THE POLITIC AND MILITARY DISCOURSES OF THE LORD DE LA NOW. Whereunto are adjoined certain observations of the same Author, of things happened during the three late civil wars of France. With a true declaration of many particulars touching the same. All faithfully translated out of the French by E. A. AT LONDON Printed for T. C. and E. A. by Thomas Orwin. 1587. TO THE RIGHT Honourable his very good Lord, George Earl of Cumberland, Baron Clifford, Lord Bromflet, Aton and Vescie, etc. E. A. wisheth all increase of honour and true felicity. ANTIGONUS being asked whom he thought to be the worthiest Captain in his time, answered, Pyrrhus if he were of more years, not daring to pronounce him absolutely the worthiest until he had experience to match with his valour: even so if it were demanded at this day who justly deserved the name of a politic & expert Capptaine, I think (without prejudice to any other) that the Lord de la Noüe, the author of this present treatise, whose wise government in time of peace being no less commendable than his long service in time of wars to the Church of God hath been profitable, is not in silence to be overpassed. Howbeit lest I should (right Honourable and my very good Lord) seem rather to blemish than amplify the virtues of so worthy a man through the baseness of my stile and unpolished phrase, I leave the same to be notefied by those whose great knowledge and ripe judgement I do justly prefer many degrees before mine own, being the rather thereto induced by the like example of Menedemus the Lacedaemonian, who was wont to say that the quality and condition of the praiser ought to be as well regarded as that of the praised. Insinuating thereby that it was unfit very for any man to commend the thing wherein his judgement might fail, or his education be thereto not answerable. In as much therefore as his own works may in some measure make manifest what is to be thought of his person, I do present them to your honours view and patronage in this our vulgar tongue faithfully and truly translated out of the French, desiring though not deserving like favourable acceptation, as I had good meaning to offer the same. For therein I am fully persuaded the indifferent and not curious reader shall find matter sufficient for the re-establishing of a ruinous common weal, if it be put in practice: wise counsel for maintenance thereof: and lastly approved documents requisite whether in civil or foreign wars, which albeit they were written particularly to relieve and restore the declining estate of the realm of France, are also in my opinion not unnecessary for ours or any other that may fall into the like, if God who is the protector and guider of all Realms should not continue among us unity and godly peace. A work no doubt worthy the writer, and yet at the first published without his privity or allowance, being collected and digested into one volume out of a heap of papers cast aside by the industry & pains of the L. of Fresnes, whom, as himself reporteth, the misery of the time and troubles of his own native Country, enforced as a banished man to keep company with the said Lord de la Noüe during his captivity in a foreign land, dedicated to that excellent Prince & pattern of piety Henry of Bourbon King of Navarre, throrough whose royal patrimony together with the just desert of the author himself it hath received friendly entertainment among the better sort of the French Nation: as I doubt not but it shall find the like here among us English men, being shrouded under the covert of your L. honourable protection, to the which I commit the same: thus craving pardon for my boldness most humbly I take my leave of your Lordship, to whom I wish long life with all increase of honour. Your honours most humble and hearty well willer, E. A. To the King of Navarre. SIR, it doth many times so fall out, that those things which we imagine to be most hurtful unto us, do redound to our greatest benefit. This when Chion (a man in his days of good estimation among the Greeks) had tried in himself, he did by a Letter of his (yet extant) give thanks to the contrary winds, which maugre his head had detained him at Constan●inople, from whence he meant to have sailed to Athens, because the said s●aie procured him the benefit of entering a league of friendship with Xenophon who during his abode, arrived there with his troops after his return out of Persia, confessing that he had more profited in the company of that gallant Captain, than he should have done in the schools of the most famous Philosophers of all Grecce. After the example therefore of that so notable a parsonage, myself will give thanks to the miseries of this time, because that forcing me to become a Philosopher in a strange land, they have wrought me this good, to have passed away eight or nine months in the company of the Lord De la None. For besides that he is endued with all those good parts which Chion noteth in Xenophon, as well in respect of his learning, as also for his knowledge and experience in arms: the examples of his virtues and sweetness of his conversation did so help me to digest both the public calamities and mine own particular discommodities, that during life I cannot but yield praise to God for so great a benefit. Howbeit the thing that made me most desirous of his friendship, was a consideration that the farther he was through his afflictions driven out of France and from your Majesty, the more did his affection to your service & the welfare of the whole Realm seem to increase: for whether he walked or slept all his imaginations tended nolie to the finding out of such means as might best redress the calamities that oppressed our miserable Country, and his ordinary devices to the seeking out of any thing that might advance the re-establishing of the state in her former dignity: A matter at this day so lamentable, as it seemeth rather to be wished than hoped for. Enjoying therefore that sweet familiarity wherewith it pleased him to honour me, and being on a time in his closet I chanced to lay my hand upon a heap of papers thrown aside in a corner, as things not regarded, and finding that they deserved to be more diligently gathered together, I began very gladly to read them over: but he would not suffer me, saying they were but scribblings whereon he had employed the most tedious hours of his leisure during his long and strait imprisoment: likewise that among them there was nothing worth the sight, because his continual exercise in warfare wherein he had employed himself, had denied him all opportunity to indite well, as also that in these discourses especially (as never meaning other than to pass away the time) he had taken no pains with the polishing or filing of them, & that he was determined never to take them in hand again: so as at that instant I could not obtain any thing of him. But the taste that I had then gotten did so set me on edge that all his denial & despising of them did the more confirm me in my desire, neither did I ever qease until by sundry means I had gotten sometime one 〈◊〉 sometime another, so long till at length I had gathered all this book. Afterward having more carefully considered of the value of my booty, accounting it more precious & profitable than to be kept in the bottom of a hutch. I did what I might to persuade the author thereof to publish it: but in the end seeing that he made so small account of the same, that there was no means to obtain his consent, I adventured unwares to him to go through with my enterprise, as well for the commendation which I hope shall redound unto him, as for the commodity that all France may reap thereby. For this book is replenished with most notable advertisements to both great and small, to the end they employ all their power and endeavours to redress and assure this state which without dissimulation is very near to utter ruin and destruction, It openeth the means to attain to a good & steadfast re-establishment: It entreateth of concord which is the only ●iment that is able to soldier and knit again together the dissolved members of this frail ancient building: It doth at large discourse of martial discipline, and withal teacheth how to use and well employ our weapons: It exhorteth every one in his vocation to embrace piety & to honour justice: It teacheth Princes, Lords, and generally all gentry the true path & high way to climb to virtue, and to recover the ancient honour of France, as also how to eschew the danger of shame and misery. To be brief, whatsoever is most rare and excellent throughout all the most famous Philosophers and Historiographers, concerning the conduct and good ordering of a great estate, either the instruction of such as make profession of honour is found to be herein set down in as pleasant a language and delectable variety of matter, & withal so accommodated to the humour of our nation, that I hope to get the goodwilles of all those that shall read this discourse, as having been the occasion that they are not frustrated of the fruit and pleasure herein to be reaped: And this will they account to be the greater, if they vouchsafe but to behold and consider of the horror of the place where so exquisite a matter was conceived and brought into the world. For who is he that weighing the miserable captivity wherein the Lord of la Nouë was detained when he wrote these remembrances, being past hope, or at the leastwise void of all appearance that ever he should get forth, oppressed with sickness of body and anguish of mind, & besides all this most straightly kept: who I say is he that viewing him in this miserable captivity will not admire his wonderful constancy and valiant courage, which had been rare even in the most virtuous ages, that could in the midst of so many calamities and apparitions of most terrible things: yea as it were in the bottom of the gulf of death, think upon the commodity of his country, and in such bitter bondage maintain his soul in such liberty, that to hear him in his discourses it might seem his prison had no power but over his passions, and over all that might molest or impeach the tranquillity of his mind: either, as Plato saith, that those that are in heaviness and agony of death beginning to put of their mortal bodies, have the powers of their souls more excellent then in their perfect health; so the inconvenience of this prison having quailed and suppressed his body, did help him to purge his understanding, by unclothing him of the cares of this life & nourishing him with most beautiful and high meditations far more commodiously than he could have done in his full liberty: which verifieth my saying in the beginning viz that the things which we do most fear and think to be our greatest harm▪ do sometimes turn us to greater prosperity and good. For so much of our bodily ease as afflictions do take from us, so much strength and resolution do they add unto our souls, whereas contrariwise there is no courage so valiant or forcible but prosperity will weaken and extenuate, witness Maecenas, who as Sencca saith, had been one of the chief men in the world if too much ease had not gelded him: for he useth that word to show how sore virtue is weakened through too much felicity. And in deed if the outward appearance or common opinion did not dazzle our eyes, we should perceive that those whom God doth most rigorously chastise in this world, are often times the same whom he most sweetly instructeth: also that the calamities wherewith he afflicteth them are not in deed any calamities. But like as it is a pleasure to behold two good Fencers trying each other, and employing whatsoever their activity or knowledge well to assail and better to defend: even so doth the Lord delight to make those whom he hath endued with most graces, to fight and withstand the sorest adversities, and to exercise their virtue by divers profess, the which the more violent that they be, the more do they show forth the weakness and small effects of all whatsoever that we call evil fortune against a valiant heart armed with the fear of God. And who hath more practised this than yourself Sir, or who is able to show better tokens hereof. But lest I should pass my bounds, I will speak only of our author, whose example may be a sufficient proof of the saying of Seneca. That an honest man cannot eschew adversities, although he may well conquer and overcome them. And notwithstanding sometimes he seemeth in the sight of the ignorant to be wretched or unhappy, yet in the midst of all his mishaps he still enjoyeth perfect felicity which hath sworn so loyal amity unto him, that whatsoever chanceth him yet is she still about him, with him and in him, and doth uphold his soul in so pleasant a seat, that in whatsoever estate she be, she is still like unto herself, as being lifted up so high above all accidents of humane affairs, that she can in no wise be by them tainted. But to return to that which I first began to speak of concerning the commodity of this book, such especially as shall hereafter undertake to write the history of our time may find great profit therein, and learn how to put in practise the precept of Tacitus, who willeth that neither love nor hatred take any hold of the Historiographers pen. For they shall see, that notwithstanding our authors long imprisonment, yet he doth in sundry places speak honourably of the Spaniards, also in matter concerning our civil wars, he useth such sincerity in the lively description of the truth, that he rather noteth the faults of that side where unto himself leaned, then of the others: and commendeth in those against whom he bore arms, anything that he findeth worthy commendation as earnestly as the deserts of those on whose side he fought: in such manner that our age may think itself happy, that in the midst of her most furious passions and partialities, she could recover this platform of observations of the history, thereby exempted from the universal contagion of hatred & favour. As also it is to be hoped that this example may waken sundry others, who seeing how agreeable a voice the same that is ruled by reason, is, in respect of taunts and invectives full of bitterness which (as the small bells of the Choribantes) are good for nothing but to trouble the most settled brains, will endeavour in their writings to set forth that which God may have given them for the instruction of the posterity, rather than the vehemency of disordinate affections, whereof our age reapeth but too much reproach and hurt. I will strain myself no farther in the particular setting down of the fruits that may be reaped in this book, as well for common commodity as private benefit, for they do sufficiently appear of themselves. Howbeit, in as much as it may so fall out that the author, considering what small account he made of his writings, in lieu of rejoicing in the commendations that hereby shall redound unto him, may find fault that I have thus published them of mine own head, and withal that I have thereunto set his name, which he chose rather to make famous by arms, as thinking it (according to the ancient error of the French Nobility) no honour that men should know how far he honoureth or esteemeth of learning; either else upon some particular hatred against this book, as still putting him in mind of his captivity, I do presume Sir, most humbly to beseech your Majesty to avow my doings, and to be my warrant in this that I have preferred the public commodity before the particular desire of the Lord of la Noüe, who although he be but a bad valewer of his own works, is nevertheless so affectionate a servant unto you, that he can no way mislike any thing that he shall find to like you: as also to the end that France receiving this book as it were at your hands, and adjoining the author's desert to your authority, may love and credit it the better. True it is that the over vehement minds shall not find these discourses to their appetities. For so far are they from favouring their passions, that in deed their only scope tendeth to the abolishing of the same. But all those that do in piety behold this poor state fallen from her ancient felicity: all those that mourn because France, which was wont to be the terror of the whole world, is now become a reproach to the same: all those that are weary of bathing their swords in the blood of their brethren, parents, and friends: To be brief, all good Frenchmen that be good servants to the King and his Crown, will take great delight when they shall see their good intents advanced forward with such holy and wise advices as they shall find in this book. For the author hereof hath not after the manner of some both ancient and late Philosophers wasted his time in forging an Idea of Utopian perfections: but hath only studied so to accommodate himself to our taste and disposition, and propounded his counsels with so evident a facility and profit, that if we profit not thereby, whether in public or private, we can blame none but our own stubborness and negligence. For in my opinion that man shall be over far out of taste of all good reading, that shall not in these discourses perceive a spirit free from all passions and partialities, dedicated wholly to the honour of God, the service of his King, and the peace of his Country. This is it that hath embouldened me to offer them unto you Sir, thinking that as well in consideration of their argument, as in respect of the great bonds wherein the author standeth your most bounden, they do by right appertain unto you. Not daring therefore to pass the strict prohibition whereby my insufficiency forbiddeth me to offer any thing of my own, I do most humbly desire your Majesty to receive them as some acknowledgement of my vowed service. And I beseech God Sir after so many deaths wherewith you have been beset even from your infancy, from which he hath preserved you, to grant unto you a long & most happy life in perfect peace and assured tranquillity, to the glory of his most blessed name, the honour of your Majesty, and the contentaiton of all good French men your faithful and affectionate servants. From Lausanna this first day of April. 1587. Your most humble, obedient, and faithful servant De Fresnes. ¶ The Argument and some of every several discourse herein contained. 1 THat the realm of France doth by little and little run into decay, and is near to a great overthrow, unless God of his goodness uphold it. Also, that as yet there be some remedies to raise it up again, in case they may be with speed accepted. Pag. 1. 2 That by Concord small things do increase, and by discord great things do decay. pag. 28. 3 Of the inconstancy whereby many do use to hate, condemn and detest their neighbours, because of their contrarieties in religion. pag. 45. 4 What means and proceed are most fit to use in the redress of an estate. pag. 53 5 That instruction or good bringing up are necessary for all young gentlemen. pag. 71 6 That the reading of the books of Amadis de Gaul and such like, is no less hurtful to youth then the works of Machiavelli to age. pag. 51 7 That our over small consideration of the good things that we have, and our over eager covetousness of the good things which we have not, do multiply our miseries. pag. 85 8 That the poverty of the French Nobility proceedeth not so much of the wars which have continued these five and thirty years, as of their own oversight in the misspending of their goods. pag. 101 9 That the Frenchmens great affection to foreign wars, is at this time more hurtful than profitable. pag. 115 10 Of three false opinions that mislead sundry of the Nobility. pag. 128 11 Whether there be any means so to reform the musters of France, as to reap any service of the same. pag. 145 12 Of the multiplying of private quarrels, with the abuses therein committed, which greatly want reformation. pag. 157 13 That his Majesty ought in time of peace to entertain at the least four regiments of footmen, reduced into the number of 2500. men, as well for the preservation of martial discipline, as to be always assured of a great body of old Soldiers. pag. 169 14 Of the French Legionaries. pag. 176 15 That the ancient manner of aranging the horse in hay or file is now to small use: also that it were necessary they should take the use of Squadrons. pag. 184 16 Of the use of comrades, which among the Spanish footmen are of great account. pag. 190 17 Of the rewards ordinarily bestowed upon the Spanish soldiers when they have done any notable piece of service, which they term their Advantages. pag. 194 Four military Paradoxes. 1 That a squadron of Reistres should beat a squadron of Spears. pag. 198 2 That 2500. Corcelets and 1500 Harquebuziers may more easily retire three French leagues in a plain field then 2000 Spears. pag. 203 3 That it is expedient for a Captain to have sustained an overthrow. pag. 210 4 That daily experience have taught such means to fortify Holds as are most profitable, in respect of the small charge thereof, and no less defensible than such stately ones as the Ingeniors have aforetime invented. pag. 215 19 That the continuation of the wicked proceed of the wars of these days do make a just cause to seem unjust. pag. 220 20 That a King of France is of himself mighty enough, though he neither covet nor seek other greatness than his own realm doth afford him. pag. 226 21 That alliances of Christian Princes with Mahumetistes, the capital enemies of the name of Christ, have evermore been unfortunate: also that we ought not to enter any firm confederacy with them. pag. 234 22 That the Christian Princes well united, are able in four years to expulse the Turks out of Europe. pag. 245 23 Of the Philosopher's stone. pag. 291 24 Against those that think that godliness depriveth man of all pleasures. pag. 312 25 That every man according to his capacity and vocation may use contemplation. pag. 334. Observations of divers things happened in the three first troubles of France, together with the true report of the most part of the same. The first Troubles. That the Protestants, but for the late accident at Vassie, had been prevented in the beginning of the first civil war. pag. 346 Whether the Lord Prince of Conde in the first troubles committed so great an oversight as many have given out, in that he seized not upon the Court or Paris. pag. 350 Of three things which I noted that happened afore the armies took the field: The one pleasant, the other artificial, and the third lamentable. pag. 352 Of the Prince of Condees promise somewhat rashly made to the Queen Mother that he would departed the Realm of France, and why it was not performed. pag. 357 By what occasion the war did first break forth between the two armies. pag. 362 Of the good discipline which for the space of two months only was observed among the Prince of Condees troops both of hotsemen and footmen: Also of the original of Picoree or Prowlinge. pag. 361 Of the reasons that moved the Prince of Condees army to break up after the taking of Boisgency: also how he converted that necessity into profit, and of the purposes of the King of Navarre. pag. 366. That but for the foreign aid that the Lord of Andelot brought in, the Protestants affairs had been but in bad case and many men's minds shrewdly daunted, as well through the taking of Bourges and Rouen, as for the overthrow of the Lord of Duras. pag. 372 Of the Prince of Condees purposes when he saw his foreign succour approach, and how he came before Paris, from whence after he had there sojourned eleven days and done nothing, he departed toward Normandy. pag. 375 Of six notable occurrences in the battle of Dreux. pag. 379 Of the siege by the Lord of Guise laid to Orleans: also of the Lord Admiral's journey into Normandy. pag. 384 The second Troubles. Of the causes of the taking of arms in the second troubles: also how the purposes whereupon the Protestants had built themselves proved vain. pag. 388 That the P. of Condees attempt of three things set a proud face upon the beginning of his enterprise, whereat the catholics were at the first astonished. pa 394 Of the most notable occurrences happened at the departure from S. Denis. p. 396 Of the voyages of both the armies toward Lorraine: but to several intents. p. 400 Of the return of the two armies toward Orleans & Paris: also of the course that the Prince of Conde took in victualling, marching and lodging of his men. pag. 403 Of the new forces out of sundry Provinces that met at Orleans, which invited the Prince of Conde to undertake the voyage to Chartres. pag. 406 The second peace concluded at Loniumeau. pag. 409 The third Troubles. Of the Protestants diligent retreat in the last troubles: also of the Lord of Martigues brave resolution when he came to Saumure. pag. 411 That the respite which his Majesty gave to the Prince of Conde, without sending any army against him was a means for him to prevail of a great Province, without the support whereof he could not have continued the war. p. 415 Of the first progress of both the armies, when being in their prime they sought with like desire to fight. pag 418 That both the armies endeavouring to overcome each other could not so much as come to battle: also that the sharpness of the wether parted them, almost destroying as well the one as the other in five days. pag. 425 Of the death of the Prince of Conde at Bassac. pag. 430 Of the notable passage of the D. of Bipont from the borders of Rhine even into Aquitaine. pag. 434. The siege of Poicters. pag. 438 Of the battle of Montcontour. pag. 442 That the siege of S. john d'Angely was the springing again of the Protestants. pag. 446 That the town of Rochel stood the Protestants in this war in no less stead than Orleans had done in the former. pag. 447 That in 9 months the Prince's army marched almost 300. leagues, compassing in manner the whole realm of France: also what success they had in this voyage. pag. 449. The causes of the third peace: The comparison thereof with the former: also whether the same were necessary. pag. 454. FINIS. THE POLITIC AND MILITARY DISCOURSES of the Lord De la Nouë. The first Discourse. That the realm of France doth by little and little run into decay, and is near to a great overthrow, unless God of his goodness uphold it. Also, that as yet there be some remedies to raise it up again in case they may be with speed accepted. THE minds of every man ought to In what considerations this discourse is necessary, and aught to be published. be firmly and steadfastly resolved that God is the author of all politic governments, which he hath established to the end that through good order all humane society may be preserved and maintained in piety and justice: also that it is he that upholdeth them in their beauty, force and dignity, until that upon man's contempt of his laws and corruption of their manners, he power forth his wrath upon them, whereof do ensue the subvertions and alterations of Monarchies and commonwealths. Those men therefore do much deceive themselves, who under the shadow of whatsoever mightiness or power, either else in consideration of their long continuance, do imagine that the same should make them perpetual: For they be matters which are neither sufficient, neither can plead prescription against the justice of the almighty, who limite●h the bounds of all estates which they cannot pass, when the time of correction is come: as by histories (the light of time and register of things passed) doth sufficiently appear. Yea, there be many worthy persons yet living which have seen the late beauty and eminency of France in the time of Frances the first and Henry the second, who would be sorry to be brought to conceive any evil opinion thereof, notwithstanding the multitude of disorders happened, either to confess that the foundations of the same are shaken: but it were their duties rather to mourn then to dispute and reply against so visible and sensible appearances of subversion. For the most part of the roots of this so great tree do lie bare and half withered: many of the branches are dead: few leaves do remain, and the fruit is grown almost wild. And to all this infirmity have time together with the late mishaps brought it. Their best therefore were to confess the truth, & to their powers to labour to maintain so much of it as is yet good & in strength and force. I know that the foretelling of the falls, which cannot be done without laying open the shame thereof, will seem but an unpleasant discourse to him that loveth and honoureth his country and nation. But seeing such perils do already astonish so many hearts; also that the causes which plunge us therein do appear in all men's eyes, were it not a great cowardliness in this urgent necessity to sit still and say nothing? True it is that many men through default of good intelligences do stand half amazed in the midst of all these miseries. And like as the insensible waters do run down the rivers until they fall into the Ocean wherein they be buried, even so those men by little and little rolling themselves into the present confusions which carry them away, being destitute of right understanding, do go forward, one after another until they fall headlong into the gulf of destruction. It is a profitable piece of work, when a house is on fire to show it to those that see it not: likewise to urge such as see it and fear it, to help to quench it: also to admonish other such as without any great consideration do peradventure kindle it, that they do not well: to be brief, to exhort every one to help the master of the house for the safeguard thereof, together with the preservation of his whole family. Sundry Philosophers in their writings have set down the causes of translations and alterations of estates, as Aristotle in his Politics, who likewise have touched the means how to preserve the same: wherein they have been so diligent and curious as to proceed even to the smallest causes, whereof whosoever would particularly discourse, had need of tongue enough. But because we are in greater necessity of the truth then of words, my counsel is that we go and draw it out of the true philosophy where we shall find it more lively painted forth then in any other doctrine whatsoever. The holy Scriptures do among other make mention of three notable vices which for the most part Three causes of the subversion of Commonwelthe. do concur and join together: and for the which God doth with open punishments and destructions overthrow commonwealths: namely, Impiety, Unjustice, and Dissolution, which a very learned parsonage of our time hath very well noted, whose opinion also being so well grounded I will both allow and follow. Impiety saith he, overthroweth the conscience: Unjustice either Impiety. public or particular, subverteth all policy and common society of mankind: Dissolution doth diversly trouble and spoil families, so that through the mixture of all these mischiefs, must horrible confusions do ensue. Needs must we confess (though with mourning and sorrow) that they all do so abundantly reign throughout this poor realm, that without the help of the divine bounty we are in danger of great shipwreck even at hand. It were not here amiss to speak somewhat of Religion, but I intent not so to do, but only to warn our nation to consider that notwithstanding the diversities thereof, yet they ought not to esteem one of another as of Turks. For seeing both parts do confess that they worship one self-same God: that they ad●owe one self-same jesus Christ to be their Saviour: and that the Scriptures and foundations of their faith be all one, there ought likewise to be such brotherhood & charity between them, that ceasing all hatred, cruelty and wars, they should grow to some reconciliation. Can we not be content with above 200000. men of war perished through the fury of these divisions? Was there ever more terrible Sacrifices than these? I think that all that have any taste of religion should be hereby induced to pacify themselves; as also that those whose felicity consisteth in revenge should now be glutted with so much blood as have been shed. But I will at this time speak only of three horrible vices, Atheism the first branch of Impiety. which are as it were the dependences of Impiety, and have infected all France. The first is Atheism, the second Swearing and Blasphemy, and the last, a pernicious use of Magic and sundry other kinds of Divinations and Sorceries. All and every whereof do dishonour and contemn Gods most holy name, and marvelously provoke him. Concerning Atheism it is no new vice, but of ancient continuance, yea it reigned in the time of King David as himself testifieth saying. There is no God as foolish men affirm in their mad mood, Psalm. 14. & 53. Their drifts are all corrupt & vain, not one of them doth good. It is a terror even to think that there should be any humane creatures, especially in these days wherein the light of the holy Scriptures doth shine so bright, that durst disaduowe their Creator: but it is no great marvel: for the same Scriptures do teach us that in the latter days there shall be many such people, whom, notwithstanding they do sufficiently bewray themselves, it were good nevertheless to see painted out in such sort as they are described in the wisdom of Solomon, who saith thus. The wicked have said within themselves. The days of our life are short Wisdom. 2. and full of heaviness, neither have there been any known to return from the dead: for we are borne of nothing, and hereafter we shall be as if we had never been, for our bodies shall be turned into ashes, and our souls scattered as the soft air, and in time our names shall be forgotten. Come therefore, let us take and enjoy the goods that are here, and use the creature lightly, as in our youth. Let us fill ourselves with precious wine and perfumes, and let not the flower of our time fade away. Let us crown ourselves with Roses before they be withered. Let there be no meadow which our intemperancy go not over, and everywhere let us leave the tokens of mirth, for that is our portion and our lot. Undoubtedly among all our corruptions nothing seemeth more prodigious than the lives of those that speak and live after that sort. For he whose soul is polluted with any heresy or superstition, yea even he that followeth the laws of the heathen, do yet seek salvation and bow his knees before some Godhead that he hath forged to himself: whereas contrariwise these men do flee from and contemn all, so brutish are their senses become. They had need to be pitied, for of all that do cast away themselves, they are the most castaways. If any man should ask who begat this generation, it were not much amiss to answer, that it have been our wars for religion, The original of Atheism in France. which have made us to forget all religion. Neither can either the one or the other say It is our adverse party that engendereth Atheists, for they meet on all sides. The duty of Kings is to suppress them, & every society ought also to purge itself, because there fall but small blessings upon those places where such venomous herbs do multiply. Of Swearing and blasphemy, the second branch of Impiety. As touching the second vice, Contempt of God engendereth it, and custom shapeth it. Yea it so happeneth that the most part of those that grow guilty thereof, do become so senseless that they think it to be but a slight fault. Our good Kings in times past, as S. jews and others did make decrees for the suppressing thereof, notwithstanding I suppose that in those days none but a few unthrifts used much swearing. Afterward this plague took hold of the Gentry, especially of the Soldiers, who (as it is said) in their late journeys brought the great oaths out of Italy, but within these forty years, the ●lood hath so overflowed and daily increased, that now the little children of seven or eight years of age have skill enough to abuse the name of God; yea even the peasants who live farthest from the Court and Cities, where corruptions do dwell, (following the common course) can curse the heavens as well as the Soldiers, who above all other do bear away the bell for this iniquity. To be brief. Turn us which way we will, we still hear nothing but blasphemy and forswearing of God. Thus do we see that evil example with want of correction hath bred perseverance in this detestable vice. Never did any ancient Historiographer write that it was (any thing near) so common in any age as it is at this day. If we consider the jewish nation, we shall find them but smally tainted therewith, for whosoever among them did blaspheme, he was stoned to death. The Heathen did but seldom swear, and held their oaths in great reverence. The Saracens which embraced Mahomet's law, durst not transgress herein for fear of God's punishment; and even to this day the Turks that succeeded them do abstain from blasphemy. Surely all these nations shall in the last day rise against us Christians, and especially against us Frenchmen, who endued with more knowledge than those blind people, do offend ten times more than they. If a man be attainted of treazon against his worldly Prince, every one will cry out, he is worthy punishment, but unto him that blasphemeth and teareth in pieces the name of God (which is treazon against his heavenly King) no man upon earth saith one word, notwithstanding it be written that such a one shall not be holden guiltless. Some worldly wise man may come forth and say, that although Answer to those that think it not meet so fore to insist upon punishment of swearing and blasphemy. this error be chastizeable, yet it is none of those that procure the loss of estates; also that in case we could find means to redress the other abuses of France, this might afterward be well enough provided for. In my opinion those wise men do resemble such as because they have many books, and have seen their closures and red their titles, do ween themselves to be learned: for they looking superficially only into the causes do never consider that the principal things that bring misery and disorders into whole Countries, are such offences as are committed directly against God: notwithstanding, they see that where the Magistrates do look that his holy name be had in reverence, the commonwealths do flourish and abound in all wealth: but if they show themselves negligent therein, the scourge shall never departed from their house: neither shall it stand them in any stead to say: I will for my part rule my tongue well enough: for they be ordained, not for themselves only, but also for the instruction and correction of others. Did they never read that which is written in the 3. book of Moses? Whosoever curseth his God, shall levit. 24. bear the pain of his own sin, and the blasphemer of the Lords name shall die the death: the whole congregation of the people shall stone him, whether he be a citizen or a stranger. These are his words that maketh the foundations of the earth to tremble, the Sea to run back, and that shooteth forth his most fearful thunderbolts against the proudest Cities. Let them therefore do all that they can and employ their whole power to banish this evil, least by supporting it they make themselves guilty thereof. The third vice that dependeth upon Impiety is not so general Of Magic and sundry sorts of Divinations, the 3. branch of Impiety. or evident as the former, notwithstanding it be as abominable in the sight of God. For when the unlawful means of Divinations and Magic arts have alienated man from God, they plunge him in inevitable destruction. Herein doth the devil use two kinds of snares. By Witchcrafts which is the grosser sort, he doth ordinarily draw unto him the rude and simply malicious persons, who either for the satisfying of their desired revenges, or for the attaining unto other purposes, do so suffer themselves to be seduced by him that they grow to acknowledge and confederate themselves with him. He doth often show himself unto many in sundry shapes, as experience teacheth by the confessions, proceedings and judgements given against them: and let such as doubt hereof read the writings of Bodin against them, wherein they shall see what horrible mischiefs and villainies against both God and man those miserable creatures do commit; which after they have renounced their Creator do submit themselves to him; who laughing them to scorn do draw them into everlasting destruction. The same Author reporteth that their Captain being taken in the time of Charles the 9 confessed that in France there were above thirty thousand Sorcerers. It is horrible to see so voluntary a protestation to the irreconsiliable enemy of God and man: but when malice aboundeth, there is nothing whereto it will not join. Such as are more spiritually wise and have in them some seeds of piety, must have other policies that may bear some fairer show to bring them into these paths of perdition: for if any man should at the first show them the dishonour that they commit against God, it may be they would refrain themselves: but as the sleights of the devil are marvelous, so doth he draw them on by fairer pretences, until they find themselves so snared that they cannot escape. The cause of these men's mishap consisteth in their corrupted affections, which drive them by unlawful and damnable ways to seek their accomplishment. One would know what success he should have in some great enterprise: another how he might eschew some evident danger: The covetous and ambitious man must know how to attain to his desires: he that hateth and seeketh to do harm, the like: One seeks to lengthen his life, another to shun death: This man desireth to know the issue of the war: that man whether the estate may be preserved: with infinite other such things as man's imagination can conceive. To be brief, man's vanity hath of vanity itself made Oracles wherewith to satisfy his curious frowardness: hereof are sprung up so many kinds of Magic, Enchantments, Witchcrafts and Infinite sorts of Magic. Sorceries, that we say that there is nothing in heaven, in earth, neither under the earth which the man that is plunged in this error doth not use, in hope to find some instruction or ease: although ordinarily he is frustrate of his expectation, because therein he can meet with nothing but falsehood and deceit. And what else is to be looked for out of the instructions of the devil, considering The decree of God against such. that himself is a liar and deceiver: But that we may the better know how these abuses are to be rejected, let us hear what Moses saith. When thou shalt, saith he, be entered into the Deut. 18. land which the Lord thy God shall give thee, beware that thou follow not the abominations of those people, neither shall there be found in thee any person that shall pass his son or daughter through fire, or that shall inquire at the Soothsayer, or that shall observe dreams, or the singing of birds, neither shall there be any Sorcerer or Enchanter, or any that shall seek counsel at familiar spirits, or that shall ask the truth at the dead: for all these things be abomination to the Lord, and for such abominations will the Lord drive them out before thee. This was no law devised by any Lawyer, but an express inhibition of almighty God, wherein we may note three things. First, that these impieties be the inventions of such as have forsaken God. Secondly, that he detesteth them especially above all other offences: and thirdly, that he doth grievously chastise them with most terrible punishments. But in our days if any man covet to see where these accursed vanities are practised, let him go to the Courts, where he shall find some Where Magic and her train do sojourn. of all sorts and callings that are not only affectionate thereto, but do even run mad after Soothsayers, as they did after one Nostrodamus and others, whose lies were received for truth. Thence let him walk all over France, and he shall find that among the Nobility, Clergy, and men of law, there be many secret disciples of this profession, of whom I suppose some do not think to do so much mischief as they do, and yet in these cases the least transgressions are reputed most heinous sins, as witnesseth the holy Scripture, which to the end to aggravate the heinousness of any offence doth say that it is as the sin of the Soothsayers. And undoubtedly the increase and toleration of such abominations, is one of the most evident tokens of the subversion of any Commonwealth: wherefore it is requisite that every one that is polluted with this or the rest do cleanse themselves: For it is a hard matter for him to be a good Citizen of France, that for so wicked a cause doth voluntarily banish himself out of the holy City of God. Now must we speak of Unjustice, which is a public and Injustice, the second cause of the destruction of commonwealths. particular oppression used by such as be in authority or mighty over the poor and weak, who also through their pride, covetousness and wealth do practise all violence, deceit and extremity against the simple. These disorders have been so long continued against the poor, that now it is openly said that they are no longer shorn, but even slain with a thousand extraordinary oppressions and new impostes heretofore unknown, in such sort that the coin now wrested from them is watered with tears and accompanied with most sorrowful complaints. And notwithstanding whatsoever knowledge that men have of God's final succour to the oppressed, either that he doth chastise their oppressors, yet will they not cease therefrom, but still continuing the same course, they do day by day proceed to augment the miseries of others, until they bring them to such a pass as themselves do tremble thereat. Thus have we proceeded from year to year in so woeful an estate, that without speedy remedy France must grow half desert. Then if we mark the men of law which are ordained to minister justice to every man, we shall see a many of them help themselves with this holy virtue, to entrap the wealth of those that either through folly or need have entangled themselves in the most subtle nets of pleading, neither can any man express the extortion that under such colour is committed. Moreover, there runneth a great rumour of some governors of Towns and Castles, and peradventure of whole Provinces, who to the end to maintain their pomp and fill their coffers, do use new laws to the detriment both of the King and Commons: as if the purpose of offices tended either to make an outward show, or to glut them with wealth, and not rather to make their virtues to shine in such functions both to the relief of many & to their masters honour. But if there be any behaviour that may be termed rage, it is the behaviour of the men of war, who are so far out of square, that having abandoned all humanity, they make no less havoc in their own country, then in the enemy's land where all is made a prey unto them: in such wise that the foreign wars of France for these eighty years have not wasted so much, as the soldiers robbery have done since these civil wars began. Yea, and there be some gentlemen who as I think do imagine that the true tokens of Nobility do consist in making themselves to be feared, and in beating & presumptuously taking from their subjects any thing that may be commodious unto themselves, as if they were their slaves. The great cities, what do they but encroach to themselves all the commodities that they may: thunder forth their privileges, & lay all the burden & charges upon the poor country people, who being besides pinched by the subtlety of the receivers, it is a marvel whereupon they live and find themselves. To be brief, if we look generally into the particular dealings of each one toward other, we shall find plenty of fraud and violence, as if a man were brought into the world only to hurt his like. Well, let that which is spoken suffice to teach us that unjustice draweth near to her full period: For there is as little care of oppressing the Poor, the Widow, and the Orphan, as there is fear of the threats written against such as commit it. And yet we must think that when oppression is grown universal and continual, then God hasteneth his judgements to destroy us, because we will not amend when we are instructed and taught, and that doth the Prophet well show when he saith. The Lord shall enter into judgement with the ancients of his people, and with their Princes, Esay. 3. for ye have wasted the vine, and the spoil of the poor is in your houses. Why do you oppress my people, and bruise the face of the poor, saith the Lord of hosts. This decree might be a sufficient