back again into Asia. 247 a. cometh again into Europe. 248 g. besiegeth Hadrianople. h. overthroweth his brother Musa in battle, and causeth him being taken prisoner to be strangled. 249 c. wholly possesseth the Ottoman kingdom both in Europe and Asia. d. oppresseth Orcanes his brother Soliman's son, and putteth out his eyes. 250 h. taketh the Caramanian King and his son prisoners. k. enforceth the Valachian prince to become his tributary. l. dieth at Hadrianople. 251 f. his death cunningly concealed by the three great Bassaes. 252 g. he worthily accounted the restorer of the Ottoman kingdom, almost quite overthrown by Tamerlan. l. Mahomet the second, surnamed the Great, an Atheist, of no religion. 337 d murdereth his brethren. 338 g. reformeth the Turks commonweal. i. subdueth Mentesia. 339 b. winneth Constantinople. 347 b. solemniseth his feasts in Constantinople with the blood of the Grecian nobility. 348 k. notably dissembleth his hatred against Cali Bassa. 349 d. first Emperor of the Turks. 350 i. amorous of the fair Greek Irene. l. with his own hand striketh off her head. 353 d. besiegeth Belgrade. 357 b. wounded and carried away for dead. 358 i. falsifieth his faith with David the Emperor of Trapezon●●▪ 〈◊〉 i. seeketh to entrap Wladus 〈◊〉 of Valachia. 361 b. in danger to have been slain by Wladus Dracula his ganymed. 363 b. his letters to Scanderbeg. 384 k. sueth to Scanderbag to have the league renewed betwixt them. 390 h. cometh himself in person to the siege of Croia. 400 i. forsaketh the siege of Croia. 402 i. breaketh his faith with Paulus Ericus Governor of Chalcis. 406 i. he is no less troublesome unto the Mahometan princes than to the Christians. 408 i. cometh himself to the siege of Scodra. 417 c. notably encourageth his captains and soldiers to a general assault. 418 m. melancholy for the repulse of his men. 420 l blasphemeth. 423 d. curseth Epirus, and so returneth to Constantinople. 425●. by Mesites Palaelogus, one of his great Bassas, besiegeth the Rhodes. 429 b. invadeth Itali●, and by Achmetes his great captain taketh Otranto. 432 i. going against the Caramanian King, dieth by the way at Geivisen in Bythinia, not without suspicion of poison, and lieth buried at Conssantinople. 433 a Mahomates one of the Visier Bassas by the mutinous janissaries slain. 437 c. Mahomethes the son of Caytbeius with four Sultan's more one after another slain by the Mamalukes. 450 l Mahomates Soliman's son, disguised goeth to see his brother Achomates. 477 c as a seafaring man cometh disguised to Constantinople, and so into his father's Court. e. by the commandment of his suspicious father poisoned, dieth. 478 i Mahomates Governor of Belgrade aided by the other Sanzackes, maketh head against Cazzianer, General of King Ferdinand's army. 677 f. wisely refuseth battle offered him by Cazzianer, and by temporizing, distresseth the army of the Christians. 680 k. troubleth the Christians in their retreat. 682 g. giveth them a great overthrow. 684 l. cometh to the relief of Belgrade. 705 e. his vehement Oration unto Solyman, to persuade him to take the kingdom of Hungary into his own hands, and so to unite it unto his own Empire. 711 c Mahomet the Tartar King with his two sons strangled by Osman Bassa. 975 f Mahamet Bassa in despite of Sinan sent General of his army for the relief of his garrisons in Chars & Teflis. 957● discomfited by the Georgians, and his provision of money and victuals taken from him. 959 a. with 〈◊〉 discomfited army arriveth at 〈◊〉. b. his heavy Oration in the castle of Teflis. c. maketh a purse for the relief of the distressed garrison. 960. plotteth the death of Manucchiar the Georgian. m. himself in danger to have been by the Georgian slain. 961 d Mahomet the third saluted Emperor of the Turks. 1056 i. murdereth his brethren, and causeth certain of his father's wives and concubines to be drowned. k. with much ado appeaseth the mutinous janissaries. l. sendeth ambassadors unto the Transyluanian prince. 1062. careful of Strigonium, besieged by the Christians. 1066 h. perplexed. 1087 e. causeth the continuation of his wars against the Emperor and the Transyluanian to be proclaimed in Constantinople. 1089 a. cometh to Buda with an army of two hundred thousand men. 1094 h. besiegeth Agria. l. furiously assaulteth it. 1095 a. hath it yielded unto him. 1096 h. with Ibrahim the great Bassa flieth out of the battle of Karesta. 1097 e. by the transylvanians and Null troubled in his return to Constantinople. 1098 m. his ambassador evil entreated by the Persian King. 1134 h the Mahometan princes of the lesser Asia oppressed by Bajazet, disguised, fly unto Tamerlan for relief. 210 h Malta described. 795 b. invaded by the Turks. 796 k Mamalukes the beginning of their kingdom in Egypt. 524 g. their imperious government in Egypt, judea, and Syria. 523 c. their kingdom utterly subverted by Selimus. 554 h. the Mamalukes in prison at Alexandria, by the commandment of Selimus murdered. 553 f Manto cruelly slain by her jealous husband jonuses. 557 d Manogli his letters to Ibrahim Bassa. 983 f. sendeth him prisoner. 985 b Manucchiar his speech to Mustapha the Visier Bassa. 931 f. with his brother Alexander by Mustapha sent to Amurath. 938 h. turneth Turk, and hath his elder brother's principality given him. 941 l. in danger to have been betrayed by Mahamet Bassa. 960 l. notably revengeth himself of the treachery by the Bassa intended against him. 961 c. revolteth from the Turks, and doth them great harm. 667 a. marquess S. Crucis taketh one of the Turks galleys in sight of their whole fleet. 897 d the Massage●s entertained by Andronicus against the Turks, spoil his countries in Asia. 149 e. in their return homeward, themselves spoiled by the Catalonians and Turcopuli. 152 l Masut the Sultan of Iconium divideth his kingdom amongst his three sons. 36 k Mathias the Archduke, the emperors lieutenant taketh Novigrad from the Turks. 1030 l. besiegeth Strigonium. 1033 c. raiseth his siege. 1037 d. shamefully put to flight by the Turks. 1043 b. Mathias corvinus of a prisoner chosen K. of Hungary. 394 k. at the request of the Senate taketh a great part of the Venetian territory into his protection against the Turks. 394 m. relieveth the Vayvod of Transyluania. 426 m. no less dreadful unto the Turks than was his father Huniades. 404 l Maximilian chosen King of the Romans, and after crowned King of Hungary. 789 a. he and Solyman both desirous of peace. 829 a. he sendeth ambassadors to Solyman. f. presents given by the ambassadors unto the Bassa of Buda. 830 k. his ambassadors honourably received by the Turks at Constantinople. 831 c. presents given by the ambassadors unto the great Bassas. e. presents sent to Selimus. 832 i a homely feast given to the ambassadors followers in the Turks Court. 833 c. the ambassadors brought in unto Selimus, with the manner of the entertainment of them and their followers. 834 g. a peace concluded betwixt Maximilian and Selimus. 835 c. Maximilian the Archduke by the Emperor his brother appointed General of his army in Hungary. 1093 c. marcheth but slowly to the relief of Agria. 1095 c. flieth out of the battle of Karesta. 1098 i Maylat treacherously taken prisoner by Peter the Moldavian. 716 i Meligalus a notable traitor persuadeth Mahomet to besiege the Rhodes. 427 c his worthy death. ●. Meledin Sultan of Egypt, and Corradin Sultan of Damascus, send ambassadors for peace to the Christian princes at the siege of Damiata. 90 m. recovereth Damiata, before taken by the Christians. 95 e. overthroweth the Christians and raseth jerusalem. 101. dieth. 103 c Melechsala Sultan of Egypt overthroweth Robert Earl of Arthoise the French kings brother. 104 l. taketh Lewis the French King prisoner, and overthroweth his army. 105 e. maketh peace with the French King, and is suddenly slain by two Mamalukes. 106. Melech the Egyptian Sultan invadeth Syria, and winneth Damascus from the Tartars. 114 Melechsares the Egyptian Sultan determining to root out all the Christians in Syria and the land of Palestine, is by sudden death taken away. 122 k Melechsala, Sultan of Damascus, by the treason of his nobility dispossessed of his kingdom. 58 m Mesites Bassa sent by Amurath to invade Transyluania. 267 f. he with twenty thousand Turks more slain by Huniades. 269 e Michael Ducas the Greek Emperor by Nicephorus Botoniates deposed of his Empire, after he had reigned six years and six months. 11● Michael Palaeologus flieth to the Sultan of Iconium. 109 a. called home again by the Emperor Theodorus, and made great Constable. f. aspireth, and by common consent made tutor unto the young Emperor. 111 e. himself proclaimed Emperor and crowned. 112 b by Alexius Caesar his lieutenant surpriseth Constantinople. 115 e. repaireth the decayed city. 116 h. causeth the young emperors eyes to be put out. 117 a. his army overthrown by a homely feast given to the ambassadors followers in the Turks Court. 833 c. the ambassadors brought in unto Selimus, with the manner of the entertainment of them and their followers. 834 g. a peace concluded betwixt Maximilian and Selimus. 835 c. Maximilian the Archduke by the Emperor his brother appointed General of his army in Hungary. 1093 c. marcheth but slowly to the relief of Agria. 