warning to the oppressors, if they were as easy to be taught, as peradventure they be incorrigible. The third vice afore mentioned, is dissolution, under which term I do comprehend Adultery, Pomp, Pride, Gluttony Excess the third cause of subversion of commonwealths. Two fountains of excess. and Drunkenness. Which to those that delight in worldly prosperity, are marvelous pleasant imperfections. And although in our age, nature is much inclined to riot and vanity, yet may we say that the evil example given in most eminent places, together with impunity, have been great helps to increase this mischief, which taketh the surer root when it is practised and borne out by the mighty. Now, among the vices above mentioned, Adultery hath the pre-eminence. And besides that it corrupteth The kinds thereof. Adultery. the body and polluteth the soul, it is ordinarily accompanied with sickness, prodigality, murder, and other inconveniences that draw on each other. In all places they are so addicted thereto, that they care no more for concealing of it, as in time past when honesty held them in some shame. In these days they seek only to cover the filthiness thereof with beautiful titles or pleasant answers, yea they go further in some, even notable places. For they account this vice as a necessary spur, wherewith when one is pricked and can guide himself cunningly, or attain to any worthy price that he hath desired, he is exalted: he is envied: he is said to have a good capacity and quick understanding. After this sort do they make black white, attributing pureness to that which is filthy and foul. Youth which is easily catched with these baits, helped by custom, and not restrained by laws, doth more and more stir up their appetites hereto, and having once taken so bad a train, the state of manhood and age do nourish rather than abolish it. This vice doth naturally resemble the Cancre which by little and little gnaweth the flesh: for if once it begin to take hold of any, it so increaseth the corruption of his affections, that it is afterward a hard matter to purge him again. God for such like iniquities in old time rooted out whole nations from before his face, as well to show that he abhorreth them, as also to teach Magistrates not to leave them unpunished. Concerning Pomp and Superfluity, the root thereof springeth The pomps & superfluities of the Court, Commons, Gentry and women. in the Court, where vanity doth so abound, that those persons which will be any thing accounted of, must transform themselves into sundry fashions and colours. For the outward show of things are in such estimation, that many times men judge of the person by his apparel; so as it seemeth we would say, that the chiefest perfections are hidden under the costliest garments. Kings & Princes did not so soon change their ancient ordinary simplicity into Italian glister bravery, but their subjects immediately imitated them, yea and some endeavoured to exceed them: and this mischief hath stooped so low that pomp and pride appeareth even in the mean citizens of simple towns. Herewith hath the Nobility especially empourished herself so sore, that she can no longer so maintain herself to do the King any such service as in time past. Neither do women for their parts forbear these superfluities: for weening with outward ornaments to breed themselves more beauty, commendation and honour, they have not since been so careful to adorn themselves with the beautiful gifts of virtue which do far exceed the others. At the tail of all these vanities cometh Pride, which although Pride. it be borne with man, doth nevertheless whet itself and increase with their smoke: or rather according to the opinion of others, engendereth them. But howsoever it is, the one still agreeth with the other: so that of this unreasonable presumption or overweening of themselves groweth the contempt of others, and thence come injuries, quarrels and manifold murders. another branch of Dissolution is table excess and great Table excess and great furniture. furniture, wherein many do suffer themselves to be willingly led away, as taking this path which is so full of intemperance to be the only means to live in pleasure and fame. All which bad customs do particularly corrupt and spoil whole families, and being mixed with public errors do make the disease of the universal body more incurable. Do we then think that God will long suffer these corruptions which are to him so odious? It is not like: but rather are we to fear least the judgement coming so slowly will be the more grievous. How many kingdoms, where they have attained the fullness of all vice, have been overrun and given in prey to strangers? The histories do verify it, and the multitude of examples might terrify those who having power to repress the mischief (at the least in part) do suffer it to increase every where. Thus may we see some of the most manifest mischiefs that have and still do infect France, briefly set down according to the A conclusion gathered of the former speeches viz. that France is in manifest peril in that the causes of the subversion of commonwealths do in so many sorts bear rule therein. Tokens of God's wrath. Two observations meet for the curious. purposed order, which are sufficient to make all men think (except the corrupt or senseless) her danger to be most evident, considering how sore the foundations of Piety and justice, which should uphold her, are decayed & shaken. The sins afore mentioned are the true causes that prepare to put her to a great jump. Neither want we other signs and foretellings, which threatening us, do warn us to endeavour to turn away the wrath of God from us. Already have appeared horrible Comets and other strange sights in the air, Earthquakes, the bringing forth of Monsters and fearful voices, which have been felt, heard and seen, and being so prodigious, aught to terrify us. But if the curious do for their satisfying crave more curious and vain observations, myself will allege them twain that I have observed in a certain man's writings. The first, that we are now under the Climacterical reign of the Kings of France, namely the sixty and three, which noteth unto us some alteration to be made. The second, that all the rooms made in the Palace of Paris to place the pictures of our Kings, which some do imagine to have been fatally so builded, are now full. But to leave them to descant upon these vanities, I will speak Of the Period of Commenwelths. of another forewarning more to be considered, which the Prophet Daniel maketh mention of: viz. of the common period, which in some men's judgement, he attributeth to all estates, and is unto them as it were a limit that they cannot pass. At the least we see within that time wonderful alterations. And it is comprehended within the compass of 500 years. Which experience hath sufficiently verified in divers, especially in the ancient people of the jews, as jasper Peucer hath diligently noted. Bodin likewise in his Commonwealth, following the opinion of Plato, hath noted that the number of 494. which he termeth perfect, and is meant of years, is a term which few commonwealths do escape without encurring most dangerous alterations. Lib. 1. Divinat. cap. 7. & lib. 4. cap. 2. Now, if we will apply this to ourselves, and count how long it was between the time that this Realm came to be settled and assured in the family of Hugh Capet the author of the second change (which happened under Henry the first his graundchild, who died in the year 1060.) and the death of Henry the second, in whose reign many great corruptions, as well in manners as policy, were conceived, which afterward were brought forth with incredible increase, we shall find five hundred years fully complete. But the changes of most excellent virtues into most infamous vices are most dangerous, because other do still follow on which breed destruction without remedy. Yet must we not say but this term is sometime far overpassed (which proceedeth of God's great goodness) as we may now see in our Realm, that have persevered in form royal above 1100. years. As also that sometimes God in his wrath doth shorten it because of men's horrible sins. And although the knowledge of the time be to them a secret article which God hath reserved to himself, yet the consideration of so many as well weighty, as trifling matters concurring to one self end, aught to drive us to think upon his judgements. But much more should we be thereto induced, in that we see the prophecy of Moses daily draw to performance against us. And yet notwithstanding our so many experiences and sufferings we cannot become wise. These be his words. If thou wilt not obey the voice of the Lord God's sentence concerning the periods and revolutions of public and private estates. Deut. 28. thy God to keep and do all his commandments, all these curses shall light upon thee. Thou shalt be cursed in the City and in the field: the Lord shall send thee hunger and scarcity▪ and the plague shall take hold of thee until it hath consumed thee from the face of the earth. The heaven that is over thy head shall be of brass, & the earth under thy foot of Iron: the vermin and the rust shall consume all the trees and fruits of thy earth. The stranger that is within thee shall get over thee and be the highest, and thou shalt stoop and be under him: he shall lend to thee upon usury, and thou shalt not be able to lend to him. The Lord shall cast thee down before thy enemies, and thou shalt get from them by a contrary way, and thou shalt flee through the hedge. A nation that is far from thee shall rise against thee whose language thou shalt not understand: an impudent people which shall not honour the older, neither have compassion of the infant. The same shall devour the fruit of thy cattle, and the fruit of thy field, & shall leave thee no remainder of thy Corn, Wine, or Oil, neither of the flocks of thy sheep until it hath destroyed all. To be brief, thou shalt serve thy enemy whom thy Lord shall send thee in hunger and thirst, in nakedness and want, who shall put a collar of Iron about thy neck until he hath wholly rooted thee out. These be part of the threatenings denounced against those that harden themselves in wickedness, whereof we do already so feel the effects, that there want no more but the last wounds to fulfil our utter oppression. And sith God's word hath proved so true in this bitter correction, let us fear lest it so do likewise in our destruction. I suppose there be some Courtiers, who being but smally Objections against the maxim taken from Moses. satisfied by my speeches, will rather scorn me, because I endeavour to decide matters of estate with Theological principles, and would better like that I should have propounded some out of Polybius, Plutarch and Xenophon, to the end by them to have judged of the casualties of Kingdoms: and willingly I would have leaned to their opinions: but to the end not to be deceived Answer. I have thought this way that I have taken to be the better▪ For notwithstanding man's wisdom (which nevertheless is given from above) doth shine in profane books, yet is it very vain in respect of the heavenly wisdom that appeareth in the holy Scriptures. Howbeit, to the end the better to satisfy The Maxims of Philosophers concerning the alterations of Commonwelths. every one, I will somewhat touch the opinions of these great persons concerning the matter now discoursed upon. The matters, say they, namely Aristotle, which breed innovation, alteration or destruction, especially in Monarchies, are these, when there happen debate between brethren or mighty men of the Realm: when the Princes are under age or in contempt: when the Magistrates do rob the common people: when wicked and unworthy persons are put in office and the good rejected: when the superiors do oppress their inferiors with grievous injuries: and the tributes laid on the people's necks are insupportable: when Princes through their dishonest actions do become contemptible to their subjects: when justice is so cowardly and corrupt that impunity of vice beareth sway: when we see an unproportionable increase in one member of the estate▪ when dignities and offices are set to sale: when poverty is so v●ersall that not only the private are poor, but the common is poorer: when martial discipline is neglected: when concord quaileth among Citizens and manners are utterly depraved: when laws are out of force and that the Prince is ruled by wicked or ignorant counsellors: and when foreigners are in greater favour and authority than the natural borne subjects. These are in part the causes by them noted, which breed sundry alterations in estates and bring them to nought. All which things The application of these principles to the consideration of the state of France may easily be seen to concur in ours, and thereby may we judge of the sickness thereof. But albeit we are not altogether to contemn the Philosopher's opinions, yet must we rather cleave to those of the Scriptures, which search out the original causes in man's transgressions: For GOD detesting the same doth withdraw his favour and protection from whole Realms, and then spring up confusions. Whether therefore we look into the first causes, or into those that ensue, we shall in all be sure to find matter and tokens of destruction. How is it then that we fear not ours, when all judgements both divine and humane do foretell it? Howbeit, in as much as there is no disease so great, but the sick person may conceive some hope of recovery, we are not altogether to despair, but diligently to search among both ordinary and extraordinary, divine and humane remedies, for such as may be most profitable for our restoration. And of those will we speak in the end, after we have first laid open such dissipations as oftentimes happen unto the mightiest Monarchies. Some there are that notwithstanding they know there be another objection of theirs that think that we ought either very gently or not at all to touch the wounds of an estate, namely of our own country. Two springs of great desolation in an estate. great dissipations, yet do they make them but small, especially when they apply them to their own country, as well in respect of their charity thereto, as also because they be loath to be the reporters of so many mischiefs. In such affairs as this, we must not flatter neither ourselves, nor other men, but freely declare what passed experience doth show. Among many desolations happening to an estate ready to fall, the two worst are these. The first, when one mighty nation, or many, being of divers dispositions and language do come to usurp, and bring into bondage: then is it not to be demanded how many miseries the subdued must endure. The other, when a Kingdom renteth itself in many péeoes, and that the quickest or strongest do seize each upon his own portion, which they govern in divers manner, and for the maintenance of themselves do lean to strangers: then likewise ensueth a great overthrow of all things, and the calamities do long endure. Of these two only will I now discourse, as being those which A discourse upon the first cause or original of the desolation of an estate. threaten us and are the worst, neither is it to any purpose to reply that France cannot incur these inconveniences: For sith so many and so detestable mischiefs, together with so many and so divers partialities have set in foot, we must imagine them (without speedy remedy) to be the open ga●es unto new masters. If we do thoroughly mark the accidents happened in sundry estates, we shall find that many have decayed when civil dissension hath so beaten them down that they have not been able to defend themselves against strangers. The kingdom of juda A confirmation gathered in the considerations of the subvertions of many mighty Monarchies, as of the jews, Romans, Grecians and Hungarians. being mighty and flourishing under David and Solomon, and divided under Roboam, it followed that the Kings of Israel and juda held almost continual wars against each other, and so weakened themselves, even in good manners, that the Assyrians led them into captivity. Soon after that the Roman Empire was divided in itself, the seat transported to Constantinople, & that vice augmenting, the virtue of Princes decayed, the Northern nations rose up and rend it in sundry pieces, neither is it possible to rehearse the calamities of them that lived in those days. In the kingdom of Hungary which in times past hath been so flourishing and mighty, when those that should succeed strove who could carry it away, the Turk stepped in between them and became Lord of the greatest part thereof. And although the Turks conquests are extraordinary destructions, yet must we in these examples note Gods punishments, with the causes that bring them in, thereby to take warning that unless we prevent them there will be no want of such as shall put them in execution: Yea, which shall come and bereave us of our liberty, life, and land. And who doubteth not that many nations The second confirmation taken of the affections of the nations our neighbours. our neighbours do but lie in wait for such occasion▪ Is not the Spaniard, who seeketh to force all men to stoop under his sceptre and contemneth the French, mighty enough to bring us under? Will the germans that distain us, be slow to such a booty? How suddenly will the Italians that behold us, be ready to catch whatsoever may fit them? The English calling to mind their ancient losses, may then have their remedy: yea the Scots and Suitzers which now bewail us, may peradventure seek to pluck away each of them some one small feather. Finally, the Flemings that did love us, whose hate we have perforce procured, how joyfully will they skip in our necks? I take him to be very senseless that doth not fear it. But some man will say that it is an easy matter in words and Objection against that which is afore said. Answer. writing to raise up many nations, which nevertheless we seldom see in effect come to pass. Hereto I answer that whensoever God is determined to thunder upon the sins of men, he doth much sooner stir up those whom he pleaseth to use as ministers of his vengeance. And in case the report of histories be true, with what celerity I pray you did the Goths, Huns, alan's, Francons, Burguignions' and Wandales fall upon Italy, Gaul, Spain & Africa? Such was their fury and speed, that in short space they subdued and wasted all those great Provinces. The like also did the Saracens two hundred years after in the conquest of Spain. Have not we also had trial in France during the English wars that that only nation (which in deed by inheritance at that time possessed almost the third part thereof) brought it into so miserable estate that they were like to have been masters of all? Let us then fear least that which hath already happened to others, do fall upon us, considering that our iniquities are so ready to the harvest. Concerning the dismembering of an estate by the self nation, Discourse upon the second cause of the desolation of a commonwealth. Histories which verify this discourse. among whom many times the stranger hath his share, it is no less a kind of miserable destruction than the former. This did the Empire of Constantinople find soon after that Baldwine Earl of Flanders was made Emperor: For than did Alexis Comnene (as Carrion reporteth) erect the Empire of Trebizond. Thessaly shaking off the yoke of Michael Angel yielded to the Paleologues. Achaia, Attica, Peloponessus, Aetolia, Caramania and Epirus had their several governors, whom they often changed according to the sundry events of wars and sedition. Especially Attica, Achaia and Peloponessus were governed sometimes by the Grecians, sometimes by the Sicilians and Florentines, sometime by the Genoese & Venetians, even as the hazard of war favoured: notwithstanding most of them made there no long abode. The Bulgarians, Ruscians and servians had their Despottoes, who being sometimes friends and confederates with the Emperors of Constantinople and by and by again enemies, did with continual roads wast Thracia and Macedonia. These confusions did deserve the name of théeveries rather than of wars, because both the ground of them was unjust, and the practices wherewith they holp themselves most wicked. For they sought all means to rent and tear the Empire in pieces, whereby the Emperor of the Turks had opportunity to seize upon Constantinople and the other Provinces. The same author in an other place saith thus. I will likewise rehearse the calamities that oppressed almost all Italy, as a punishment for the sins that therein rained: which happened during the mortal divisions between the Emperors and the Popes, when the names of Guelph and Gibeline were the marks of each faction. For so many mischiefs were there then committed, so much blood shed, so manytownes destroyed, and whole Countries laid waste, that whosoever shall read the histories thereof cannot but marvel. Then did there spring up many petty Tyrants in most towns, acknowledging no superior, but leaning some to the Popes and some to the Emperors, exercising all cruelties against both friends and foes, until that Italy, rather wearied then satisfied with so many miseries, did after a long time take an other course. I will also repeat one domestical example, namely the division between the houses of Another history which more nearly toucheth France, set down at large in the French Anales. Burgundy and Orleans, which was so sharp as it induced the English wars, which brought France to so low an ebb that it was almost utterly destroyed, yea it had dismembered the state into sundry morsels, if God's great goodness had not helped. In the mean time for the space of forty or fifty years it was made a prey: every one seeking either to keep himself, or to increase his own power, either else to destroy his enemy. All public force, mightiness or justice whereto men might have recourse, being utterly extinguished. To be brief, it was a Country abandoned to every one that could catch any part thereof, all which miseries do warn us that we may yet happen to try them once more. For strangers may see so good sport that they may fall upon us again. But it is far more likely that our estate should incur the other The extreme misery of France, if once it come to dismember itself. dismembering whereof I have spoken. And the reason is, because the French, being by nature fierce, and hating foreign bondage, will rather become subject to itself, and so of this one great body make many pieces. For the assurance whereof, the usurpers would put themselves into the protection of such of their neighbours as could most commodiously maintain them, and withal were most conformable to the opinions that they shall have embraced. When I do more nearly consider this, I find no condition so miserable, disordered, and confused as ours: which being such would bury all justice, lawful authority, respect, fear, good manners and concord, and to the contrary increase all malapertness, ambition, treachery, violence, Impiety, guile and sedition: And who could delight to live among such storms, unless it were some barbarous minded person? Among all these alterations I imagine some Prince to seize upon some one Province: some Lord upon some Towns: some head Cities to convert their Parliaments into Aristocratyes of some of their noblest and principal Citizens: and others to grow into commonwealths. Among the Nobility also other sorts of governments Oligarchiall or monarchial. One would become a prince over his own Castles, an other a Tyrant over other men's. One quarter of the Country would grow into Cantons, an other commit itself to some warlike captain, as for those that should at such a time find themselves seized of the strong holds of the greater Towns, think whether they would have any part herein: All which diversities of governments, humours and qualities of men must needs bring in mortal war and dissension, which would not be ended while we and our children were consumed. Of these my speeches some man might imagine that I presuppose Whether the Realm could subsist though such partialities should dismember it. that the royalty should then be as it were made void: because that so long as that remaineth in authority the aforesaid confusions can no way come near us. Truly myself would be as loath as any man that the same should be so much as contemned: For sith we have lived 1100. years under that government, it were our parts to reverence it, as a lawful power ordained by God, whereto whosoever doth not voluntarily yield obedience, the same is guilty before him. Besides that we are to think no other government more meet to guide the French then that. But because the matter whereof I entreat do lead me from bad causes to those worse effects that ensue, it hath also caused me to set down such things as might happen, to the end that imprinting in us some fear, we should endeavour so to behave ourselves as they might not come to pass. But if we still persever any time in our imperfections and disorders, let us not doubt but God will take away his good Angel from France, whereby we shall see the royal dignity disobeyed, and in small favour with the subjects, and the same likewise exempt of all love and humanity toward them, which will be the accomplishment of the desolations aforesaid. For the eschewing of which inconveniences, we ought most zealously to pray to God long to continue our King, and in him to increase all true Piety, Justice, wisdom, and affability, granting us likewise to be as affectionate toward him as were the Romans to the good emperors trajan and Titus: for if the Realm should fall unto children, especially now that the laws are out of force, Magistrates contemned, manners corrupt, hatred and ambition excessive, it must needs be in great danger. Now let us proceed to the remedies, and see whether there The last part of this discourse which entreateth of the remedies. be any so sufficient as to warrant us from destruction. In my opinion there be some, if we can find the way to take hold of them in tyme. For in this tempest wherein we are tossed we must not shrink up our shoulders and say, All is lost, but we are valiantly to help one another. But to what remedies shall we have recourse? To Philosopher's rules? Or to passed experience of such means as have served to underprop this Realm when it hath been shaken? Either else to the politic counsels of the wise that now living do know our griefs? For that were the way that wisdom would teach. Hereto I answer that we may reap The first and principal point. profit out of all, but it is necessary that we begin further of. In as much as we see that for our transgressions God hath withdrawn his favour from us, it is requisite that we appease him to the end he may return us it again, otherwise all humane remedies are in vain: for what power, wisdom, or counsel is there that can alter any thing that he hath decreed against us? In the holy Scriptures we have a notable example of his mercy toward the Ninivites that were heathen people: for when his Example. wrath was kindled against them, and he had by the Prophet jonas, to the end to terrify them, pronounced the sentence of their jonas. 3. destruction, they were so touched to the quick that their King and all the people having fasted, wept and prayed, and turned from their wicked way; he withdrew his plagues, which already hung over their heads, & took them to mercy. How often did the jews feel his wonderful compassions, when for their wickedness and Another example. transgressions his scourges even light upon them? When they and their Kings through true repentance turned unto him, he took pity of them & converted their pitiful estate into prosperity. Whereof it followeth, that our sovereign and only means to avoid these calamities that do now assail and threaten us, is to imitate those whom I have named. For as it is one great comfort, when a man knoweth that his grief is not altogether incurable, and that there be means to heal him, much more doth it increase when he finddeth the same to be easy. The same is in us, and consisteth in knowledge, will, and execution, whereof every one through holy persuasions and example of the greatest, may be made capable: For when men shall see first the King, and then the Princes and such as are in authority either Civil or Ecclesiastical, in earnest and without hypocrisy to make show as well generally as particularly that to God only we ought to have recourse, and withal effectually to declare a hatred of vice & love of virtue, embracing the politic union and eschewing discord, undoubtedly the inferiors will study to do the like. But what will the Catholics say: Objection against the former remedy. Do not we what we can to appease the wrath of God with solemn Processions, Pilgrimages, Fastings, Prayers and Offerings? And the like may the Protestants say concerning their Prayers, Meditations, Abstinences, and singing of Psalms and Hymns, wherewith they also endeavour to appease him. Undoubtedly we must bring more than the outward show unto God, who Answer being the searcher of the hearts doth see the cleanness or uncleanness therein contained. But let us hear the Prophet Esay and he will teach us how we ought to guide ourselves, in giving to us the same admonition that he gave to the people of Israel. Mark the words of the Lord by his mouth. My soul, saith he, hateh your Esay. 〈◊〉 solemn feasts and sacrifices. When you shall lift up your hands I will turn my eyes from you: and when you shall multiply your prayers, I will not hear you, for your hands are full of blood. Wash you and be clean, take away the corruption of your thoughts out of my sight. Cease from doing evil and learn to do good, seek judgement, help him that is oppressed, do right to the fatherless, and defend the cause of the widow. Then come unto me saith the Lord. Though your sins be as red as scarlet yet will I make them as white as snow. Hereby it appeareth that we must come sincerely unto God and amend our lives in deed, if we will obtain his blessings; for to seek to satisfy him with dissembling shows, is the way to displease and provoke him. It may be there are some that will say, that to propound rules The second consideration of the first remedy afore mentioned, with an answer to those that call it a Paradox. of divinity for the re-establishing of commonwealths, is no more but to set down Paradoxes: but those men in my opinion are far deceived. For as justice, Wisdom, Fortitude, and Temperance are the strong pillars that uphold the state, so must we think that Piety is the foot and foundation of them all: for if they be not fixed in this most worthy virtue, they cannot but shake, because it is necessary to begin the work with such a foundation. Greater reason, than they, have I to say that it is no Paradox, but rather a wonder that now in France there be so many that contemn those things which stir up to integrity of life and reverence to God. At the least I am assured that there are many good men as well of the one side as of the other, which even long after the re-establishment of good order and the preservation of the estate, and will not reject my opinion. Leaving therefore unto those that have far more learning, cunning, and experience then myself, the propounding of more excellent matter that may serve to so good an end, & contributing to this work only so much as I may, according to my small capacity; and through my conceived fear lest we should fall into such dangers as threaten us, I seek in time to lay them open: because it is much easier to prevent such mischiefs as have been foreseen, than those that happen unlooked for. Having thus discoursed upon the first and most healthsome remedy, Discourse upon other necessary remedies. I will proceed to speak of the rest which also are necessary, and whereof the Philosophers have made mention. Aristotle who had as good judgement in policies as any other whosoever, doth generally say that if we can find by what means estates are corrupted and decayed, we shall also know the means whereby they may be cleansed and preserved. Considering that of contrary causes do proceed contrary effects, also that corruption is contrary to conservation. Hereby may the simplest easily know how to put this rule in practice. As for example: If the sale of judicial Reformation of sundry abuses propounded as it were by the way. offices doth breed the sale and perverting of justice, then ought we to forbear selling of them, and so to give them freely to good men. If pomp, superfluous expenses, and unreasonable gifts have for their maintenance enforced Princes to lay intolerable and unsupportable tributes upon their subjects, then must they moderate their affections, to the end oppressions may cease. If impunity of vice doth multiply and increase it, then must correction diminish it. Even so is it in many other causes. Howbeit Aristotle to the end the better to lay open this matter, propoundeth yet other means. As, that nothing be done contrary to law and custom, especially that mischiefs, how small soever, be prevented in the beginning. That those that be put in public authority do behave themselves modestly, as well toward them that bear no sway in the Commonwealth, as to them that do: in doing no injury unto any, but living peaceably among the rest. That those upon whom the safety of the Commonwealth do depend do continually watch and stand upon their guard, and many times give cause of fear, to the end the Citizens may be the more ready and intentive to do whatsoever is meet for public safety. To beware that there happen no contention or debate between the mighty, also that others which are no partakers be prevented before they meddle. That by the laws there be order taken that no man wax too mighty. And that private persons frame their lives to that form of government whereto they be subject. Many other rules there be that help to this effect, which are to be seen in the fifth book of this Philosopher's Politics, in the works of Plutarch, and in other good authors; for I have here gathered together only those that first come to hand. But if we have but our own laws and old observations, yet That the remedies to restore France are easy. were the same so sufficient as we need not to borrow any other, if we would put them in practise: Which if we do not, then are all other remedies in vain. The most singular precept therefore that tendeth to the restoring of this estate, is to be willing to restore it. This do I say because that within these five and twenty years we have used so many practises hereabout, that now we think those to be but in jest that speak any thing in good earnest. Such proceedings must we change: for necessity having taken place (who prescribeth a law to the greatest) we must now perforce do that which before of our own accord we would not. No man hath herein so great interest as his majesty. For the state of his Realm being well reform, himself shall be better beloved and obeyed of his subjects: more mighty, rich and quiet. As also it is he that may do more than law, force, or any man whosoever. When he hath chosen what he will say or do (which the grace of God, his own singular wisdom wherewith he is adorned, and the advise of the wise, may instruct him in) it were a good precept that at the Court and in Paris (which are the two lights that ought to lighten all France) order might be first thoroughly established, to the end all others might direct themselves according to these two most rich precedents. So long as the city of Rome kept herself sound, her inferiors flourished in virtue, but when she came to be corrupt, the infection was spread all over. Yet mind I not hereby to infer that all disorders have their original from the rulers, for many do spring from the subjects: but it is to be perceived that some of the principal fetch their beginning from the principal persons, and so do remain. There is yet an other sovereign precept, without the which all The third remedy, which is most necessary. the rest are to small purpose: and that is to seek some means how to take order in the controversies of Religion without force of arms. For until civil war be banished, it is but a folly to speak of redress, because the same worketh a greater breach in the country, in manners, in laws and in men in six months, then may posbly be repaired again in six years. Among other the fruits thereof this is one, That it hath engendered a million of Epicures and Libertines. Secondly, it hath made most part of the French nation so wild, cruel and savage, that where they were before but sheep, they have now put on the shape of Tigers. These two reasons might fully suffice to persuade every one that is possessed of any one spark of conscience or charity, to desire and wish that we might be brought into concord by fair and peaceable means. For so long as discord holdeth our swords drawn, we do nothing but establish a new Kingdom of Impiety, Injustice, Cruelty and Theft, wherein many thieves and wicked persons do rise and grow rich with the spoil of the innocent, and glut themselves with blood. A man may truly say, that if all the French nation were divided into six parts, we should find that five of them do daily mourn and pray to God to grant peace unto France, and a good politic redress until an Ecclesiastical may be had: which disposition being in manner universal, maketh the difficulty to attain to that point a great deal the less. The ordinary obiectiou hereto, is, that two Religions cannot possibly consist in one Commonwealth. And when we ask wherefore, it is annswered, because of their repugnancy, which breedeth perpetual contention. But I Answer to the objection, That it is unpossible for two Religions to consist in one commonwealth. would know of them whether vice and virtue, good and bad be not also contraries, and yet we must not for the remedying thereof bring a whole Realm into dissension. In the time of the good Emperors Constantine and Theodosius, also when the two holy Bishops Augustine & Ambrose flourished in the world, were there not in the Roman Empire both Pagans, jews, and Arrians, whom the true Christians were driven to permit to live after their own rites and consciences, rather than for those contrarieties to kindle cruel wars and most ●●●lent persecutions? Are we more wise or mighty than those Emperors, or more holy and zealous than those holy Bishops? I think we had need of a good Orator to persuade that. So that sith they have so far exceeded us in perfection, we are not to be blamed though we guide ourselves by their rule as well in matters of policy as of the Church. And notwithstanding under the Children of Constantine there chanced some seditions and troubles for Religion, yet doth it appear that the Arrians were ever the authors thereof: for the true Church hath seldom been seen to use persecution. Which this excellent sentence of Augustine very well verefieth, that saith. He that persecuteth is of the devil, but he that is persecuted is of God. It is said that King Frances the first, when the Suitzers were at war among themselves for Religion, counseled them to appease such controversies by modest conferences and gentle means; which since they have happily put in practice and sped well by it: for thereby have they maintained concord among themselves, and mightily enriched their Country, and yet are become never the worse. This sole example might stop their mouths that uphold that fire and sword must determine our debates, also that gentle means are unprofitable. But I cannot think that such counsels can proceed from any other then most cruel and hypocritical minds. To be brief, I think assuredly that if their Majesties, their What the chief & principal members of the state may and aught to do in the restoration thereof. Counsel, the Princes and the Court of Parliament of Paris, would unfeignedly labour for a general reconciliation and redress, notwithstanding whatsoever contrariety, the same might easily be brought to perfection. Are they to be restrained by the authority of the Pope's precepts, who by his Nuncios seeketh uncessantly to trouble France? Must they fear the rage of some of the Clergy, that cry out, Kill, murder, have no pity upon the Protestants our adversaries? Can the power of the Spanish Empire, (which they have provoked out of season) force them to sheathe their French swords in the bowels of France? Shall the fear and complaints of the Protestants (which are not without some ground) so terrify them that they shall desist? Or may the secret practises, which tend to stirring up of great matters, fear them? Truly all this should not let them from establishing the sovereign law that bringeth health to all France which is the law of peace & concord. Only it is requisite the King be armed with his grandfathers magnanimity to daunt all such as dare propound any pernicious Complois against the Commonwealth, as also to hearten those that are desirous to say & do well. The Queen mother likewise is to remember that she rather than any, is able to fix the nail in the turning wheel of division, which would be to her life a Crown of most excellent commendations. The Princes likewise must call to mind that domestical power acchieved by a virtuous peace, is as assured and happy as that which is purchased with doubtful and infortunate war. This great Senate which maketh such account of fame, is to think that it shall lose the same that it hath obtained, unless it bring forth such excellent Senators as with pure heart and frank speech will freely uphold, as did our Cato, (l'hospital) public equity. But if to the contrary they show themselves obstinate and slack in readiness and labour, they shall be the first that shall feel by the contempt and disobedience of the inferiors, (whom they have suffered by wars and corruption to transform themselves into barbarous conditions) how great an oversight it is, not to cut off, when they may, the way to such confusions as tend to the subversion of the whole. A King by increasing his dominion atchieveth great honour, but much greater doth he obtain by uniting and cleansing it when it is divided and infected: for the first is compassed by force, the other by discretion. Such brave exploits (as worthy their greatness) are to them reserved, to the end in the same to employ themselves. So did Charles the 7. to whom the re-establishing of good order and ancient customs in his Realm through wisdom, was no less glory than was the recovery thereof from the English nation, partly by force and partly by fortune. Now, in case discord were banished from among us, peace established, Means to confirm the state after that it is set upright. and a good reformation begun, yet must we (as I think) beware how we re-enter into any foreign war but upon either great necessity, or a just and good occasion, but rather to keep peace with our neighbours: for otherwise it is not possible to restore good manners and order. For so do I imagine that in six years it may be half re-established, and in ten altogether. Great and strong bodies that are well founded, and have some good parts yet sound, do rise up again as wonderfully as they were overthrown. The chief is to begin well, for a good beginning is Reasons that should move us hereto. half the work. Neither is there any doubt but God will prosper our endeavours when he seethe us well disposed to take away the evil & to restore that which is good. The feeling of our miseries ought sufficiency to move us, as also should the bad reputation whereto we are grown among all Christian nations, who now do hate us as much for the vices that they impute unto us, as in time past they commended us for our virtues. Now they stand no longer upon the reproving of the French inconstancy and insolency, as in time past: They pass on a great way further, yea so far as all whatsoever disordinate or dissolute behaviour, whether in manners or in politic government, is attributed thereto. This mighty kingdom which heretofore was the refuge of the oppressed, and a school of all learning and honesty, whether our bordering neighbours sent their youth to be instructed, is now by them termed a den of dissolution which they fear to come near. Such as travail foreign Countries, can (if they list to confess it) be good witnesses of the reproaches wherewith we are taxed. Yea, which worse is, often times the common voice attributeth like imperfections both to the good and bad. I am ashamed to write what I have heard, even of such as are very modest, who spoke rather of compassion than reproach. Let us consider how many kingdoms have through far less disorders than ours been destroyed. And sith God through his patience doth yet give us space to rise again, let us not let slip occasion, but speedily take hold thereof, lest our ingratitude and negligence procure the taking of those remedies from us which we may have despised. In the mean time let us not faint, for I suppose there is no Estate in Christendom, that yet hath better matter than we, but it is now so mixed together, as if a man should make a mangle of Diamonds, Rubies, Iron, Led, Gold, Silver, Marble, brasil, Pearl, Coral, tile and Slate. But each thing being reduced into order and applied to his own use, the inferior matter would serve to make most beautiful and excellent works, wherein the superior being gathered together and adjoined, would also shine as most rich ornaments. God who hath preserved our ancestors from so many destructions, and given power and counsel to our Kings in their greatest extremities, vouchsafe to defend us from the mischiefs which threaten us, and increase the virtues of our King, and grant him grace to be the restorer of his kingdom. The second Discourse. That by Concord small things do increase, and by discord great things do decay. THis most excellent sentence, so common among many nations, and which experience hath so often taught to be true, The notable saying of the Pagan Micipsa ought to waken those that are, or aught to be best instructed. was heretofore alleged by one Micipsa a King of Numidia, who lying upon this death bed taught his children that the most sovereign mean to preserve themselves and the Realm which he left them, consisted in the observation of this rule. Himself lived many years in peace and prosperity, ordering his doings with great discretion, and giving the world to understand that he knew how to use such things as tended to the increase of an estate, and could withal judge of those that might demivish, the fame. As also that which ensued his death was a great help to confirm that which he had said in his life time▪ for his children either forgetting or contemning his instructions, continued not long without debate among themselves, which bre● their utter ruin. In this example it were good to note some words spoken by this King before he pronounced this sentence, as Sallust reporteth. I leave unto you, saith he to his children, a Realm both strong and steadfast, if you be good, but very weak if you be bad: for by concord do small things increase, and by discord do they run into decay. Wherein his intent was to show that of goodness (that is of virtue) proceedeth Concord, and thence prosperity: and contrariwise of vice groweth hatred, of hatred discord, and so destruction. This deserveth to be considered: to the end not to be The consideration of this sentence. ignorant in the causes that breed goodly effects, neither in such as engender the contrary. Truly I cannot but wonder of the knowledge that the heathen had of many good rules, which carefully put in practice do greatly help man's life, wherein also they have revealed their wisdom: notwithstanding, me thinks that to the end well to know wherein the perfection of virtue doth consist, we ought not so much to depend upon them, as to seek it in the wisdom of God from whence all other barbarous & profane nations have from time to time collected some small parcels, which breed light to their understandings & beauty to their works. There shall we find the sovereign concord to be the same which we ought to hold with God; for the man that careth not for the contrarying of him, can hardly agree with men in any thing that reason (which ought to be his guide) commandeth. But for that the discourse of this point appertaineth rather to the divines then to a politic man, I will hold my peace, notwithstanding I think that the consideration of supeeriour matters doth greatly avail to