1095 c. flieth out of the battle of Karesta. 1098 i. Maylat treacherously taken prisoner by Peter the Moldavian. 716 i Meligalus a notable traitor persuadeth Mahomet to besiege the Rhodes. 427 c his worthy death. e. Meledin Sultan of Egypt, and Corradin Sultan of Damascus, send ambassadors for peace to the Christian princes at the siege of Damiata. 90 m. recovereth Damiata, before taken by the Christians. 95 e. overthroweth the Christians and raseth jerusalem. 101. dieth. 103 c Melechsala Sultan of Egypt overthroweth Robert Earl of Arthoise the French kings brother. 104 l. taketh Lewis the French King prisoner, and overthroweth his army. 105 e. maketh peace with the French King, and is suddenly slain by two Mamalukes. 106. Melech the Egyptian Sultan invadeth Syria, and winn●th Damascus from the Tartars. 114 Melechsares the Egyptian Sultan determining to root out all the Christians in Syria and the land of Palestine, is by sudden death taken away. 122 k Melechsala, Sultan of Damascus, by the treason of his nobility dispossessed of his kingdom. 58 m Mesites Bassa sent by Amurath to invade Transyluania. 267 f. he with twenty thousand Turks more slain by Huniades. 269 e Michael Ducas the Greek Emperor by Nicephorus Botoniates deposed of his Empire, after he had reigned six years and six months. 11 c Mi●haell Palaeologus flieth to the Sultan of Iconium. 109 a. called home again by the Emperor Theodorus, and made great Constable. f. aspireth, and by common consent made tutor unto the young Emperor. 111●. himself proclaimed Emperor and crowned. 112 h by Alexius Caesar his lieutenant surpriseth Constantinople. 115 c. repaireth the decayed city. 116 h. causeth the young emperors eyes to be put out. 117 a. his army overthrown by the Turks in Paphlagonia. 118 g. submitteth the Greek church unto the Latin, and for what cause. 144 l. persuadeth his subjects to accept of the alteration of their religion and ceremonies. 145 a. raiseth persecution in the Greek Church. c. hindered by domestical troubles, hath no leisure to attend unto the danger arising from the Turks in Asia. d. obscurely buried. e. Michael Cossi by Ottoman taken prisoner, by him again set at liberty. 136 m father of the honourable family of the Michaell-Oglies among the Turks. 137 a. discovereth unto Osman the treason intended against him. 140 l. enforced rather than persuaded by Ottoman, turneth Turk. 144 b Michael the young Emperor overthrown by the Catalonians and Turks, in danger to have been taken. 152 k. again overthrown by the Turks at Chersonesus. 155● Michael Horwat by Amurath created Vayvod of ●alachia. 1051 a. persuaded by the Transyluanian prince, revolteth from the Turk, and killeth all the Turks and jews in his country. 1052 h. killeth one of the Turks proud Emirs with all his followers. 1053 b. doth the Turks great harm. c. suffereth the Turks ambassadors unto the King of Polonia by his subjects to be slain. 1060 k. spoileth the Turks frontiers. 1061 a. yieldeth his obeisance again unto the Turk, yet refuseth to aid him against the Christians. 1099 d. weary of the Turk, submitteth himself with his people to the emperors protection. 1100 l. sacketh Nicopolis. 1107 d. with a great army entereth into Transyluania. 1112 l in a great battle overthroweth the Cardinal Bathor. 1113 c. sendeth his head for a present to the Emperor. s. hath the government of Transyluania by the Emperor confirmed unto him. 1120 i. receiveth presents from the Turk. l. in a great battle overthroweth Sigismond the late Transyluanian prince, with the Vayvod of Moldavia. 1122 i. tyranniseth in Transyluania. 1123 a. enforced by the transylvanians to fly, craveth aid of George Basta the Emperor's lieutenant in the upper Hungary. b. by Basta and the transylvanians in a great battle overthrown at Mirislo. 1126 h. reconcileth himself to Basta. 1127 a. for fear of being betrayed unto the Polonians, taketh his flight into the mountains. d. by Zamoschie the great Chancellor driven out of Valachia, and another Vayvod there placed in his stead. 1128 h. submitteth himself unto the Emperor. 1139 b. returning into Valachia, giveth aid unto Bassa against Sigismond the Transyluanian. 1140 g. having with Bas●a driven the prince out of Transyluania, with great insolency useth his victory. k. his presumptuous speech to Bas●a. l. suddenly slain in his own tent. 1141 a. the Misery of the captive constantinopolitans. 348 h Mitylene yielded unto the Turk. 364 g Modon taken by the Turks. 460 g Moses Golemus corrupted, revolteth unto the Turk. 372 h. with an army of the Turks by Mahomet sent into Epirus against Scanderbag. k. overcome & put to ●light by Scanderbeg. 374 g contemned of the Turks, flieth from Constantinople, & again submitteth himself to Scanderbag. m. he with divers others of Scanderbegs best captains by Ballabanus taken prisoners, and by Mahomet slain quick. 396 i Muhamet and Partan, two of the Visier Bassanes, by the insolent janissaries foully entreated. 823 f. Muhamet for fear of them for a time refraineth to come into the Diu●no. 824 g. dissuadeth Selimus from the invading of Cyprus. 839 b. as a secret friend unto the Venetians putteth them in hope of peace. 857 b. cunningly dissuadeth Selimus from the massacring of the Christians, filling his head with more necessary considerations. 886 h. strangely murdered. 950 l Mu●easses King of Tunes cruel and unthankful. 642 g. for fear of Barbarussa slieth out of Tunes. 643 c. sumptuous in his fare. 745 d. cometh to Charles the Emperor. 661 d his speech unto the Emperor. c. his behaviour. 662 h. his opinion concerning the present war. l. three things by him especially lamented, in the spoil made by the Christians in the castle of Tunes. 668 h. fearing the coming of Barbarussa, departeth from Tunes into Italy, to crave aid of Charles the Emperor. 745 c. shut out of his kingdom in the mean time by his son Amida. e. returneth into afric to Guletta. 746 g. going to Tunes, is by the way overthrown, taken prisoner, and hath his eyes put out by his unnatural son. 747 d. at the request of Tovares is sent to Guletta. 748 l. by Charles the Emperor sent into Sicily, there to be kept of the common charge. 749 b. refuseth to kiss the Pope's soot. c. Mustapha Bassa persuadeth Solyman to the besieging of the Rhodes. 569 c. upon the evil success of the siege falleth into disgrace with Solyman. 585 c. in danger with Pyrrhus' Bassa to have been executed. 588 k. made Governor of Cairo. 589 d. by Solyman sent as General of his army to Malta. 794 l. landeth at the port Marza Siroc in the isle of Malta. 796 k. besiegeth the castle S. Elmo. 797 a. assaulteth the castle. e. in vain giveth a second assault. 798 g. with loss assaulteth it the third time. m. in most furious manner battereth it by the space of eighteen days, and assaulteth it the fourth time. 799 c. with great fury giveth the fifth and most terrible assault unto the castle. 801 a. with all his power giveth the sixth and last assault. 802 i. winneth the castle. 803 a. exerciseth most barbarous cruelty upon the bodies of the slain knights. b. in vain assaulteth the castle S. Michael. 809 c. at one time assaulteth the new city and the castle S. Michael. 810 i. he by messengers certifieth Solyman of the success of the siege. 811 a. leaveth nothing unattempted. 812 i. at once assaulteth the towns S. Angelo and S. Michael, and in both places notably repulsed. 813 a. giveth a fresh assault and entereth the new city. 814 g. with a great slaughter driven out again. i. desperately assaulteth the town of S. Michael. 815 c. repulsed, raiseth his siege. 817 a. put to flight by the Christians. c. having lost about four and twenty thousand of his Turks at the siege, departeth from Malta. d. he with Piall Bassa impugneth the counsel of Muhamet, the chief of the Visie● Bassanes, and persuadeth Selimus to invade Cyprus. 839 c. for his hatred against the Christians made General of his army for the invasion of Cyprus. 846 g. his letters unto the Venetians in the isle of Cyprus. i. he landeth his army in Cyprus. m. besiegeth Nicosia. 848 c. in vain persuadeth them of Nicosia to yield. 850 k. he encourageth his soldiers, and giveth a most terrible assault. 851 a. winneth the city. e. besiegeth Famagusta. 852. raiseth his siege. b. returneth again to the siege. 862 m. after many assaults hath the city by composition yielded unto him. 866 m. shamefully and contrary to his faith before given murdereth the valiant Governor Bragadinus. 867 b tyranniseth upon his dead body. d. by Amurath made General of his army against the Persians. 929 d. cometh to Erzirum. e. mustereth his army, in number an hundred and ten thousand strong. 930 g. relieveth his soldiers distressed by the Persians. 931 c. maketh a bulwark of the heads of the slain Persians. d. he surueyeth his army at Archichelec, and lacketh forty thousand of his men. 932 k. forti●ieth Teflis. 933 a. looseth ten thousand of his foragers. 934 h. revengeth their death. l. his notable answer unto his mutinous soldiers. 935 b. looseth eight thousand of his men in passing the river Cannac. c. famine in his host. e. he fortifieth Eres. 936 g. sendeth Osman Bassa to take in Sumachia and Derbent. h. relieveth his distressed garrison at Teflis. m. his army in great misery in passing the straits of Georgia. 