the displaying of the inferior. We shall not, as I think, need many words to declare what What concord is. Concord is, which resembleth not other liberal arts or sciences, whereof few men have knowledge: for it is very common, neither is there any but may make some trial thereof. We may in few words say that it is a commendable affection which bindeth & strictly joineth us with our like in all necessary & honest duties. Without such consent it were very hard for any societies, either great or small, long to continue, by reason of those contrarieties, which as naturally do meet in those persons whereof the same be composed, & would proceed to alteration, if by this holy virtue they were not ruled. If we cast our view upon unsensible creatures, we shall see that the agreement of the elements among themselves doth maintain It is dispersed all over the world. them in their being, whereas discord overthroweth them. Of the temperature of the humours of man's body proceedeth health; & of distemperature diseases. Yea the fowls of the air, the beasts of the earth & the fishes of the sea without an instinct of Concord natuturally imprinted in them, would destroy each other. far more than is man bound, man I say, who participateth in reason, to have the use thereof in great recommendation: as knowing the wonderful commodities that it bringeth, even to inferior creatures. Before we come to entreat of public concord, we will speak The kinds thereof, and first of the domestical. a little of the domestical: which is as it were an apprenticeship & step toward the other, as also it is to be presumed that he which shall have duly practised it in particular matters, will take a delight to use it in such as are general. And this aught greatly to induce householders very carefully to have an eye that it bear sway in their houses, to the end their children, who are the citizens that they leave to their commonwealth, may in time be accustomed to reject all such Upon what considerations it is founded. vain contentions as may dispose their minds to perturb it. Howbeit, peradventure the respect of their own commodity will further urge them to the maintenance thereof. For unless it be some few overthwart persons (as we term them) all others can sufficiently feel the fruit that cometh of it. And admit that families be composed of sundry persons, some to command, others to obey, yet must there be no respect to exempt one more than another from the use of this virtue. The master and mistress Of Domestical concord. of the house must have it written in their hearts, and show it forth by their gentle and moderate commandments. The children and servants each in his degree by free and voluntary obedience, are to show themselves touched with the same affection. It is requisite for brethren and sisters, which be to live a certain space together, to observe an honest equality between themselves, and yet deferring so much as shall be requisite unto him that hath the privilege of eldership: for through such mutual concord families do flourish. And what person is well borne that rejoiceth not in the view of such goodly examples? This moved David to say: Oh how happy a thing it is, and joyful for to see Brethren together fast to hold the band of amity. Of Civil concord. This may be applied as well to great societies as unto small domestical assemblies. For that which is convenient to the one, is also convenient to the other, in respect of the similitude between the whole and the parts. But order requireth that we begin first to instruct by the smaller things: whereby are we to learn, that sith honest men do so delight to see union maintained either in family or city, they will take much more pleasure in putting it in practice: because there is more pleasure in action then in contemplation only, especially when it is of itself approved and of others commended. After the pleasure followeth that profit: for it ordinarily falleth out Of the profit and pleasure that it breedeth. that those houses wherein concord doth bear sway, do increase, and that increase is the second thing that householders should reach unto, as to live well, is the first. No man can deny but industry and diligence are the two most necessary instruments to attain to wealth. And yet may we say the same to be unfruitful in whatsoever company where discord taketh hold: even as in a Similitude. Galley the labour of the slaves were to no purpose, if half should row one way and half another: but when all with one mind and at one time hale toward one self port, the navigation is performed. I will not search any examples in antiquity to prove this Example in general. my saying, because even at this instant we see enough before our eyes. Namely, many families, as well of Gentry and Citizens, as of Husbandmen and Farmers overthrown with discord, and many also enriched through the good concord of kinsmen. Notwithstanding, to this purpose I cannot overship one notable example mentioned by Livy, which although it be not practiseable in A particular example. this our corrupted world, yet is it meet to be considered. It is of a certain Roman that kept in his own house sixteen of his children, all married, and their families, who lived together a long time in perfect peace and amity, and increased their substance. Which are effects in truth worthy Christians rather then Paynims. This when I do consider, I am ashamed to see that a man's child cannot in these days be a week married, but he must have Defaults in the concord required in us. his stable a part and forsake his father's house, to go build (as he imagineth) some new Monarchy in another place. And the cause of such separations is, because men either cannot, or will not live in concord. I once heard one say that he knew three gentlemen that after their father's decease kept house together, holding their goods in common, which they mightily increased, and never parted household till their children were married, and instructed in this excellent doctrine of union through their long practice. And this I thought good to set down, not so much to induce others to do better, as to stir than up by the consideration of difficult things to employ themselves in such as are easy. I think there be few but will commend this goodly kind of life; but peradventure there may be many that will contemn such increase of goods as come so slowly: because in these days we see them come in so suddenly. But say they what they will, yet ought we not to order things according to present covetousness and confusions. Rather should they be guided by reason, and after the similitude of natural order which keepeth measure and time, for those are the just ways, and for the most part such as be so forward, are accompanied with some injustice. Moreover, we must set no more by riches then by a good name, The means to maintain concord. and that doth he get that beareth himself modestly and in all facility among his equals: for thereby do men judge that those minds that are so well disposed in small matters cannot be badly bend in great. As also it is to be presumed that he which can well agree with his father, will not greatly disagree with his King's commandments, also that he that can live peaceably with his brethren will not lightly fall out with his companions: or that can submit himself to domestical customs, will obey public laws. Hath it not been seen that out of small families, such persons have been chosen as have been thought meet to appease the controversies of a whole state, because of the good concord of their own houses? There be examples enough of time past, and even now may we find some small experiences. But in my opinion this is enough concerning the fruits that arise of domestical concord. For there are but few but know that it bringeth great. Now will I enter into a larger field and discourse upon the public Of public concord. concord, which is so necessary for the helping of our poor France, which through the banishment thereof is almost rend in pieces, that me think all good men should bend their whole vows and endeavours to the calling of it back again. And when we shall have showed how other estates are thereby increased and redressed, men will be far the more affectionate to put it in execution. Plato the Philosopher saith, that the greatest mischief that can befall any city is sedition, which is no other but discord. Whereof it followeth A sentence. that concord, being the contrary must needs be a great benefit to them that enjoy it. Likewise it is unpossible to thrive by their commodities, before this foundation be laid: yea we see that the greater plenty of power, wealth, and ability that is in a state, if this good temperature be away, is but matter of greater ruin. Some wise men in old time knowing this, did use to send to such of their friends as had the government of commonwealths a sheaf A notable Emblem. of Arrows bound together, to the end to admonish them that as these so small pieces of brittle ware being knit together made a strong body not easily shaken, so if the minds of their people consented well together & were united in themselves, that which of itself were but weak, would become mighty & strong. The experience here of hath been seen in the Grecians, who so long as they agreed among themselves, did withstand the power of the Kings of Persia, which was incomparable, for sometimes they brought in navies of 1000 sail, an other time by land 600000. men, who all were overcome by small armies of such men as loved like brethren, and which accounted the bondage of their fellow countrymen as their own, so good concurrence was there between them: & so long as this continued they maintained themselves in credit & felicity. Plutarch reporteth, that before the time of Aratus, all the towns of the Achaians Another example. were of small account, each trafiking & doing their affairs apart, and taking no care but for themselves: but after he had joined Plut. in the life of Aratus. them together, and united sundry other small Towns unto them by perfect concord, they grew into a great and mighty body in Peloponessus, and oftentimes did resist such tyrants as sought to usurp their liberty, whereby they became terrible to their neighbours. But if any man imagine that examples taken of Monarchies A third example. would better fit our estate, to the end to content him, I will also allege some such. The first of the kingdom of the Lacedæmonians, wherein Lycurgus established most excellent discipline, which among all other things commended prowess & concord: whereof also a long time they continued so good observers, that their City seemed to be but one sole family, so steadfast and good was their union. By that did they increase and purchase such fame, that all Greece did oftentimes submit itself to their conduct and judgement. Many other might likewise be hereunto added, as well Romans as other Nations, whereof such as use the reading of histories cannot be to seek, and therefore it were but a superfluous repetition here to heap them up again. Only it shall suffice to remember that such monarchial estates have from time to time increased as much by concord as by any other virtue that ever they put in practice. And although the Romans in the days of their first kings did sometimes disagree with their next neighbours, yet do we see that afterward they grew into most firm accord, as with the Sabins, for of the two Nations they became but one people, but far better ordered and a great deal more mighty than they were before. From this antiquity let us descend even to our days, and unto A fourth example. that which is evident in our own eyes, to the end thereby to be the better persuaded, & consider the state of the Suitzers, for that may be unto us a clear spectacle wherein we shall perceive the praise of concord and fruits thereof. The histories do testify that the three little cantons, Schuitz, Vri & Vnderualde, whose habitations are only in villages, were the first authors of that their union, whereinto the rest are since incorporated. Which ever since hath so well continued, that at this day their body seemeth as it were invincible. I must also commend the concord of Germany, which, notwithstanding their controversies in religion and strife for dignities, hath never altered, and in deed it now flourisheth as much as ever it did. What excuse then may we allege, we Frenchmen, as a sufficient discharge for that we have so long fought one with another, considering how other nations can uphold themselves in conford and amity? Truly it is time we should take instructions for remedy of our calamities by the felicity of others, to the end to make us seek means to return into that which now hath forsaken us. The way is already found, if we would put it in practice. That is to grow into concord among ourselves, for so shall we rise again and increase. I know some will say that it is but a discourse, to affirm that Objection against the former counsel & advice. Answer. France grew great by concord, for their increase proceeded of the Frenchmens valiancy. Whereto I answer, that I will not deny but that force together with justice and good order were causes of the increase, yet must they needs confess that if these mighty pillars had not had for their base and foundation, mutual concord between the king, the nobility, and the commons, it must needs have yielded under the weight of so great a burden. Our first ancestors did sufficiently show forth the profit that therein Confirmation by the examples of the ancient Frenchmen. they reaped, in that they knew how to use that virtue: For they were many diverse nations, inhabiting the banks of lesser Germany: who not having felt the Romans bondage, neither willing in any case to try it, did assemble and gather themselves together, and named themselves Francons. Then they planted themselves along the Rhine, from whence they stepped into Gaul which they subdued. Thus hath a certain learned man written in a treatise of the original of the Frenchmen, which opinion I think to be more likely than that which the other writer's report. Hereby it appeareth that concord hath been one of the chief causes that of many Nations we were made but one: and if we will farther mark the increasing thereof, we shall find that same occasion hath likewise stood them in great stead. This do I speak in general, because the particular effects which have from time to time ensued, would be over painful to rehearse, and may likewise be troublesome. Only I will by▪ the way report the blessed concord that was among Another example. the French nation in the time of king jews the twelfth, Frances the great, and Henry the well-beloved, which continued above sixty years, not so much to refresh the remembrance of diverse yet living, who have seen the most part of that time, as for the instruction of such as have been only beholders of the last disorders, to the end to labour them the more earnestly to long after a good union of hearts, as yet so strangely alienated. It is most evident that all these three Princes did greatly love their people, especially jews: and those charges that he laid upon them proceeded through the urgent necessity of wars, notwithstanding some have been but rashly enterprised. The like or rather more was their love showed to their nobility, as well in respect of the access and familiarity that they allowed them about their persons, as also of the worthy rewards bestowed upon them. Likewise we never saw virtue in greater estimation, than at that time. But what obedience, honour, and affection, did as well the nobility as commonalty than bear to their kings? More could not have been wished: for they were never weary of sounding forth their praises, beholding of their persons, and hazarding themselves to all dangers for them. Then if we would but consider the accord that was among the said subjects, what should we do but wonder how they could since so far disagree? To be brief, that all parts of this mighty Realm did together yield so pleasant a harmony, as every man was glad to dwell therein, yea, even strangers flocked to participate in that felicity. And notwithstanding in the time of King H. the second many things began to alter, yet did virtue bear such sway, that the outward form at the least seemed fair. After this manner did the Frenchmen live until the year 1560. when Concord began to fly from among them, after whose departure virtue and justice have not so much showed themselves abroad, nay they are gone to sojourn hear and there among their private friends, where they assure themselves of better entertainment. This, in my opinion, may suffice to prove that through concord small things do increase, and great are maintained and kept. Now let us compare that time with this which we now so often Beginning of the discords of France. have trial of, and we shall see the difference to be no less than between a fair bright Sun shine day in the spring time, wherein nothing appeareth but flowers & green grass: and a foul Winter's day in the which the clouds & tempests darkening the air, nothing is to be seen but the grass deprived of her ornaments, seeming to be white with frosts and snow. But like as by the order which God hath established in nature, after foul weather cometh fair, so are we to hope for a more fortunate world after this, when once we have through a holy conversion appeared his wrath. If a man enter into speech hereof by and by a number come in The original thereof. and say. Oh, what is it that hath troubled and divided us, but diversities of opinions in Religion? Likewise there are others which on the other side do reply that it is not the nature of Religion to bring forth such and so many calamities: but rather that the cause is to be impeuted to the malice of man, who loveth darkness more than light, and to their ignorance that think that such contrarieties should be decided by fire and sword, when in deed they ought to be determined by gentleness and clemency. I would think that experience should make us wise in this difficulty, Fruits of discord. which shall nothing let me from prosecuting my purpose & declaring what discord doth engender. Neither will I go to seek examples hereof in foreign lands, neither in times past, but in our own Country and age: for if any man be desirous to behold the image of all mischief, he need not seek farther than into France, where this tragedy have been played, the actors whereof being Frenchmen, who ever since they were sezed of this cursed passion, do never stick to hurt each other. And like as a continual fever weakeneth and pulleth down the strongest body: even so the continuance of our wars hath almost abated & deprived the Realm of the principal of her greatness, mightiness, and beauty. Wherein appeareth the truth of the other part of the sentence already alleged, viz. that by descord great things do perish and run into decay. Now notwithstanding hatred ordinarily engendereth discord, divers effects according to the diversity of the French men's passions tossed with discord. where amity for the most part bridgeth forth concord, yet hath not this been the cause that hath driven many of those that are entered hereinto: but rather some have been urged by zeal, others by persecution, and oaths by some duty that they owe to other men. As also we have seen many diverse effects, some more gentle than other some, whereby the authors of the same deserve commendation in that they have in these unmerciful calamities borne themselves more moderately. I dare not rehearse the horrible cruelties committed in all places (notwithstanding some have felt them more than others) for the remembrance of them cannot but either breed great horror or exasperation. Yea, some such have been wrought as may be termed to be against nature: as when some have delivered their nearest kinsmen to the slaughter, or dipped their hands in the blood of their own friends. I think if any man had in the days of king Frances the first foretold those things that have since happened, he had been slain as a spreader of lies, and yet have our beastly minds been such, that we have even extolled and magnified the prodigious actions which blind rage hath committed. I beseech God we never fall again into the like abominable gulf of inhumanity. Thucydides a wise historiographer doth briefly describe the The image of France in the state of old Greece. Thucid. li. 8. manner how the Grecians behaved themselves in their civil wars. Whose saying I have thought good here to insert, to the end we may compare the forepast mischiefs with those of our time, thereby to discern in which of these times malice prevailed most. After it was known (saith he) that any riot was committed in one place, others waxed bold to do worse, to the end to work some novelty, to show themselves either more diligent than others, or else more insolent and hot in revenge: and all the mischiefs that they committed did they disguise with gay titles, as terming rashness, magnanimity: modesty, cowardliness: headlong indignation, manhood and boldness: counsel & wise deliberation, cloaked dastardlynesse: Thus he that showed himself most furious, was accounted a loyal friend, and he that reproved him ran into suspicion. If any one of the contrary faction propounded any thing that were good and honest, it was not liked of▪ but if they were able indeed to impugn it, they had rather be revenged, than not to be wronged. If by solemn oath they made any atonement, the same lasted until the one see himself the stronger, whereby he might violate, infringe, and overcome it through malice. Yea, he reporteth much more, which to avoid tediousness I omit. Now therefore would I know whether we have not been equal with the Grecians in like actions? I think that none dare deny it: but that we have surmounted them in cruelty it is most evident. Such Frenchmen as after so many ruins shall remain, may justly make that exclamation that Agesilaus made for Greece. O poor France how unhappy art thou, that hast with thy own hands slain so many of thy good men, as might have sufficed in a day of battle, to root out all thy proudest enemies, which seek thy overthrow: Truly we must confess that discord hath brought not one sickness but many, and those most great and dangerous. And because there be some, who as it sémeth, would willingly cloak and conceal some, and have us to counterfeit health, I How many calamities discord hath brought into France. have thought good to set before their eyes that which a writer of our time, entreating of our miseries, hath set down: for any thing that tendeth to good instructions ought to be read and read again in many places. Mark therefore his words: Public discord hath engendered among us irreverence to God, disobedience to Magistrates, corruption of manners, alteration of laws, contempt of justice, and the decay of learning and knowledge. It hath bred horrible vengeance, ignorance of consanguinity and kindred, oblivion of amity, violence, spoil, wasting of Countries, sacking of towns, burning of houses, confiscations, theft, banishment, proscription, cruel destruction, change of government, with infinite other excesses and intolerable miseries, pitiful to the eye, and woeful to the ear. I think that he saith but the truth, & as all good friends ought to do, to the end we should not account our wounds, which are most dangerous, and as it were mortal, to be of so light cure & so leave the sovereign medicines, and use such as be but slight and frivolous. Neither do I hear report Why these mischiefs are here set down. all these injuries, to the end to awaken the wrath of those that have sustained them, for I have a far other meaning, which tendeth rather to root out the remembrance of them all: but I do it only to the end that seeing our shame, we might be ashamed. Which is as much as if a man should show to the father his child sprawling on the ground all bloody with the stripes that in his rage he had given him, & so say to him. Now that you are pacified look upon the goodly piece of work that you did in your choler: for now you may see that you have endamaged yourself. Were not this enough to make him ashamed, and withal, to withhold his hands another time. Now the better to lay open the mischiefs arising of dissension, I might allege the examples of that that hath fallen out in Italy, in the time of the factions of the Guelphs and Gibelines: What should teach France the consideration of her evil wars. in England in the wars between the two houses of Lancaster and York, and in Germany when the Popes maintained their factions against the Emperors: But all this is not able to teach us so much as the least war of six that we have had experience of already: because that the things that a man seeth, feeleth, and is employed in, do make a far deeper impression in the mind than the simple bare rehearsal of things pace. And this shall make me to contain myself in the bounds of our own Country: & that the rather because we must of necessity ascend even unto the most ancient times to find like monsters as are two of those that have been form in our divisions. Whose names if any man desireth to Monsters bred in civil wars know, the one is called Murder, the other Covetousness. The first can never be satisfied with blood, neither the other with riches. So as notwithstanding the peace that hath been often concluded, hath somewhat bridled them, yet have they still entrapped somewhat secretly. I think that during the horrible proscriptions of Silla, and slaughters of Marius, the like were bred at Rome and devoured the Romans, where ours were no sooner conceived, but they were borne in France, and since have spoiled the Frenchmen. Thus is Rome the fatal shop wherein are forged the sword of slaughter that have already shed so much blood, where also are hammered the counsels of destruction which have been most miserable unto those that have followed them. The remembrance of all this filthiness and disorders ought to A necessary & profitable exhortation. breed a great compunction in our hearts, and prick us forward to embrace virtue which heretofore hath been so familiar with us, neither is it to be doubted but that if we would set our affections thereupon, we should shortly see it in as great honour all about, as ever it was: for notwithstanding the Frenchman doth go astray, yet at length he returneth to his way, and the true means to return is by calling again our guide, whose name is Concord she will set us in our right path where we shall find Piety and justice ready to receive us gladly: but withal let us take heed of leaving her lest we go astray again: for if we follow her she will lead us aright▪ and soon into the goodly and large fields of plenty and felicity, where honour and contentation, who do there make their abode, shall receive and fest us worthily. This will some man say is soon said, but not so soon done. Whereto I answer that the effect is difficult, but to them only that do themselves lay the block in the way, as it were by a voluntary contemning of the counsels that reason offereth them, coveting rather to ylease themselves in such unruly appetites as feed only upon discords, contentions and hatred: howbeit we must remember that all these vehement rages and practices of revenge (the true nurses of discord) are Whether it be a hard matter to bring peace again into France. no other but (as the Philosophers term them) defects of the mindewhich suffering itself to be lead by the senses, is moved at every chance that happeneth: whereas it ought constantly to bear whatsoever in honesty it may or should, to the end that by preservation of order and tranquillity, the natural course of man's life may with more facility be performed. I have many times noted, that after we had put up our swords into our sheaths and began to be conversant again one with another, especially with our parents and friends of the contrary party, we did together bewail the miserable time passed, wherein the one might have chanced to have slain the other, whose life he had holden as dear as his own, and wished that in all our days we might never have the like calamities again. Then haunting with such as we had less acquaintance of, we light upon mildness and a mislike of passed furies. A third manner of men did we sometimes meet withal, which were the most violente of every faction, and yet did we find in them far more moderation than we could imagine. Then said I to myself: Must it not needs be that there is some fury hidden in the bowels of France that thus entangleth us? sith so many preparations to unity and concord cannot any whit profit us, or bring us to the enjoying of this felicity? Yet was I not quite out of hope, but that at length we might attain thereto. All this made and yet maketh me to imagine that want of visiting The means how to reduce concord and expel dissension. each other when occasion requireth, maketh us to grow savage one to another: for in absence we set before our eyes only the injuries passed, whereto cometh report, suspicion and slander, so that though one were as white as snow, yet by such blemishes he may be made as red as scarlet. We ought likewise to consider that notwithstanding our wars have continued above 24. years, yet do we still return to our Father's houses, and necessity compelleth us to be conversant again, not with our friends only, but also with those that have been our sharpest enemies. Wherefore it is requisite that we resolve ourselves to mildness, and sith we are to live and die, not among the Italians or Spaniards, but even in the same land wherein we are engendered, let us endeavour to do it peaceably, rather than by languishing in tumults to be replenished with terror. Some man may object that sith mistrust is one of the principal Whether we must bu●y all diffidence. sinews of wisdom, it must not in so dangerous a time be laid under foot. Truly my counsel is not altogether to bury it, but rather to leave it to every man's liberty to use it conveniently as occasion may require: howbeit I would have the occasions to be such as may bear some apparent likelihood of truth, and not to rest upon every trifling imagination, until that time have purged the hearts from rancour, & blotted inveterate hatred out of remembrance. For we must think: first that in the end men will be weary of evil willing and of evil doing, because those things are of themselves tedious and noisome. Secondly, that some will converwhen any small spiritual motion touch them, & make them know that it is a most hard matter for them to love God whom they see not, so long as they abhor those that bear his image, and whom they see. For this cause must we not despair of any, unless in them appeareth some evident tokens of malice, and rooted cruelty conjoined with obstinacy. Of whom we may say, The Physician hath given them over, their familiarity is unfruitful, yea, even dangerous. Before we end this discourse, we must also speak somewhat of counterfeit concord, and peradventure it will not hurt to set Of false concord. down some warnings upon that point, to the end men be not abused, as they that for want of weighing and well looking to, do take counterfeit coin for good gold, for in this so corrupt a world wherein we live, we must look very near upon those things that bear a fair show: because that under such a cloak mischief for the most part lurketh. When therefore we chance to see a good agreement between some, with whom we are requested to enter society, let us diligently inquire whether the end whereunto either of them doth tend be good or bad. For if it be bad, then may we conclude that agreement to be false, and so consequently of small continuance and to be eschewed. This may better be made manifest by examples. The first therefore that I will begin withal shall be of land Examples. thieves and robbers, and of sea rovers. A man would sometimes think such a fraternity and steadfast amity to be between them, as in his opinion there could none be more excellent. But if we come to considerwhat these people be, who for the satisfying of their perverse desires, do confederate themselves together, and trouble public tranquillity with their murder and spoils, in respect whereof they are feared and hated as mortal plagues, what shall we judge of their union, but that it is a perilous conspiracy? Lewd and licentions women, that dwell even by pernission in sundry Cities, especially in Italy & Spain, are so familiarly acquainted together, that it seemeth their league to be of perpetual continuance. But so far is it from being accounted concord, that in deed it is rather discord, cemented together with poison: & I believe that almost all men condemn such confederacy, and would be loath the pleasant name of concord should be blemished in such societies. Notwithstanding still there be some that let themselves be caught in such snares. Thus much concerning those persons that have embraced infamous kinds of life, who both by divine and human Offurious concord. constitutions are to be reproved. There is another kind of concord which is furious, as appeared among the peasants in Germany, who in the year 1525. armed themselves to sack the gentry and spoil the rich. They lived one with another as brethren, yea, they died courageously together, notwithstanding their proceedings and purposes were abominable. In this rank I thought good to place also the confederacy of the mad Anabaptists of Munster, who assembled to the number of nine or ten thousand persons. Hear will I likewise add the seditious assotiations of whole commonalties or part of the same, for they to the end to cut their throats that displease them, do together, as did that Sicilians agree against the Frenchmen, who for the punishing peradventure of 500 guilty persons slew 5000. innocents: with such people we are rather to have discord, than concord: because their union aimeth at nothing but the alteration of lawful societies. I doubt not but if some good Father being affectionate to his convent, should read this, he would by and by say: It had not been amiss among these to have placed the Lutherans and huguenots, whose whole agreement tendeth only to the destruction of our holy orders. To this will I answer. Sir, I have forborn that, because there is no reason to place those that are not convict among the condemned: but if you with some of your brotherhood will dispute with them, and by good and forcible reasons of divinity confute them, when you have so done I will obey you, but as your friend I counsel you not to do it for fear lest marot's words prove true, viz. That never any Papist spoke well of Luther: also if they should come to dispute, one of them must needs prove an heretic. For if you should chance to be overcome, you might well enough give over the wallet, because no man would give you aught. But the best both for you and them, is to live at the least in politic concord, and to content yourselves with the mischiefs that you have done each to other, considering that man's life is of itself miserable enough, though thereto you add no new miseries. Now let us speak of those that have attained such a degree of abuse in their lawful vocations, that we may say of them, that under Of tyrannous concord. the authority of laws and government, they pervert all equity & justice. Of such assemblies we find many kinds, whereof to avoid superfluous rehearsal, I will note only some of the chiefest. The first is a framed tyranny, wherein the public actions do tend to strengthening of it with all men's harms. In this we must imagine two sorts of men, namely, the tyrannizers & the tyrannised. Concerning the last, inasmuch as force ever maistreth them, they must hummbly stoop, waiting until it please God to raise up lawful means of remedy. But for the first who live in so joyful and pompous union together, I do not think it either meet or honest to join with them, or to participate with them in sacking, murdering, and robbing the innocent: much better it were to eschew such concord. But who be those that have so lived▪ The histories do tell us and furnish us of examples enough both old and new. I will content myself with the alleging of one only, which is of Caesar Borgia, Examples. Pope Alexander the 6. his bastard son, who in horrible wickedness was equal with the tyrants of old time, who also is the goodly pattern that Machiavelli propoundeth to teach Princes how to rule. This man replenished all Italy with blood and vice, & found but over many defenders and adherents to assist him. Truly that man had but a slender discretion and less virtue, that could have sought to live in such a tyrannous concord. here might we place a Democraty, utterly depraved, as was the Athenians when Solon was condemned to death. Likewise a corrupt oligarchy as also was the Athenians, when the Lacedæmonians established the 30 governors, who afterward grew to be tyrants & murdered all the best citizens. Next will I hear set down the Senates & tribunal seats of justice, most part of the Senators whereof have consented to commic all iniquity. Such a one did the Roman Senate resemble in the time of Nero: for all such detestable cruelties as he practised (yea, even when he slew his mother) did they universally a 〈…〉 e, accounting them as works of piety, and healthsome to the common wealth. But had it not rather been impiety for a man to have laboured to be of their order, and so to have profaned himself in such a false concord▪ Now will I speak somewhat of men of war in a common Insolent concord, wealth, who are as it were the guard thereof, when passing the bounds of discipline, they do confederate and unite themselves together, and so taking upon them the spoil and robbing of the people, upon malice rather than necessity, do destroy all. Of this union a man may say, that the greater it is, the more noisome & hurtful. For the last example of false concord, which also is no less pervitious than the first, I will set down the same that was among Of heretical and schismatical concord. the Bishops assembled at two or three Counsels, holden under the children of Constantine the great. For the said Bishops being in manner all Arrians, or men infected with some other heresy, did by a common consent condemn the Council of Nice (which was the most notable that ever was holden) & those that continued the soundest in points of religion. That which was concluded in their assemblies was a plain conspiracy against the truth, & no holy union of wills, notwithstanding they shrouded themselves under that beautiful title. Of all which matters here deducted, every man, especially they that rashly do ship themselves simply into all ports, may learn not The conclusion of this discourse. to suffer themselves to be circumvented with outward shows, which for the most part entangle the wisest, that hereafter they be not forced to use this phrase, I thought it not. We are also to note that notwithstanding those that unite themselves in manner afore mentioned, are sometimes of opinion to persevere a long time, they nevertheless do deceive themselves, because evil things be of such a nature, that many times when they are grown to a certain degree & not governed with any thing that good is, they 〈◊〉 turn to overthrow Why true concord doth continue. one another. But the concord that continueth, is the same that is between honest men, which also proceedeth from the motions of an upright reason, illuminated from above, which maketh ●s affectionate one to another: for being fed with so perfect a radical humour, it remaineth ever quick and fresh; as the trees that are planted along the rivers sides. God grant therefore that we, even we Frenchmen may have the same continually lodged in our hearts, to the end to help to restore our Country to her ancient beauty. The third Discourse. Of the inconstancy whereby many do use to hate, condemn, and detest their neighbours, because of their contrarieties in religion. THE only disputations holden about Of pretended zeal wherewith they cover hatred and malice. this matter in diverse Countries within these few years, were sufficient to engender great hatred, yea, even among nearest kindred. But when to the contention of words they join deeds, (from whence have proceeded infinite injuries) then are the passions coroborated, and many men's hearts so poisoned, that in the time of peace they cannot satisfy their hatred against such as agree not unto their religious opinions, neither their cruel revenge in the time of war. In this matter when we come to demand what cause hath and yet doth engender and bring forth these extremities, many do sufficiently declare that it is the zeal that every one beareth to his own religion, that causeth them to be persuaded that all doctrine thereto repugnant is spotted with impiety, and therefore they abhor both it and all that profess it. Now to the end not to stumble in this so rough a way, I have thought it nothing amiss to open the signification of the word Zeal, as also to show the fruits that should proceed from so good a tree. Zeal Definition of zeal. in my opinion, is an ardent affection of the soul which tendeth to the honour of God and the salvation of our neighbour, whereof it also followeth, that it is offended when he is dishonoured. Moses Exod. 31. and Saint Paul did greatly declare the zeal that they did bear, even to God's people, when the one of them said, Lord forgive them this trespass, otherwise blot me out of the book which thou hast written. And Saint Paul, who wished to be separated from God, that his Rom. 9 brethren according to the flesh, who glorified God might be brought into the way of salvation. By these speeches, which some take to be excessive, we are to understand the vehemency of their affection. Likewise may Helias and Phinees be unto us examples of the wrath that some conceive when they see impiety and wickedness to abound. F●● it moved the one of them to put to death all the 1. King. 18 Prophets of Baal, and the other Zambry and the Madianite. Num. 25. And such zeal is commended in the holy Scriptures, because it was guided by the wisdom of God. In this miserable world wherein we now live are there few to be found that imitate Moses and Paul, either that follow the examples Abuse of the former examples, and the means to amend them. of Helias and Phinehes, notwithstanding many would use the same for a cloak to their violent passions, as peradventure not considering that those were particular actions, proceeding of inward motions, or express commandments, and so not to be made consequents. Moreover, those days had especial reasons for such kind of judgements, which cannot well agree with ours. But the law of Charity which is perpetual and the foundation of the two aforenamed wishes ought to reduce us to the same practice, and so might we avow our zeal to be good, when leaning upon the said Charity it is guided by knowledge, which are the two principal marks to discern the true zeal from the false. The Apostle Saint Paul teacheth us to eschew that which is without knowledge, for being destitnte thereof, it aimeth rather at revenge, than Charity, as in himself it appeared when he assisted at the death of Rom. 10. Act. 7. Steven. Now will it be easy for us to know the marks of false zeal, if we do but consider of the vices that are opposite to the aforesaid Marks of false zeal. virtues, which are Ignorance, (wherewith malice is oftentimes mixed) and hatred of our neighbour: for whosoever diligently observeth not those differences, the same do run into error. Of these affections, which every one attributeth to piety, are engendered the judgements that we make of our neighbours, whereof the most part are wonderful rash: for many there are who seeing some one that consent not with them in points of religion, do not only The iniquity of foreiudgements. charge him that he walketh in error, but also immediately account him a profane and wicked man. This opinion having once gotten hold in the mind, is hard to be rooted out again, and is the cause of breach, as well of brotherly love as of public concord. We must therefore take heed that in ourselves we conclude not so hastily upon the condemnation of those whom we will not vouchsafe to take leisure to know thoroughly. If we were to inquire whether a horse or a dog were good or bad, we would have a time of trial before we would judge, how much rather should we put that rule in practice concerning men? otherwise we must make less account of them than of the said beasts. But see how diverse do now govern themselves herein. If a man say to one, This man is a Protestant, by and by he will answer, Then is he a wicked heretic. and say to another, This man is a Papist, and he also will say, Then is he nought. And why do you thus reprove him? Because say they, his religion is contrary to ours. Truly this readiness is over ready. Well, whether this judgement may be false or true, yet are we Of the moderation that is to be observed in foreiudgements in the mean time to use great moderation in both. When he that is blinded with ignorance shall condeinne the true doctrine and the maintainers thereof, his zeal shall not so justify him, that he may not justly be accused to be a profaner of the truth, neither will it any whit avail him to allege his good intent, because the same can not alter the nature of things. But is there not matter sufficient, not to laugh at, but even to bewail him, who being spiritually blind, doth not so think, but rather noteth the clearest sighted of blindness? Well may it be said unto him, Thou Physician that judgest thy neighbour to be sick, & in stead of seeking to cure him, wouldst that he were knocked on the head, enter into a little consideration of thyself, & thou shalt perceive that it is thou that dost abound in diseases, & those most dangerous. Think therefore thrice before thou say once to another: Thou art an heretic. But in truth it is a word in these days Of the insolency of those that call others heretics. common in most men's mouths, and some there are from whom if we should take the use of that term, their beads from their girdles, and hatred from their hearts, they would be as much astonished as a covetous wretch that hath lost his purse. And yet are these men less to be blamed than some that willingly do err, in that they know the thing that they reject, not to be reprovable. Before these last men's eyes will I set a saying of the Prophet Esay, Cursed be you that call evil good and good evil, or that make darkness light, or light darkness: to the end so hard a sentence terrifying their consciences isaiah. 