937 c. cometh to Erzirum, and dischargeth his army. 938 g. maketh preparation for the next years wars. 942 k. assembleth his army at Erzirum. 943 d. in three and twenty days fortifieth Chars. f. sendeth succours to Teflis. 944 c. returneth to Erzirum, & there dischargeth his army. 945 d. discharged of his Generallship, and called home to Constantinople. 946 l. maligned by Sinan. 949 a. dealeth warily with the messengers sent of purpose to have strangled him. d. appeaseth the displeasure of Amurath. e. dieth suddenly. 952 k Mustapha, Solyman his eldest son, in great estimation with the people. 757 b scent Governor into Caramania. d. maligned by Roxolana. e. in danger to have been poisoned. 760 k. sent for by his father, & warned of his present danger. e. conferreth with his doctor. 762 g. troubled with his melancholy dream. k. cometh to his father's tent. 763 a. in the sight of his father most cruelly strangled. c. his son Mahomet strangled also. d. a proverb taken from his death. 765 c Mutius Tortona a Spanish captain raiseth a mutiny in the Christian fleet at Paxo. 873 c. Tortona and his Ancient hanged. d. Muzalo by Theodorus the Emperor appointed Governor to his young son john. 100 g. envied by the nobility, is traitorously murdered in the Church. 111 a N NAupactum, otherwise called Lepanto, in vain besieged by the Turks. 413 b. yielded to Bajazet. 459 c. Neapolis the first regal city of the Ottoman kings. 143 b Negligence severely punished. 856 g Neocastron built by Mahomet the Great. 339 d. Neritos, now called S. Maura, taken by the Venetians. 462 k Nice taken by the Turks. 142 k. recovered by the Christians. 180 g. again surprised by the Turks. 181 c. by Orcanes made the regal seat of his kingdom. 183 e Nicholaus Catalusius prince of Mitylene turneth Turk, and is executed. 364 k Nicholas Keretschen corrupted, betrayeth Giula to the Turks. 824 i. the traitor justly rewarded. k. Nicephorus Botoniates displaceth his master the Emperor Michael Ducas, and taketh upon him the Empire. 11 e Nicomedia yielded unto the Turks. 183 c Novigrade yielded unto the Christians. 1030 l. O ottoman of greater courage and spirit than his other brethren, the sons of old Ertogrul. 135 d. amorous of Malhatun a country maid. f. in danger for his love. 136 k. by general consent chosen Governor of the Oguzian Turks. 137 d. surpriseth the castle of Calce. 138 h. fighteth a battle with the Christians at Opsicium. k. winneth the castle of Carachisar, and killeth the captain. m. setteth in order his little commonweal. 139 c. killeth the captain of Cupri-Chisar. e. his death contrived by the captain of Bilezuga. 140 i. turneth the treachery devised against himself upon the head of the captain that devised it, whom he killeth, and surpriseth his castle. 141 e. surpriseth the castle of jarchisar. e. taketh the castle of Einegioll, and cruelly executeth the captain. 142 g. by the good administration of justice strengtheneth his government. h. taketh the city of Nice. k. taketh upon him the honour of a King or Sultan. 143 a. maketh Neapolis his regal seat. b. in a great battle overthroweth the Christians. 143 c. besiegeth Prusa. d. whilst the greeks are at discord among themselves, layeth the foundation of the great Ottoman empire that now is. 162 g. 166 k. dieth, and lieth buried at Prusa. 177 a. the wealth he left unto his sons Orcanes and Aladin. 179 c Orcanes, his father Ottoman yet living, manageth the Turks kingdom. 179●. surpriseth the castle of Tzupri-Chisar. 180 g. fighteth a doubtful battle with Andronicus the Greek Emperor at Philocrene. m. surpriseth Nice. 181 e. hath Nicomedia yielded unto him. 183 c. committeth the government thereof unto his son Solyman. c. first of the Turks that built monasteries. e. subdueth the country of Carasina. 184 h. dieth. 187 b Orcanes & Mahomates two of Bajazet his nephews overthrown by Chelife and Techellis the rebels. 471 c Osman Bassa by Mustapha made Governor of Siruan, taketh Sumachia. 936 h. hath Derbent yielded unto him. i. by the Persian prince driven out of Sumachia, flieth to Derbent. 940 h. killeth Sahamall his father in law. 941 d. is by Amurath sent for into Siruan. 974 h. laid in wait for by Mahomet the Tartar king. 975 b. overcometh the Tartars lying in wait for him. c. by Amurath made chief Visier and General of his wars against the Persians. 976 k. raiseth a great army. 989 c. wisely appeaseth his mutinous soldiers, unwilling to go for Tauris. 990 g. cometh to Tauris. 991 b. taketh the city. e. in thirty days buildeth there a strong castle. 992 i. giveth the city to be spoiled by his soldiers. k. leaveth Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of Tripoli with a garrison of twelve thousand soldiers governor of Tauris. 994 i. dieth. 995 c. much lamented for at Constantinople. 996 h P PAlaeapolis by Sultan Aladin given to Ottoman. 138 l Palotta yielded to the Turks. 1025 d Pantogles with the Turks fleet cometh to the siege of Constantinople. 342 l. displaced. 344 k Paphlagonia and Pontus, with a great part of Cappadocia won by Mahomet the Great. 360 l Partan the Visier Bassa sent by Solyman against the supposed Mustapha, bringeth him to Constantinople. 769 e. sent by Solyman to have brought Bajazet to Amasia, is by him with good words sent back again. 773●. standeth indifferent for giving or not giving of battle unto the Christians at Lepanto. 875●. encourageth his soldiers. 876 i. flieth himself out of the battle. 879 c Paradiser executed for yielding up of Canisia unto the Turks. 1133 e Peace concluded betwixt king Vladislaus and Amurath the second. 289 b. by the persuasion of julian the Cardinal unfortunately broken by Vladislaus. 295 d. Peace concluded betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbeg. 386 i. betwixt Bajazet and Caytheius. 450 i. betwixt Bajazet and the Venetians. 463 a. betwixt the Venetians and Solyman. 694 l. betwixt the Venetians and Selimus the second. 904 k. betwixt Amurath the third and Mahomet the Persian king. 1005 b Pelopon●sus described. 353 e. made tributary to the Turk. 354 h. subdued by the Turks. 355 e Pera yielded unto the Turks. 349 c Perenus the noble Hungarian upon the suspicion of aspiring, apprehended. 732 k. matters surmised against him. 733 a. he, Valentinus, and Maylat, three of the chief of the Hungarian nobility unworthily kept in perpetual prison. 734 b Persecution in the Greek church for matters of Religion. 145 c Persians better horsemen than the Turks. 517 b. Pe●th taken by Cason Admiral of the Turks fleet upon the Danubius. 709 a. besieged by the marquess of Brandenburg. 729 e. in vain assaulted. 731 c. the siege given over. 732 h. taken by the Christians. 1146 e Peter a French Hermit going on pilgrimage to jerusalem, observeth the misery of the Christians under the Turks and Saracens. 12 l. in the counsel of Claremont delivereth his message in the behalf of the poor oppressed Christians. 14 g. he with Gualther Sensavier the first that set forward in the great expedition of the Christians into the Holy land. 14 k. looseth greatest part of his army. 15 d. discouraged, about to have stolen home, brought back, and enforced to take anew oath for his fidelity and perseverance in the war. 18 k Peter Damboyse Grand Master of the Rhodes a careful Governor. 427 e. his cheerful speech unto the rest of his knights and soldiers. 428 h Peter Emus for his barbarous cruelty beheaded at Venice. 978 l Petralba yielded to Scanderbag. 285 d Petrella yielded. 285 c Petrinia taken by the Christians. 1074 k Philaretus the Greek emperors lieutenant put to flight by the Turks. 8 l Philadelphia taken by Bajazet. 204 b Philes a devout man, but no soldier, undertaketh the de●●nce of the Greek Empire against the Turks. 156 i. in plain battle overthroweth them. 157 c. Philip the second of that name the French king in going towards the Holy land, suffereth shipwreck upon the coast of Sicilia. 68 i. arriveth at Ptolemais. m. his speech unto Richard king of England and the other Christian princes in his sickness. 70 i. he sweareth unto King Richard, not to invade his territories in France, and so returneth home. k. Phocas by killing of Mauritius the Emperor with his children, possesseth himself of the Greek Empire. 22 g. slain afterwards by them of his own guard. g. Piall Bassa Soliman's Admiral sent to remove the Christians out of Zerbi. 784 h. in disgrace with Solyman, shuneth to come to Constantinople. 787 a. by Selimus the second sent against the Venetians. 845 e. in vain attempteth the island of Tenos. 846 g. Pisaurius the Venetian Admiral doth very great harm unto the Turks. 460 l. Plague and famine among the Turks. 1060 m. Plague in the Venetian fleet. 849 a Polinus the French ambassador with presents from Francis the French king, meeteth Solyman coming from Buda. 725 d. his request to Solyman. e. returneth into France. 726 g. sent back again to Solyman, by the way soliciteth the Venetians to take up arms against Charles the Emperor. h. grieved, not to find the Turk so ready to send his fleet in the aid of the King his master as he had before hoped. m. is sharply shaken up by Solyman Bassa. 