3 may withdraw them from iniquity to righteousness. Others there be also which being well instructed, do nevertheless Of the insolency of some which forget the duty of Charity. grow into such arroganice, that to those that yet walk in the paths of strange doctrine, they give ignominious names, and do greatly disdain them: Whereby they show their own abuse of Charity which in lieu of pride and insolency, should be meek as Saint Paul saith. It were rather their parts to have compassion of them, with all gentleness to take them by the arms, and by little and little, removing the vail that blindeth their sight, to show them the gulfs wherein they do inconsiderately plunge and cast themselves away. For it is horrible cruelty, seeing the souls in evident danger, to curse the bodies. One thing there is that moveth these men, namely, the falseness of the doctrine, which in truth is to be condemned. But they overskipping this consideration, do build their hatred upon the persons that are deceived therein, and do never think that they may in time be lightened and converted, as some of those were that consented to the death of jesus Christ, who afterward worshipped him as God, notwithstanding they had before crucified him as an heretic and seditious person. Reason would we should presume of our neighbour that he will rise rather than perish, unless we see any evident tokens of hardness of heart in him. Yet do I not here mean that he should be flattered in his imperfections, neither take away all place from particular judgements A restraint of the former speeches. proceeding of a good conscience, because as well the one as the other would be hurtful, for so shall I cover the disease that ought to be opened, to the end to be the better cured. But let him that will judge keep himself within the rules of charity. For it so falleth out, that those which through presumption do condemn others, God condemneth by justice. Other some of these inconsiderate zelators are of a very bad opinion. That is, that they are persuaded, that those whose religion they have reproved in themselves, are not to be accounted their another dangerous foreiudgment of zeal without knowledge. neighbours, no more than the Turks or Tartarians, wherein they are grossly deceived. And in case they were as diligent in reading the Scriptures, as they are to cleave to the readiness of their passions, they would be of another mind. For there should they find that the word neighbour stretcheth indifferently to all men, because mankind is conjoined together with a sacred bond of community, to the end that by that bond men should be stirred up to love each other. It is enough therefore for any one to be our neighbour, because he is a man. For it lieth not in us to blot out common nature. And who is he how barbarous so ever, that beareth not the Who is our neighbour. image of God printed in his soul, although it may be that it is almost blotted out? And for this cause ought we among so many blemishes, and in so noble a creature, still to consider the excellent mark that God hath imprinted, to the end we hold not that to be abominable which himself can crown with his grace. In old time the pharisees violating the laws of nature, accounted An old error renewed in our days. none for their neighbours but their kindred, friends or benefactors, restraining within that small number, the thing that should be common to all. But jesus Christ corrected their false interpretation by the example of the Samaritaine that relieved the poor jew whom he found wounded by the way, whom also a Priest and a Levite had denied of all mercy: thereby showing that every one is bound to do good even to the unknown, also that he is our neighbour that useth most humanity toward us. Besides that we are to note that in those days there was greater enmity between the jews and Samaritaines, then is in these days between the Christians and Turks. How then will they excuse themselves that with the only names of Catholic and Protestant are so sharpened one against another, that they disaduowe each other to be their neighbours? Yet are there some so bitter as to affirm that Answer to some men's objections. they have reason so to do: and if you ask them why, they will answer, that he that is vowed to Satan is worthy all rigour and unworthy any favour. Oh proud peacock! what worse canst thou say of a Cain or of same detestable Sorcerer? Knowest thou not that it is written in the Epistle of Jude, that when Michael the Archangel contended with the devil about the body of Moses he durst not curse him, but said; The Lord reprove thee? For although he apply this place to those that do maliciously backbite their superiors, yet may it also be appropriated unto thee that dost denounce eternal damnation against thy like. Why is not thy implacable wrath satisfied when thou dost imagine his soul to be destinate to eternal torments? This should cause thee to pity his body, as we do the transgressor that is condemned to be broken upon the wheel. Correct thy cruelty, that thyself be not condemned. Hereby do we see that the errors of the mind do enforce the Correction of the former error. hatred of the heart. But jesus Christ doth give us a far other lesson in that notable sermon that he made to the jews when he said unto them. You have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt love Mat. 5. thy neighbour and hate thy enemy: But I say unto you. Do good to those that hate you, and pray for them that scaunder and persecute you, that you may be the children of your father that is in heaven. For if you love those that love you, what reward is it? Do not the Publicans even so? And if you salute your brethren only, what singular thing do you. Do not the heathen the same? Be ye therefore perfect, even as your father which is heaven is perfect. I think if those men that are so hard hearted did often read these words, their stomachs Confirmation of this correction. would come down when they see the sovereign master command so holy things, and that with such meekness. Sith also himself speaking of the most of them that crucified him said: Father forgive them, for they wots not what they do: Let us at the least, setting before us this example, say for them that do us no harm and to whom we wish no good, Father forgive us, for we wots not Luke. 23. what we do. All these hatreds whereto divers do seek to lay some ground are to say the truth, no other but jewish dealings, that is to say, a subversion of the law of common charity through false destinctions agreeing with the law of our own appetites. I doubt not but some will be sorry that we should endeavour to Answer to those that will not be restrained by the rulé of christian charity. reduce them to such meekness, therein peradventure resembling a certain Abbot whose only felicity consisted in molesting all the world with law matters, whom a French king utterly forbade that exercise: but he answered that now he had not passed forty matters, all which he would cease sith his majesty so straightly commanded him, nevertheless he besought him to leave him one half dozen for his pastime and recreation. And so would they that we should leave them some, upon whom to discharge a little of the abundance of their choler. Howbeit, herein they deceive themselves: for God will not be content with half obedience, but will have it perfect and altogether from the heart. But they will reply that these be evangelical counsels, but no obligatory precepts. This is another starting hole digged out of the school of Sophistry, & is of no value. Howbeit hereof it ensueth not, that we must quite bury up all hatred: but we ought so to guide it that it take no hold of things prohibited. Such as abound in this passiion may find scope enough to walk in, yea until they be weary. First they may discharge their stomachs against the devils, who of all creatures are the worst, neither need they fear to exceed therein. For we cannot too much de●est any thing that is so repugnant to God. Next they may hate all and every the sins which sprout forth in the world as grass in the meadows: because they be the stings of death. The same may they do to all impious doctrines, for that God by them is forgotten and dishonoured: The wicked likewise, generally considered, may be somewhat abhorred, as those that altar and pollute public societies, although peeticulerly the rule of charity afore mentioned be to be observed toward them. But if any, having malice to sell, would seek any more familiar or ordinary subject to employ himself upon, I would say unto him. Friend, open the closerts of thy soul and of thy heart, peradventure if thou seekest well, thou mayst find matter enough whereon to exercise thyself, as ambition, Against whom we should exercise our hatred. intemperance, pride, cruelty, unjustice, ingratitude, lying, deceit, with other vices: whereof thyself wilt be abashed. There stay thyself, for hatred is the means to tame those monsters whom thou makest as thou knewest not of, and which do diffame thee. So know that thy hatred shall be fruitful and sweet, wherein pouring it forth upon thy neighbours, it breedeth thee hurt and trouble. Like as those that be well taught, hating men's imperfections How we ought to love our neighbours. can nevertheless love them, even so is it meet that we should in like for behave ourselves toward our like, and not utterly withdraw our love from their persons, although we condemn their errors and wickedness: for many times they do through grace change, and from their unpure ways come to those that be pure. This charity whereof I speak is nothing repugnant to civil justice, neither doth it abolish the indignation that we are to bear unto the contemners of God: for if it were contrary to piety and public order, than were it not humane but inhuman. Also the proportion between the same and divine charity is good, for the one saith: Thou shalt love God with all thy heart, and the other: Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. Concerning conversation, whereof some make such scrupulosity, Of connersation with our neighbours. alleging for their excuse. This man is an heretic, or that man is an Idolater: me thinks they do over rashly deny it to those that have an immortal soul as themselves, and do wear the especial badge of God's people: which is Baptism. If they think others defiled and themselves clean, is it not a part of humanity to visit them to make them also clean? They will answer, that they fear least spiritual uncleanness should infect them. But examining the matter a little nearer, we shall find that that is not the matter, but rather that it is a certain violent hatred that keepeth them from casting any good look upon those whom they account profane, which they seek to shroud under the cloak of conscience. I think that divers do herein fail through ignorance, as being persuaded by some false teachers so to do: but there be others that make themselves very scrupulous upon a mere peevishness, to the end to seem the more holy, and yet in marking them well we shall know them to be as they are, as Plutarch saith. Lions at home and Foxes abroad: that is to say, In outward show Hypocrites and inwardly replenished with pride and vengeance. We cannot hold any better rule in this case, then to imitate our Lord jesus Christ, who made no difficulty to haunt with all persons A rule to follow in this case. according to the rule of his vocation, notwithstanding the pharisees found fault with him for it when they said to his disciples. Wherefore doth your master eat with Publicans and sinners? But jesus hearing them, said: The whole need not the Physician, but those that be sick. By which his example he teacheth us to take compassion of those whom we find in the possession of sin and error, whom we may in some measure help by instruction, if they receive it. Some there are that say that he was never conversant with Heretics. But I would feign ask these new Doctors what the pharisees and Sadduces were? For he taught the one sort and did many times dispute of the scriptures with the other. We shall find that the first did worship strange Gods, and the second denied the immortality of the soul. Moreover, what were the Apostles pilgrimages but continual communications with the Gentiles, to the end to reclaim them from their errors? Then must not we be so cruel, sith those whose followers we boast ourselves to be, used so great meekness toward all. Some man may Exposition of the place of the Apostles touching conversation with heretics. here reply with S. Paul writing to Titus cap. 3. saying: that he must after the first and second admonition flee the company of an heretic: whereto I answer: first that his meaning is that he be so indeed, and not by imputation. Secondly, that he be well known, and by lawful and ecclesiastical proceedings manifestly and sufficiently convict so to be. Thirdly, that we see him so obstinate, that notwithstanding whatsoever exhortations either private or public, he will not amend, but endeavoureth to infringe the unity of the Church in making others to go astray. Then is it meet to put in practise his precept: for of the frequenting which such a man can there come no fruit, but rather most evident danger. But all that err are not noted with that mark. Sith therefore we see the world so bend, that not only in towns and villages, but even in families and small households, the dwellers do differ in their opinions concerning the manner of the true service of God, let us not wonder, neither be offended thereat: for ever since the birth of the Christian Against offence taken of the contrarieties of religion. Church have there appeared such divisions, which have continued sometimes in secret, sometimes openly, and so will continue to the world's end. In such occurrences the best course that we can hold to avoid Rules to follow. the shipwreck of our souls, is to seek the way that leadeth to salvation, which is not to be found but in the truth, & the truth in the holy Scriptures. This being found, those that feel themselves adorned and clothed with so holy a knowledge, are to employ so precious a gift of God to the benefit of their neighbours, and not thereof to gather an argument to despise and disdain them: to the end they may have their part in this blessing of Christ, who saith: Blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy. And as for those whose inconsiderate zeal doth many times move them to Mat. 5. wrongful judgements and condemnations, let them remember the saying of S. Paul. That whatsoever is not of faith is sin. That Rom. 14. is to say, that no work, how goodly a show so ever it maketh, if it be not done of an upright conscience, grounded upon the word of God, is good. A Divine might have written a whole book upon this argument, but I am content only to have spoken a word or two by the way, as well in some sort to seek to moderate our bitterness, which doth but too much divide us, as also to kindle a new our charity, to the end the same may serve at the least to reunite us in a good politic concord. The fourth Discourse. What means and proceed are most fit to use in the redress of an estate. IF peradventure we should meet with some Sith all France calleth for restoration, those men are not receivable that oppose themselves there against. one that should say, that France is not in the way of destruction, what answer shall we make him? Forsooth that he is both blind and deaf. For which way soever we look, we can see nothing but confusion and misery, neither can we hear the sound of any thing but complaints and lamentations. But if some other should then say that we ought to leave it in the same estate wherein it now is, and never seek any means to relieve it: might we not justly tell him that he is an enemy to virtue, in that he abhorreth not so many vices & mischiefs as do on all sides infect and torment us? Let us therefore leave those that are so doltish or corrupt, & hearken to the voice of the people that soundeth of nothing but restoration. Yea even all other the living, though unceasonable, creatures, if they could express their desire, would say the same, conforming themselves to the saying of S. Paul: That all creatures do mourn and labour, waiting to be delivered out of the bondage of corruption. But Rom. 8. there he meaneth to speak of the universal misery & final renovation, where our France now groweth after her own particularly. All sorts both great & small do confess that she is very sick, & do diverse opinions touching the remedies for this restoration. wish she were healed; but as touching the means to do it, they are at debate among themselves. For some would have her let blood extremely: Others do think it better to minister more gentle and easy medicines. In this contrariety we must therefore seek which be the fittest for the state wherein we are. For the chiefest part of a good judgement consisteth in knowledge how to choose that that may most profit. To the finding whereof I think there is nothing that can better conduct us then the experience passed among us, conjoined with perfect discretion, which is the rule of all politic actions. And under the conduct of so safe guides will I begin to enter the carrier. Touching the first that are so violent in their opinions, and propound Refutation of the opinions that counsel violence. nothing but sword and fire, I cannot me think like of them. For notwithstanding they seem to desire the general benefit; yet do they indeed rather seek their own contentations and particular profit. Wherein seeing reason resisteth their vehement nature, they have recourse to force, with the which, if it lay in them, they would not help themselves much better than a mad man with a sharp sword. It is strange to see that men in the government of brute beasts, can use moderation and patience, and yet in the regiment of their like, endued with reasonable soul and which are persuasible, nothing may serve but cruelty! In the correction of things hurtful we are sometimes forced to show rigour, which is not to be blamed, if the causes so require, and that withal we put away all desire of revenge. But to guide the instruments of rigour with envious passions, is the way to mar and overthrow all. And this have we thoroughly experimented in our poor country, who is so oppressed with those calamities, which through the rage of her own children she hath suffered, that now she doth clutter but with one wing. And what is the cause thereof, but these violent counsels: from whence are proceeded murders, manslaughters, beginnings of wars, depopulations, wrongful condemnations, sackings, and other mischiefs, with which means some say that we should help ourselves for the saving of the state from destruction and expelling the inconveniences already happened. Howbeit, in the end we have found such remedies to be far worse than the sickness, and more meet to increase than to decrease the disease. They are not therefore to be termed remedies, but rather most cruel revenges, and destructions which have ravished and carried away whatsoever the most excellent commodities of this realm, namely the flower and abundance of men. What can those men now say that take such felicity in the war & are so ready to persuade it, for now I protest that they see that notwithstanding it hath been six times renewed, it bringeth us no commodity, but rather plungeth our France in all desolation. But what will some passionate Catholic say: How can we Answer to a replication made by two sorts of men against the former resutation. root out those of the new opinion, if we may not help ourselves with our weapons? Truly my masters, may we answer, first it were requisite you should prove it a just matter and for the common commodity, to pollute your hands in the bowels of your fellow countrymen, before you be permitted to make such a butcherly slaughter. Were it not better for you by clemency to bring them to concord, and by good examples in life to endeavour to convert them? It may be also that some Protestant, offended at things passed will say: We must have no peace with these Papists that have done us so much mischief, before our swords have made cruel revenge. To them would I privately say: Why are not you yet weary, having tasted so many pains & miseries, but that you must re-enter again into new? Let us rather make war against our imperfections then maintain them in our land, and endeavour to mollify the hearts of those that hate us, by instructions, services & mutual duties: and so will God send us an assured peace. Thus me thinks we should answer those men that are so sharp set upon blood. When upon evil will we seek war, it must needs be unjust: but when to repulse cruelty and defend our innocency we are forced to bear it, it is excusable, because necessity constraineth. But among all the Frenchmens furies, there have none been so terrible as the massacres. They were, say some, the last remedies to restore France to union. And yet did never any thing happen that so far disunited it. Hereby we might be taught to refrain therefrom, because such violent ways in lieu of restoring, do destroy. And when all is said, such counsellors deserve not the name of reformers, but of deformers. If the correction of any abuse come in question, some are not content with the rooting of it out, but they must also spoil, drive away and kill those whom they pretend to be the abusers; without distinction Answer to an other objection touching strangers: especially Italians, out of whose destruction some think the peace of France would grow. of person or trespass. And if the Italians (who are mightily multiplied in France) be spoken of, they wrap them all in one offence and say that they must be thus and thus used. But they should first think, that as among the French there be both good and bad, so are there among them of both sorts. And a man may affirm that such of them as apply their minds to goodness, do prove most excellent, as also those that are given to mischief are aswicked. Moreover, is it possible to imagine any greater confusion and unjustice, then for the punishment of some ten or twelve guilty persons, to give in pray a thousand innocents to unbridled fury▪ If some Italians have brought wicked customs and inventions into France, watch them, and finding them guilty, punish them: but do not imitate them, for so might ye afterward be ashamed to condemn them. Some accuse them to be the authors of impositions and extraordinary taxes, which have almost oppressed the whole commonalty. It is a cursed crime, and those that are so unthankful to France where they are sustained and grow into wealth, as to be the occasions of causing it to be eaten up and so oppressed, are unworthy to dwell in it. But we must mark well who they be, and not impute the fault of a few unto all. What must we then do? For sooth we must not repose any credit in them: but in the government of the state, use such Princes, Lords & notable persons as always have been accustomed to counsel our Kings. Nevertheless, if peradventure there chance to be some among them who in respect of their singular virtue and fidelity might deserve to participate in the chiefest honours (whereto the histories do testify that in times past divers strangers have achieved) who would debar them? And hereupon I would demand of them what Frenchmen were more affectionate to the estate than one james also Theodore Trivolsse: one Prince of Melphy, one Duke Horatius Fernesius, & above all, the valiant race of the Strossyes, of whom the last (who deserved to march in the first rank of the best Frenchmen) did voluntarily sacrifice his life for the turning aside of those civil wars that began again to threaten our France. I would wish we had half a dozen such strangers even in our privy council. They have, will some man say, (I speak of those that traffic) all the greatest Farms of the Realm. I do not marvel thereat, sith they are given them. If a Frenchman could find any such commodities in Italy, he would post thither apace. The best remedy for that, is to prefer our own nation before them. This is not yet all, for these men can in five or six years make themselves rich. Truly if they attain to their wealth with either our public or private detriment, they are to be condemned: but if their labour, diligence and industry doth advance them thereto, you may not blame them, but rather think yourselves very dolts that can not do the like. And yet if we will look well to some of our French men, we shall find that they have made as good a harvest as the rest. To be brief, sith the most part of them are incorporate among us, as having both houses, wives and children, were it not great cruelty indiscreetly to rend away such a member. France hath always been very courteous to strangers, and so in my opinion she ought still to be, namely to those that we see do cloth themselves with the natural affections of the home-born, and that bring forth good example & better fruit. But the rest, who as bloodsuckers do suck us up and then go their ways, or that bring in pernicious novelties, they are to be accused, & being convict, to be made taste of the severity of the laws of France. For the punishing of a few would correct many. Howbeit, in the state wherein our Commonwealth now standeth an Italian Frenchionized, is as much to be esteemed as a Frenchman Hispaniolized. But it is not the stranger only whom they would have to be so hardly entreated, for when their passions prick them, they set them Answer to an other objection of those that stomach the Lawyer, the Nobility and the Clergy. selves against the natural Frenchmen. Some say that the seat of justice whereupon a certain form of justicers do sit, are now but traps & snares, wherein with the bait of laws and customs, both rich & poor are caught & spoiled, & therefore that we must banish one part of them & rob the rest, so to save and revenge ourselves of their rapine, & restore judgements into their ancient simplicity: Others raging against Friars & Muncks do charge them that they are the examples of all dissolute life, idleness & hypocrisy, who when they have lived of other men's labours, do also betray their consciences, and therefore say that we ought to set fire in the four corners of their covents. Some of the Commons complaining of the arrogancy of the Nobility would entreat them after the manner of the Suitzers, (yet the Suitzers have not done so much as these do think) so to establish a quiet Commonwealth. Part of the Nobility likewise disdaining the pride & insolency of the inhabitants of some mighty cities, also their readiness to Commotions, do wish In this case would I wish his Majesty to establish such a law Against those that counsel civil wars. as was used at Locres that had relation to another. That is, that every one that would propound any new matter in that Commonwealth, was forced to appear before the people with an halter about his neck: Then after the proposition heard, if it were allowed, the halter was taken away & he let go free, but if it were misliked, them was he strangled, to the end by this rigorous punishment to admonish every one not to be over hasty to bring in pernicious novelties that might breed alteration or innovation of the state. The like were it meet his Majesty should ordain, namely that whosoever would counsel civil war should come in like sort before him, his Princes & Counsel, assisted with three hundred persons accounted honest men & discreet & true Frenchmen, taken from among the body of the Nobility, the body of justice and the body of the Cities, to the end as his proposition should be by them found to be profitable or hurtful, he might be entreated: so peradventure the issue might be such that by this example many would be terrified & restrained from the persuading of war, through the continuation whereof France hath accelerated her destruction & doth frame herself to foreign bondage. Much more might be yet spoken to the weakening of this opinion, but this may suffice for those that will not dispute or argue thereupon. Now let us see what we are to judge of the other two opinions which do seem more receivable. Many men are persuaded that that Consideration of the second advice, contrary to the former. which commendeth the gentle & easy remedies is to be followed, as being most convenient for us. And this are they moved to believe by the consideration of the ruins that the rigorous have brought upon us: for thereof do they conclude that contrary effects must be attained by contrary means. Secondly, they compare France to a body which by long sickness is grown into so weak & feeble an estate that it cannot scarce stand: & do say that the rules of art do forbid the ministering of so strong medicines to him that is so weak lest they throw him quite down. And that with like reason, politic rules do not permit the application of so vehement remedies unto a languishing & half wasted estate. They say moreover that during even our small peace we might perceive that many things begun already to recover, which teacheth that gentle proceedings are marvelous proper to help to reduce France into that good order which we desire. And indeed this way seemeth as easy as the first seemed hard. But for want of following thereof we are fallen into wonderful calamities, the remembrance whereof hath made men so timorous that even words only do make them afeard. So that if we but speak of reforming of this or that, by and by they imagine that we are about to begin to destroy them: so sore have the passed injuries increased distrust. This is the reason why the most moderate rules, ways and decrees are most fit and necessary How we must use this advice. to begin withal, to the end to give to understand to those that yet are but wild, that we purpose for the re-establishment of those things that are in confusion to proceed with temperance, for so by yielding somewhat to their imaginations and fear, we shall make them afterward more ready to obey whatsoever shall be ordained, neither need we fear to find any great repugnancy when men shall perceive that the reformers do mean well. For now many things are changed over as they were in times past when some of the members only had been displeased. Now doth the whole body complain, and the patiented who before would not know his sickness, crieth out after the Physician. It is unpossible, will some say, to see so great consent in seeking Answer to those that think it unpossible to reform the state. reformation: for such as gain by disorders would have them still to continue. Hereto I answer, that we know well enough there will be contrariers. But on the other side, when men shall see the greatest number well disposed, being governed by authority and law, the rest will soon be brought into order. The principal sign hereof is example and authority royal, courageously commanding: without which nothing will be performed. And now will I Disorders that need reformation. set down some of the disorders of our estate, thereby to see whether the same be as easy to remedy, as many do imagine they be: so from the lesser and most easy I will proceed to the greater and hardest. The first place will I attribute to superfluity in apparel that exceedeth 1. Superfluity in apparel. every where, whereof proceedeth general poverty: which to redress seemeth but small difficulty, and yet it cannot be touched but two millions of men will cry out and exclaim. What means is there then to provide for it? Even to laugh at all those lamentations, complaints and rages. For from a fool if you take his babble, he will storm, and yet is it requisite to do it lest he hurt others. But, which is yet worse: these excesses that we speak of do hurt those especially that commit them, though at the first they be as pleasant, as in the end they be pinched, when their living is morgadged out. He that would particularly touch all these kinds of folly, (as the inventors of auricular confession have divided mortal and venial sins into an infinite number of roots and branches) should need a whole volume. It hath in all ages been a hard matter to cut off the things that men have esteemed to be their principal delights, yea some histories do report that even the Romans were much troubled therewith. Yet is there great difference between us and them. For they exceeded when they had abundance of all things, but we do it now that we have almost nothing: Neither do I fear that we shall enter into sedition for this point. They that keep the Custom house at Lions will say, that unless every man may have liberty of apparel the King shall lose above three hundred thousand crowns of yearly rent. But if we turn over the leaf, we shall find that there is yearly transported out of the Realm above four millions of Francs, which is carried into Italy for such wars, and do cause the King and his subjects to spend above twelve millions in superfluous apparel that might well be spared. In the time of Philip the Conqueror under whom France flourished and was aloft, Velvet was out of use with them, neither had they any store of Silks, at the least few men did wear them. Nevertheless, the great men were never better obeyed, each one in his degree, then in those days. So long as nothing but rich garments do procure reverence and love, there is but small stead fastness therein, and therefore there must be stronger bonds to bring us to our duties. Yet do I not mean that we should order our garments after the simplicity of old time: for now do many things abound that were then very rare. The third part of the Nobility at the least could wish there were some good order taken herein, so should they be better furnished with money and less indebted. And I believe they could be content rather to spend that which they do consume in such superfluities, in the King's service in the field, where their expenses should be better employed, than to impoverish themselves in these follies: and in lieu of so many gay hosen and cloaks broidered with gold and silver, to buy good horses, armour & furniture, therewith to be worthily furnished in these honourable necessities. So should we find above 1200, gentlemen able without pay to accompany him, which are yet good relics of our decayed France, and might work as great miracles as ever did S. Mathurin of l'Archant. And as these do cure fools (as that report goeth) so would the others heal certain dolts that think us Frenchmen to be even in the Hospital. Who then would make any stir for these things: Peradventure the women, who are wonderfully affected to these goodly ornaments, and would be very forie they should be cut off. Indeed they should be allowed much more than men, as well to content their curiosity, as also because they love to have somewhat that may give a gloss to their beauty. Howveit, Aristotle saith that women are the one moiety of the Commonwealth, and therefore aught to be bridled by good laws, but they will not believe him, but say that he is an heretic. There be many other superfluities which I will not speak of, Other superfluities, namely excessive expenses. as having touched them else where. Only I have chosen this kind which is as hurtful as common, which also I have laid open to the end to show that sith it may be amended, so may others likewise that make us worse and more needy. Which if any man desire me to name, I must report these; excessive expenses wasted in sumptuous Feasts upon small occasion: Masks, Plays, superfluous retenues, stately builoing, precious movables: with many other pomps and pleasures which all do stand in great need of reformation, because that many do pass their duties and abilities: neither should a man lie, that should say, that they are readier to spend 1000, crowns in such vanities, them to give half a one to a poor soul that dieth for hunger; or ten to a friend that standeth in great need. The cause whereof is overmuch self love and want of charity toward others. Now will I speak of matters which seem necessary to be touched, Of the principal remedies for this disorder. if we mind to reform the estate, notwithstanding it be dangerous stirring of them. There be that think that if in this our poverty those méns be not visited that have so unreasonably enriched themselves by our confusions, the King shall be defrauded of a wonderful commodity that would arise of the restitutions that divers Of visitations. should be forced to make, which also being applied to good uses, would stop great gaps. This proposition is plausible & grounded upon equity, but the execution thereof is very difficult, considering the great number of those whose consciences are larger than a friars ●léeue, some in receiving too much, others in serving their own 〈…〉 es, and others in catching and snatching. And undoubtedly, if we should drive them to give account of their administration past, it would breed some jar. Yet if there were but a few escheators in this number, (who now should deal faithfully in their offices, if they could remember what shipwreck they had once almost fallen into) was should be sure enough from any war there about. But to close with those that wear sword: that can both command and strike: and that have authority, friends, and intelligences, undoubtedly it would breed great alterations. Was it not one of the causes that moved Caesar to take arms, because they would have visited him and his partakers, about the wealth that he had gathered in Gaul? When the Gracchies propounded and purposed to put in execution the law Agraria which cut off the possessions of the rich, what bloody sedition did ensue? For although a thing be lawful yet is it not expedient to put it always in use, because that neither the indisposition of the affairs can bear it, neither the time require it. Some will say that it is a gentle way, to redemand that thing by law that hath been usurped against law. True. But if we do well mark the consequences, we shall find them so dangerous, that it were a great oversight for the gathering up of a few small profits, to incur great losses. For sith they that will not lose the goods that they have gotten, will not for the keeping of them abstain from violence, the surest way were now to wink at some incurable mischiefs and to look upon those that be curable. The law of oblivion which we have always placed first in our outcries, which also the Romans and Athenians after their civil wars did put in practice, doth warn us in these changeable times to forget many things. The like consideration is there to be had of the Clergy: for as many did affirm that it were good to take away half their goods 2. Of the Clergy. (which most of them do abuse) to discharge the King's debts, considering that the people in respect of their poverty are not able to do it: these great words, as tending to diminish their temporal possessions, did so terrify them, that calling together their wits, they have with wonderful sleights oftentimes overthrown these motions, wherein men began to take some small taste, showing that they could never be any whit inclined to relieve his majesty, unless he first set free the Church of Rome from the oppressions of the Protestants; & after the rooting out of them they would work marvels. To be brief, by such means and devices they have so runningly given us the turn, (as we use to say) that they are best in rest whiles the others are by war pursued. And sometimes when they have been disposed to take the bit in the mouth, what have they done? It was seen in the States holden at Blois in the year 1577. For they there so played their parts that they set one part of France against the other, while themselves judged of the blows: Yea some went so far as to to say that the Clergy possessed above fifteen millions of Francs in yearly rent, so that if any sought to oppress them, they would make those that had bitten them to let go well enough. These examples do show that it is not for us to use force against those that are able by force to resist. But I presume that in as much as they are Frenchmen, they will never see their King fall in necessity, but will secure him, in case they find that by courtesy they be required. Besides that seeing they employ not the Church goods to that use to the which they were bequeathed, they ought not to refuse to help him whose ancestors have permitted them the possession of the same. The same moderate proceeding is in my opinion to be taken 3. Of the Protestants. with the Protestants, because all the extremities that have been practised against them to reclaim them (as the speech goeth) have brought them with force to defend themselves. For it is not possible that so bloody a work of conversion can be perfected according to the first intent of those that began to frame it, and therefore the best way is to leave it. If we presume that they err, they must be reform by the words of Christ and his Apostles, and not by the persecutions and fires that have many years flamed in France. Fire belongeth to Sodomites, and not to those who in the midst thereof call upon the son of God only. Our Kings having by their Churchmen been persuaded that the rooting of them out of their territories should be an acceptable sacrifice unto God, thinking to do well, have done their endeavours, and to that effect consumed more money, men, and time than Caesar did in his Conquest of Gaul, Spain, and England. Sith therefore experience teacheth that all this have nothing profited, should we not seek more mild & convenient ways to preserve, rather than to destroy men? His majesty might do well to say to his Clergy: My masters, seeing the material sword hath not in so many years been able to bring your counsel to pass, labour you another while with the spiritual, which is teaching and preaching, adding thereunto good life, to redress piety and godliness. I would think that either part should take the same course to convert one another, which so many excellent personages have done heretofore: As Irineus, Policarpus, Athanasius, with other good Shepherds, that have guided an innumerable quantity of poor souls (which before were the bondslaves of ignorance and sin) into the way of salvation. With the sword you may well bereave some of them of their lives, but the taking of persuasions out of the heart cannot be compassed by any material instrument: but rather by better persuasions of truth. Observing this rule, it were moreover requisite, to the end to see some apparent rest in the Church., that his Majesty should call a national, frank and free counsel (for the Pope will never agree to any general, which he feareth as thunder) consisting of honourable divines, charitable and lovers of concord, who being holily assembled may find some indifferent means able to reduce us to a Christian uniou, which we all ought to wish, where before we fled one from an other through division. Our masters may peradventure hereunto answer, that the Catholic Romish religion must not be brought into question or argument, but rather the new opinions, as being full of error: But if any Heretic will dispute let him come to the faculty of divinity, there shall he be talked withal with the great teeth. Hereto I say that our masters have too great an advantage, when they are in their main Bulwarks, as at Rome, in the Spanish Inquisition, and in Sorbonne. For there is not so subtle a gospeler, but should lose his latin. Yea Aristotle himself with all his Greek, if he were in the stay should find himself hardly beset: for there have they more important arguments than those of the first figure. For when they hear any that oppugneth their opinions, and pricketh them with the stings of the Scripture, by and by they deliver him a syllogism to dissolve, which is either of fire, water, or halter, whereto he must aunfwer in person, not in figure, so as a poor condemned man before he be convict is forced corporally to yield to the force of their arguments which do necessarily conclude in death. The best way therefore were to give over all these passed evil customs, and to follow those remedies that I have propounded, or others more meet to attain to live in peace withal: for fear lest our masters endeavouring to compel others to admit their heavenly opinions happen to lose their earthly possessions, as already they have done in a great part of Europe. As also we do already in France see the richest members of their Domains in the hands of the Catholic warriors, who having received such benefits for the rewards due unto their services, it will shortly follow that (if the civil wars do continue) necessity and covetoufnesse will procure many of them to appropriate to themselves the things whereof before they were but farmers, as heretofore it happened in this Realm in the time of Charles the Simple. This brief advertisement I thought good to give them, as being assured that they would be loath either by power or policy that any man should presume to thrust his hand inio their cauldron, especially the Protestants, who as they say, have no right or authority in the imposition of hands. Concerning the law, which is a very unproportionate member, Of the law. it would deserve severe reformation, were it not that we are partly the cause that many of the ministers thereof do abuse it: because that to recover and recompense themselves they do (as some say) sell by retail that which they have bought by great. But the most especial remedy for this, were by little and little and that without injury, to suppress half this mighty army with all their superfluous formalities, which breed so many delays. So would it follow that half their suits would fleet away with the stream. But what excess is there in the order of receivers, as well in the multiplicity of offices as in their fees: which say they that know it, do amount yearly unto 1200000. crowns: Is not this waist of treasure, considering that under 100000. would suffice to maintain a reasonable number that might have that office. The whole revenues of the great Duke of Florence or Saxony amount to no more: which make me to wonder at our France, seeing the least pieces of our ruins do countervail some small Kingdoms. To attain therefore to the correction of all these disorders and Means to apply the remedies. many other that are to be seen in other vocations, it were requisite his Majesty should duly and without partiality call the general Estates, by whose means he might take good advice and necessary resolutions, so shoule they reap but a few curses of those whom they shall have a little plucked and he the profit. For whatsoever men say, or in whatsoever sort we take the Frenchmen, they still love their King. Here might rise a doubt that might breed blame to the use of moderate means, if the same were not opened and decided. That is, that many would think much that as well under the colour of clemency, as also induced through a false fear, least by touching them we might bring out of taste sundry persons to the prejudice of the Estate, we should leave so many vices unpunished. Truly they might reasonably be rejected, if they tended to restrain politic judgements, without which Commonwelths cannot consist. But it is to be considered that there is a difference between the courts of ordinary justice (which should always, if it were possible, bear an equal course) and the means and proceed which customably are holden in the correction of disorders happened as well in government, as universally in manners: for in these things sometime we are forced to accommodate ourselves to those persons, that are either over many or over mighty: to those means and power that are small: Also according to the time when an estate is divided, for that causeth release of all severity, attending more fit opportunity to use it. But when the law commandeth that blasphemers, murderers, adulterers and thieves be punished, we must not have regard to so many circumstances: for it is our duties to obey it, because it is God that speaketh: and in truth, that is the way whereby we should begin to reform deformed estates. Now it remaineth that we discourse of the other opinion which The third advice consisting of the two former. mixeth clemency with rigour. The allowers thereof do say that the meetest remedies for France must be so compounded if we purpose to reap any profit of them. For as the violent which do impair the disease are to be rejected, so likewise the gentle through want of strength to diminish it do prove unfruitful. They do consider that the mischiefs and disorders are tied to the whole body of France, even as the rust is tied to the Iron: Also that as for the getting of it of and making the Iron bright, it is requisite not only to wash and dry it, but also to power oil upon the rust to eat it, and then diligently to scour and cleanse it: so likewise the vices that have taken footing do not avoid, as we say, simply, but must be forcibly thrust out as a stranger should be thrust out of a house from whence he is unwilling to depart. If, say they, our calamities were like to the calamities of an offender, who having received the sentence of his condemnation, doth suffer one only officer to lead him where he list, it might easily be banished: but resembling rather an untamed Horse, who when the rider toucheth him with the spur, endeavoureth with his hinder heels to strike him, or with his teeth to bite him, must by him that mindeth to break him from the same be led lustily, and somewhile strooken with the rod, and somewhile chidden and threatened with a sharp voice: so must we think that most of our vices are haughty and proud, and knowing that you fear them, they do face you: but if you apply unto them the severity of the law with some punishment, they are afeard and do hide themselves. Moreover, when they that mislike of offences do see that we do with too much lenefie and too softly proceed to correction, they imagine some secret winking thereat, and so are offended at the Magistrate: by reason where of they conclude that a moderate severity must be added to the remedies, or else never to hope for much profit. This advice upon better examination do I find to be very The confirmation hereof. well founded, and by applying it to some matters propounded may better appear, as the Surgeons do apply their ointments unto wounds, to the end by their effects to gather the more knowledge of their virtues. But if any seek to accuse me of taking delight in taxing of divers persons, I will answer that if we endeavour to wipe away the blemishes happened in any degree, we must first show them. Neither will I bring for example hereof any other than those of the same body whereof I am a member, namely the Nobility and men of war. Let us now therefore look upon the misdemeanours of the latter sort against the people in the time of peace when they go to their musters or return home again, either when they change garrison: There shall we see that notwithstanding themselves have their pay, yet for the most part they will pay nothing, yea and must be set at the twenty sauce mess, as we term it, and at their departure their host must show them courtesy. This oppression may peradventure seem to be but small, but I think it amounteth to above 1200000. franks by the year. Neither may it be remedied by verbal persuasions, or public prohibitions, but rather with armed justice must some of them be severely corrected to the end to terrify the rest. Or who doubteth but there be some captains of the Infantry, who having pay for one hundred men do scarce retain thirty in their ●andes, and yet do scorn the others that have no skill in turning the Staff, calling them dolts▪ These excessive thieveries, which redound to the great hindrance of the King's service, can no way be reform but by exemplary punishments. At the least if they yet rob Gentleman like, it were somewhat tolerable, considering the course of the time: but to proceed thus far is but clownish theft. The Soldier may peradventure say: They use our service, but of money we hear no news: In this case being deprived of the benefit of their pay, they are to be exempt from the rigour of law, so that they live with discretion: But when under colour of non payment they shall exceed to all violent and infamous actions, they are not to be excused, as not having any further privilege but to live moderately upon the people as is aforesaid. There are likewise of the Nobility who either for their private quarrels, either to the end co encroach the spoil of some fat benefit, do without reason bear Arms, whereof doth often times ensue many murders, neither is there any Province in the Realm free from this abuse: Then if you send some inferior Sergeant at the mace to forbid them, never was pilferer better swinged than he shall be: To send likewise the governors letter, that is as could, because in these days the governors in lieu of commanding, do pray, and this have our dissensions brought to pass. What is then to be done in the restraint of these petty wars, which followed in the country, do kindle again hatred and breed partakings? For soothe even truss up five or six of these warriors, so to make five or six hundred wise. To be brief, sith by the continuation of evil wars, impudency, malice, and disobedience are so sore increased, we must not now think with proclamations and decrees to suppress them, unless those also to whom it doth appertain do take the rod in hand therewith to minister weight to their words. And although in this reformation, considering things in general, we are to proceed with much moderation for fear of Commotions or trouble, yet if we particularly look into many vicious qualities which hinder the re-establishment of order, I think it not amiss to mix some sower with the sweet. Thus may we judge which remedy may be most profitable, whether this or the more moderate: For my part I suppose that Conclusion. in some matters the mixed were necessary, although in other some the moderate: as being assured that there will be less difficulty in making this difference then in setting the matter in hand. But we drive of so long, for our mischiefs are grown to that pass, that we are no longer to consult how to cure them, but rather to wonder that we have not already done it. The fifth Discourse. That instruction and good bringing up are necessary for all young gentlemen. SUch as have noted the singularities of The original of the difference that appears between the ancient Nobility and that of our days. France, among the rest have set down that part of the Nobility given to justice and valiancy, wherewith it hath always been adorned, not to be the least, wherein they have had reason. For if we consider the times passed we shall by the apparent effects which from age to age have appeared, perceive that out of this great stock have proceeded such excellent men as have greatly profited and stood their Country in stead. But as all that hath been is subject to variety and change, so hath it fallen out that the most part of those that have succeeded in their ancestors goods, have not nevertheless inherited their virtue: but rather being half buried in common corruption, are degenerate and gone astray from the ancient manners, whereby is greatly diminished the commendation and good reputation in old time attributed, as well in general as particular, to those that bear so fair a title. Now, if we shall seek the causes that have engendered so many imperfections in this universal body, we shall find that the most notable hath been their small care to see their young Children well instructed in honest discipline, though withal I suppose that some have likewise erred in weening to attain thereto, whereof it hath ensued that the beginning being bad, that which hath been added hath been of the same. If the Parents for their excuse do allege that therein they have followed the custom: that will not justify them, considering that in so necessary occasions they ought to be directed by the instructions of the wise, who did so greatly account of this, that to the end the posterity should remember it, they have treated very largely thereof in the most part of their books that they have left us. I know well enough that naturally every man hath a certain inward motion to keep and exalt that which he hath begotten, but when this affection is 〈…〉 lpen and guided by learning, it may better attain to the desired purpose. And therefore it is not amiss briefly to hear the opinions of the ancient Philosophers and Lawgivers, to the end this judgement being confirmed, we may afterward be the better disposed to do that which shall be requisite. All the most renowned Philosophers as Lycurgus, Socrates, Why the good politics did carefully commend the good bringing up of children. Plato, Aristotle, Xenophon and P●utarke do affirm that the negligence in the well instructing of youth doth corrupt commonwealths, also that the vices which in youth are rooted in them can hardly be corrected. Whereas contrariwise when virtue doth in time take place, it afterward fructifieth wonderfully. They also not only blame the fathers that through covetousness, sloth or ignorance do deny their children that good bringing up that they own them, but likewise have an evil opinion of those commonwealths that want order and discipline for the instruction of youth. Yea and they further allege that the best natures wanting good bringing up, do grow very pernicious, likewise that they cannot in age be crowned with honour, if in youth they never learned to walk in the path of virtue. To be brief, they all are of opinion that as Plants and Trees for want of husbandry and pruning do grow wild, so youth if it be not polished by good customs do wax rude and vicious. This in brief is one small morsel of the instructions by them left in general as well to the Parents as Magistrates: to exhort and stir them up diligently to see youth brought up and instructed in all honest discipline. But what need we seek so great proofs and confirmation hereof sith no man calleth it in doubt? Rather ought we to declare how we should proceed in this bringing up, to cause it to fructify in the beautiful actions of virtue. Herein likewise it is requisite to help ourselves with the doctrine of the same Philosophers, who have so well discoursed upon every thing that belongeth to all parts of civil life that (the heavenly precepts only excepted) it is unpossible to devise any better direction. I will therefore here set down some sayings out of Plutarch to this purpose. There is nothing, saith he, In his treatise of the bringing up of children. that bringeth so soon to virtue and maketh a man happy, as good instructions, in respect whereof all other goods whatsoever are but small. Nobility is a goodly matter: but it is but a benefit of our ancestors. Ritehes are most precious, but they consist in the power of fortune: Glory is reverent, but uncertain and changeable: Health is precious: but subject to change. Contrariwise, knowledge is the only divine and immortal quality in us. For there are in man's nature two principal parts, understanding and speech, whereof understanding is as it were the master that commandeth, and speech the servant that obeyeth, but this understanding is never abandoned to fortune. It cannot be taken away by slander, corrupted by sickness, nor wasted by age, because it only waxeth young in age. War which as a violent stream taketh away and scattereth all things, can not carry away knowledge. Also the answer that Stilpon the Megarian made when Demetrius having taken the town of Megara, demanded whether he had lost any thing of his: saying, No, for war cannot take away virtue, deserveth remembrance. Hereby may we know the inestimable benefit that proceedeth of good bringing up, which although it be most necessary, yet are there other things, that as saith the same Author, must concur therewith to make a young man perfect in virtue. Now he nameth three, Nature, Reason and Use. By Nature, he meaneth inclination: by Reason, doctrine of precepts: and by Use, exercise. The beginning, saith he, doth come to us by nature: the increase, by the precepts of reason: and the accomplishment, by use and exercise: And the time of perfection, by all there conjoined. If there be defect in any of these three parts, nature must be of force therein defective and diminished. For Nature without doctrine and nurture is blind, Doctrine without nature is defective, and Use without the two former is unperfect. This instruction ought well to be noted, as containing the principal matters that Parents are to consider in the fashioning and disposing of their Children to virtue. And although they can not be always found so well together as a man would wish, yet should not that discourage them from proceeding to approach to the best and eschew the worst. Some Parents there are whose Children they find to be of Of the faults that parents commit. so lumpish and heavy a nature, that they think it but lost labour to go about to teach them the things that they presume they can never learn. But herein do they err, for upon those that want the power of nature is most art and labour to be employed, there with to supply the first defects: so sometimes in time the one amendeth by the other. Experience daily teacheth us that when a horse-keeper is disposed to take pains, he doth in one year so form and teach, even a great cart Horse, that he maketh him show some activity and become profitable in certain pieces of service: Is there less hope then to be conceived of a young child? Who although he have some natural imperfections (we mean not such as may hinder the principal actions of either the mind or body) yet with continual exercise may be brought into frame to learn sufficient civility to keep himself from dishonouring his Parents. Likewise in doctrine and nurture I will here note another error that often happeneth and Plutarch reproveth: There are now, saith he, some Parents, who through want of experience do commit their children to such masters as falsely profess In the same treatise. themselves to be that which they are not: sometimes also they know the insufficiency of such masters and yet will put them in trust, therein imitating the sick man, who refusing the skilful Physician reposeth himself upon such a one as by ignorance killeth him. Others there are also who through covetousness for sparing a little wages, do choose simple masters, therein seeking a good pennyworth of ignorance. Upon which saying, Aristippus on a time jested with such a father: For when this father asked him what he would take to teach and instruct his son: he answered, a hundred Crowns: A hundred Crowns, quoth the father, O Hercules●! that is much, Why! I can buy a good slave for a hundred Crowns. True said Aristippus, and so thou mayest have two slaves: Thy son and him whom thou hast bought. Truly that father is very unwise, that travaileth continually to gather much goods, and yet will deny a small part thereof for the instructing of those that must one day possess them. But what cometh of this nigardliness? After his death they prodigally wast that, which with so great labour he hath gathered together: or else become extreme covetous for lack of good teaching how to use riches. But those men are to be moaned, who having many Children and being poor cannot satisfy their desire to have them well instructed, but are forced to put them some here and some there into other men's hands, where they may be in danger of evil example: Albeit thereof they are to have an especial care, that they mistake not: but of that we will speak more at large in an other place. Youth likewise do fail in that which concerneth the use and Of children's faults. exercise of the good things that they have begun to learn: for when they should put them in practice, to the end to settle a good foundation in them, they grow careless, or suffer themselves to be led away by the force of vicious affections, which strive to suppress in them the rudiments of doctrine and virtue. Then therefore is the time that Parents should especially beware of discontinuance from that which cannot be form in them without continuance. A man when he hath planted a tree, is very careful to prune and look to it until it hath brought forth fruit, and then is he satisfied in that he seethe it is not barren, neither his labour lost. The like care is to be had of young Children; for to the end to be assured that they have profited, we must first see most evident testimonies, and then is the care the less. Oh how happy are the Children whose fathers, even from the cradle, are so favourable as never to cease their instructions until the years of discretion: to the end their minds and hands have no less perfection than their body's growth, force and health? For sith the conduct of their life is afterward to be grounded upon themselves, it is very requisite to procure that the foundation be good. Thus much in general briefly what is, after the doctrine of Plutarch, to be observed in the instruction of youth. Now must we see the manner how the French gentry do behave Application of the aforesaid to the French Nobility, and first to careless ignorance and covetous parents. themselves in the nurturing thereof, so to know wherein they do ill and wherein well. Then to show what may be added, for the establishing of a better order than any that yet is used in so necessary a matter. But before we speak of those that herein do show their good affection to their Children, I must say somewhat of the others that do but little or not at all discharge their duties therein. Truly those be such people as would be sent to school among beasts, to the end by their example to learn to have more care of that which themselves have engendered: for when they shall see with how vehement love the brute beasts do keep and nourish their young ones, they must be very senseless if they be nothing moved therewith. Many fathers there are that think the greatest bonds wherein their Children be especially bound unto them, do consist in that they have begotten and fed them. Neither is it to be denied but that the same be very great, nevertheless one more there is which must not be forgotten, and is no less to be confessed, namely, instruction in piety and virtue. For of this benefit is man only participate, where all other benefits are common also to beasts. Man is borne to a better end then to live, that is, to live well: and that must he be taught to do, sith he hath reason to comprehend it. And therein also doth fatherly love manifest itself, and childlike duty increase. But many fathers do fail herein through ignorance, contenting themselves with keeping their Children at home, clothing them and giving them their fill of meat and drink, as if they were to care for their bodies only: And the cause of this recklessness proceedeth of their own ill bringing up in their youth. Others there are whose hearts are possessed with such extreme avarice, that they are so far from being willing to spend some one crown upon the teaching of their children, that they even think to have done much for them, if they give them food: therein showing themselves unworthy of issue. The Lacedæmonians had a law, whereby those Children were discharged from relieving such Parents in their age, as were careless in seeing them instructed in their youth: which they ordained to the end to make them more ready to fulfil the precepts of nature, as being assured that he which denieth his child instruction and correction, leaveth him to be a prey to vice which afterward draweth him to destruction. Other fathers there are so fond minded as to ween that there cometh but small profit of putting their Children to School, thinking it enough for them to be able to write and read a little. One shall be so great a Huntsman, that all his delight shall be in Hounds and Forests. An other, a quarreler with his neighbours, and rough to his subjects: One that shall allow of no other kind of life, but to be lusty in his house: An other altogether given to suits and law, as thinking nothing more convenient for him then to increase his state with subtleties and barreting guiles. To be brief, every one loving his profession would that his children should take the same course, whereby to be like to himself, as if he were ashamed that they should pass him in the knowledge of virtue. Thus do the false shows of pleasure, profit, and honour abuse men, and bind and restrain them to the same object whereto evil custom hath made them most to incline. Now let us speak somewhat of those whose wills are good to have their children taught, and thereto do employ themselves, and yet cannot always attain to their desired purpose. Of those some deceive themselves, others are abused by the degenerating of customs. Concerning the first, they are easily satisfied with a Of the parents that are well affected to the institution of their children. few outward beautiful demonstrations that they hap to see in their children, and never seek further but thereby to judge that they have well profited, which they have not done, in that their inward man, that should be especially looked unto, is not well ordered. The second imagining that good examples should always shine in Prince's Courts, foreign Countries, or wars, do very inconsiderately cast their young seed into those fields which they think to be fruitful. But experience teacheth them that many times report is a liar, and many grains are quite lost. Howbeit, the better to lay open this matter, we are to understand that those French Gentlemen that love virtue and honour, so soon as their children be of age able to travail abroad, do ordinarily send them forth to learn that which at home they cannot. And their manner is either to make them Pages to Princes and Lords: either to put them among the Prince's footmen, either to send them into Italy or Germany, either else to commit them to the Universities: all which are fit means to instruct them in civility, warfare, learning, or knowledge of ●ongues, whereby men climb to honour, riches and virtue. And sith there are no other ordinary ways but those, men are constrained to take them; yea and they are to be commended, who led by a good desire do so train up their Children: But as in all places the corruption of manners is great, so without especial good heed we find that thinking to gather Honey, they bring home nothing but Gall. First for those that become Pages. It may be said that going Of Pages. into divers Courts they see many gay things, as Triumphs, Feasts, Combats, etc. They learn to apparel themselves hand▪ somely: to speak according to the divers qualities of persons: and to order their gestures. They do moreover see many honest exercises: but it is to be doubled that they do not so well bear away those things, as they priu● in their minds other bad fashions which abound in the said Courts, whereto also their age is inclined. For they go 〈…〉 e dissolute in speeches, incontinent in deeds, blasphemers of GOD, and above all, scorners and injurious, and finally most expert in lying and working a thousand deceits. But some will say that their Masters and their Esquires have an eye to them, yea but too faintly. And when the said Pages are grown a little crafty so as they can cover their malice, and with all that they have attained some small derteritie in any other matter, their hidden vices will not appear until the snme have taken sure root. But if any Lords have a more watchful eye to correct, it is much if there be two of the six: so far are we grown to neglect the true care that we ought to have of youth. The only remedy therefore to be used herein is, first that parents suffer not themselves to be so bliuded with a vain opinion of greatness that they cover rather to place their children in the service of a Prince, where is but small good rule, then in the house of a Lord or Gentlemen that will have a rare to instruct them in all honesty. Secondly, that if they may, they sometimes look to them, to the end to judge of their corruption or amendment, and according as they find to take them home, or leave them still abroad. And thirdly, not to suffer them to be Pages above four or five years, then to keep them at home a while, so to make them forget whatsoever had they shall have learned, and to confirm them in virtuous behaviour, before they settle them in any vocation wherein to continue. Many there that are sent to the regiments of footmen, and they go thither at fifteen, sixteen, or seventeen years of age. In Of Apprentizes in arms. time past being a little elder they were made archers in the bands of Ordinance, and then did all those companies consist of Gentry only, and the captains had a care to keep them in good order. As also many went into the bands of footment of Piedmont, who had most excellent orders. Contrariwise, now that discipline is reversed even among the footemenl it is perilous for the instruction of youth. For having for the most part none but unthrifts to their masters, evil examples do in time draw them into disorder, and in lieu of fashioning them bring them quite out of fashion. And to what purpose is it to learn to discharge a Piece, to knows what warding, sentinel, or skirmish do mean, and to show the brave countenance of a So 〈…〉 ier, if in counterchaunge hereof they abandon themselves to Sundry ●i●es: among which, blaspheming of God, quarreling with friends, playing away all even to the shirt, filthy lust after Harlots, and for the fulfilling of all disorder, an unbridled liberty to ●eate, rob and devour the people without compassion, do bear the greatest sway. These abuses do the most part of our footmen commit, except it be peradventure some old regiment and ancient garrison that live in better discipline. The best remedies therefore for parents in this necessary evil, is, not to send their children alone, neither to suffer to enroll themselves in the first company that they list to choose, but to hearken whether any of their neighbours will likewise send theirs, and so to join three or four of them together as it were sworn companions, with prohibition, the one not to leave the other. For being so together, shame will restrain them from evil, and withal they shall still secure one another in their necessities, if besides their fathers be acquainted with any honourable captain, they should direct them to him, with earnest request to have a care to rep 〈…〉 we them when they do amiss. Some there are likewise that take upon them to travail into Of such as travail into sorraine countries. foreign countries, upon a certain conceived opinion that others drugs are better than those of their own land: Others also do allow thereof in respect of the learning of common languages, serving to communication with strangers. Such as travail into Germany where the customs and behaviours do far differ from ours, at their return are found to be dull and rude, so that for the refining of them again their parents must send them into other places, whereof ariseth double labour, double time and double charges. And it doth oftentimes come to pass, that some having been brought up in the gross manners of Germany, and then returning to find the unbridled liberty of France; do so unconsideratly fly upon it that they stray out of the right course. And as for the voyadges into Italy, there be more that undertake them, especially to be instructed in many honest exercises which do there abound. But among those Roses they meet with many Thorns, because that a thousand baits of lust being as it were sown in the goodliest towns, youth which is desirous of novelty and fiery in affection cannot be kept from going to taste, yea even to glut itself with these sweet poisons, and so by continuance do become most indurate therein. Thus is the habitation of Italy to those that apply themselves to goodness more profitable, and to those that apply themselves to lewdness hurtful and worse than that of Germany. But what counsel is to be given or remedy to be provided against these inconveniences? The fittest is to send the younger sort, whose manners are not yet form, into Germany where simplicity doth take most place, and let the others that are already any whit grounded in godliness or love of honesty, go into Italy, notwithstanding the proverb: That never good horse nor bad man amended by going to Rome. This likewise must Parents yet note, that they keep them not there above two years, so to be the more assured that foreign wickedness take not so deep root but that it may easily be plucked up again. Now doth it rest that I speak of study in famous Universities, Of Students in Universities. whether many Gentlemen do send their Children to be instructed in learning▪ which also they the rather do because the life that they there lead is somewhat better ordered then in the aforename 〈…〉 places, where much vanity is learned as well as civility. They persuade themselves, and not without reason, that the liberal Sciences are a great ornament to Nobility, and maketh it more worthy to administer all public functions: which is the cause that they seek to have them at the first watered with so good liquor. Howbeit this notwithstanding, among many that there spend their youth, few do reap any great profit: which proceedeth of that that the fathers do take them away so soon, even at the time that they begin with judgement and discourse to attain to the depth and consideration of the excellency of Sciences. And in my opinion, the chief cause that leadeth Parents so to do, is for that they see that Ecclesiastical promotions are not given to the learned, but to those that can best court the Cardinals and Bishops, or the King's favourites: and the offices of justice in lieu of being conferred to the best deserver, are sold to him that hath most money. This considered, and likewise perceiving that the greatest honours are gotten with the sword, they will have their children betimes to accustom themselves to Arms. And peradventure they are not herein altogether inexcusable. One thing more there is that bringeth them out of taste with keeping them long to study. That is, that when they come to consider the countenances and simple and unpolished fashions of Scholars in respect of the civilities, courtesies and dexterities of those young Gentlemen that have made but two journeys to the Court, they think that their children shall never come time enough: who also for their parts need no great force to fetch them from the College: because the inclination to liberty, together with so many fair brags, whereat they level a far of, which also the world presenteth to their view, maketh them but too desirous to get forth. I will not speak of the delays made in Colleges in the teaching of children, for it is well enough known, that there is no good thing but hath some bad mixed withal. Herein cannot the parents better provide, than with themselves well to advise of what profession they will have their children to be, to the end to accommodate their studies to the same vocation: as being assured that he that Of those that bring up their children at home and of others that are forced to put them forth. is vowed to the war need not to proceed so far in study of the sciences, as those that thereby seek to grow and enrich themselves. They must also have a care that they put their children to learned tutors and well conditioned, least in am of knowledge they should reap ignorance, and corruption in stead of temperance. Other Gentlemen there be, who seeing disorders every where, had rather keep their children at home, and there to spare for no stipends unto sufficient masters, than to send them forth. This is a good way for those that be very rich, who also have opportunity to give them companions of their own age, with whom they profit better than being alone. But so cannot the poor that have enough to do to cloth and feed theirs, whom also necessity, as is aforesaid, forceth to make them pages where they may: as well to have them fashioned, as to ease their own charges. It is sufficiently known that there be many valiant Gentlemen of 7. or 800. franks rent, that have four or five children apiece ready grown, sitting about their hearths, what can they do with them but entreat their friends that are better able than themselves to give them their finding and instruction, which is the most commodious way for them that they can choose: whereof doth ensue a great bond both of the Father and the child to him that showeth them this courtesy, as also a great love of him toward them, in that he findeth himself to be thought worthy the government of others. The Lords that inhabit each province of this Realm, do own that liberal honesty to their poor neighbours: for if they be virtuous, can they anie where better sow so good seed than in their neighbours lands? & it may so light as it shall yield fruit ten fold. Some such have been a man's page as afterward hath saved the life of him, that brought him up. And although some free heart can never be weary of employing itself in such actions as purchase so sure bonds: yet must it proceed according as abilie may afford, so to avoid such inconveniences as we have sometime seen in the houses of sundry those Princes & Lords that have entertained every page that have been offered them. Whereof the number was so excessive, that it extinguished all care, not only of instructing, but also of clothing them, so as sometime you might find some of them all tattered, playing at scales with the stable boys. These are briefly the most ordinary forms of proceeding in the instruction of young gentlemen heretofore practised, wherein are declared the errors therein committed, the commodities & discommodities thereof arising, and the remedies that may be used. Now must we draw forth some public discipline for the afore named, whereby they may be instructed in good manners & honest exercises Of the public discipline of young Gentlemen. with most commodity, lest peril & greatest fruit. The ancient lawgivers that have prescribed laws to all sorts of common wealths, do will that children be taught in public places, touching withal every thing that is necessary for them to learn, whereby to become virtuous and good citizens. Aristotle in his Politiks treateth thereof at large, as also doth Plutarch in his small works. They say that man consisting both of body and soul, must also be instructed & exercised in that which belongeth to them both. For that neglected, the soul stumbleth in ignorance which is the mother of many vices, and by idleness diseases increase, and the body waxeth delicate and tender. Among the ancient nations in old time none were so curious in the well nurturing of their youth as the Lacedæmonians, & so long as they observed their customs, they had infinite virtuous persons, yea, their women & children became famous. The like affection ought to be among the kings that reign in these days, especially toward their nobility: from whence do proceed their Princes, mighty Captains, governors, and chief officers, Ambassadors and inferior Captains, whose service they use in defence of their crowns. For in case they desire to reap worthy service of all these when they be men, they must first have some care of them when they be children: because the Prince being the common father of his subjects, aught to procure that they be good. Whereof I do conclude that to the end to see good fruit proceed of the well nurturing of the Gentry, the parent's diligence only doth not suffice, but that it is also requisite that public orders do concur therewith, to the end that the one mixed with the other a more prosperous issue may ensue. In old time our kings founded many goodly colleges, to the end all their subjects indifferently might be instructed as well in divine as human learning. As also we may say that in old time Princes houses were schools, wherein young gentlemen were trained up in civility & good manners: when like wise the ordinances of the men of war did in part serve to instruct them in martial feats. But now inasmuch as in those places they find not so exquisite nurture as might be wished for, it were expedient to proceed to the remedy propounded: that is, that it might please his majesty in sundry parts of the realm to establish certain places dedicated to such instructions, which besides the ordinary fruit, might also yield this commodity, that parents should not be driven with so great expenses, and uncertain success to send their children so far away, as having even at their gates, as it were, most excellent schools of all good exercises: for there is never a year but there go 3. or 400. young Gentlemen out of France, the most of good houses, into foreign countries to see & learn, which proceedeth of valiant minds with extreme desire of knowledge. But every thing well weighed, the said voyages do breed more inconvenience than profit: For they carry the coin out of the realm, & return fraught with vices: besides that, of all that go the one half do never return, but are taken away either by sickness or other casualties. It were enough in my opinion, to sand their children at the age of 15. years to places so ordained, because then they begin to grow meet for the exercises of the body that require strength, & that in the mean time until they come to that age, their father's cause them to be taught either in their own houses or at the universities. These places whereof I mean to speak, might be named Academies, whereof I would in every head city of this realm appoint one, were it not that we are not yet disposed to do too much good at once: & therefore to begin withal, I would wish that 4. might be erected in the 4. quarters of the realm: which would most conveniently be at Paris, Bourdeaux, Lions, & Angiers, whether all the other provinces might have recourse. Or it were not amiss to establish them in 4. of the king's houses whereto the king doth but seldom repair, namely, at Fontain beleau. The castle of Moulins. Plessis of Tours, & at the castle of Congnac: for the lodgings are large & worthy royal works. In them might be taught many kinds of exercises as well for the body as the mind. For the body, to learn to back a horse, to run at the Quintain sometime armed, & sometime unarmed, to handle their weapons, to vault, & leap, whereto might also be added swimming & wrestling, for all these make a man strong & 〈…〉 mble: Some Catholics there are that would have young Gentlemen also to dance galliards among themselves only, notwithstanding dancing be but vain, so to learn to form the actions & to have the bolder grace abroad. These also might be the exercises of the mind, which are no less necessary than the rest. To have in our own language, lectures out of the ancient writers that entreat of moral virtues, policy, & war. They might also be instructed in the Mathematiks, Geography, fortification, & some most usual languages. And this is profitable for a gentleman, I mean to know so much as he can make use of. Furthermore, because man's life consisteth as well of travail as of rest, it is meet that his idle time be employed in some honest occupations, to settle & content his mind, lest it wander into bad cogitations and resolutions. Which moved Aristotle to wish young men to learn music: so as there should also be masters appointed to that end: likewise to play upon instruments, or to practise the pencil. And for the teaching of all these Of masters and Rectors. things, I think 8. or 10. masters to suffice, who had need to have good stipends according to the several qualities of the persons. For every one knoweth that he that can teach to manage a horse deserveth more than a Painter. Likewise inasmuch as it is requisite to have good orders in every society, especially in a house where so many persons must meet, to the end that obedience & civil honesty may the better be observed, it were good also to choose for those four places, as many virtuous Gentlemen to be superintendents of the said Academies, to whom as well the masters as scholars should yield all reverence, who also should see to the ordering of all things. Every of them to have 2000 franks maintenance, to the end to keep residence upon the place. Neither should their office continue above 3. or 4. years, which expired, to make choice of new. For if the youth that might have recourse thither should not be so bridled, they would hardly bear themselves modestly, considering the liberty that already they begin to take. The authority also of the abovenamed might extend, seeing any lewd, & as it were uncurable schqller, to banish Expenses. him the Academy, & to drive him thence. The charges for the maintenance of every Academy would not amount to above 3000 crowns, & so the whole four to 12000. by year, which were but a small matter in respect of the great fruit that would arise of the same. But some good common wealth's man will say, that it were better to devise how to discharge the king of his debts than to put him in Confutation of a common objection. new charges. To whom I answer, that thus he should pay one of the greatest debts that he oweth, which is to adorn his nobility with virtue. Besides that, who so list to look well shall see an infinite number of yearly expenses much worse bestowed. Howbeit, to the end not to burden the realm, which is already but overcharged, the readiest way to do this, were to take the first benefices that shall fall without charge of soul, & be in his majesties gift, & out of them to appoint payment. For as well they be given to such as spend the revenues in profane or rather so filthy uses, as it is a shame to say. The clergy do ordinarily complain that the noble men catch at spiritual promotions, which then they would not do, because that being instructed and at their charges, they would not seek to trouble public order For those that embolden themselves to such things, do it for want of good nurture. Afterward when the affairs of of France might The execution and fruit of this order. be brought into better order, the king might discharge the clergy of this bond. Now doth the difficulty rest in the finding of so many masters, For unless it be at Paris the other towns are in a manner utterly unprovided. At the first peradventure we must fetch some out of Italy, especially such as can teach to manage a horse, to use weapons, or to vault, although I suppose that among the Provinces there be many poor gentlemen sufficient for this purpose. But before these Academies shall have stood three years in use, themselves will have framed more masters than we shall need. For the Frenchman is ready to learn arts and sciences, especially if he see them in account, and that those that have skill be maintained. Furthermore, notwithstanding the masters that should teach, have their stipends out of the common purse, yet should they not be debarred from taking by permission some honest rewards of their disciples, to the end to make them the more diligent to teach them well. As also the superintendant might to his best avail board some young Gentlemen, which would redound to their benefit & their parent's commodity. To be brief, there might be such discipline, that such as should commit any dishonest act, should be corrected, either by exhortations, punishments, or shame, as hath been said, to reform them of their misdemeanours. particularly to discourse of the orders to be observed in these exercises were but superfluous. Only we should think, that except the principal feasts & sundays, no day should be exempt from bodily actions. It is also to be considered, that inasmuch as the escuiry cannot have horses enough to teach all, every young Gentleman, especially the rich, at his coming should bring one either broken or unbroken. For either with the one or with the other they may always exercise themselves. Besides that, it will be a commodity to their parents to send their horses to be there brokrn, whether great horse or curtals. Neither do I doubt, but by such time as a young Gentleman shall have continued four or five years in such a school, he will be able to show himself in any Prince's court: For being skilful in so many honest exercises, and withal instructed in other things that are not comprehended but by the understanding, who will not wonder at eighteen or nineteen years of age to see such towardness? Now if either in the court or other where we see one endued with such qualities, we like of him & wish him good luck: What then would we do if we should see all the provinces of the Realm plentiful in such fruits. What a contentation might it be to our king to see himself environed with a nobility, not in name only, but in virtue? As also what an honour for the parents that have erected so goodly pillars for the upholding & glory of their families? Likewise our youth being thus instructed, we shall not need to fear to send it into any place wheresoever, because it shall be of good proof: and in lieu of spoiling itself, it shall choose the best in other places whereby to profit. Neither shall there need above six such in a whole band of soldiers to bring the same into liking with all commendable exercises: whereas now for the most part they all employ their valiant leisure, either in trifling or hurtful pastimes: so should the assemblies which often meet in the provinces to decide controversies, or to levy grain, be converted into sweet and pleasant contentions between young gentlemen, sometime in towns and sometimes in lords houses, to run at the ring, or to fight at barriers, with such other exercises whereby to win the prizes allotted to the most active: then would they also maintain challenges, and of these communications in so honest recreations engender acquaintance and fruitful amity. I will leave to the judgements of such as have haunted the courts and wars, to note how soon the young men that I have spoken of, will grow both good courtiers and better soldiers. For being already so well instructed in the actions both of the body and mind, such a preparation would make them capable of that in two years which others (who besides the helps of nature have but small learning) can not comprehend in six. Finally the report of this good order being spread through foreign countries, we should have great resort of strangers to participate in the said instructions, which would greatly redound to the glory of our country. This is one small means in some sort to keep the universal corruption (which as an overflowing stream seeketh to win Conclusion. ground) from further infecting of our nobility: Besides we might conceive this hope, that by continuance of such an order we should by little and little see good manners restored. As also that age seeing youth so modest and well taught would be afeard to transgress and have a greater desire to understand what is worthy themselves. Only it remaineth to persuade his majesty to provide either these or better establishmentes, which I assure myself, he would not be against, in respect of that singular affection which he beareth unto his nobility, who having been ever heretofore ready to sacrifice their lives for his service, would be much more bend thereto when by new benefits their bands shall be increased. The sixth Discourse. That the reading of the books of Amadis de Gaul, & such like is no less hurtful to youth, than the works of Machiavelli to age. I Have heretofore greatly delighted in reading Machavels Advice upon Machiavel's writings. Discourses & his Prince, because in that same he entreateth of high & goodly politic & martial affairs, which many Gentlemen are desirous to learn, as matters meet for their professions. And I must needs confess that so long as I was content slightly to run them over, I was blinded with the gloss of his reasons. But after I did with more ripe judgement thoroughly examine them, I found under that fair show many hidden errors, leading those that walk in them into the paths of dishonour and damage. But if any man doubt of my sayings, I would wish him to read a book entitled Antimachiavellus, the author whereof I know not, and there shall he see that I am not altogether deceived. Of the books of Arnadis. Neither do I think greatly to deceive myself though I also affirm the books of Amadis to be very fit instruments for the corruption of manners, which I am determined to prove in few words, to the end to dissuade innocent youth from entangling themselves in these invisible snares which are so subtly laid for them. Evermore have there been some men given to the writing & publishing of vanity, whereto they have been the sooner led, because they knew their labours would be acceptable to those of their time, the greatest sort whereof have swallowed up vanity as the fish doth water. The ancient fables whose relics do yet remain, namely, Lancelot of the lake, Pierceforest, Tristran, Giron the courteous, & such otheas do bear witness of this old vanity. Herewith were men fed for the space of 500 years, until our language growing more polished, & our minds more ticklish, they were driven to invent some novelties, wherewith to delight us. Thus came the books of Amadis into light among us in this last age. But to say the troth, Spain bred them, & France new clothed them in gay garments. In the The original. days of Henry the second did they bear chiefest sway; & I think if any man would then have reproved them, he should have been spit at, because they were of themselves playfellows and maintainers to a great sort of persons: whereof some after they had learned to Amadize in speech, their teeth watered, so desirous were they even Their fruit. to taste of some small morsels of the delicates therein most lively and naturally represented. And although many disdained and rejected them, yet have but over many, having once tasted of them, made them their continual food. This sustenance hath engendered evil humours that distempered those souls which peradventure at the first thought not to have grown so weak. My judgement therefore of these books in general, shall be Thsir author. this. I think (unless I be deceived) that he that composed them was some courtly Magician, cunning & sly, who to the end to bring his art into estimation, and withal to procure unto those that be dealers therein, both honour & fear, hath cunningly feigned 1000 marvels which he hath covered and wrapped up in a number of pleasant, desired, and usual matters, so as the one running among the other, the whole might be the better received. I know there are some that will find my opinion to be very strange, because they ween that the author of the said books intent was no other but to leave to the posterity a portraiture of the exercises of the Courts in his time, and withal to forge a spur wherewith to prick forward young Gentlemen, and to incite them to entertain love and practise arms, as the two only most beautiful objects, that may delight, fashion, and cause them to climb to honour. But