727 c. brought to the speech of Solyman himself. 728 i. by him rejected until the next Spring. k. setteth forward with Barbarussa and the Turks fleet. 735 a. by his letters from Ostia comforteth the Pope's Legate in Rome. d. Podolia and Ruscia invaded by the Turks. 457 a the Pope and the King of Spain fearing lest the Venetians should make peace with the Turk, hasten their confederation with that State, long before by them delayed. 859 a. a perpetual league concluded betwixt the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Venetians. 860 h. the league proclaimed. m. the Pope's letters unto the king of Polonia, to dissuade him from invading of Moldavia, to the trouble of the Transyluanian prince. 1081 b Preianes cometh to the Rhodes. 581 c Presents of great valour sent by the Persian king unto Selimus. 837 f Prince Ciarcan slain. 219 b Princess of Germany join their forces with king Ferdinand against the Turk in Hungary. 728 l Prusa yielded unto the Turks. 176 l. burnt by Isa. 240 l. repaired by Mahomet. 241 a. again burnt by the Caramanian king. 249 f Q Queen Isabella with child. 695 e. delivered of a son. 696 i. that son by the name of Stephen crowned king of Hungary. 697 a. her answer unto the ambassador of king Ferdinand, demanding of her the kingdom of Hungary. 699 d. invaded by king Ferdinand, craveth aid of Solyman. 701 b. by the commandment of Solyman departeth with her young son out of Buda. 713 e. yieldeth up to king Ferdinand all the right she had in Transyluania & Hungaria. 756 h Quinque Ecclaesiae yielded unto the Turks 736 h. Qumsay in the province of Mangi, of all the cities in the world the greatest. 75 f R RAb besieged by Sinan Bassa. 1041 b. battered and assaulted. 1044 h. by treason yielded unto the Bassa. l. notably again surprised by the Christians. 1103 b Rama forsaken of the Turks. 21 l Ramadan Bassa slain by the insolent janissaries. 978 m Rayschachius for sorrow of his son slain by the Turks, suddenly dieth. 760 k Rhodes by the knight's hospitalers recovered from the Turks in the year 1308.162 h. besieged by Mesites Palaeologus. 428 l. for fear of the Turks the Rhodians destroy their suburbs and places of pleasure without the city. 578 l. the Rhodes described. 581 d. besieged by Solyman. 584 g. in five places at once by the Turks assaulted. 587 b. the distressed estate of the Rhodians, and their resolution therein. 592 g. the Rhodes yielded unto Solyman. 600 i Richard the first, king of England, setteth forward toward the Holy land. 68 h. revengeth the injuries done to him by the Cypriots, & taketh prisoner Isaac Comnenus their king. 69 a. arriveth at Ptolemais. c. causeth all the Turks his prisoners in the sight of Saladins army to be executed. 71 a. giveth Cyprus to Guy in exchange for the titular kingdom of jerusalem. f. with great slaughter overthroweth Saladin in plain battle. 72 h. returning homeward, taken prisoner by Leopold duke of Austria. 73 b Rodolp the Emperor prayeth aid of the German princes against the Turks. 1017 c. his ambassador shut up close in his house at Constantinople. 1018 l. his letters to Amurath. 1019 a. his letters to Sinan Bassa. d. presented with the spoil of the Turks overthrow at Alba Regalis. 1029 b. requesteth aid of the great▪ duke of Muscovia, the king of Polonia, and of the prince of Transyluania. 1031 b. holdeth a Diet of the Empire at Ratisbone for the withstanding of the Turks. 1038 m. receiveth aid from the Pope, the king of Spain, and the princes of Italy. 1134 k Robert duke of Normandy by general consent chosen king of jerusalem, which honour he refuseth. 22 f Robert son of Peter fourth Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople. 96 l goeth to Rome, and in his return dieth in Achaia. 97 a Rogendorff his name terrible unto the Turks. 613 e. with king Ferdinand's army entereth into Hungary, and besiegeth Buda. 702 i. threateneth the queen. k. derided by the bishop. l. in vain assaulteth Buda. 703 d. in raising of his siege by night receiveth a great overthrow. 708 k. conveyed up the river to Komara, there dieth. 709 b. Ronzerius, sometime a notable pirate, entertained by Andronicus the Emperor against the Turks. 150 k. relieveth Philadelphia. l. for lack of pay spoileth the emperors territories in Asia. 151 a. suddenly slain. c. Roscetes riseth against his brother Muleasses king of Tunes. 642 l. flieth to Barbarussa, and by him carried to Constantinople. 643 a Roverius robbeth Dautius, Bajazet the great Turk's ambassador to Pope Alexander. 451 e Roxolana conspireth with Rustan Bassa against the noble Mustapha, and feigneth herself religious. 758 g. sent for by Solyman, refuseth to come. i. plotteth the confusion of Mustapha. 759 f bringeth him into suspicion with his father. 760 g. she with Rustan put Solyman in fear of his life and Empire by his son Mustapha. 761 a. loveth her younger son Bajazet better than her eldest son Selimus. 768 g entreateth Solyman for Bajazet, and obtaineth his pardon. 770 i. comforteth him going in fear unto his father. 771 a Rustan Bassa a man of a mischievous nature. 757 e. furthereth the devices of Roxolana for the destruction of the noble Mustapha. 760 g. sent by Solyman with an army into Asia, to have taken or slain Mustapha. 761 c. returneth in haste, and with false suggestions stirreth up Solyman himself against his son. d. his exceeding treachery at the coming of Mustapha to his father's camp. 762 i. disgraced by Solyman, flieth to Roxolana at Constantinople. 765 a. by her means restored again unto his former honours, dieth afterwards of a dropsy. 765 e. S SAhib after the death of Sultan Aladin his master taking upon him the government, is by the nobility thrust out, and the Tinks kingdom in Asia rend in sunder amongst them. 127 c Sahamall the Georgian cutteth off the head of Aider. 922 i. submitteth himself to Mustapha the great Bassa. 936 k. slain by Osman Bassa his son in law. 941 d Saladin the Turk chosen Sultan of Egypt killeth the Caliphe and all his posterity. 57 e. invadeth the kingdom of jerusalem, & by Baldwin suddenly sallying out of Ascalon overthrown. 59 d. besiegeth Beritus both by sea and land, taketh Edessa and Carras. 60 l. spoileth the holy land at his pleasure. 61 c. in vain besiegeth Ptolemais. 63. b. besiegeth Tiberias, and by the treason of the county of Tripoli overthroweth G●y the king, coming to the relief thereof, and taketh him prisoner. 63 e. winneth jerusalem with all the other cities and towns in the holy land, except Tripoli, Tire, and Antioch. 64 g. besiegeth Tire, and with the loss of his best soldiers and of his tents retireth. l. taketh Antioch, with all the provinces and towns thereunto belonging. 65 a. putteth to death the Christian captives. 71 a. dieth, and forbiddeth any funeral pomp to be used at his burial. 73 c Saluagus a worthy knight. 797 c Salazar a Spanish captain goeth as a spy into the Turks camp at the siege of Malta. 811 d Sanguine the Turk overthroweth king Fulke, coming to the relief of the castle of Mont Ferand, and hath the castle yielded unto him. 30 h. taketh Edessa, and there useth all manner of cruelty against the Christians. 31 a. besieging Cologenbar, is there stabbed by one of his own friends, and slain. b. Sarmentus slain. 691 d Sarugatin Osmans' brother slain, and accounted of the Turks for a saint. 138 k Scanderbag with his brethren by their father john Castriot given in hostage unto Amurath. 260 l. wisely dissembleth his desire for the delivery of himself and his country. 283 d. by great policy recovereth the city of Croia out of the hands of the Turks. 284 i. hath the strong cities of Epirus yielded unto him. 285 c. spoileth Macedonia. 287 c. in a great battle overthroweth Alis Bassa with two and twenty thousand of his Turks. 288 l. going to the aid of king Vladislaus, is by the faithless Despot denied passage through Servia. 295 b. spoileth the Despots country, and so returneth into Epirus. 299 c. his resolute answer unto Amurath his melancholy letters. 301 d. putteth Ferises to flight. 302 l. overthroweth Mustapha the second time, and taketh him prisoner. 313 b. carefully setteth all things in order against the coming of Amurath. 314 g. his effectual speech unto the soldiers and citizens of Sfetigrade to encourage them against the coming of the Turk. 315 b. cunningly entrappeth some of the forerunners of Amurath's army. 316 l. troubleth his great camp. 319 a. with his own hand killeth Feri Bassa. 320 g. troubleth Amurath his great army at the siege of Croia. 324 l. in danger to have been slain or taken. m. deceiveth Mahomet the young prince in his own device. 326 h. flieth by night into Epirus. 371 c. his answer by letters unto the letters of Mahomet. 385 c. his answer unto Mahomet's letters concerning the r●n●ing of the league. 391 a. in danger. 398 h. Scanderbag dieth. 402 m. buried at Lissa. 403 a. his bones digged up by the Turks, and of them greatly honoured. 404 h Scodra besieged by Solyman Bassa. 411 e. relieved by Mathias king of Hungary. 412 h. a yearly fee appointed by Mahomet to one, to put him daily in mind of the siege of Scodra. i. Scodra the second time besieged by Mahomet the great. 415 e. sore battered. 418 i. the fourth time assaulted. 419 e. twelve thousand Turks slain in this last assault. 420 m. most furiously the fifth time assaulted by the Turks. 421. by composition yielded unto the Turk. 426 k. the Scrivano rebelleth against the Turk in Caramania, and giveth Mehemet Bassa a notable overthrow. 1134 g. in a great battle overthroweth him again the next year with an army of fifty thousand Turks. 1142 h. having overrun a great part of the Turks dominions in Asia, dieth. 1150 g. his younger brother steppeth up in his stead, and in a great battle overthroweth Hassan Bassa, and killeth him. 1150 h Selimus' ambitious and of a turbulent spirit, and therefore of the janissaries and men of war better beloved than his other brethren. 478 l. aided by Mahomates the Tartar king, riseth against his aged father. 479 b. coloureth his rebellious purpose with the invasion of Hungary. 480 g. marcheth with his army towards Had●ianople. 481 e. in a great battle overthrown and put to flight by his father Bajazet at Tzurulum. 486 h. by the persuasion of the Bassas by his father sent for home. 491 c. chosen General by his father to go against his rebellious brother Achomates, is by and by after by the janissaries saluted Emperor. 494 g. causeth his father to be poisoned. 495 d. putteth three of his father's pages to death, for mourning for their master. 496 h. bountifully rewardeth the soldiers of the Court. 499 c. murdereth five of his brother's sons. 500 g. causeth Corcutus his brother to be strangled. 502 h. treason intended against him, discovered. 503 a. craveth aid of Aladeules and the other mountain princes against the Persians. 507 c. Selimus perplex ed. 508 i. receiveth great loss in passing the river Euphrates. 513 c. he and Hysmaell compared together. 515 d. Selimus with a great army entereth into Armenia, and taketh Ciamassum a city of the Persian kings 518 k. vanquisheth Aladeules the mountain king, putteth him to death, and converteth his kingdom into the form of a province. 520 l. invadeth Hungary. 521 b. sendeth his ambassadors with presents to Campson the Egyptian Sultan. 525 f. encourageth his soldiers to go against the Mamalukes. 526 h. passeth the mountain Amanus, and cometh into Comagena. l. in the battle of Sing a overthroweth the Mamalukes. 530 g. in doubt lest Sinan Bassa had been lost, becometh exceeding melancholy. 536 k. meeteth with Sinan Bassa at Gaza. 537 c. passeth the sandy deserts, and meeteth with Tomombeius at Rhodanus. 538 c. giveth him battle and putteth him to flight. 540 m. encourageth his soldiers to the winning of Cairo. 544 l. fighteth a great and mortal battle with the Mamalukes in the city of Cairo. 545 b. causeth the city to be set on fire. e. putteth Tomombeius and the Mamalukes to flight, and so taketh the city. 546 i. his ambassadors sent to Tomombeius slain by the Mamalukes. 548 k. overthroweth Tomombeius again at the river of Nilus. 550 h. causeth him being taken to be tortured and put to death. l. cunningly reduceth the Arabians to his obedience. 553 b. purposing to turn his forces upon the Christians, is struck in the back with a canker. 561 a. his death concealed by Ferat Bassa. 567 c Selimus the second by the janissaries saluted Emperor. 827 c. appeaseth the tumultuous janissaries. 828 g. sendeth Cubates his ambassador to Venice to demand Cyprus of the Senat. 841 c. rageth to have it denied him. 842 m. be invadeth the Venetians. 845 e. in his rage about to have put to death all the Christians in his dominious. 885 f. sendeth out Vluzales his Admiral with two hundred galleys against the Christians. 888 l. desirous of peace, concludeth the same with the Venetians. 904 k. by his Bassas taketh Guletta from the Spaniards, and the city of Tunes. 915 d. dieth. c. Serinus Governor of Sigeth. 821 e. his comfortable and resolute speech unto his soldiers. 822 g. burneth the new town, not now to be longer defended, and retireth into the old. i. his last speech unto his soldiers. 823 d. slain, and his head sent to County Salma. f. the Seruians in mutiny amongst themselves, are with a great slaughter overthrown by the Turks. 192 i Servia becometh tributary unto the Turks. 192. wholly yielded unto the Turks. 356 Ssetigrade besieged by Amurath. 316 l. in vain divers times by the Turks assaulted. 319 b. by the working of a traitor Amurath hath the strong city yielded up unto him. 321 f Sigismond King of Hungary with the Christian princes his confederates with a great army invadeth the Turks dominions. 205 b. his proud speech upon the greatness of his army. d. in a great battle overthrown by Bajazet at Nicopolis. 206 h. hardly escapeth himself by flight. i. Sigismond prince of Transyluania in danger by his own subjects to have been betrayed unto the Tartars. 1046 l. the conspirators apprehended and executed. 1047 d. giveth his subjects leave to spoil the Turks. c. entereth into a confederation with the Emperor. 1048 k. persuadeth Michael the Vayvod of Valachia, and Aaron the Palatine of Moldavia to revolt from the Turk. 1049 e. sendeth Aaron the Palatine with his wife and son prisoners to Prage. 1062 l. marrieth Maria Christina the late Archduke Charles his daughter. 1072 k. overthroweth thirty thousand Turks coming as unbidden guests to his marriage. l. in a great battle overthroweth Sinan Bassa with his Turks. 1073 e. receiveth the Zaculians into his protection, and hath from them great aid. 1074 m. putteth Sinan Bassa to slight. 1075 d. by force ta●keth Tergovista from the Turks. f. taketh also Bucaresta. 1076 i. goeth unto the Emperor at Prage. 1088 g. besiegeth Tem●swar. 1092 g. with eighteen thousand men cometh to the aid of Maximilian the Archduke going to have relieved Agria. 1096 l. doubting the power of the Turk, resigneth his principality of Transyluania unto the Emperor. 1100 k. repenting himself, returneth again into Transyluania and taketh upon him the government. 1106 g. by his ambassadors offereth again his principality unto the Emperor. 1109 d. in a great battle overthrown together with the Moldavian by Michael the Vayvod of Valachia. 1122 h. by the favour of the Nobility recovereth his state again in Transyluania. 1139 d. in battle overthrown by Basta and Michael the Vayvod, flieth out of Transyluania. 1140 i. by the favour of his subjects and countenance of the Polonians recovereth again his state. 1142 g. doubting how to be able to hold it against the Imperials, yieldeth it by composition unto Bassa the emperors lieutenant, and goeth himself unto the Emperor. 1143 c Sigismond King of Polonia his letters unto Amurath. 1003 c Simon County of Montfort sent by Philip the French King into the Holy land, represseth the fury of the Turks, and so concludeth a peace with them for ten years. 74 k Sinan Bassa the Eunuch overthrown by Achomates. 503 c. restoreth Selimus his battle against Campson, before almost lost. 530 g. by Selimus sent before into judea. 533 c. hath Gaza yielded unto him. 534 g. discomfiteth Gazelles, coming to have oppressed him at Gaza. 535 c. slain in the battle at Rhodania. 540 g Sinan the jew his short answer to Barbarussa. 661 b Sinan Bassa by Amurath chosen General for the Persian wars. 951 b. relieveth Tef●is. 954 l. looseth seven thousand of his soldiers. 955 b. derided of his own soldiers. 956 g. his proud answer to Amurath. 962 h. displaced, and cast into exile. l. again received into favour. 1003 d. overthrown in the upper Hungary. 1006 h. his letters unto the Emperor. 1020 g. sent General of the Turks army against the Emperor. 1023 f. taketh Vesprinium. 1025 c. hath Palotta yielded unto him. d. with an army of an hundred and fifty thousand men cometh again into Hungary. 1040 i. taketh Dotis & S. martin's. l. besiegeth Rab. 1041 b. in assaulting thereof looseth twelve thousand of his men. 1044 h. by corrupting of the Governor hath the city yielded unto him. l. besiegeth Komara. 1045 b. raiseth his siege, and breaketh up his army. d. craftily seeketh to try the emperors mind concerning peace. 1058 l. sent for home to the Court. 1060 l. by Sultan Mahomet appointed General of the wars against the Emperor. 1073 b. invadeth Valachia. d. in a great battle overthrown by the prince of Transyluania. e. in flying, in danger to have been drowned. f. with a great army cometh again into Valachia. 1075 b. seeing the general fear of his army upon the coming of the transylvanians, flieth. d. for fear delayeth his coming to Constantinople, until his peace were made, and there shortly after dieth. 1087 d Siseg by the Turks besieged. 1022 g. notably relieved. 1023 a. again besieged and taken by the Turks. 1024 l Solyman, Orcanes his son, by his father made Governor of Nicomedia. 183 c. taketh the castle of Zemb●nic in Europe. 185 b. he the first that brought the Turks over into Europe, with purpose there to conquer and inhabit. d. taketh the castle of Maditus. c. winneth Callipolis. 186 g. dieth. 187 a Solyman the unfortunate, Bajazet his eldest son, by the great Bassas set up in his fathers slead at Hadrianople. 221 b. goeth over with a great army against his brother Mahomet. 241 e. by policy taketh the castle of Prusa. 242 i. besiegeth his brother in Amasia. i. returneth into Europe to appease the stirs there raised by his brother Musa, and recovereth Hadrianople. 