their judgement is too simple, as staying rather upon the consideration of the beauty of certain outward matters, than upon the truth of the inward. For notwithstanding I grant that the instructions and examples of this fabulous history, may also be propounded, to the end to teach both to love and fight, yet will I say that the most of those loves are dishonest, and almost all the combats full of falsehood, and not to be practised, so that the following of those rules is to walk in error. All therefore that I pretend to show may far better appear by deducting the particularities that I have noted. I will begin with the persons of Alquif, Vrgand, and their like, enchanters and witches, there termed Sages, as also the Magical The proof of the former point in the consideration of the first fruits of these books, or devilish arts which they used ase called Perfect wisdom. Yea I think if the author durst he would have named them Prophets, which name they deserved, but with this tail, of Satan. When these Sorcerers or Witches came to any Prince's court, they were cherished and wonderfully honoured, yea, they were admired as if they had newly come out of heaven, neither did themselves fail to named the poison of Impiety. seek meet occasions for to come, as when they must part two knights fleshed to murder each other to minister pastime to the Ladies, either to bring enchanted armour to save a young Prince that was to receive the order of knighthood, either to set a whole Court in an uproar by some terrible sight, and then to appease and qualify it again. But I do amiss in going about to specify their miracles. For we must imagine that jupiter and Minerva in old time did never so much as these. Moreover, when there was any question of inquiring after things to come, they were strait sought unto, as the paynim used to go to the Oracle of Apollo. We are not therefore to marvel that they were much made of, sithence we see them thus endued with a supernatural power. For these kinds of Magicians are accounted good and succourable. But the author forgeth also others, as Archalaus the Enchanter, Melie, and many The inetnt of the author of these books of Amadis. more that delighted only in doing mischief. Whereby we may easily perceive that he maketh Magic arts matters indifferent, thinking them lawful or unlawful, according as they be used well or ill. Yet, it seemeth he allow the use thereof among the Christians, and disalloweth it among paynim. These doth he say to have drawn their knowledge out of the books of Medea, who in old time was a notable sorceress. But his Vrgande the unknown he saith, to be instructed by the wonderful precepts of great Apollidon, whom he feigneth to have been as another Zoroaster, wherein he speaketh better than he is aware. For Apollidon may be the same Apollion mentioned by Saint john in his Revelation, namely, the Devil, whom we may say to have been the common schoolmaster to them all, because that so pernicious arts, replenished with fraud and lying, cannot proceed out of any other shop than his. We must therefore settle ourselves, and beware we be not snared in the writings and persuasions of those that after they have masked and disguised impiety, would harborowe it among us who are to drive it away as a most horrible monster. Most men when they hear speaking of enchantments and sorceries, do at the first scorn or detest them: but if they suffer themselves so far to be led as to delight to talk of them, or to see some of their proofs, they do by little and little take a custom not to abhor them. Like unto such as having long eschewed serpents, do nevertheless by seeing & handling than, come at the length to wear them about their necks, notwithstanding nature doth somewhat thereat rapine. Some may say Why the reading of those books is pernicious. that of a fly I make an elephant, also that if that reading of these follies which every one accounteth but fables, were so dangerous, our great learned men should likewise abstain from reading the books of jamblichus, Porphirie, Psellus, Apolonius Tianeus, & such like, who have at large entreated upon Magic, & the communication that may be had with Demons, as also of that sacrifices that they require. Whereto I answer, that there is great difference between those that peradventure never read any other books but Amadis, wherein the sugar that is dispersed all over, maketh them to swallow great morsels of Aloes at unawares: & the others who grounded in learning, age & experience, do seek for some roses in the large forests of thorns. For the first not knowing the snares, are suddenly taken, whereas the others perceiving them a far of, do seek to break them. Truly the youth of our courts within these 10. years, had not been so ready to feed their curiosity with such marvels, had not the laid books of vanity prepared them. And this is it that hath caused Astronomers & enchanters to be so well welcome. Many account it no inconvenience to see & learn those things that procure mirth & marvels: but they perceive not that the same is the beginning of that game, & that the poison lieth in the tail. There be other pastimes enough though we meddle not with those wherein the magicians cunning varlets come to play the feats of pass & rapasse: & such as enter familiarity with them, do never escape their payment, not in Ape's coin (as that proverb termeth it) but in much worse, which these petty transfigured maumets (that come to play with the simple) do liberally deliver them: For in the end they catch the souls, infecting them with a foolish belief, which by little & little carrieth them from God. The prophet Balaam, though a false Prophet, did nevertheless say very well, That the people of Israel was blessed, because they had among than neither Soothsayer, diviner, nor enchanter, If we will enjoy that like bless we must also imitate that people, as well in rejecting the persons at that writings, which are as baits to enure us in devilish mysteries. Thus much of the first & principal poison hidden among the the fruits of Amadis delights. The second fruit termed, The Poison of pleasure. Concerning the second, which I term the Poison of pleasure, which also is much more open than the other, & withal so subtle & penetrative, that to eschew harm thereby, we must first use very good preservatives: it consisteth in many sorts of dishonest lusts, which therein are so lively described, that young men in the consideration of them are deceived, as the birds were in the sight of Zeuxes counterfeit fruits. The French translators have studied well to polish their translations, also have added as I ween (for the true Spanish) anguage is too simple) all that fairest ornaments Impudent and foul loves. that they were able to borrow of Rhetoric, to the end the new might be of the more efficacy to persuade that things whereto many are but too willing to be persuaded: & having made it more copious & wanton, it is not to be demanded whether the sound thereof be pleasant to the ear, through that which being once passed, it tickleth the most tender affections of the heart, which it moveth more or less according as the persons are disposed thereto. Oh what a goodly instruction is it for ladies, to see young princess's frying in amorous flames, for some knight whom they never saw until within two hours before, for albeit shame & modesty ought to restrain them within the bounds of shamefastness, yet doth the author make them confess, & even at the first that the violent stings of the God Cupid (whom they do blame) have wounded them so deep, as not being able to get out at the door they must creep forth at the window, into some delicate garden to eat Apricocks. But this I have noted, that fortune have been to them always so favourable, that never any of them took harm, so that well we may apply unto them this song, Your pace it is so swift Guillemette, your pace it so swift. But for the knights they are more quick upon the spur. For so soon as the beam of beauty have dazzled their conceits, they are not only in a continual heat, but also even roasted & roasted (as the good old wives of our towns do say of the souls in purgatory) so that they never stand still, until they have found some remedy to refresh them. Neither do these loves in all these difficulties want some subtle Dariolets, that is to say, The infamous bauldry of a blotter of paper. cunning bawds. And I believe Homer, in the personages that he hath brought in to describe sundry offices did never make any to play their parts better than can these: who know more inventions than a very for of subtleties, to catch the birds with the snares of pleasure. This comedy thus played, the author employeth all his aloquence to show that man's felicity consists herein, & it is of no small force to infect delicate youth with the daily reading of these follies, do harbour them in their hearts: I wéen that in the monastery of Franciscans at Paris (which is the fruitfullest clapper of Monks between this & Rome) there is none, but if he had as often read the discourse of Amadis, as the old miracles of the golden legend, & the new fables of the comformities of S. Frances, would feel himself pricked to the quick with these dangerous temptations. Much rather than ought such younglings as troth up & down the delights of the world to forbear them. It may be alleged that most of the love tricks there entreated of, do tend to marriage. I grant it. But before they proceed to public marriages, almost all of them do commit secret follies as Pollution of holy Matrimony. it were for a learning, whereof oftentimes proceed such claps as blemish honesty. Howbeit, who so on the other side will note the ●a liances of Florisel, Don Rogel, and many other knights that were more eager upon this game, than is a promoter after his pray, shall find goodly lessons to kindle incontinency, which already flameth but too much in young breasts. The author not content to teach how to abuse lawful love, and to practise unlawful, hath also feigned fantastical, which nevertheless, saith the story, have brought forth their effects. As that of Amadis of Greece and Queen Zahara. For some Magicians perceiving that they glanced each at other, although Amadis was married, yet taking pity of their passions, as also to take away the spot of adultery, did enchant them them both in goodly delightful gardens, where forgetting themselves, they nevertheless forgot not to beget two pretty babes, named Anaxartes and Alaxstraxeree, and then having unwitched them again, let them go where they list, without remembering any thing that had passed between them. What else is this but a secret representation of Mahumet's paradise? Whereof this author thought good to give the Christians of his age some small taste as peradventure somewhat savouring of Mahumetisme (for then was all Spain full of Saracens) to the end they might accustom themselves to feed both their bodies and minds with carnal thoughts and deeds. I leave it therefore to the judgement of such as are endued with any integrity, whether the reading of such books stuffed with such filthy follies, be not dangerous both to young and old: for having once red them, they cannot afterward so cleanse themselves, but still there will remain some spots to stain their conversations. I once heard a good Gentleman say, that they contained a hidden property in the generation of Horns, and I doubt himself had had experience thereof. For he wore two petty horn buds Whereto such books are meet. hidden behind his ear, which another of the same occupation had there fastened in full payment of the like some, which not long before he had received of him in pure and true love, and therefore the better to be believed, sith he spoke as a craftesmaster. Truly my counsel were to banish and send all such books into Sicil, where the men keep continual watch for fear of surprises by e night. So should we see whether their vigilancy could warrant them that this Productive cause should not fructify among them. Some attorney of Amadis may peradventure make this objection, that divers though they never read those books, can nevertheless do as bad as the rest. I think there be such, but I give them double blame, in that their inclinations are so ready without help to run into mischief, Now let us proceed to lay open some other bad drugs that are to be found in this shop. And in my opinion this may challenge the 3. The third fruit, named the poison of revenge. place, which is a miserable custom brought in by this author, who avoweth that the highest point of knight's honour consisteth in cutting one another's throat for frivolous matters. And of these tragedies he maketh a sovereign pastime for Kings, Ladies, Courts, & Cities. Oftentimes we see in the lists the father against the son, the brother against the brother, the uncle against the nephew, where when they have hewn one upon another two long hours, they have both through faintness fallen down all tainted in blood. Sometime he feigneth they knew not one another, another time that they assailed each other to try themselves. But what gross & villainous ignorance & trials are those which procure the perpetrating of so horrible parricides▪ It may be answered that they be the instructions of the great Apollion aforenamed, who being a murderer from the beginning, delighteth wholly in committing of murder. In old time the Romans took pleasure in forcing men to fight to outrance before them, but these were transgressors that had deserved death. Where contrariwise ours are the sons of Kings, Princes & Lords that counterfeit swordplaies: which can persuade unto youth that read these examples, nothing but that they still must be fight with one or other, to the end to be esteemed of & feared. And peradventure such impressions have multiplied the quarrels in our France within these 30. years, to such quantity as we now see. Also it may be said & that justly, that such spectacles, through customable beholding the shedding of man's blood, have made our courts pitiless & cruel. Let therefore those that desire to feed their eyes with blood, imitate the manner of England, where they bring in wild beasts, as Bears and Bulls to fight with dogs, which pastime is without comparison far more lawful. This likewise was another custom of the knights of those days, That if any one had made promise to go about any adventure with The fourth fruit, named forgetfulness of true duty and abolition of all good orders. one of these pilgrims, who always travailed alone with them: though their sovereign Lord, or their father or mother should command than even with lordlike authority & fatherly power, to desist therefrom to the end to serve in some other necessary service, yet if they gave it over, it was a perpetual infamy to them, for they were bound by the order of knightood to follow their gentlewoman, who sometimes was of a reasonable disposition. These be new laws which upon a bravery tend to blot out of men's minds the same which nature hath so lively engraven and so highly commended unto them. In this respect therefore are theyalso to be buried in oblivion. I know I shall be accused of oversevere censuring, or else of slandering of our chronicler of Amadis: for whose justification it will be said that in many places of his books he greatly extolleth Christian Defence of the censure aforesaid. piety. Whereto I answer, that he cannot well excuse himself touching this point. But by that which he saith, it is to be judged that he discourseth not thereof but only for a cloak to shroube himself, and that he hath read but little in the Bible. For he propoundeth a wild and savage religion, that dwelleth only in deserts and hermitages, which he should have described more civil & domestical. But how should he deal sincerely in divine matters, that handleth human so profanely. Finally, I will yet set down one point concerning the exercise of arms, which he maketh so unlike to common use, that it is rather a mockery and abusing of youth in giving them such precepts: The last fruit named partinent sables. for although the wiser sort do account such knightly prowesses and giantlike strength, wherewith the reader is so importuned, to be but fables, yet the more undiscreet, under so sweet a charm of words cannot forbear, but remember some such draughts as are most conformable to their affections, to the end afterward as occasion may serve to try them, thinking thereby to be more active than others. True it is that sometime by the scoffs that they incur, they are reclaimed from these errors. But we are not to permit them to proceed to these experiences, but rather to propound unto them true documents, and to hide from them the false, so to keep them from failing. When a man hath bestowed all his time in reading the books of Amadis, yet will it not all make him a good soldier or warrior. For to attain to be the one or the other, he shall need nothing that therein is contained. I will not otherwise speak of these mighty blows that cleave a man to the waste, or cut asunder a Vantbrasse arm and all: neither of those shocks or falls that do a man no harm, but that he may rise and leap again upon his horse back, as he were become a leopard, neither of their continual combats of two hours long, together with their foolish enterparliestneither of their imaginary valiancies that make one man to kill 200. because the matter itself showeth it to tend only to terrify women and children: yea, whosoever will lose so much time as to read the whole story, may plainly see whether I do justly or wrongfully reprove all these brave & magnificent follies. Howbeit among all that I have here said, I do not comprehend those exercises in arms, which are the pastimes of our nobility in time of peace, but contrariwise I do commend them, in that they are besides the pleasure both honest & necessary. And every one that list to call to mind how during the reign of good king Henry the second, through the frequenting of the same, they grew more expert and valorous, will endeavour to renew the practice thereof. Here might I allege many other vanities wherewith these books are stuffed, were it not that I fear to bring myself too far in liking with them, whiles I seek to bring others out of taste thereof. Those which I have here traced may suffice to turn away their minds, that are any whi● affected to honest and virtuous matters, from spending their time in the same. For they pollute themseluts, weening to reap delight, and through loitering in reading of lies, do disdain those wherein the truth doth most evidently shine forth. The seventh discourse. That our over small consideration of the good things that we have, and our over eager covetise of the good things which we have not, do multiply our miseries. I Will not extend this proposition to all sorts of men How great cause the French Nobility have to content themselves. as I well might: for my pen being weary cannot run into so many places. It shall therefore suffice me to frame it to those of mine own profession whom I wish to reform, because herein they fail more than any others. Neither do I think that I shall need to bring in any great proofs: for the disquietness of their minds, which force their bodies hither and thither, up & down, in right and wrong, are testimonies sufficient. Now I think our nobility have small cause of discontent, considering how God hath lodged them in one of the goodliest gardens in the world (more temperate than the fortunate islands so famous among the the ancients) wherein nature doth most abundantly shed forth her pleasures and delights. So as although she hath not so much wealth as Spain, who sucketh the golden paps of both the Indies: though she have not so many Privileges as Pologne, which chooseth princes, & beareth lordly dominion over her vassals: and although she be not so ingenious as Italy which knoweth much dexterity and courtesy, yet all this notwithstanding, she wanteth not wit enough to guide her, force enough to defend her, or wealth enough to maintain her. If we behold the infinite number of goodly houses, well contrived and provided of all things requisite, which she possesseth: likewise her honourable exercises both of weapons and learning, the toll serving to make the bodies more nimble: her pleasures as of hunting and music, with her secret conversation: finally, a thousand goodly rewards of virtue wherewith she doth oft see herself crowned: we shall be forced to say that she ought many times to lift up her eyes to heaven and to yield thanks to God for so good a share: but it falleth out that few do enter into these general considerations, & fewer into the particular. To the end also the better to perceive how the most part do ordinarily bear themselves. Faults herein committed. I will propound this example, namely of a Gentleman of 3 or 4000 franks rend, already well entered into his youthful age, and formed according to our customs, which are but too easily larned. If he be in his own house, nothing will please him, neither can he ever be quiet until he hath set feather in the wind to go see the world, which desire, if it be moderated, I do not blame: but I mislike his taste of that which he should taste better of. If he light upon any court, where after he hath a while trotted up & down, he hath attained a little fame & knowledge, he thinketh it a small matter, in respect of other stings that prick him & still make him to look forward, but never behind him. Then coming to learn the use of his weepon, he still thinketh his estate over base, and so aimeth at the uncertain. If he chance to return & play the good husband at home, & that he have laid the foundation of a complete family, he will not make so much account of his wife, children & revenues of his house as he ought, as taking the first goods to be over common, & the second over small. Having attained to old age, wherein he should after the tediousness of so long a journey, take his rest and rejoice that he hath gotten so near to his end, then is the time that most cares, anguishes, and fears do greatly torment him: so as few things delight him though many displease him, and thus doth he live miserably until be come to hide his head in his grave. Thus do we briefly see a small portraiture of many men's lives, who because they cannot well know the good they have therein, do enjoy such a benefit but coldly and without commodity. Truly if every one would often weigh the good whereof he may make account, he should find the same as weighty as he thinketh them to be light. But when he casteth it at his heels, like unto forgotten sins (as the proverb goeth) it yieldeth but small profit. The Philosopher Remedies for these faults. Plato said, that he thanked God for three things: That he made him to be borne a Grecian & not a Barbarian: an Athenian rather than the citizen of any other town: & in the time of Socrates: but for how many things more that he speaketh not of, did he give thanks? And in thus recording his felicities, his soul grew the more quiet & satisfied. The like aught we to do & that often, to the end to banish our insatiabilitie & ingratitude, which without misery do make us miserable. And whereas some do think that after some sort they do acquit themselves hereof, yet if they look well, they shall find great difference between that which they do & that which they ought to do. For they imitate not so much as Plato, in noting that which is common & general, but do still address themselves to some particular thing that pleaseth them. He that is skilful in the art of war; will think only upon that benefit whereby he atchieveth praise. The lawyer will likewise dwell within the bounds of his knowledge, through the which he filleth his coffers. Neither will the Merchant esteem of any other thing in himself, than his dexterity & diligence which make his traffic to flourish. All which considerations are not utterly to be reproved. But even as a banquet is not made with bread only without any other thing thereto adjoined: so likewise to the end the rather to satisfy every man with his own estate, we are to set before our eyes all whatsoever we can gather together, either the great or small blessings that God hath bellowed upon us. And the more plentiful that we shall find them to be, the greater are we to account our felicity. When we look over our rentals, we find written great rents due unto us, asalso a number of small of a halfpenny and a farthing, which how small so ever, we nevertheless blot not out: because that gathered together, they help to make perfect the body of our revenues: no more are we likewise to race out of our remembrance the least benefit that we enjoy, because the thinking there upon maketh our life the more sweet & pleasant. The means therefore well to grave in mind both great & small, is to steal from ourselves, & to bestow one only half hour of the day in the meditation of the same. For still we shall find so much new matter, that the same will invite us cheerfully to labour in such abundance. But in the observation of this rule, it may be there be some who peradventure would think to deal with God as they do with men. For they are loath to sift the pleasures that they have received, because so they become debtor: likewise that they would imagine, their entry into such accounts with him, (and these I rather term small and unperfect recordations of his benefits, which we are as well able to number as the stones of a City) to be an overcharging of themselves with obligations & an oppression of their mistaken liberty. In these cases are their imaginations false, and themselves have but small knowledge of the nature of God, who assuredly at such time as we most turn over the book of receipts of his benefits, doth then give us most: because that our small preparations to acknowledgement do mightily move his liberality. It seemeth that I have somewhat passed the bounds of my first speech: but this digression is not amiss, sith that from Earth we have climbed into Heaven, which is the true spring from whence a whole Iliad of goodness distilleth upon us, of the greatest part whereof, through our senselessness, we are utterly ignorant. Now will I return to our Gentry afore spoken of, who Continuation of the rehearsal of the good of the French Nobility to the end to induce them to a true enjoying thereof. stray farthest out of the way, whom also I would gladly bring back to the right path: And this is it that I will say to them. Why do you thus vex your souls with a thousand cares throughout the whole course of your life, upon certain conceived fantasies that your state is unperfect and full of blemishes? Open your eyes and thoroughly examine it, so shall it vanish and yourselves be better at rest. When you walk up and down the Palace of Paris, and so go by the Painter's shops, you can be content to stay two whole hours to gaze upon some goodly piece of work there set to view, which sometime moveth you to commend both the work and the workman. Much rather ought you so to deal with that goodly portraiture of yourself, clothed in so many ornaments, for fear least ignorance or inconstancy should cause you to be accused before the sovereign Painter, which giveth to every of his works the comeliness that is proper and convenient to the same. And as it is he that hath form the Kings and Princes whom the Commonalty adoreth, so hath he with the same hand moulded all those whom poverty oppresseth. All which unproportionable diversity is no let, but that the earthen vessel is as profitable for the base and mechanichall use thereof, as is that of the finest and best wrought gold for the high and magnificent use of the same. Let us now look whether he hath been niggardly and not bountiful toward you. Truly you shall find no: also that you must utterly abandon those your deceivable thoughts: for they are the same which the ancient Serpent invented to deceive our first mother. But it is yourselves that are to be convicted of ingratitude, in that you are contrary to the covetous man whose heart and eye are evermore in his coffers, where you never enter into the secret closerts of your own hearts, to the end to consider of so many kinds of benefits enclosed: which if you would do, you should find yourselves not so poor as you ween for. I will as it were by the way repeat some of those which I suppose A recapitulation of some of these benefits. you think least upon. And beginning with the spiritual which are the principal, I will end with the lesser, that are more subject to decay. If I should now ask you upon your consciences how often in a week you think upon the inestimable benefit of the knowledge of God wherewith you are endued (for in that you are Christians I cannot doubt thereof) you will peradventure answer me that it The heavenly and spiritual. were much if once in a month you should earnestly think thereupon: & yet this knowledge, or rather faith, doth teach and certify you that ye are fellow burgesses of heaven, & that by jesus Christ you have been plucked out of the paws of that great Pharaoh the devil, & the bondage of Egypt which is the figure of Hell How then can you have so small mind of so excellent a benefit? whereof David said: Of thy precepts I will still muse and thereto frame my talk, As at a mark so will I aim thy ways how I may walk. My only joy shall be so fixed and on thy laws so set, That nothing can me so far blind that I thy works forget. For notwithstanding he had among the treasures that he had heaped together above 100 millions of gold, yet did he account those of God's service much more precious & took greater felicity therein. Imitate him therefore, & oftener open the coffer of your understanding and hearts, to the end to contemplate such riches which only suffice to make you happy. Next will I descend to moral virtues, Virtues. of some whereof I think you not utterly unprovided. And put the case you have Fortitude, which signifieth Prowess, which also is of great recommendation among our Nobility: also Temperance which is familiar with the good: Also I mean that the portion which you have be graven in your hearts, rather than printed in your faces. Even with this only may you be assured that you shall not be degraded from your title, notwithstanding you ought still to labour to obtain more. You will not account a Merchant of silks poor, because he hath in his coffers none but Crimson and white Velvets, for you should do him wrong: even so think of yourselves that you are not poor in conditions, so long as these two virtues do fructify in you, which also may serve to engender more: Yea and the more are you to esteem of these benefits, because no fury of contrary fortune can bereave you of them. I will also speak one word of your Health, which me thinks ye Health. cherish no more than ye do adogge, whom ye hazard against all sorts of wild beasts: for many times you give it for a pray to most mortal diseases, wherein you show your small judgements in seeking to heap together vain things, and yet cannot preserve those that are necessary. Remember the proverb: There is no treasure to health. And imagine a Prince groaning in his bed, who offereth all his wealth for the recovery of that which you contemn. So will you peradventure confess that you are more happy than wise. As for your revenues, your continual lamenting of your riches. want doth show that you are not very well content therewith: And yet is your rent perhaps twelve hundred crowns by year, with a goodly house, well furnished, where as your father lived honestly & merely with the one half. You will either tell me, or think with yourselves, that when you have on your gay garments you are an other manner of man than your father was. Truly I grant it, & I think your father's head was fraught with wit that could of so small wealth keep his house furnished: Whereas contrariwise I suppose that your understanding is troubled with six ounces of folly at the least, considering that having so many commodities, your house is never but empty, and yet I would wish you not to weep, for there be at the least four millions of persons in this Realm that have not the tenth part so much as you, and yet shed never a tear for it. You have but over much if you could use it. What will you say of so many of your good Parents and Friends▪ And what account they make of you where you have been conversant? Yea, what will you say of your Liberty? which is a thing comparable to Life, through the which you may take pleasure in the beauty of the seasons, & more in the conversation of men. You must needs avow that the possessions of these only benefits (notwithstanding you possess much more than I will note, as well to avoid flattery, as not to be tedious to the reader) do suffice to make you bless the giver, content yourselves with your estate, and rejoice with other men: to which effects you shall attain by often meditation in the same. But if you disdain this profitable counsel, and return to your accustomed neglecting of that which is certain to the end to seek the uncertain, you will drive me to appropriate unto you the deploration of the miser and to say of you. Oh miserable man! who in the midst of so much wealth accounteth himself needy and poor! I have said enough, it is your parts to think upon it. But I would wish every man to know that this my admonition tendeth not to puff up the natural pride of any that hath The use of this discourse. considered of himself, whereto many are easily led: but rather to reclaim those that are too eager in the laboursome pursuit of superfluous goods, as also from their delicate complaints, in which ways I will not deny but myself have heretofore walked as far as others. But age, learning and sinister experiences having stayed me in the meditation of such things as I have noted and many more. I have thereby learned, first that God's liberality aboundeth toward us, which we nevertheless by contempt of his goods do abuse: and secondly that it is not altogether unprofitable, when in the end a man by his own errors doth amend. This Discourse is not finished. The eight Discourse. That the poverty of the French Nobility proceedeth not so much of the wars which have continued these five and thirty years, as of their own oversight in the misspending of their goods. WE shall not need any large discourse to show The state of both ancient and new Nobility. how far the French Nobility are fallen from the ancient wealth wherewith their houses were adorned in the days of the good Kings jews the 12. and Frances the first, as being a thing whereof few be ignorant. For if we list to consider of them either generally or in particular, we shall see them unfurnished and wanting of sundry necessary things, except it be some houses which have lately risen, & a few others that by good husbandry, benefits or covetousness have maintained and enriched themselves. And I dare affirm that if all that bear this title were divided into ten parts, and nearly visited, it would be found that eight of them have been decayed by the alienations of a great part of their goods, mortgages of their lands, or other debts, and that only the other two parts have wherewithal sufficiently to maintain their estate wherein is no correspondent proportion kept. I think I should not do amiss though I declared that which might seem better to be concealed. For as well our foreign neighbours do imagine thrice more than there is and say, that we are so affected to our King, that we will according to our callings imitate his liberalities and expenses. This therefore that I now speak tendeth only to make us wiser and more ready to repair our domestical decays, as well to eschew other men's scoffs as to expel sundry cares out of our minds, and relieve those wants that oppress us. Now, although it be so that all do agree in the confession of Original of the poverty of the Nobility. this poverty, yet when we come to show how it cometh, there is a contrary difference therein: For one saith one thing, and another another: yea every one seeketh to accuse the violence of the long wars which as Monsters do devour all, rather than themselves. Thus do we see how ready each one is to seek starting holes whereby to clear himself of his fault, in lieu that he ought with upright judgement to examine from whence such disorders do proceed. To excuse a man's self is a very common matter, and such as every one is willing to do: because the excuse seemeth somewhat to blot out the spots that may blemish his good renown: But because to accuse bringeth shame, it is never put in practice until it needs must, whereof it falleth out that that matter lieth long hid in ignorance which ought sooner to have been known. The proverb falleth out many times true, which saith: That the evil which we know well is as it were half healed. Let us Referred to the wars. therefore seek the cause of our own, and that will be to us a ready way and preparation to find remedy. Those that do attribute it to the ruin and charges of war, do say that there be yet living many honourable persons that have seen in what wealth and prosperity the French Nobility lived until the time of Henry the second: For so long as we had peace there was nothing to be seen among the Lords & Gentry but liberality, magnificence, visitations, with other such honest expenses, the witnesses of wealth. And yet all this notwithstanding they sold no lands, as well for fear of reproach, as also because of the moderation used in such things. Likewise, whensoever there was any war proclaimed, it will hardly be believed what goodly furniture every one carried with him, as appeared in the voyage into Germany. But as nothing in this world is long permanent, so in the wars that were renewed in the year 1552. between the Emperor Charles the fifth and King Philip, which lasted seven years, it was driven to great expenses, as well for the self honour, as in respect of the love it bore to so good a Prince as was King Henry. Then ensued the universal civil wars all over the Realm, comparable to violent streams, which so increased the ruin thereof, that now all that the Nobility is able to do, is to maintain itself, living miserably in it own house. And hereof is grown the poverty thereof. These be their reasons, which also I will not utterly reier. For This poverty hath other springs then the wars. I will still confess that these storms have bred part of our poverty, but that it is wholly proceeded thereof, I do not avow: and I will hereafter show that it had other helps of greater importance to set it forward. So as their argument concludeth but in part. Now let us examine what may have been the ruin in the first wars. It was not great, for the Nobility that then served were neither evil paid, neither destitute of honest rewards proceeding of the King's liberality. True it is that some particulars being too forward did in part unfeather themselves, as also that the frontier Nobility encurred some losses. But the greatest number continued in good state. In the civil wars there fell out more losses, which nevertheless lighted not upon us. Besides that in our petty pieces since concluded it had still means to repair the breaches. Withal that France is so fruitful and well peopled, that whatsoever the war wasteth in one year is repaired again in two. Sith therefore such discommodities have still been accompanied with some remedies, as also that they have assailed but the least part of the Nobility, we are not to account this mischief either so universal or great. But, in my opinion, the cause why all the blame is laid upon the wars, is first because the same is by nature hurtful: secondly, that the violence that moveth it is horrible and terrefieth: and thirdly, because men are glad to have a shroud to hide their evil husbandry, or else artificially to plead poverty as the covetous do. A man that hath had a long continual ague, being cured thereof, will remember it a long time, and fear the like disease, and yet the corruption of the humours whereof it proceeded did grow by little and little through his intemperance of life, whereof he took no heed. The like do we in things breeding our poverty. For some there are that we find out by and by and they make us to lament: but others which are neither so common nor agreeable with us, we let easily slip, as if we were insensible, and will not know them. And I dare affirm that if the ruins of wars and martial charges that so we complain of, have brought us four ounces of poverty, our foolish and superfluous continual expenses which we do not greatly repent us of, have procured us twelve. In this proposition we are to consider that the French Gentleman doth exceed in any thing whereto he is affected, and will spare Superfluous and excessive expenses in apparel, the only spring of poverty. for nothing. Then that most of them spend not in one thing only, but in four or five, so divers are their minds, and that is the cause that drieth up the liveliest springs of riches. Now, one of the principal things wherein they overflow is apparel, wherein they have neither rule nor measure: yea custom hath won so much, that a man dare not almost appear in any good company unless he be guilt like a Chalice: for thereby many persuade themselves to be the more honoured. The Courtiers were they that brought in these inventions, who in the mean time do sharp penance for their labours, in that there is no year but such large expenses do send at the least one dozen of them into the Litter, who for the pleasure of seeing themselves a few days covered with silk and silver, must many months after bear the grief of finding themselves houseless, or so haled by Usurers, as they could not be worse in the galleys. Two other things there be besides the riches of apparel, which greatly increase charges. The one, that men will have diversity: the other, that from two years to two years the fashions do change and must be renewed, & who so doth not frame himself hereto is laughed to scorn. To be brief, either the hand must still be in the purse, or the land at gage. Next to the Courtiers come the Gentlemen, who are not altogether so excessive as they, although they take pains to imitate them. And as for those that never stir out of the country, unless it be a few very good husbands, they likewise do so follow the custom, that every one far exceedeth his port. And yet is all this but half charges. For the women also will have their share in so many gay ornaments, which yet became them better than the men, who have larger means to beautify themselves with virtue. Some are content with honest sufficiency, others delight only in abundance: and some do so far pass the bounds of reason, that their poor husbands may scratch their heads when they see poverty come posting to them upon Indian stones, and Italian clothes of gold. This custom began under Frances the first, and did mightily increase under Henry the second: but since, their excess hath been such, as to apparel their Lackeys and Pages in cloth of silver. Our ancestors were without comparison far more moderate, yea our Kings sought to make their majesties venerable rather by gravity, justice, wisdom, fortitude, liberality, and a train of worthy and learned personages, then by any sumptuousness of apparel, which also invited their subjects to the like imitation. Subjects and Provinces ensue the manners of Princes. And until the great ones do begin to cut off these superfluities, they will still continue to the great detriment of the Nobility. Some man may say: Is it not decent that every one should go according to his dignity? Yes truly, and I think it were great incivility and an unworthy matter to do otherwise. I reprove only the excess therein used, which puff up our minds to vanity, and in the end breed destruction. Neither must we imagine that our fathers went appareled like Artificers: For when they came to any Feasts or great assemblies, their garments were according to their calling: and yet free from superfluity, and such as lasted long. Now, if in the Court we see any man wear a garment of a year old, we say of him: We know him well enough, he will not bite us, he is a two years bird: so that with such scoffs he is forced to give it over. And it may be said that among Courtiers the age of an ordinary garment is three months: and of an extraordinary, six: and among the rest of the Nobility, somewhat longer tyme. For the new fangles that do after ensue do make them ridiculous. To the end likewise the better to know the diversity thereof, resort you to the Frippery at Paris, where you shall find a most plentiful storehouse. So that if a man were disposed upon this medley to frame Antiques, there were no pleasanter devise to be seen. This inconstancy in apparel argueth a wonderful lightness of mind, whereof ensueth the purgation of the purse, and laughing sport to strangers. For when we come into their country and they see our great Ruffs, women's Verdugalles, men's long hear, and the sword at the back, they run after them as the little children at Paris do after master Gonin. It is a hard case to impoverish ourselves with these peevish follies, and then to be laughed to scorn too. It may be replied that scoffs, the ordinary pastime of the world, are mutually lent and paid again: also that our Nobility Against su●● as scorn foreign Nobility, for that it imitateth not their inconstancy. travailing to Venice, and there seeing the Nobility covered with caps like the coffin of a pie and girt in broad girdles, even laugh outright. I deny it not: but withal, this I will say, that when some of them do afterward come to consider that the simplicity of their garments swelleth up their coffers with treasure, also that wisdom and gravity shine in their Senate, and that their Statutes are inviolably observed: and contrariwise that we with our short hose and long doublets have made our laws leap out at the windows, because they speak too loud: also that our coffers are for the most part as void of gold as the head of a passionate lover is of reason, they conclude that ourselves do better deserve to be mocked. Let us now come to the second article of our vain expenses, Expenses in building. consisting of the immoderate affections that sundry bear unto stately buildings. For although it hath been so from the beginning, yet was it but little in respect of our time, wherein we see the qualities of the buildings and the number of builders far to surmount the old tyme. And especially our Nobility have therein exceeded, rather upon vain glory then any necessity. I suppose it is not much above threescore years since that Architecture was restored in France, where before men lodged but grossly. But since that the fair fruits of this art hath been revealed, many have endeavoured to put them in practice. If none but great or rich men had employed only the abundance of their Crowns upon such works, it had not been to be reproved, considering they were ornaments both to town and country. But after their example the mean wealthy persons, yea even the poor have coveted to set hand to the work, and as it were at unwares have been forced to do much more than they thought for: and that not without repentance. The Lawyers likewise and especially the treasurers have likewise increased the desire of the Lords to building. For say they: How is this? These men that are not so well grounded as we do build like Princes, and shall we sit still? So as it were upon spite one at an other, we have a multitude of goodly houses made and that oftentimes with the loss of the revenues, which are fallen to other men, through that vehement passion that urged them to heap up stone upon stone. How many have there been that having begun stately buildings, have left them unperfect, as having learned to be wise in the midst of their folly▪ In every Province we see but too many examples. It may be that some when they have seen themselves so well clothed and spangled in gold, have said: This cage is too narrow for so fair a foul, it must have a more stately one. To which discourse some flatterer may have replied. Sir, it is a shame your neighbour, who is no better than yourself should be better lodged. But take heart, for he that beginneth boldly hath finished half his work, neither can a wise man want ability. Then he feeling himself clawed where it itched, by and by in his mind conceived a purpose which he began with pleasure, continued with labour and charges and ended with sorrow. So as it hath often fallen out, such a