244 b. in his excess regardeth not the approach of his brother Musa●k forsaken of his soldiers flieth. l. taken prisoner, is by the commandment of his brother Musa strangled. 245 a. Solyman the Eunuch Bassa dealeth treacherously with the Kings of Arabia. 670 m. Solyman hardly persuaded that his father was dead. 567 d. saluted Emperor by the janissaries. f. his letters to Valerius Great Master of the Rhodes. 571 b. his Oration to his men of war declaring his purpose for the besieging of the Rhodes. e. he maketh great preparation for the siege. 573 a. his threatening letters unto them of the Rhodes. 578 h. cometh himself in person to the siege. 583 b. his choleric Oration to his soldiers. d. displaceth his Admiral, and punisheth him like a slave. 589 a. about to have forsaken the siege. b. comforteth his discouraged soldiers, persuading them with patience to continue the siege. f. his letters to the Great Master and the Rhodians, sent by their own ambassadors. 593 d. his speech unto the Great Master at his coming to yield up the city. 598 l. he entereth into the Rhodes upon Christmas day in the year 1522. 600 i Solyman upon the discord of the Christian princes and disordered state of Hungary, taketh occasion to invade that kingdom. 601 b. cometh into Hungary against King Lewes with an army of two hundred thousand men. c overthroweth him in battle at Mohaiz. 602 k. cometh to Buda. 603 a Solyman in the quarrel of King john against King Ferdinand, cometh into Hungary with an army of an hundred and fifty thousand men. 609 a. without resistance entereth into Buda, and besiegeth the castle. 609 d. layeth siege to Vienna. 610 k. without ransom releaseth certain Christian prisoners. 612 g. looseth his great ordinance upon the Danubius. k. burieth eight thousand of his Turks in the mines. l. having lost fourscore thousand of his Turks, raiseth his siege, and returneth to Buda. 614 i. he restoreth the kingdom of Hungary unto King john. k. returneth himself to Constantinople. 615 a. maketh great preparations for the subduing of the territories belonging to the house of Austria, as also for the conquest of Germany, with the short time he prefined unto himself for the performance thereof. 615 c. Solyman with a mighty army cometh again into Hungary. 618 e. besiegeth Gunza. i. his proud letters unto Charles the Emperor and his brother King Ferdinand m. shuneth to meet with Charles the Emperor at Vienna, and so turneth out of the way into Carinthia. 621 a. the causes moving him so to do. b. returneth towards Constantinople. 623 d. Solyman persuaded by Abraham Bassa, resolveth to go against the Persians. 649 a. cometh with his army to Tauris. f. followeth Tamas the Persian King into Sultania. 650 g. his army strangely distressed by tempest. k. hath Babylon with the countries of Mesopotamia and Assyria yielded unto him. 651 a. he ransacketh Tauris. f. discouraged by the harm done him by Delymenthes, giveth over his wars in Persia, and returneth to Constantinople. 653 c. he with a wonderful charge prepareth a great fleet at Suetia against the Portugeses in the East Indies. 670 b. Solyman by the French ambassador incited to invade Italy with an army of two hundred thousand men, cometh to Aulona. 671 c. sendeth Lutzis Bassa and Barbarussa with his fleet before him into Italy. d. converteth his forces prepared for Italy against the Venetians. 673 b. in danger to have been slain in his tent in the midst of his army. 173 d. invadeth Corcyra. ●. carrieth away above sixteen thousand prisoners, and doth good justice upon such Turks as had violated their faith at Castrum. 674 k. Solyman angry with the secret confederation betwixt King Ferdinand and King john. 695 c. promiseth to protect the queen and her son. 701 c. with a great army cometh to Buda. 709 b. sendeth for the young King into his camp. e. courteously receiveth him. 710 h. craftily surpriseth the city of Buda. i. detaineth the Nobility of Hungary. l. diversly persuaded by his Bassas for the disposing of that kingdom. 711 b. he sacrificeth after the Mahometan manner in Buda. 712 m. pronounceth the doom of Hungary, and converteth it from a kingdom into a province of his Empire. 713 a. his proud answer unto King Ferdinand his ambassadors. 714 k. he returneth to Constantinople. 715 b. sendeth his fleet by Barbarussa his Admiral to aid the French King against the Emperor. 734 k. Solyman with a great army cometh again into Hungary. 736 g. taketh Strigonium. 738. entereth into the city, and there setteth up the Mahometan superstition. m. winneth Alba Regalis. 742 h. returneth to Constantinople. k. by the instigation of Dragut the pirate sendeth out Sinan Bassa with a great fleet to revenge the wrong done unto him by Auria. 752 l. Solyman amorous of Rozolana. 757 c. manumiseth her. 758 h. marrieth her. l. by her persuaded, resolveth to put to death his eldest son, the noble Mustapha. 761 d. goeth himself with a great army into Asia to kill his son. e. sendeth for Mustapha, who coming, is cruelly strangled in his sight. 763 c. his stout speech unto the janissaries, up in arms for the unworthy death of Mustapha. 764 k. he glad to yield unto the janissaries. m. Solyman desirous with as little stir as might be to appease the grudges betwixt his two sons Selimus and Bajazet, sendeth Partau and Mehemet two of his Visier Bassas to bring them to the provinces by him appointed for them. 773 d. maketh preparation against Bajazet, and sendeth aid to Selimus. e. for countenancing of Selimus, goeth himself in person with his army over into Asia. 776 l. dissembleth with Bajazet. 778 g. seeketh to stop his flight into Persia, deceived of his purpose, procureth to have him and his four sons strangled in prison in Persia. 791 d. Solyman by his ambassador Abraham Stroiza confirmeth his league with Ferdinand the Emperor for eight years. 789 b. his proud letters unto the Emperor Ferdinand. c. his presents sent unto the Emperor. 791 d. he maketh preparation against the knights of Malta. 793 a. his Oration unto his captains for the invasion of Malta. b. his fleet arriveth at Malta. 795 a. with shame returneth. 817 c. Solyman purposing now the seventh time himself in person to invade Hungary, causeth a bridge of a mile long with incredible labour to be made over the great river Saws and the deep fens toward Sigeth. 821. besiegeth Sigeth. e. cometh himself with a great power into the camp. 822 h. winneth the old town. l. falleth sick and dieth of the bloody flix at Quinque Ecclaesiae. 822 m. his death by Muhamet Bassa concealed, and the siege continued. 813 a. his body with great solemnity by his son Selimus buried at Constantinople. 828 h the Spaniards rejoicing at the overthrow of the Italians by Salec, are themselves foiled by Tabacces. 658 m Stellusa with Desdrot the Governor thereof delivered to Scanderbag. 285 f Stephen Rozwan in stead of Aaron by the Transyluanian prince placed Vayvod of Moldania. 1062 l. thrust out by Zamoschie Chancellor of Polonia. 1080 g. taken prisoner and put to death. 1081 a Stephen Vayvod of Transyluania upon the commendation of Amurath chosen King of Polonia. 921 a Stiria foraged by the Turks. 1132 Strigonium in vain besieged by King john. 616 k. besieged by Solyman. 736 i. divers times by the Turks in vain assaulted. c. the strength thereof by a fugitive Christian discovered. d. yielded unto the Turk. 738 h. besieged by the Christians. 1033 c. five times in vain assaulted, with the loss of five thousand men▪ 1034 l. the siege by Mathias the Archduke given over. 1037 d. besieged by county Mansfelt. 1065 b. twice in vain assaulted. e. the lower town taken. 1070 g. yielded unto the Archduke Mathias. 1072 h Suguta by Sultan Aladin given to Ertogrul. 134 k Sumachia taken by Osman Bassa. 936 b recovered by the Persian prince. 940 i Swartzenburg by two Italian prisoners flying out of Rab, is informed of the state of the town. 1102 g. consulteth with the lord Palsi. h. surpriseth that strong town. 1103 b. in vain attempteth to have surprised Buda. 1110● cometh to Pappa to appease the French and Walloons there in mutiny. 1117 a. besiegeth the town. 1118. slain. i. Syrgiannes' appointed by Andronicus the Emperor to observe the doings of young Andronicus his nephew, treacherously discovereth the same unto him. 159 c. cunningly coloureth his treason. 160 b contemned of the younger Andronicus, revolteth again unto his grandfather. 162 l. apprehended, imprisoned, and his house razed. 164 l T TAmas the Persian King hearing of the coming of Solyman to Tauris, flieth into Hyrcania. 651 d. in fear of Bajazet, killeth his followers, and imprisoneth him with his sons. 780 l. sendeth ambassadors with presents to Solyman. 781 a. the cause why he would not by any means let Bajazet go out of his hands. d. his answer unto the Venetian ambassador, persuading him to take up arms against the Turk. 862 k Tamerlan his reasonable and modest answer unto the other Mahometan princes, craving his aid against Bajazet. 210 k. in their behalf sendeth ambassadors with presents to Bajazet. l. provoked by the proud answer of Bajazet, the solicitation of the oppressed princes, and the persuasion of Axalla resolveth to make war upon him. 211 b his honourable parentage and ancestors. 212 i. the causes why some report him to have been a shepherd or herdsman. k. he himself not delighted in blood. m. marrieth the daughter and heir of the Great Cham of Tartary, the ground of his greatness. 213 a. setteth forward against Bajazet. 214 k. his great camp still like unto a well governed city. 215 b. the number of his great army. ●. he taketh Sebastia, and burieth all the people quick. 216 h. stayeth the coming of Bajazet. 217 a. disposeth of the order of his battle. 218 k fighteth a great and mortal battle with Bajazet. 219 b. taking him prisoner, causeth him like a wild beast to be shut up in an iron cage. 220 m. refuseth the Empire of Constantinople, offered him by Emanuel the Emperor's ambassadors. 221 e. goeth privately himself to Constantinople. 222 i. much delighted with the situation and pleasures of that city. k. spoileth the Turks dominions in Asia. l. restoreth unto the poor Mahometan princes oppressed by Bajazet all their ancient inheritances. 223 b. in a great battle overthroweth the Sultan of Egypt near unto Aleppo. c. winneth Damascus. d. cometh to jerusalem. f. taketh Damiata. 224 h. assaulteth Cair●. 225 a driveth the Sultan out of Cairo. d. pursueth him to Alexandria. 226 g. chaseth him into Lybia. h▪ leaveth Calibes to govern the countries of Egypt and Syria. l. conquereth Mesopotamia and Babylon, with the kingdom of Persia. 227 a. returneth to Samarcand. b. the great power he continually kept. 235 c. his death e. Tangrolipix the Turk sent to aid the Persian Sultan. 4 g. by consent of the soldiers chosen Sultan of Persia. l. first Sultan of the Turks. m. having slain Pisasiris Caliph of Babylon in battle joineth his dominions unto his own. 5 b. invadeth the Greek Emperors dominions. f. putteth to death his brother Habramie. 6 ay Tancred created prince of Galliley, winneth Apamea and Laodicea. 25 c. after the death of young Bohemund created King of Antioch. 26 i Tarsus in Cilicia yielded unto Bajazet. 446 m. Tartar Han his letters unto the King of Polonia. 1083 c Tauris yielded to Selimus. 512 c. who contrary to his promise exacteth a great sum of money from the Taurisians, and so departeth. 513 a. sacked by Solyman. 651 f. taken by the Turks. 991 d. hath a new castle therein built by the Turks in six and thirty days. 992 i. miserably spoiled. l. Taurica Che●sonesu●, with the Tartar's Precopenses and D●ste●ces subdued by the Turks. 412 m Techellis invadeth the Turks dominions. 469 c. overthroweth Orcanes and Mahomates, Bajazet his nephews. 471. discomfiteth Caragoses the Viceroy of Anatolia. 472 i. killeth Alis Bassa. 474 l. flieth into Armenia. 475●. robbeth a Caravan of merchants, and therefore burnt at Tauris. 476 h. Temeswar taken by the Turks. 756 g Temurtases, Bajazet his lieutenant in Asia, taken prisoner by Aladin the young King of Caramania. 208 k. again set at liberty, hangeth the Caramanian King. m. Teufenbach taketh Sabatska. 1026 k. winneth Filek. 1027 c. besiegeth Hatwan. 1032 g. overthroweth the Bassa of Buda. h. giveth the same Bassa a second overthrow. 1037 f Theobald King of Navarre maketh an unfortunate expedition into the Holy land. 99 f. with Lewis the French King goeth against the Moors. 118 k. in his return dieth of the plague in Sicilia. l. Theodorus Lascaris flieth into Bythinia, and possessing himself of many countries, taketh upon him the name of the Greek Emperor at Nice. 84 l. he killeth Iat●atines the Turkish Sultan. 87 c Theodorus Lascaris, son to john Batases, chosen Emperor. 108 m. aideth the Sultan of Iconium. 109. c. falleth sick and dieth. 110 g Theupulus Earl of Paphos unworthily hanged by the faithless Bassa Mustapha. 867 d Thracia spoiled by the Turks. 156 g Tomombeius by the general consent of the Mamalukes chosen Sultan of Egypt. 533 d. maketh great preparation against the Turks, and seeketh to entrap them. 538 g. his devices discovered. i. he fighteth a great battle with Selimus, and is put to the worse. 540 m. raiseth new forces at Cairo. 541 c. fortifieth Cairo. 542 k. fighteth a great battle in the city. 545 b. overcome, flieth. 546 h. driven out of Cairo, raiseth new forces in Segesta. 547 d. distresseth the Turks in passing the bridge made over Nilus. 549 b. giveth anotable attempt to have gained the bridge. f. repulsed and put to flight. 550 i. taken and brought to Selimus. l. tortured, and shamefully put to death. m. Trapezond yielded to Mahomet the Great. 360 k. Transyluania given by Solyman to the child King john his son. 716 l Tripoli in Barbary besieged by Sinan Bassa. 753 a. battered. b. the weakest places thereof and ●ittest to be battered, by a fugitive Christian discovered to the Turks. d. upon hard conditions yielded to the proud and faithless Bassa. 755 d Tunes besieged by Lewis the French king. 119 a. yielded to Charles the Emperor. 667 c. by him upon an easy tribute again restored to Mulcasses. 669 d. again yielded to the Turks. 915 d. Turk's their original beginning diversly reported. 1 c. descended from the Scythians. 2 b. the causes why they left their ancient and natural seats in Scythia, to seek for other in countries more Southerly. 2 l. where they first seated themselves in Asia, after their departure out of Scythia. 3 b. their first kingdom erected in Persia by Tangrolipix their first Sultan. 4 l. the Turks first called into Europe by the Catalonians. 152 g. they differ not from the Persian about the interpretation of their law, but about the true successor of their false prophet Mahomet only. 462 i. Turqueminus chosen Sultan of Egypt. 106 h. Tzihanger refuseth the noble Mustapha his brother's wealth & treasure offered him by his father Solyman, and for sorrow killeth himself. 763 e V VAlachia, when first spoiled by the Turks. 204 g. invaded by Mahomet the Great. 362 g. oppressed by the Turks. 1050 h. in great troubles. 1143 d Valmes fortified by Mahomet the Great. 402 g. Valetta the Grand master of Malta advertised of Soliman's purpose for the invasion of him & his knights. 793 f. his effectual speech unto his knights. 794 g. his great preparation against the Turks coming. k. his whole strength. 796 g. he certifieth Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Sicilia, of his estate. l. sendeth a new supply into the castle S. Elmo, twice before assaulted by the Turks. 798 g. disappointed of a supply to have been brought him by his own galleys. h. his letters to Garzias the Viceroy of Sicilia. 800 g. he sendeth three of his knights to know the state of them in the castle S. Elmo. 801 e. encourageth his soldiers after the loss of the castle. 803 c. his Christianlike letters to the Governor of the city of Melita. ●. his resolute answer to the messengers sent unto him from the great Bassa. 804 i. he receiveth a small supply from Sicilia. 805 f. maketh hard shift to send news of his distress to the Viceroy of Sicilia. 808 l. his comfortable speech unto his soldiers, at such time as the Turks were entered the new city. 814 h. his great carefulness. 817 e. his letters to the Grand Prior of Almain concerning the manner of the Turks proceedings in the siege of Malta. 818 g Venerius the Venetian Admiral and Barbadicus their providitor persuade the rest of the Christian confederates to give battle unto the Turks at Lepanto. 871 d. coming to the relief of Don john, is encountered by Partau Bassa. 879 a. in danger. b. at the request of the Spaniards displaced, but not disgraced. 887 e the Venetians with a great fleet spoil the coasts of Lycia, Pamphilia, and Cilicia. 19 a. in the division of the Greek Empire amongst the Latins had for their share all the rich islands of the Aegeum and jonian, with the famous island of Candie or Crete. 84 h. enter into confederation with other Christian princes against the Turk. 389 e. they with their confederates do the Turks great harm. 407 d. receive a great overthrow from the Turks at the river of Sontium. 414 k. their merchants in Syria imprisoned by Campson Gauru● the Egyptian Sultan. 471 b. their Senators diversly affected towards the confederation with the Emperor and the French King against Solyman. 693 d. they refuse to yield up Cyprus unto Selimus, demanding the same. 841 e. make great preparation for their own defence, and crave aid of the other Christian princes. 842 k. what princes promised them aid. l. weary of the delays and cross dealing of the Spaniards their confederates, conclude a peace with Selimus without their knowledge. 904 k. Veradinum besieged by the Turks. 1106 h relieved by the lord Basta. l. Vesprinium taken by the Turks. 1025 c Vfegi Bassa taken prisoner. 500 l. put to death. 501 b Vicegr●de taken by the Christians. 1072 i Victor Capella with a notable speech persuadeth the Venetians to take up arms against Mahomet the Great. 387 a Vienna by Solyman besieged. 610 k. badly fortified. 611 a the walls blown up. 612 m. thrice assaulted. f. worthily defended. 614 g. Solyman glad to forsake the siege. i. Villerius chosen Great Master of the Rhodes. 569 d. his letters to Solyman. 571 d. his careful provision for defence of his city. 573 b. 575 e. his notable speech unto the Rhodians. 576 g. his worthy commendation. 581. in vain craveth aid of the Christian princes. b. recovereth the Spanish bulwark taken by the Turks. 588 g. his resolute opinion concerning Soliman's demand for the yielding up of the Rhodes. 