one hath builded a house fit for a Lord of 25000. franks rend, whose heir hath not found above seven or eight hundred, and being ashamed to lodge his poverty so stately, hath sold it to buy an other more fit for his living. And him that would not so sell, to be driven to feed upon small loves, as we say, and when his friends came to visit him, to entertain them with discourses of Architecture. When Friar john of Antomeures (who was one of the pleasantest monks of his time) entered into any of these so stately houses or Castles, finding but a lean kitchen, he used to say. Oh! to what purpose are all these goodly Towers, Galleries, Chambers, halls and Closets, sith the cauldrons are so cold and the sellers so empty? By the Pope's worthy pantofle, (for that was his accustomed oath) I had rather dwell under a small roof, and out of my chamber hear the melody of the spits, smell the savour of the roast, and see my cupboard garnished with flagons, pots and goblets, then to dwell in these great Palaces, to take large walks and pick my teeth fasting after the neopolitaine manner. I like of their opinion that counsel that if any will build, it be upon condition that he sell little or none of his goods: And who so doth otherwise I refer him to the censure of Friar john of Antomeures. I know that one of the singularities in France is the stately buildings disposed over the fields, which is not else where to be seen. But he that should withal reckon how many men these magnificencies have sent to the wallet, would say it were dear ware. The third article that here I mind to set down is a consequence of the excess afore going. For when a Gentleman hath Expenses in movables. built a goodly house, it is not all: he must garnish it with movables convenient: otherwise it were but as a body without a soul. So that if he were earnest to have it finished, he is no less eager to furnish it within, and ordinarily curiosity overcometh all consideration of things necessary. He cannot rest till he hath gotten Flemish hangings and milan beds: and thereto will even his friend provoke him: respecting rather at unawares the beautifying of his folly, than the bottom of his purse which many times is but flat. In old time if a Gentleman together with his wives good housewifry, at the end of his days left his house well furnished to his Children, it was a great matter. Now we are so hasty, that in two years we must have it decked up, which impatiency hurteth much: as therein observing neither time, quantity nor quality of things: but only noting what our neighbour doth, and satisfying our own desire without measuring of our abilities. Every man delighteth to see a proper house and handsomely furnished: But it followeth not therefore that it is necessary to have such rich movables. For handsomeness consisteth in well disposing of those things that we have, conjoined with cleanliness. We do ordinarily see the houses of simple burgesses and Merchants, even in the low Countries, so handsomely decked up, and that with little, that Noblemen might be ashamed to keep theirs so foul, and it is only care and diligence (things of small price) that do breed this. The Lord Martial of S. Andrew's was most sumptuous in precious movables, which caused divers Princes, Lords, Gentlemen and others, to endeavour to imitate him in such insupportable magnificence, to the end they might be wondered at as he was, but some of their Children have bewailed their father's folly: and this complaint hath increased when biting usury with her long talents hath catched even out of some Prince's Castles such rich booties. The fourth article that I have reserved to speak of, is the superfluity Expenses of mouth and over great retinue. of the mouth expenses, and the over great trains of most of the Nobility: wherein resteth no less disorder than in the rest. They whose minds do somewhat aspire to 〈◊〉 or do lone great trains, weening peradventure that he that rideth with six horses must have more courtesies than he that rideth but with three. Others also that delight in good company, have a great care to have their tables always well furnished. Now is there nothing wherein we use less repugnance then in that contention which every one taketh in himself to use either the one or the other: Neither were it much to be misliked in the Nobility in case they exceeded not the bounds of their ability, but it is in them so easy a matter to fail of that, that of ten you can hardly find two that can bridle themselves therein. Among those that mean to follow the Court or Arms, there be few but eat up their whole revenues of one year, some in six months, and some in eight, by reason of their great trains and other expenses. And although some maintain or enrich themselves in such places, the number is but small: except those that be benefited by the King or Princes: or those that in the wars do help themselves with the large privileges thereof, yet all the rest do feel the discommodities, in respect of the continual charges that they are compelled to be at. Which notwithstanding, few do amend, but contrariwise still they seek some new occasion of expenses. What hath moved above three hundred Gentlemen yet living importunately to sue unto our Kings to give them the order of S. Michael, save only a desire to incur new charges, to the end not to disgrace their new dignity. Howbeit, there be above a hundred who finding that the continuation thereof led them the high way to the Hospital, have laid up their collars in their coffers, and moderating their virtues have taken upon them again their ancient course of life, and have found ease therein. Who so likewise will count the Gentlemen of the Chamber, and of the body, the Escuryrie: the Colonels and Captains, that likewise are more than we think for had, need to study, Arithmetic. But thinking that some of them are to their costs grown wise, I will now say no more. Neither will I think but the seeking of offices proceedeth from some spring: Namely, from a desire that the Nobility hath to be well accounted of and to increase. But their judgement is amiss, to think that a dignity may make a man worthy of honour, which is not truly achieved but by virtue. As for those that for the most part do n 〈…〉 r stir out of the doors, they have likewise so suffered themselves to be led away by custom, that he whose father (who was far richer than he) kept but six servants, hath above fifteen. But to what purpose do so many gay garments, with so large and well furnished a house serve, if a man have not also a great train to make himself be termed My Lord? They may for their discharge say that their fathers had not half so much rend as they, which is true. But withal that which then cost but five souse costeth now twenty. As also it is but an abuse to rely upon some small increase of rent, and to have no consideration of other discommodities. An ancient man speaking of the Romans, having noted the manner of their life, said: That they built as if they should never die, and in their almost ordinary banquets, fed as if they should live but one day. I think that among us there be the like which put the same in practice: but if the Civil war hold but a while, it will cure them well enough of this disease. I might yet note many other excessive charges that most of the Nobility is at, in matters breeding pleasure, yea I might frame a fifth argument, but I will forbear, leaving to their judgements that know what it is worth, how much money is so consumed. If now any be disposed to argue and gainsay me as not being satisfied with that which I have alleged, my Experience proveth the former discourse. desire is that he ask of the people as Tennisplayers do: then if he inquire of Gentlemen that travail the world, their own experience will make their tongues to testify well for me: For a great number of them do walk, some an ordinary pace, others a trot, and others in post directly into the gulfs of poverty: for custom and their affections concurring together, it is unpossible to hold them back. The advertisement of an ancient Poet is excellent, who saith. Happy is he whom other men's harms do make to beware. Yet have we not much used it: but how should we do it, considering that notwithstanding we feel the mischiefs even upon our shoulders, we can hardly be brought to amendment? It were enough to breed shame, that a Gentleman for the least occasions of expense that happeneth should be driven to sell or mortgage his land, who then persuadeth himself that a small debt is but a small matter. Which also I will grant him, but when he continueth in doing it again, as it oft happeneth in ten years, he afterward findeth that all these small pieces gathered together do make a great hole. But bad husbands will never enter into these accounts, because it grieveth them to see such a heap of follies. In old time he was accounted a need●e Gentleman, and one that deserved not to be thought rich, that had not his house well furnished of necessary things, and some good store of silver in his closet, for any sudden necessity, or to secure some friend that were fallen into adversity: or to make any such hasty journey as his honour should command him: for such accidents can bear no delay. And because the Nobility in those days was always furnished of the means aforesaid, they were ever able to accomplish their desires, where as we through our folly and wasting do ordinarily fail in due debts. Thus we see how evil husbandry maketh riches as it were unprofitable unto some, when good husbandry maketh them most profitable. The means to attain to the good use thereof, is to conquer Of the true and right use of goods. the monster called Opinion that lodgeth within us, and whence having expelled Prudence (who is the guide of our actions) he handleth those in whom he hath set foot, at his pleasure. There be two great props that hold him up: namely, the example of the mighty and custom. But if we were well purged of vanity he should have no such power as he hath. It is too great oversight at other men's appetites, in imitating them, to seek to buy discommodity, and so consequently poverty. Many account nothing to be more infamous to a Gentleman than covetousness, and myself do confess it: Howbeit, to the end to eschew it, a man must not ensnare himself in the nets of prodigality. And although that be a far less imperfection than the other, yet is it still a ruinous mischief which must be eschewed, otherwise it were, according to the proverb: for the avoiding of the fever to fall into the who● mischief. The covetous person loveth no man, because he hateth himself: and endureth many miseries in the midst of all his abundance. But the wasteful and superfluous man by overloving himself runneth into poverty. The true way therefore is to guide himself in the mean, which The remedies against the above said intemperance. bringeth neither trouble of mind nor repentance, because it doth expel necessity out of men's houses, and replenish them with abundance. It were a goodly matter if men could suffer reason so to rule them, that they would yield to the true exhortations to them made, as well by the writings of the learned as by their friends counsels. And truly it were hard but they that read the brave books of the ancients, namely of Plutarch (which entreat of the true use of riches, of thrift, of not taking upon usury, & how to exercise liberality) & withal do consider the examples of Epaminondas and Fabritius, should be invited to eschew all superfluities. Secondly, the friends speeches should be of some force. For when we imagine: This man warneth me for my good: for he is my kinsman: he loveth me well: he is one that knows the true rule Friends. how to live: he is a man of judgement and experience: He must be of à very bad disposition that will take no profit of such instructions. But the most part are so disposed that what so goeth in at one ear, cometh presently out at the other, and so they turn to their old lives. I will not deny but men must frame themselves to their country customs, even in ordinary things, howbeit with this condition, that they eschew all disorder and superfluity. Finally, the best schoolmaster that man can have is Necessity: for most are made wiser by her then by any doctrine or reason. Of Necessity Necessity. there be two so●●s. The one that haingeth inconveniences: The other that threateneth destruction. The first urgeth, the second forceth amend. So as we may say that until our own experience hath persuaded us as well as the words of the wise, all the miseries of fools stand us in small stead. Happy therefore are those that can in so good time order themselves that they be not afterward forced to keep a strait diet of ●iue or ten years long, for the repairing of those breaches which their excess have made▪ 〈…〉 us speak somewhat of those that are thought well to administer Of such as incline to the extremity contrary to the former. that which they possess. If we look well we shall see that many of them do but appropriate their wealth to their own glory and pleasures, as having small care of charity: and they do thus discourse with themselves. I am neither covetous nor prodigal: but I sprud my goods honestly to my own contentation and the increase of my house. Who then can blame me? Those that thus govern themselves deserve some commendation: but to bestow all only upon themselves is a defect, and that no small one. This proverb is rife in many men's mouths: Charity gins with a man's self, neither must we unclothe ourselves to cover others. But these be such errors as extinguish all bounty. Nobility ought to eschew them because they corrupt the integrity of manners. And as the same is more bound then the common sort to exercise itself in liberal actions, even so is it to make itself to shine (measuring affection according to ability) as well for it own contentation as for the preserving of good renown. But if we list well to examine the rules, of Christianity whereto especially we ought to submit our actions, many shall find themselves far enough from the precents thereof. Yet are there but few that think upon, and having thought of it once a week, it vanisheth as doth the image when a man turneth his glass: and so returning to their accustomed manner, they conceive some imagination that to use riches according to the commandments of the divine precepts, is as much as to deprive themselves of the most part of the honour, profit, and pleasure that they bring. But it is but a false imagination: for there is no perfect instruction that teacheth the true use of riches, but the same is therein described. He that seethe himself rich, should A certain rule in the use of riches. often consider whence his abundance cometh. And although that ordinarily it seemeth to proceed from the parents' labours, yet must we confess that it was brought forth by the blessing of God, who as Solomon saith is the author of riches. The rich and the poor are met, and the Lord made them both. Moses likewise upon this point giveth us a very holy admonition, as well generally as particularly, Pro. 22. saying: Let not thy heart be puffed up, neither forget the Deut. 8. Lord thy God, that thou sayest not in thy heart: My power and the strength of my hand have gotten me these goods, but remember the Lord thy God, that it is he that hath given thee this power. Now when we have this lively impression in us, that it is he that giveth goods, we thereupon do conclude, that it is his will they should be justly and truly administered. For ourselves are but stewards thereof, And so oft as we hear the poor cry in our ears, it is as if God should summon us of our duty, which is, to secure the needy. But if we stop our ears, they are as many condemnations against us: Which the rich glutton well proved, who being plunged in a sea of delights, rejected the groans of Lazarus. Hereby may we know that riches do so besot those that suffer themselves to be mastered by them that they forget what they ought to do. Plutarch recordeth that the Scythians in the midst of their A notable advertisement to the rich. banquets were accustomed to strike upon & make their bowstrings to sound, so to reclaim their spirits which they feared to mollify & lose among the diversity of so many delicates: even so likewise these worldlings that abound with so many temporal blessings ought sometimes to make sound in their ears this saying of jesus Christ (That it is more easy for a Camel to pass through a needle's eye, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven:) so to waken them out of their deep slumber and want of charity procured by the vapours of wealth. I know well enough that some of those that set before their eyes nothing but worldly pomp will scoff at this advertisement, and say that we must preach magnificence and valiancy to young Gentlemen, rather than these small duties of piety, which are more fit for old men that have not above some three or four years to live: which is as much as if they should say, We in our youth will pass away our time in delights and vanity, and when we grow into age we will take order for better government. But to them I will make no other answer, but only advertise them that to end well they must begin well, and that death doth as soon catch him that is but twenty years old, as him that is sixty. The wise also will reject these scoffs, in consideration that it is no uncompatible thing to use goods as a Christian and as a virtuous person: for the one well fitteth the other, but the worthiest must march first because that evangelical precepts are to be preferred before those that proceed from Philosopher's rules. The one pulleth down our charity even to the poorest, and the other stretcheth out our liberality to our friends, and to those that deserve it: wherein there is not so great difference as similitude, in that every of the said actions are well done, which likewise ought to proceed of hearty good will. These were good and profitable expenses, wherein the nobility ought to employ part of their abundance, Honourable & and necessary expenses. rather than in many unprofitable vanities, for so should they not be without reward as Solomon showeth saying: He that hath pity upon the poor dareth unto the Lord, and it shall be paid him again. In respect of other liberalities, I like of Alexander, when Prou 19 one asked him where he hide his treasure. I commit it (said he) to the custody of my friend: thereby signifying that whatsoever was distributed unto honest men was not lost, because the reward of perfect amity or loyal service, which thereby he retained in their hearts, was far more precious than the gold or silver that he distributed among them. But withal, we must note that liberality must be used with discretion, in measuring the givers ability, and not profaning it upon unworthy persons. Who so therefore is desirous to learn the good use thereof, let him read Seneca his treatise of benefits. The ninth Discourse. That the Frenchmens great affection to foreign wars, is at this time more hurtful than profitable. AMong the French nation, arms have been evermore Arms the exalters of the French nation. in special recommendation: and the common opinion is, that by the same it hath obtained that great glory that it hath achieved, & according to the variety of times is increased or diminished. Even the nobility which is abundantly crept out of this innumerable a●●heape of people maketh (as it seemeth) no such account of any fame, as of that which hath proceeded from the sword, which nevertheless hath cost both them and their neighbours dear, by reason of the great wars that they have maintained. The Romans have above all nations in the world exceeded in earnest desire to this exercise, Their use and abuse. which they have greatly affected, to the end therewith to bring under the yoke of their unsupportable ambition, those that gladly would eschew the same. A most violent custom which since hath had continual course. In the first age's force was put in use to repel the injuries whereinto humane malice was over flown: But in these days it serveth rather to do injury than to defend therefrom. So far do all things by little and little decline to corruption. Nevertheless no man looketh so near thereto, for the most part do think that as weapons, if they be not often made clean, do rust, so likewise they must be often occupied, least men's courages through the rust of cowardness should be daunted, as have been thoroughly tried among us within these 35. years. Which notwithstanding, so far are some from being satisfied with war, that yet after so many ruins and losses, wanting it in their houses, they travail to seek it else where, far or near. Those that among the rest are readiest to departed are certain soldiers & new captains, who in the civil wars having lived licentiously & upon the spoil, & now are loath to return under the yoke of the laws which repress insolency, & withal understanding that their good mother Nurse is else where, are yet desirous to go and suck her breasts. Some of them likewise are alured by foreign pay: and others because they will not become artificers at home, will live abroad like soldiers. These are the ordinary causes that make them to take the field, although most of them pretend the winning of honour. As also since the beginning of these divisions, orders have not been so straightly observed as afore time: for who so list, may depart and no man taketh any care thereof, as if they were evil humours that purged away. Now these men that make account that they cannot live but in the wars, and do so vow themselves thereto, that they make of that profession (which should be as it were extraordinary) such The error of such as make the bearing of arms a perpetual occupation a perpetual vocation as they exalt it above all others, are greatly deceived: as not knowing, or at the least, not willing to know that man ought principally to shoot at peace and tranquillity, to the end to live more uprightly. For so long as the same bear sway, all things as well public as private, are in far better order than when the confusions of war have as it were reversed all manners and laws. In this my saying, I mean not nevertheless to condemn the lawful wars whereinto necessity constraineth men to enter for their defence: for so is it no blemish to use them. Neither will I any whit contemn the ordinary bands of Princes and common wealths: because they be the guards of the land, who also for the most part do live in rest. But they of whom I mind to speak will never be in peace, neither do they care when they serve or wherefore, so as they may find fat pastures. There is a pretty Spanish saying which many times they be, and I have translated it thus. War is my Country, my harness, my house, I am ready at all times to fight for a sauce. What more could a bad Physician and a worse judge, which wish the City to be full fraught with maladies, mortality, and strife, to the end to have good doings, say? For these men likewise seek nothing but alteration of estates, that they may gorge themselves with the destruction of the same. In this our age wherein we live, it is impossible for any to exempt themselves from war, because ambition, covetousness, and revenge, are as fruitful as ever they were to engender the same: and when it comes, good men do swallow it like a most bitter pill. But to delight in so troublesome a custom, is to do as he that seeketh to be tormented continually upon the sea: Whom a man may judge to be very crooked and perverse. Moreover, these perpetual warriors do (as much as in them lie) shake off all such duties as are most requisite in a good Citizen, as that to their Country, wherein they stay no longer than it is troubled, etc. to their parents whom some do, after they are grown proud by arms, disdain because of their poverty. Concerning the particular care, that every one ought to have to the erecting of a family, to the end to leave children to his Country, they never think of it, as seeking rather to have some bastard by their gentle gossips that follow them, for whom afterward they take but small care. These imperfections be the dependences of that choice of life, wherein the most of those that have embraced it, do wrap themselves, and finally after long labour, if they can attain thereto, they perish against some rock, or upon some coast as a rovers ship. There are, will some man say, some that rise thereby, true: but not one of the fifty. And he that would gather a Catalogue of those that suffer shipwreck upon that hope, must have a long roll. Another objection is this: many being brought up ●ong in the wars, and scarce knowing of whence they are, cannot but follow that trade whereinto they are fashioned. This were not to be blamed, if having reaped some fruit of their labours, they would, as some do, stay themselves when they are meetelie well: But incessantly to run here and there, as ravens after carrion that they have smelled, is, as a man should say, to transform themselves into ravenous beasts or fowls of pray. The French soldier ought in war to serve his king, and his Country, and when peace cometh he must seek, if he may, to get into the entertained bands, whereto if he cannot reach, he should not nevertheless upon a desperate mind, cast himself headlong into unconsiderate enterprises, as if the Realm were not able to keep him, or himself to find means whereby to live in the time of peace. It is a woeful matter to think upon the number of men that so cast away themselves. For the petty piracies of Perow do swallow up above five hundred every year, and other foreign wars more, although the grounds be unlike: so as in five or six years eight or nine thousand brave soldiers do shrink away, who might better have served some other time (if they could have had the patience to stay) the necessity of the common wealth. I have heard that at the battle which Sebastian king of Portugal lost, he had certain French harquebuts with him, as also that in the army of the moors that over came him, there were some likewise. Is not this a mad lusting after war, to run so far to seek it, yea, and to serve under Infidels▪ I think when those men fall into any premeditated peril, they be somewhat touched with repentance for their rashness: but it is then very late. Those who for profit only do flitter about, like a bird at the Of those that for money do run into foreign wars. call, are more to be excused than they that I have spoken of. For when some Captains have sped, and the soldiers passed over their necessity, they return home again, although it many times fall out, that as well the one as the other are defrauded of their hope, in that the pay proveth so small and rare, that they are not able to hold out: yea, and in place where pay is rifest, the soldiers taste but little thereof: It is only for a few Colonelles and Captains, who being lickerous of such food, do devour it, and leave the soldiers in like case as Colliers and Smiths, who are all black and full of sweat, while none but their masters that set them on work, do gather the profit. Which custom is far different from that of our ancestors, who appointed to the Captains the honour, and to the soldiers the silver. But of all that profit by pays, none do so well help themselves as the Reisters: And to say the truth, we are but clowns in respect of them, though some think themselves more active: For they are so perfect in Arithmetic, that they never overshoot themselves in accounts. Likewise they keep possession of the Privileges that they have obtained, namely, high parleys, and will always be paid their old bills. And besides all this, they are wondrous polytike to live in the field. But I pray you, will some answer, do the French adventurer sleep in his sentinel: doth he not play his part well enough? Truly we must confess, that he that is an unthrift and corrupt, helpeth himself bravely, and understandeth it better than most of the Priests of Lymosin do their Dominus vobiscum: But in deed they can neither write nor read. Yet do they not come near these others, in the understanding of this martial practice. Now a word or two of those that had rather run always abroad, Of those who having once borne arms will never do other work. than return to their occupations, or serve: some there are that think such delyberations to proceed of generosity. Which I cannot grant, unless to a very few: for it is not unlike but among a great number of common people exercising handy ceaftes, there may be some that are endued with a noble mind, and well disposed to virtue. Setting aside therefore this small number, I will speak of the rest, of whom I will say, that it is more likely that the vainglory wherewith, after they have served a while, they be pushed up, together with idleness and soldierlike liberty, doth breed their unwillingness to return to their former trade of life. For they imagine that such as see them travail and get their livings with their handy work, especially after they have been Corporals or Serieaunts, will scorn them: but withal they consider not that in seeking to eschew this imaginary shame they do many times by a voluntary constraint plunge themselves in robberies, deceits, and couso●nings. Necessity, say some, do sometimes compel the poor soldier for his life, to borrow of them that have overmuch: yea, according to the law of Necessity. But likewise according to the civil laws, if they be caught, they pay dearly for it. It were more for their profit to imitate a great number of other Soldiers, who after they have valiantly handled their weapons, do not disdain their old accustomed vocations. And myself have known them in Gascogne (whose stomachs are haughty enough) whom in the time of peace we should see in Towns working in their shops, and yet in the time of war had charge and command over companies. And the same is the practice in all the Towns of France, especially since the civil wars began. For in as much as during the troubles all the Townsmen have been in arms, also that for their safeguards so many took weapon in hand, it must needs follow that all this multitude in time of peace should return to their first trades, saving some few. But before it was not so, for it was some trouble to furnish again those that had abandoned them. And even at this time among such of the Spaniards as live in their bands, it is a reproach to travail in Mechanical arts. Wherein they have reason: because that they endeavouring to fashion, maintain and increase themselves in footmen, and withal so continuing some twenty or five and twenty years without any care of returning into their own Countries, it becometh them not amiss. I will also avow that among us he that hath some long time professed arms, delighteth in them, and is in the way to attain thereto, in seeking a place among the standing companies, or some other good fortune, doth but his duty. But when such commodities fail him, he ●●ust not think himself dishonoured though he labour for the maintenance of himself and his family, if he have any, as even to this day they do in Germany, Zuitzerland, and Flanders. All these so common examples should rather induce those that be gone affray to imitate them, than to do as they do. But if any do think that the setting up again of their occupations, doth abase them, let them go serve the Gentlemen. Which in my opinion they cannot refuse to do, considering how the poorer sort of gentlemen can settle themselves to that calling: howbeit if they be out of taste herewith, they must be let run, and tarry till time amend them. We likewise find some of the body of the Gentry, who moved by diverse reasons do also set the feather in the wind, and go Of French Gentlemen that go to serve in foreign countries. to seek the like adventures. Among which the youth is most to be excused, who driven by a certain desire to learn and to win credit, do go wheresoever occasion may serve. They wanting judgement to discern which enterprises are lawful and which not, so soon as the wind bloweth in the sails of their desires, which are large, do spread them, and so are easily carried away. It is pity so many are lost in such places, where being neither known nor guided, they pass under the miseries of the multitude. Those that have authority over them ought to be careful to counsel them well. Others there are whom poverty driveth from home: for being noble, the exercises of Mechanical arts and traffic would turn to their reproach, and therefore they must seek the liberal and honourable, among whom weapons do walk. Nevertheless though this profession be convenient for them, yet must they not abuse it as they that I have spoken of. For so are they the more to be blamed, in that the noble Gentleman is straightlyer bound to live virtuously than the peasant. What shall he then do, if you will not let him seek his fortune? I answer, that in our France poor Gentlemen have no cause, as desperate persons, to take diverse parts, considering what means they have to attain to honour and wealth. First the men of arms were instituted for the maintenance of these, to the end their valour should not perish, but be reserved for the benefit of the state. Then have they the ecclesiastical offices whereto they may ascend, as also the justiceship which in old time they exercised. The commendatories of Malta do also relieve some: likewise the service of Lords with whom not only they were brought up as pages, but also being men they have their maintenance is a good refuge for them. Finally, the bands of footmen do retain many. Wherefore the wise should rather settle themselves to the best of these, than by thinking to profit abroad to lose their lives. Some will say that death catcheth not so many as we speak of, but they deceive themselves: for I have noted the number to be greater than we ween for, & of mere compassion that I take of them, I would that through good instr●utions or other remedies, the mischief might be prevented. Yet do I not mean that orders should be so strict, that none may go forth without leave. For in such a great populous kingdom as this, that law cannot be established. And if there were but four or five hundred voluntaries as well of the Gentry as commonalty, that of their own particular motions would yearly go into the wars, as foul to their haunt, it were but a small matter & not to be spoken of. But there go many more of that sort as I have said. And many Gentlemen also of account and great credit who are ready enough to march: and whensoever they move, they incite many other. Wherefore before they so do, it were their parts well to examine the causes, which being unlawful, as being moved by nothing but their own profit or honour, they show that they have small care of their friends, in counseling them those things that tend more to their own particular interest, than to common equity. In this case men must be wise to choose rather than willing to departed. Now are we to look what fruit our Nation reap of these martial voyages, which they take upon them rather of jollity Of the fruits of these martial voyages. than any good foundation. I take it to be very small. First in▪ these days most of them through the liberty of civil wars, being grown into wonderful discords, going abroad, do nothing but lay open their imperfections, which they should seek either to amend or hide. Some are blasphemers of God: others adulterers, quarrelers, and dissolute persons, and many disobedient to their Captains: of whom likewise some do either for their own profit or through ignaraunce break good laws and order. So as when men see that the effects be not answerable to the French name, they grow of liking with them. On the other side, those people that are driven to bear their insolences, I mean of the lawless, not of the modest, (albeit evermore there be good and valiant men mingled among the great number) do grow to hate the whole Nation for the malice of some, thinking it incompatible: and in their hearts do power forth continual curses against the same: so as although there be some Captains, Gentlemen, and Soldiers, who through their good behaviours do become agreeable unto them, yet are they not able to suppress the general mislike. And here is yet another inconvenience, namely, that if there happen any mishap in the war, rather through the strength of the enemy, than any presumption or insufficiency of the Captains, either through the disobedience or small valour of the soldiers, than do the people's tongues even tear in pieces those whom having begun to hate, they afterward utterly contemn. Now it is most certain, that in this counterfeit discipline losses are as common as good success or rather more. Which truly should make these that have charge to believe, that it is hard to escape stumbling in so rugged a quarry. Whosoever therefore purposeth to go on warfare in a foreign Country, let him make great account of virtue, for according to the same he shall be esteemed, and many times a little shall be accounted off. Whereas contrariwise if men carry new vices, especially such as offend, no man will receive them for servants, much less for Masters: and without affording them any thing, will laugh at them, & which is yet worse, they shall be feared as much as if they were open enemies. This together with the miseries afore touched maketh me to Arms ought especially in a foreign country to be accompanied with virtue. believe that until that manners and martial discipline be in better state among the French nation, they shall achieve small credit and less good will among our neighbours whom they shall go to serve. Truly it is in vain to think that force only can work any great effects: for not being accompanied with justice, faith, and modesty, it is unperfect. But by the demonstration of virtue the heart is won, which is a sure and glorious conquest, examples whereof the Romans have left unto us. I know well enough that as well the Gentleman as the Soldier may object to those that set them on work many things worthy consideration: namely, that they hazard their lives, receive bodily wounds, spend their goods, and endure great pain for their service: all which will nevertheless lose their grace and be of no account, if these depravations continue. For the people whom the Soldiers doth oppress will not so much excuse them for defending of them, as they will curse them for devouring them, as burying the remembrance of the benefit in the smart of the evils. But those that perform their duties to the best of their powers as well in fight as in good life, they love and excuse. Some will say, in these foreign wars that they they go to seek, Answer to certain objections. they may learn much. I confess it: But withal we must note, that from the siege of Mastricht, which was the notablest in our time, there escaped but ten French Soldiers, and not four from that of Harlem, in which two Towns there were enough, as I have heard. I am not so ignorant but I know that the property of war is ordinarily to devour at the least the fourth part of those that follow it: but when of the five parts it catcheth four, as often times it doth, is it not too ravenous? This have I said to the end that those that go as unfeathered bolts into places of great noise, may remember that easily they depart, but very hardly return again. Those that ween that when France hath had peace for two or three years, she should never have war again, do deceive themselves. For if they consider what hath passed since the year 1494. they shall see that she hath not been long in rest since. To be brief, they that be wise (if they will follow my counsel) shall enter into these voluntary purposes with leaden heels, yea, even the Gentlemen, as calling to mind that to go rashly and put their lives in more dangerous than necessary adventures, (which they should never do but upon good occasions) is an argument of French rashness, an engendering of parents' tears and a weakening of the sinews of the state. But when their enterprises are underpropped with justice, and that the law full commandments of kings wealths do set in foot, who in respect of alliaunces do send help to their confederates, and upon any other necessary occasion do succour and relieve the oppressed: then must we not consider of any dangers or discommodities. For in doing our duties, whether we suffer, or whether we perish, our labour or loss is always well employed. Now will I discourie upon a certain politic rule, usually alleged in such like affairs as this. Which many very excellent An examination of the rule of certain politics who are of opinion that a great kingdom should never be with out war against some stranger. persons both have and still do allow, to see how the same may agree with us. This is it, A great estate replenished with warlike people, ought still to have some foreign war wherewith to keep it occupied, least being at quiet they convert their weapons each against other. The maintainers hereof do allege the example of Scipio Nasica, who counseled it to the Romans. Concluding that Carthage ought not to be razed, to the end still to have an enemy whom to fear and be always busied withal: For (said he) if this fear and cause be taken away, they be in danger to move one against another in their own land. Hereto they add, that experience hath taught, that when we have appeased our foreign wars, we have entered into civil which have almost beaten us quite down. Moreover, that our Nation being insolent in peace, impatient of tarrying long in the house, full of generosity, and desirous of glory, must of necessity exercise itself in arms, to the end to discharge so many conceits of the mind, without the Realm, and not within. Finally, that the bad humours remaining of our civil dissension (by these humours meaning corrupted persons) had need to be purged, and therefore that we should suffer them to go out of themselves, if we see them so displosed, or else to force them forth by art, lest they should breed any new disease. And this hath been put heretofore in practice at the end of our wars against the English Nation. Truly I dare not deny but we are to attribute much to the observations of antiquity, of things that have had good success when they have been used in time convenient. But withal, I dare avow that every time to apply the same to an estate, and not to consider the several disposition thereof, is to mistake. Likewise the better to know how to apply this unto us, let us look in what state it now standeth. In truth it is so evil at ease, that the ministering of so vigorous a law, in stead of a remedy, were the way to weaken it more and more. Every man knoweth that our troubles began above 24. years ago, which have been no wars, but butcherly slaughters, & who so list to believe a book printed under the name of Frumenteau, which layeth open the chief desolations of our land, how can be but wonder at so terrible destructions? Above half the Nobility is perished: As for soldiers we must count them by legions, the people universally wasted, the treasuries sucked The strange misiries of our civil Wars. dry, debts increased, discipline neglected, godliness perished, manner's depraved, justice corrupted, men divided, and all things in sale. Be not these brave preparatives to build new purposes? It is as if a man in am of stones should take clots of earth, and mire in stead of lime, and then choose a marish ground to build a Castle upon: whom we might with good reason wish to renew his wits, to consider the defects of his stuff, and to stay until he were better provided. Likewise in that state wherein we now stand, to enter of a jollity into any great war before that four or five years have renewed our youth, were it not as a man should say, as much as to let him blood again that hath already lost almost all his blood? And to undertake the same without discipline, is as much as to build without rule. Neither is it any less inconvenience to be unprovided of money. For sooner might a man make a ship to swim without oars or sails, than prosecute a war without wealth. Who then would be so far overseen as to counsel us to begin the thing that must have a bad end, which necessarily will ensue of the defects aforesaid? I am sure that Scipio Nasica aforementioned, never meant to wish them voluntarily to begin an enterprise whereof they could reap nothing but loss and infamy, neither would avow such a one to be profitable to a land already half buried in miseries: For he feared not the Romans adversity, but their prosperity, which brought with it pride and insolency. And this we are to note, that four year after that Publius Cornelius Scipio had overcome Hannibal, and made peace with the Carthegenians, the Romans grew so haughty, seeing themselves crowned with so many victories and triumphs, that their skins could not hold them. Then was not discipline any whit out of frame. The common treasurlie was mightily increased as well with the rich spoyloes of Carthage as of Spain, neither had they any want of men. This was the cause that moved the Senate to think it convenient to be doing with Philip of Macedon which was a very wise practice of the rule aforesaid. But what conformity is there between our present state and the state of the Romans at that time? As much as between a rich, sound, and well ordered man, and a poor, sick, and buruly person. Let us then first cure our diseases, before we imitate their doings in their full force and strength. Many do think France to be as well replenished with men as ever it was. Wherein they deceive themselves. And in my opinion Whether France be well furnished of men of war. the matter that deceiveth them is, that they see the most of those that ga●●e up and down make great brags in words, habit and co●●tenaunce: For if a cobbler hath been a soldier but two years, he will think himself worthy to wear a guilt sword (which our Fathers would have been loath to permit to any under the degree of knighthood) yea, and he will wear it if he can come by it either by hook or crook, as also his silk nether-stocks, which good King Henry the second never ware: whereto likewise his speech shall be correspondent. For if this soldier do but look awry upon a man, he is by and by dead at the least. This is it that blindeth such as take in payment shows and looks, who peradventure applying to them the Proverb that, One man is worth an hundred, do imagine that our France do overflow with men of arms and warriors. But my opinion herein is, that yet we have a good number both Gentlemen and commons: These being well kept, and to them adjoining the youth which six years may bring forward, we may truly say, that it shall overflow with such men as shall need no great pricking forward to make them to stir. Less time can we not have to redress our warfare and replenish our coffers, but especially to restore our virtues. But, will some say, if any good occasion should fall out, shall we let it slip? That is the masters part to judge of, and peradventure the Lady may be so beautiful, that she may have a good Of wars with our the realm. look. Yet will it be hard for us to like of any, until we have put on again our ancient ornaments. As for the purgation aforementioned, meet to cast forth the dregs which the civil wars have left behind them, I doubt it will prove like to Antimony, which expelleth both good and bad humours together: As we may see by that which even lately we have to our damage tried. Our weakness longeth rather after restoritives, than those things that purge violently. For, so to think that France cannot be pacified without sending away five or six thousand disordered soldiers, is but to wink with one eye. But let us stir them a little, and we shall see that we must go farther, and that these little bells do not sound before the great ones have rung out. We must think that most Frenchmen, yea, even those that follow adventures are weary of suffering so many mischiefs, as the Romans were of the slaughters of Marius and Silla: likewise that they mislike not of rest, because they know it to be necessary for them, which after they shall for a while have enjoyed, they will afterward be but over-readie to employ themselves where a man list. But now had they no other enterprises in hand, yet were it unlikely that any could prosper until the imperfections as well public as particular, which bury our ancient fame, were banished, good order re-established, and virtue honoured. The tenth Discourse. Of the three