594 g. his answer unto Solyman, offering unto him most honourable entertainment. 599 b. he departeth from the Rhodes with his knights upon New years day. 600 g Vladislaus King of Polonia chosen also King of Hungary. 262 i. sendeth ambassadors unto Amurath lying at the siege of Belgrade. 263 e. goeth himself in person against the Turks. 277 b. taketh Sophia. c. spoileth Bulgaria. d. highly commendeth Huniades for his good service. 278 i. enforced with the difficulty of the passage of the mountain Hemus, retireth with his army. 279 b. by the persuasion of Huniades and others retireth, and in vain seeketh to have opened the mountain passage. 281 d. in his retreat much troubled with the Turks. 282 b. in great triumph returneth to Buda. m. upon most honourable conditions concludeth a peace with Amurath for ten years. 289 b. by solemn oath confirmeth the league he had made with Amurath. c. absolved of that his oath by julian the Cardinal of S. Angel, resolveth for the prosecution of his wars against the Turk. 292 i. by his ambassadors and letters craveth aid of Scanderbeg. 293 a. setteth forward against the Turks. 295 e. fighteth the great and unfortunate battle at Varna. 297 b. it there himself slain. 298 h Vl●zales in the battle of Lepanto taketh twelve of the Venetian galleys. 882 i. seeing the rest of the Turks fleet discomfited, flieth himself. m. is by Selimus the next year sent out with two hundred galleys against the Venetians and their confederates. 888 l. meaning nothing less, maketh show of battle. 892 h. cunningly retireth. i. flieth from Navarinum into the bay of Modon. 895 c. returneth with his weak fleet to Constantinople. 902 m Vranacontes by Scanderbag appointed Governor of Croia against the coming of Amurath. 322 l. with cheerful speech encourageth his soldiers. e. rejecteth Amurath his presents, and threateneth the Bassa by whom they were sent. 329 d Vstres Bassa of Van inciteth Amurath to make war against the Persians. 925 a. by Amurath commanded to begin the war, which he readily performeth. 926 h Vsun-Cassanes the Persian King sendeth ambassadors with presents to Mahomet the Great. 359 b. marrieth Despina, the daughter of Calo joannes, Emperor of Trapezond. 409 b. in a great battle overthroweth Zenza the Persian king, and killeth Cariasuphus his son, the last of the posterity of the mighty Tamerlan. 409 g. in a great battle overthrown by Mahomet the Great. 410 l. his death. 411 a with WAlpo treacherously yielded unto the Turks, and the traitors justly rewarded. 736 h Wars by Amurath the third proclaimed against the Emperor Rodolph. 123 f Waswood, an old janissary, his presumptuous speech unto Mahomet the great Sultan. 1063 b. taken out of prison by the rest of the janissaries. e. Water dear sold. 665 b W●hitz the metropolitical city of Croatia taken by the Turks. 1015 e William King of Sicilia invadeth the tyrant Andronicus his dominions, taketh the city of Dyrrhachium, passeth through Macedonia, and spoileth the country, meeteth with his fleet at Thessalonica, which be also taketh by force and spoileth. 51 b William Long-Espie Earl of Sarisburie with a band of tall soldiers goeth into the Holy land. 102 l. his stout answer unto Earl Robert the French Kings brother. 104 k. valiantly fight, is slain. 105 a Wladus prince of Valachia putteth Mahomet the Great in fear. 362 k. Wladus cruel. m. dieth in battle against the Turks. 363 e Wine for a space running down the streets of Constantinople, as if it had been water after a shower of rain. 1142 l Wolfgangus Hoder upon the Danubius doth good service against the Turks. 612 k. X XAycu●, paymaster of the Rhodes entrapped by the Turks, and sent prisoner to be tortured at Constantinople. 575 c Xene the fair Empress, the young Emperor Alexius his mother maliciously accused of treason, and so wrongfully condemned. 407 f. by the commandment of Andronicus strangled in prison, and so poorly buried. 48 k. Xiphilinus by Alexius sent over to Andronicus, dealeth unfaithfully in his message. 45 c Y YOland daughter to king john crowned queen of jerusalem, and after by her father given in marriage to Frederick the Emperor. 96 g Z ZAcharias Groppa fighteth a combat with Ahemaze a Turk. 373 a Zachell Moses the Transyluanian princes lieutenant in battle overthrown by Basta. 1143 c. flieth unto the Turks. 1145 e. Zacynthus, Neritus, and Cephalenia taken by Achmetes Bassa. 426 l Zamoschie the great Chancellor of Polonia stayeth the Tartars from the invading of Moldavia. 1079 c. invadeth Moldavia himself. 1080 g. his letters unto Clement the Pope that now is, in defence of himself and of that he had done in Moldavia. 1084 k. driveth Michael the Vayvod out of Valachia, & placeth another in his stead. 1128 b Zanius the Venetian Admiral with a fleet of an hundred and seventeen sail cometh to Corcyra. 849 b. he with the confederates setteth forwards towards Cyprus. d. upon the foul disagreement of the great commanders returneth. 853 e. discharged of his office and sent in bonds to Venice. 854 b Zembenic castle the place where the Turks first began to settle themselves in Europe. 185 b Zemes riseth in rebellion against his elder brother Baiaze●. 438 h. overthrown in battle by his brother, flieth to Cay●beius the Sultan of Egypt. 439 b. he with the Caramanian King goeth against his brother Bajazet. 441 b. flieth to sea. 442 g. delivered unto Pope Innocent the eight. 446 h. by Pope Alexander delivered to Charles the French King. 452 h. dieth within three days after being before by the Pope poisoned, as is supposed. i. his dead body sent to Constantinople, and honourably afterwards buried at Prusa. 452 k. Zenza the Persian king in a great battle overthrown and slain by Vsun-Cassanes. 409 e Zerbi island invaded by the Christian fleet set forth for the recovery of the city of Tripoli in Barbary. 783 e. the castle of Zerb● yielded unto the Spaniards. f. a great part of the Christian fleet oppressed at Zerbi by the sudden coming of Piall Bassa the Turks Admiral. 784 m. the castle of Zerbi besieged by the Turk. 785 b. yielded unto the Turks. d. the Turks in triumph return with victory to Constantinople. 786 g Zingis passing over the mountains Caucasus and Taurus conquereth the Turks dominions. 75 c Zoganus Bassa by the device of a wicked Christian bringeth seventy of the Turks galleys eight miles overland into the haven of Constantinople. 343 f. persuadeth Mahomet to continue his siege. 345 a Zolnock a strong fortress of the Christians in the upper Hungary taken by the Turks. 756 g FINIS. The Errata. PAge 132. line 32. for and, read, or. page 133. line 46. for Turconians, read, Turcomans. page 133. line 54. for A●terum, read, Artzerum. 136.28. Iburn, r. Itburn. 166.12. city, r. cities. 173.41. they, r. he. 484.51. great, r. dread. 192.36. over Callipolis, r. over to Callipolis. 208.15. there, r. other. 214.30. O●aza, r. Ozara. 233.1. Lysia, r. Lycia. 244.32. do not trouble, r. trouble. 248.53. father, r brother 269.28. in, r. into. 270.12. this, r. his. 286.23. divers, r. adverse. 286.26. prescribe, r. prescribed. 301.39. to be able, r not to be able. 302 42. Movea, r. Mocrea. 346.11. eight. r. eighteen. 364.36. the, r. their. 388.23 manner, r. manners. 405.14. Nigrophonte, r. Nigropont 407.4. Alymbeius, r. Asymbeius. 412.16. portion. ●. pen●io●. 468.18. this, r. the. 479.16. part●▪ r. ports. 487.51. his, r. high. 421.52. his great Mahometan, r▪ his great knowledge in the Mahometan. 322.5. ea●● and, r. to ease. 525.39. city Euphrates, r. river Euphrates. 536.17. drawn, r. driven. 568.48 envying, r. enuaying. 619.3. end quarrel, r. end that quarrel. 628.54. Hungarian fleet, r. Christian fleet. 629.27 josuphius and old captain, read, josuphus an old captain. 630.12. excepted, r. accepted. 631.45. return, r. turn. 634.28. homage. r. honour. 655.16. Visinus, r. Vrsinus. 656.25. tooken, r. taken. 664.2. he, r. they. 710.11. i●, r. unto. 714.3. superstitious, read, suspicious 717, 15. not so evil, r. not so well. 721.19. were fled▪ r. were led. 736.30. Soctosia, r. Soclosia. 750 14. Tuscunie, r. Tuscanie. 766.37. peopled, r. people. 767.15. Faurinum, r. Iauarin●m. 769.7. mischantments, r. enchantments. 770.2. ready, r. already come. 770.5. pretended, r. prevented. 770.49. father, r. favour. 788.42. A● Genua me begat, r. As Genua did me beget. 788.45. by force, r. my force. 793.13. him, r them. 840.3. from Venice, r. to Venice. 862.17. for, r. of. 863 1. two thousand, r. two hundred thousand. 886. ●2. carefulness, r. carelessness. 892.1. galleys, r. galleasses. 903.9 lying, r. dying. 909.50. hands, r. heads. 911.49. Veremias, r. jeremias. 919.23. September, r. December 924.16. Hari, r. Heri. 933.8. Ginsuf, r. Gi●suf, 936.31. Sirua, r. Siruan 945.16 bid, r. did. 953. ●3 subsisted, r. substituted. 994.27 a Bassa, r. the Ba●●a 1008.10. being doing, r. ●e doing. 1008.35. less, r. lest. 1015.41. Yna, r. una. 1018.32 part, r. part●. 1045.27. from the came, r. from the camp. 1064.36. sat before, sat down before. 1065.17. with resistance▪ r. without resistance. 1074.23. Varuinar, r. Varuivar. 1079.19. his, r. this. 1089.25. ●earing, r. hearing. 1094.18. heart, r. Hart. 1122.13. their, r. his. 1148.54. town, r. tower.