false opinions that mislead sundry of the Nobility. First, that the chief mark whereat a Gentleman should aim is to become valorous. secondly, that the Gentleman which keeping home, travaileth not abroad to seek adventures, enjoyeth small contentation, and is but base minded. Thirdly, that although the Prince command things unjust to his subject, he must nevertheless put them in execution. THe Physicians do say, that old diseases are of hardest cure. Which the politics as well A general and meet preface to the whole discourse. as they, may justly affirm concerning those errors that through long use have taken deep root. For whatsoever is fixed in the mind, hath, as a man should say, more bands than that which is tied to the body: so as it is needful to bestow whole years in the rooting of them out. And as the first do temper sundry simples to apply to bodily iufirmities, even so should the second out of the rules of wisdom draw profitable instructions to reform the manners of those that list to use the same. Howbeit, some would say the Physician to be very presumptuous that should come to a Patient's house unsent for, but in the care of spiritual diseases and evil customs, he that seethe his Country afflicted and taketh compassion thereof, may in my opinion, freely discourse and write of the same, so long as he weigheth her disposition, and hath in himself any tender regard toward the subject whereto he would apply it. I will begin with the first opinion which hath not sprung out of any bad fountain, but from the universal disposition of the nobility, Examination of the first opinion. which time out of mind hath marvelously celebrated deeds of arms, as worthy instruments to advance them to great honour, but the same have by little and little so exceeded that in the end, under the pretence of valiancy, she hath subdued and confounded the rest, as if one kind did comprehend them all in general. This false opinion hath attained even to our days wherein the said pretence is worse used than ever it was. For now men seek rather to win a little fame through that only, than a great deal by divers joined together. I think it no abuse to esteem of the thing that so deserveth, no more then to like of some pearl that a man hath bought: but if any man's affection thereto should be so addicted, as therefore to disdain all other precious stones, were it not a token of a perverse judgement▪ The like is it with virtues, whereof the least is so necessary, that we may say that the want thereof breedeth great discommodities. If a man might serve his turn with one of them as well as with one garment, his life would not peradventure be so troublesome. But it should likewise lose a great part of the beauty and commodity in being despoiled of all the fairest ornaments. For as the more a garden or meadow are planted and enriched with divers kinds of fruit and flowers, the better they are esteemed, even so should he be that hath most virtues: without the which his life is but obscure. Nevertheless, it is good that every one should consider his own vocation, to the end to apply thereunto that which may be most convenient for himself, the use whereof should also be to him most familiar. As to the politic man, discretion: to the Divine, humility: to the Lawyer, justice: and to the Soldier, courage. But as for the Nobleman, whereto shall we tie him? Especially him whose ancestors have been an honour to his age. I am not of opinion that Gentlemen should stay upon one only That Gentlemen should be adorned with sundry virtues. virtue, but also grow in love with many. For such love is lawful and these virgins are never jealous. Painters do use to shadow all the Muses in a troup, as never habandoning one another: with like reason might they so do by this worthy society, wherein the associates do greatly delight to dwell: whereof we are to learn, sith so willingly they walk together, still to keep our doors open, that when the one entereth she may bring in all the rest with her. I know that Fortitude (by some named Prowess or valiancy) is an excellent virtue, beseeming the best as well as the inferiors, without the which their lives are of small valour, but the same being destitute of justice is hurtful to the good. If Temperance do not moderate her she will turn into rage, and not guided by discretion will labour out of season. Wherein we see there is a league between them, and each affordeth mutual aid to other, which cannot be altered without particular prejudice to every of them. The Martiners do not think one Anchor sufficient to stay and hold a Ship tight. The like may we say of Nobility, who must have more than one virtue to confirm their reputation: which is not unknown to those that are learned in moral discipline, of whom the number is very small, by reason that the error whereof we now entreat hath made the greater multitude too partial: as appeareth in the titles that many take upon them, as calling themselves The arm of the country, the maintainer of arms, and the terror to the enemies: which titles I blame not, notwithstanding in my opinion the name Professor of Virtue, would comprehend much more and yield them greater honour. It is most certain that for the well handling of the weapon it The error of such as suppose prowess only to be sufficient to the prosessors of arms. were requisite to be endued with much boldness & generosity: as also to such as have been furnished therewith have redounded much commendation, which hath caused many so to admire this profession: which nevertheless through over much praise have bred this error, namely, to make small account of all other virtues. For it is not unknown that in our grandfathers days, if a gentleman had given himself to study the Greek tongue or Latin, his companions would say that he must be made a clerk, also that a sword beseemed him not. Whereof grew this proverb, that it was enough for a Soldier to be able to write his own name, as if knowledge had been a hindrance to his valour. I think they were of opinion that he that showed himself audacious, expert in his weapon, and prone to quarreling, was sufficiently armed for the attaining to riches and honour: and ordinarily they that were noted to be such, obtained both. I will not utterly reject these things, which bear I wots not what fair show: yet will I say thus much, that not being accompanied (as is aforesaid) with other good qualities, they be not so commendable as men think for. Howbeit, although some one chance not to abuse this virtue of Valiancy, yet ought he not to bury himself therein, considering that the use of the rest is more necessary for him. If he fighteth once in a month, it is all, nevertheless, if he list he may daily put in practise other good gifts to the benefit of others and his own commendation. It is no small matter to be accounted a Soldier, but when honesty is thereto adjoined it is much more. And thus are we to make our particular profession to lean to the general vocation, that is, to live well, whereunto all men are bound. And whosoever forgetteth this universal rule to stay himself only upon the observations there upon depending, it should seem that he is rather led by profit or 〈…〉 bition (whereunto men of all sorts do aspire) than by any true affection to virtue. Hannibal of Carthage was one of the most famous Captains Prowess destitude of other virtues deserveth of the name of virtue. that ever were, yet being destitute of piety and faith, and withal a cruel and deceitful person, it bred him the name to be a most wicked man. How much greater commendation deserved Scipio Africanus, who was both an honest man and as good a Captain withal: This never boasted so much in his valiancy, as to despise the thing that made him not only a true Citizen but also a good householder. For, to be just to his friends and terrible to his enemies, are no such contraries, but that they may very well concur together, because the original of them both proceedeth from one spring. Well, I will confess that in a man of war prowess is commendable, but in the well borne Gentleman, his study, exercise and pleasure should shoot at all the virtues, especially at those that are most to be preferred, considering that Nobility is a participation in all those good things. I think no man will gainsay but Piety, Truth, Temperance and justice must march before Fortitude, notwithstanding she also helpeth the rest. For the ungodly, lying, dissolute or unjust person, whatsoever goodly cloak of prowess that may be given him, is nevertheless eschewed and hated, as being much more hurtful to his friends then dreadful to his enemies, although he know never so well how to help himself with his weapon. For this cause ought Noblemen first to learn those things that are most necessary, and so by degrees to descend to those that may better be forborn: so shall they escape this error which stayeth them upon one simple prize, and hideth from them many other more precious, wherein they have no less interest. It might peradventure beseem a poor Soldier, who having It becometh a Gentleman to profess divers virtues. nothing, hath by his weapon and desert hath achieved means to live, never to departed the bounds of prowess, but highly to extol it, as every artificer will do his art. But the Gentleman to whom as well this as many other ways are yet open, wherein to exercise himself and to attain to honour, yieldeth himself as it were prisoner, yea even guilty, in seeking to march only under the one, sith he is bound to walk in all. I remember an answer to this purpose once made at the Court to one whose continual talk was of war, yea even in the time of peace. When the wars begin again, said one to him, you shall be set on work, but now seeing you are destitute of civil and peaceable conditions, I would wish you to shut up yourself in a chest, so to keep you from rust until time serve: either else to temporize at this time. The former error is somewhat tolerable, because it may be amended: Against such as abuse their force and valeancie. and it is to be hoped that he which will endeavour to do one part of his duty, being better taught will employ himself in the rest: but he that abuseth that one only virtue that he hath chosen is wonderfully out of the way. And whereas Gentlemen do wear their swords girt to their sides, first they do it in the defence of their Country, and next to employ them under the authority of the laws to defend the weak and innocent from the violence of the oppressors: also to preserve their own persons from outrage: So far is the practice now from following the said rules, that contrariwise many as well noble as unnoble do use them to do more harm to their friends then hurt to their enemies. This is a goodly valiancy that serveth only to destroy itself: and villainous are the Triumphs which are erected of the spoils of Peasants, also of the weapons and blood of neighbours and companions. Some man will say, that Fortitude is an other manner of thing Wherein valeancie consisteth. and shineth principally in the wars: I grant it, but not in these which seem it to be unperfect in all places. Valiancy among other things consisteth in vanquishing rather then to flee, and in sustaining of labour freely. Concerning the first point what do we see: Losses ordinary, and victory rare. And as for the second, there need but two days rain and four and twenty hours want, to raise a with 〈…〉 egiment into a mutiny. Thus by little and little many do wander and stray from this virtue, notwithstanstanding they advow that they have ambraced it. And if the French Princes, Lords, famous captains, and Gentlemen which do well use the same do not endeavour to restore it into the former dignity and to take away the abuses, they shall many times find themselves as well at the Court as in the field far abused. And our nation which heretofore hath through true Valiancy gotten such fame, shall behold itself slave to those that heretofore have obeyed it. This may suffice to show that Nobility ought to aim at all virtues, and not at one alone: Likewise that they must not pervert that virtue which ought to be the pillar of their arms. I would have made some description of this virtue of Fortitude Of true and false valcancy. (which cannot be too well known to those that exercise the same) but that Aristotle in his Ethics hath largely discoursed thereof, whereunto they that delight in reading may have recourse, especially well to understand the difference between such as is true in deed and that which doth but bear a show thereof, only I will say this by the way, that he setteth down five kinds of counterfeit Fortitude. The first, that which is grounded upon hope of reward: the second, upon fear of punishment▪ the third, upon experience: the fourth, upon wrath: and the fifth, upon ignorance of danger. But the true is when a man in the midst of the greatest dangers and most terrible things, yea even of death, showeth himself steadfast and without fear: whereinto he hazardeth himself in a just and honest cause, and of these there be few, and yet to be truly possessed with Fortitude he must be such a one. The second false opinion is not so hurtful as the first, howbeit Examination of the second opinion. it molesteth many and to no purpose, in causing them to seek felicities rather apparent then true, and to judge amiss of the condition of many. I mislike not that men should commend that kind of life that any hath chosen: because it liketh the chooser: but rashly to condemn other men's, argueth a little pride and want of consideration. Now, the cause why some do so greatly commend travailing The spring thereof. abreade, proceedeth of a conceived opinion that civility is better learned abroad, as also that reputation and riches are obtained by haunting of divers places and keeping company with divers persons. I would not greatly argue against their opinions if they comprehended no more but this, yea myself would counsel young men to go (as I have already said in an other discourse) into places where any thing that is honest is to be learned. Likewise such as are poor and have quick wits being capable to serve either publicly or privately, may seek their adventures through all places, and those likewise that have met with them and are bound unto them by any bond of service, of office, or of art to go near or far, ought not to fail in performing these duties. But before I enter any farther into any other exceptions, I must confess that I mean here to excuse certain Gentlemen, who being already possession of house, family and means, and withal are not to seek what virtue and knowledge mean, are nevertheless despised (because they are resolved to speed their lives at home) by those that make as it were an ordinary occupation to be continually upon the public theatres of Courts, Cities, Wars, & foreign Of those that cannot keep home. lands. Of these will I speak one word by the way. That is, that some there are that trot into all places only upon curiosity: others do also go to the end aforesaid, namely to be better instructed. Concerning the first: They having no other meaning but an outward and vain pleasure, reap nothing but vanity and such a con●ontation as is of no continuance, as having no other foundation but wind. Only they can pra●●le a little among simple people of things that they take for wonders, in that they want knowledge, and that is all. Likewise will I there leave them, because in their doings they bear no other affection, but as it were to go see a Maygaine. But with the second it is otherwise▪ for they learn goodthings and sometimes to increase, so as we see the good 〈◊〉 of their 〈◊〉 appear. Butias the wood worm engendereth in wood, 〈◊〉 happen 〈…〉, the more they have att●yned, them or 〈…〉 doth the ●●rrogance en●tease▪ where of ensueth contempt of their equals that imitate them not. Youth that hath not yet experience of the several kinds of life doth easily stumble into these rash judgements until it be reform: but there are some whom neither age nor reason can divert from such imaginations: where 〈…〉 they show that they have profited but little in strayings ●o 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉▪ Also as 〈◊〉 knowledge doth never pass up itself, but maketh the person the more humble and lowly, so should virtue make it the more discreet. Now let us see wherewith they blemish the country common The reproaches of these runagates against the country and stayed life. course of life. It giveth, say they, small content, and extenuateth the force of courage. They do likewise persuade themselves that those which are nothing moved in the presence of great objects, neither stirred up by emulation of their equals, must of necessity stoop to such actions as may be termed service. Also the most of these having been brought up in these stately Courts, do think that the excellency and beauty of virtue do never shine but where it is best flourished out and with greatest trains: so that perceiving it o● clothed of those outward ornaments and in simple array, they do but wink at it, as men of ●●●y do at their friends when they be fallen into extreme poverty. And therefore marking those that never stir from home, but lie still as it were hidden and without any show, they would thereby infer that they want good qualities, as thinking that if they had any, the same would force them forth as the sails do force, the Ship into the main Sea: But in their words they make many false consequences. For to say that that virtue seemeth obscure which beareth but her own simple show; likewise that he that hath enough; if he proclaimeth not abroad, I have virtue to sell, seemeth to have but little: Also that contentment dependeth upon the knowledge, and favour of the mighty and the multitude, is to be blinded with the appearance of outward things, which blear the sight of those that are inward. The Philosophers do hold that true felicity consisteth in the participation of virtue, likewise that the same may be found in all sorts of men and in all places. Which is so true that none can deny it. We must therefore before we contemn any kind of life, how base soever it seemeth, look whether no portion of virtue shineth therein. For if there do, we ought not to condemn it at random. Well, the better to judge thereof, let us more nearly examine Commodities of country life. this manner of country life, and we shall peradventure see that it bringeth forth very good and fair fruits both for itself and others. First, he that hath chosen it may in these some what solitary places more devoutly exercise-the duties of Religion, and with less hindrances those of charity then among the great societies, where Princes or vanities do for the most part detain the minds in thraldom, and withdraw them from such meditatious as are necessary for all: and when Godliness, which is the foundation of life, is well understood and perfectly practised, there ensueth great contentation. Next, the mind findeth greater tranquillity in such places then in Courts and Cities, where it is tormented with most violent verturbations: as ambition▪ raging love, revenge, wrath, papine and envy. For in the country life those objects that stir up inward rage doth not commonly haunt. As for delight, it is as much, in that there is no cause but a man may find as good relish in the smallest things, the taste whereof is so far from those that are are entangled among the civil multitude, that they do not so much as perceive them. David although a great Kind did nevertheless sometime delight in these small country ornaments, which are in the 65. Psalm very well described, where he saith. In places plain the flocks shall feed. And cover all the earth: The vales with corn shall so exceed, That men shall sing for mirth. Now let us proceed to the commodities: which truly are of two sorts. For first superfluity, the only sepulchre wherein many rich houses are buried, is in manner unknown in the country life. Secondly, household orders are well observed, and although the use of thrift be the ordinary rule, yet doth liberality shine in the midst thereof, and honest sufficiency who is still neighbour to abundance never departeth: the contrary whereof appeareth where prodigality reigneth. For her followers do often times try the same that Ships do in a storm, whom the waves do sometime lift up to the Clouds, and by and by bring down to the bottom of the Sea. Even so they having made stately cheer for the space of some eight days, must remain half a year pinched with all kind of penury. As for the commodity that the others reap by the presence and frequentation of that whereof of I speak, it is likewise to be considered. For to begin with his family, there is no doubt but, according to the proverb, Such master such man, if he be endued with many virtues, he shareth them with his, especially with his wife and children, describing in his private family the form of a well ordered Commonwealth. His subjects likewise, what comfort do they also conceive in coming to try his affability and good will▪ Entering farther into the course of his life, what an example is he to make them the better? Finally, such a man's neighbours and kindred may among their greatest commodities note this, that they may be ordinarily conversant with him, and so to taste of sundry goodly fruits of learning and amity. Who so list farther to learn the commendations of the country life, let him read those books that are purposely written thereof. For my part it is enough that I have in a word touched it by the way, as well not to bring out of liking those that use it well, as also to show to others that disdain it, that it is not destitute of virtue, honesty, and solace. Now let us see whether it deminisheth prowess as some do Whether the country life quaileth prowese. suppose. For my part I think not in any in whom the love of virtue is not quite extinct. For in whatsoever place they be, they still think it convenient for a Gentleman to bear a man's stomach. On the other side, the exercise of the Horse, the running at the Ring, hunting and the haquebut are portraitures and instruments of war which waken the courages and maintain them in force. But communication with our like doth also greatly help thereto: because the speeches both of the one and other do tend only to contemn towardlike demeanours and to exalt the valiant: so as hereof we make a counterpoise against that delicacy which by little and little is engendered in those persons whose lives are free from danger. I know well enough that the Nobility that holdeth residence a great part of the year in frontier Garrisons, is (through continual exercise in warlike discourses) more stirred up to the love of prowess, then that that keep home. But all cannot be there maintained, neither do those that are deprived of that exercise, considering the reputation of the rest, but make inwardly some small provision of that which is the cause of obtaining the same. Moreover, it followeth not that because they are not so skilful in military profession as others, that they are therefore void of courage: For he that hath good seed in him, with a little custom maketh it well to fructify. How many brave captains have in our father's days been seen never to stir from home after the wars were once ended? And yet when occasion served that they must to it again they were nothing inferior to any of the rest. Thus much must I needs say that like as martial exercise maketh not all that practise it valiant, no more doth dwelling at home so daunt the courages of those that use it, but that they can always be well enough disposed to do their parts when honour commandeth. As for the rest who even bury themselves by perpetual keeping home in their own houses, to the end only to stoop to effeminate pleasures and sloth, either else to have the better opportunity to practise violence or covetousness. I will say no more, but only wish that among the Nobility there were Censors established as in the Roman Commonwealth: that through public shame their faults whether secret or open might be corrected. For it is a shame for the goodly title of Nobility to be made a cloak to unworthy actions. Now were it not amiss to examine whether the felicity of those that go up & down to seek it thus every where, and who ween to have more than others, be so great as they say for: But I will not stay thereupon to the end to discourse upon the third false opinion. Many there are that reprove it, others also that put it in practice, The censure of the third opinion. either thinking it not to want a good foundation, or else because that by the use thereof they reap profit and preferment. But how soever they list to take it, they are not to be excused. For our opinions must agree with that that is just, and our commodities be purchased without injustice: which even those aught to know that make account to exceed the common people in dignity and wisdom: to the end they by their example may conform themselves to fulfil whatsoever the duty of all. And as it is an easy matter from liberality, which teacheth us the manner to give in place and season convenient, to fall into prodigality which showeth how to do the contrary: so without diligent heed from true obedience we slide into false, which in counterexchaunge of a matter due, maketh us to do that that is not due. This question have sundry learned personages at large treated upon, of whose judgements we ought not to be ignorant; to the end always in ourselves to be resolved of a matter of so great weight. I will therefore (following their steps) speak only two or three words according to my capacity, especially using the instructions taken out of God's word. The same teacheth us that God hath set up the mighty that have dominion over the nations, to rule and govern them in piety and justice: whom likewise he commandeth us to have in singular honour and to obey, whereupon S. Paul saith: Let every soul be subject to the superior powers, for there is no power but of God, and the powers that are, are the ordinance Romans. 13. of God. This only place might suffice to instruct as well the one as the other in their duties. For herein are the superiors warned to remember the sacred dignity wherewith they are adorned, that they neither abuse nor profane it by cruelty, covetousness, or voluptuous lust. Likewise the inferiors to bow their necks under those authorities as under the yoke of God, not only in patience, but in joy also. For as S. Paul in the same chapter saith. They that resist the powers, do resist the ordinance of God. Whereto he afterward addeth, That the Prince beareth the sword for the benefit of his subjects whether for their defence or correction. Which reason ought to make us think obedience sweet, because in yielding the same we both please God and reap profit. If Princes would well consider the goodly titles and large prerogatives that God giveth them, they would amend and their commandments should be more just. For by the mouth of his Prophet David he saith: I have said, ye are Gods, and children to the most highest▪ herein signifying that as in them shineth the image of jesus Christ, whose Empire is both in heaven and earth, so ought they to imitate him in well doing rather then in hurting and destroying: but because the most part of them do neglect or contemn these most worthy instructions, they grow to degenerate, in such wise that evermore that estate hath been most happy, wherein the most of those that have sit upon the throne have been vertuaus. The places likewise by me alleged aught to retain the people from stirring not only in unjust causes, but also in such as are unnessary, when they contemn those whom God hath so exalted. Also when a good and merciful Prince reigneth, if his Subjects do through disobedience provoke him, they make themselves guilty before God and man, and thus much I think few can gainsay. But the question is, of one that maketh small account of the laws or justice should command that thing that were wicked, whether The examination of the principal question. we ought to obey him. Hereto I answer that if this iniquity consisteth in raising of taxes and tributes upon the subjects goods, (which many have often tried) either in the increase of the labours laid upon their persons, (as Pharaoh dealt with the Hebrews) in such a case we can do no better then to humble ourselves before God, and cratte of him pardon and deliverance from so violent oppression. For notwithstanding it proceed of his cruelty and malice that is author thereof, yet are we withal to mark God's ordinance, who useth such scourges to tame the imperfections of those whom he will amend. Why? will some man say, what honour can he deserve, who from a just principality is fallen into tyranny? who in lieu of shearing his sheep doth flea and devour them? Sith also he so villainously perverteth public order, is he not unworthy that any should yield him reverence? God in his word saith, that notwithstanding he greatly dislike this oppression, which proceedeth of man's frailty and lusts, kindled by the devils malice, yet doth it not abolish the subjection due to superiorities and policies, wherein we must still mark the footpathes of his decree. Otherwise were the saying of S. Paul in vain, that the powers that are, are the ordinances of God. Neither should S. Peter have any reason to command us to honour the King. But if any say that this had relation to the good, I must answer that neither of them were ignorant what men Tiberius & Caligula were, either Nero, all which we might rather name horrible Tyrants then true Princes. If therefore among these horrible politic confusions they commanded us to look higher & to humble ourselves, this precept should admonish alpeople that suffer violence through the pride or covetousness of their superiors, to think once or twice before they kick against the prick. For undoubtedly God ordained the bad Princes as well as the good, according to the saying of the Prophet Oseas: Osee. 〈◊〉. In my rage will I give thou a King, and in my wrath take him away. Also Esdras, I will give them children to be their Princes, and effeminate Esay. 13. persons shall bear rule over them. Likewise job: He maketh the hypocrite to reign for the sins of the people. If all these goodly job 34. rules were well considered, many there are that would not be so hasty to strive against the rod: for whensoever the stripe cometh, our first work ought to be to have recourse to God, as is aforesaid, and to appease him: and next to enter into ourselves and amend. Thirdly, to seek lawful remedies against the mischief, which if they fail us, then to wait in patience. And having well discharged ourselves in all the aforesaid, then to have good hope of wished success. If we are in any affair to observe moderation and wisdom, then in this especially. The precepts of Philosophers and ancient customs of the Romans and Grecians, (the most civil and wisest nations among all other) did grant more liberty to the oppressed than Christian Religion doth. For they did so hate and abhor tyranny that they could in no wise away with it. Which notwithstanding it be even to this day most odious, yet must Christians have more patience than others, because that he which so strictly commandeth it, doth withal promise in time convenient to provide for their miseries: whereby we may see of what force and power the doctrine of the Gospel is, to print in men's minds the law of obedience and reverence toward the superiors. This if some Princes were perfect in, they would not peradventure so readily follow the counsels of divers Churchmen, Against the violence of some Clergy men. which make them with all extremity to pursue the professors thereof. They be, say these solicitors, justly punished, for they be heretics. Truly my masters your words are not receivable. It is the old song which is now out of use, since the Scriptures bewrayed your pot of Roses, that is to say, your abuses, at the most whereof even some of your own men do make a jest and give them no credit. Force them not then to reverence them lest they answer you with the Apostles: It is better to obey God then men. They deserve, will you say, to be rooted out by arms, because they take arms. Acts. 3. Such as be at their ease are soon angered and take small care or none for the afflicted. See whether you be none of them. If any man had but pricked you, you would fall out with him, yea and peradventure strike him too. And can you not consider that the Protestants in France did patiently, for the space of foretéene years, and the Flemings five and forty, suffer all sorts of spiritual torments and bodily pains upon false accusations: and yet will you not that they should seek any remedies to exempt them from such intolerable and cruel miseries. But now I think of it, I have degressed from my purpose, to Of duty. speak of the furies used against the consciences. But I will say no more, but return to my first path, again to confirm my former saying, that bodily charges though heavy, should be borne. For as Samuel saith: Kings shall sometimes be very ready to oppress 1. Sam. 〈◊〉. their people, and although they cry out, saith he, yet will not God hear them. And this aught to admonish them to suffer so long as it shall please God to withdraw his favourable hand from them. All that I have hitherto alleged to exalt the mighty and their dignity, tendeth not so to puff them up that through disordered licence they shall exceed the bounds of justice. For if they would, yet can God chastise them as he did Roboam and Saul, and provide lawful remedies to deliver those that are oppressed. Neither do I believe that there is any state but hath laws to repulse oppressors when their violences are over grievous or continual. Now, in these corrupt Kingdoms many men there are that Of such as do whatsoever they are commanded. need no great compulsion to work wickedness, as thinking that their obedience due to Princes covereth all that is amiss in their actions. Yea some that have public offices do take themselves to be double bound not to refuse to do any thing that may be commanded them, in that they are not only subjects but also officers. These presuppositions are the occasion that a mischief conceived by a few and embraced by many hath a more long and larger course. They hold that if the great do command, they must yield and obey: for notwithstanding the matter were unjust, yet is the executer thereof excusable and the commander answerable. But these obsequious mates are much deceived in covering themselves with a sack betimes, and leaving all the blame to their masters. Others there are likewise in this miserable world, wherein wickedness playeth her last prize, that run yet faster, proclaiming that whatsoever the Princes will, is lawful for him. These second are unworthy to haunt among the good, either to be their domestical servants, for that with their extreme flattery they corrupt their souls. More meet were they to have such masters as Pope Alexander the sixth, and Caesar Borgia, his Bastard, who in all cruelty, dissolution, and infidelity were equal with the ancient Sicilian tyrants, that they might entreat them as they did some of their catchpoles: of whom when one under colour of justice and at their commandment had executed all kind of cruelty in Romagna, they cut off his head. And whosoever had stolen too much, or met with any fair dame under the defence of their favour, was many times forced to give them a share: wherein they had but their due: for having either instructed or confirmed their masters in this false principle of superfluous power, rather than absolute, it is but meet themselves should taste of the fruit thereof, as Phalaris dealt with Perillus who had invented the brazen bull to please him withal. If men would well consider that it is the part of good Kings to do and command things that be just: they would thereby learn that the duties likewise of good subjects or servants is to frame their obedience by this true rule. For the will of God, who prescribeth laws to all, tendeth to make us do; well and eschew evil. How then can some excuse themselves for committing unlawful deeds, under the pretence of commandment, sith God forbiddeth it? The thrones are polluted and the minister of justice is covered with reproach. I suppose that none, except the slave of some Tyrant, dare avow A more express explication of the former discourse. that if a Prince should command some one of his subjects to slay his father, to habandon his wife to the Stews, or to blaspheme God, but he ought therein to deny him obedience, and the reason is, that the laws both of God and Nature, whereto all men are subject, do prohibit such things. It followeth therefore that the inferior is not always bound to fulfil whatsoever his superior commandeth. But as these with other such like unjustices so apparently wicked are but seldom commanded, unless by some barbarous heart and mind, as also that few there are but will abhor to commit them, so do the wilier sort cover their mischiefs with a fair vail, even as men cover poison with gold, to the end men should not spare to proceed farther: and therein it is that those that will not contaminate their honesties, aught to open their eyes, lest under colour of good faith they be deceived. Others there are who through some vehement passion do command violent things, neither do either the one or the other want fit men to put them in execution. And to this purpose I will allege two examples: the one of a wicked Emperor, & the other of a good, both Christians. The first was the Emperor Phocas, who ordained that the Bishop of Rome should be called the head of the universal Church, where before he was but a Metropolitaine. This wicked murderer through his ambition caused the Emperor Maurice whose officer he was, together with his wife and children to be slain, to the end to obtain his place, neither could that sacred dignity stay his hands. Herein was agreement between the master and the servants, who were the one as good as the other, neither did any of them say that the deed was unlawful, but they did all yield voluntary obedience. David would not do so: for although Saul 1. Sam. 24. pursued him to have slain him, yet when himself fell into his hands, he said: I will not stretch forth my hands against my Lord, for he is the Lords anointed. Who then could command David to slay his innocent friend, sith he would in no case offend his guilty enemy? The second example is of Theodosius, who in a frantic fury commanded that the Thessalonians that had committed sundry riots should all be hewn in pieces, and to that end sent a whole legion of Soldiers who slew seven thousand, that is to say, many more innocents then guilty persons. Whereof the good Emperor was afterward most sorrowful and solemnly confessed his offence. His indignation was too much disordered, but the cruelty of his ministers, was no less, who might have mitigated the punishment: which correction of punishment would afterward have rather liked then displeased their master, and better satisfied their own consciences. Hereof I mean not to infer that the subject aught to control How the inferior is to consider of his superiors commandment. his lords commandment: But if it seem to import great unjustice, were he not better cunningly to excuse himself then to fulfil it? or to endeavour to mitigate the punishment, rather than to defile his hands in blood, as the Sow would do in the mire? To this purpose is the dealing of the second Pliny to be noted, who through his humanity and discretion, notwithstanding he was a Paynim, ceased the persecution which he was commanded to raise within his Province. By the aforesaid examples such as are in subjection should learn not to prostitute their obedience to such commandments as are manifestly unjust. For so should they make the same adulterous in bringing forth basterdly actions in lieu of lawful. Two notable examples of two Paynims am I yet constrained to set down, the one for a rule to the mighty, the other to the inferiors. The first is of the good Emperor trajan who was termed What both the one and the other are to consider. the good Prince: He on a time delivering the Sword to one whose office resembled a high Constableship, said unto him. So long as I minister justice, employ this Sword in the upholding of my authority: but if I fall into tyranny, unsheath it against myself. How many Christians since adorned with royal Dyadems have in lieu of so saying, done contrary▪ Among whom, some peradventure would have amended, if that goodly pattern had oft been showed unto them. The second, which may be applied to particular persons is of the great Lawyer Papinian, whom the Emperor Bassianus his master commanded to write somewhat in his defence for killing his brother ●eta. But he refused so to do, saying, that it was an easier matter to commi parricide then to excuse it. Which although it cost him his life, yet hath he left to the posterity a testimony of his valiant heart, in that he chose rather to die then to defend and allow an execrable abomination. The flatterers that ordinarily attend upon Princes, even upon those that be endued with some goodness, do endeavour to persuade The fraud of flattering Courtiers. them that those men that would so bind them to virtue, do ordinarily control and gainsay their pleasures and absolute authority, and thus with their fair words they do at the first blind them: but I think that at length some of them do find that those are their faithfullest servants which accounting the royal dignity to be sacred and unviolable will not pollute their souls or taint their hands in so unworthy service. And as for the rest that are so ready to be ministers of all unjustice, I wonder how sundry Princes can repose in them such confidence. They might imagine that those men that so rashly and commonly contemn God, being full gorged will not make any great account of their masters. This Discourse is unperfect. The eleventh discourse. Whether there be any means so to reform the order of the sters of France as to reap any service of the same. SUch mighty kingdoms as sometimes are A necessary consideration for France. accustomed to handle their neighbours roughly, aught to have especial regard that they suffer not their forces wherewith they have attained their fame so to degenerate, as no part thereof remaineth in heart. For upon their decay or slothfulness, the others calling to mind what hath passed, do the more boldly attempt against those that did beat them, and oftentimes do terrify and hurt them as much as themselves have been endamaged. Which having evermore been so, aught to waken Princes and governors of common wealths, to the end to provide that one arm at the least may always be stirring to serve when time shall require. Truly I wo● not to what estate I may better apply this counsel, than to our France, which being at rest hath played the pampered kicking horse. But being afterward grown weak (as now we see it) hath it not sufficient cause to fear the readiness and diligence of those from whom it hath means sufficient to defend itself, if it list to do whatsoever is convenient for the safety thereof? Our neighbours sleep not, neither have they but too much intelligence of our disorders, which as it seemeth, we respect not, letting Reasons for this. pass even whole years without seeking any remedies, either great or small. For we must not think that great and redoubted power of men of arms that we had in the time of king Frances the first (wherein consisted the chief strength of the Realm) to be still in force. It is since that time much altered: neither are the footmen so good as in the time of king Henry. Now they resentble, as a man should say, old garments, torn and half worn away with the tediousness and violence of civil wars, and therefore stand in need of piecing up again with new. Neither must we, besides all this, ●aue to help ourselves with all other forces that we may, wherewith to hide our nakedness: that is to say, to keep that stranger from coming even into our bowels to foray us as he hath done & still threateneth. The French power in old time consisted of the proper subjects of the realm, who served our ancient kings with all loyalty. But within these 60. years we have begun to mingle stranger's among us, & so long as money lasteth, we cannot want them: whereas to the contrary, if that faileth, we may be assured to have our men to seek: wherefore the surest way were to 〈…〉 and that which we have in our own land, to the end thereof to make a sure post to trust to, & then to hope for what we can get from abroad. Also in as much as in diverse respects it is unpossible to redress both the men of arms & the footmen (which are the best strength of the state) at once, but by little & little, we must in this necessity as it were ●eed up new forces: namely, the same that have been utterly contemned, when the rest flourished. For the more arches & pillars that state up the building, the stronger it will be. By these I mean the general musters of France, whereto may be Of the reestablishing of the musters. adjoined the Legionaries: but my intent is not to treat of them in this discourse, wherein I mean to show that those old relics of nobility which we suffer to wallow in the dust, being a little reduced into good order, would bring forth fruit, & peradventure more than we think. When a Gentleman hath spent the most part of his goods in riot, & that poverty approacheth him, in lieu of his gay velvet garments that he was wo●t to wear, he goeth to seek to put on course cloth, whereto he so accustometh himself, that saving for his fancy, he maketh as much use of the last as of the first, & so may we do with many things that are of no account, in making them through use both to be esteemed of & profitable. It were very good, would some man say, if it might be done, to make that thing profitable that is unprofitable: But what likelihood is there to compass it in these musters which have been so little set by, since the time of Charles the seventh, that they have been as it were banished the wars for their cowardliness▪ Hereto I say, that although they have in respect of their imperfection been much contemned, yet must nothing be utterly rejected before all means have been proved to see whether it will serve or no. For I suppose this hath not been earnestly dealt in, because there was no great need thereof: but now that we are put to take all kinds of wood in band, like him that new buildeth his house which the fire hath half consumed, it were a point of negligence not to seek among our old ruins, for some good stuff yet remaining, to the end to apply the same to good use. Before that k. jews the 11. hired strangers, the footmen that we That they may be put in use. used in our wars were of small effect: & as I take it, were termed Francharchers or Franctanpins. Since we have seen how by exercise they have fashioned themselves, so as if any man should bring in one of the ancient Franctaupins in their kind of furniture, among these old & brave regiments of our footmen in these days, who of them, unless he had even death between his teeth, could for be are or abstain from laughter▪ And yet have both the one & the other been gathered in one self field, as being all bred in France: Even so now if you consider the ordinary muster it is a poor thing. But rule it & use it, & you shall see it grow into reputation. We have an old French proverb that saith: In a hundred years a banner, & in a hundred years a carter: which was invented to signify that every thing hath his rising & falling. Even see it happened to our musters: for having been a long time in great credit and force, afterward when the men of arms were instituted, maintained, & ordinarily used, that others were quite rejected, reserving unto them only their ancient name with a very weak effect. Howbeit I will not blame the institution of the men of arms, which have brought forth so good effects, & still may bring forth more, nay rather I will allow it: but likewise I wish to see a good order among all that deal with arms. The difference between them consisteth not in the men, for that same nobility that in time passed served after one manner, doth now serve after another. The diversity resteth in the warfare which is changed. The better to understand these changes, & to know the duties of Their original. service, we must take things farther of, & climb even to their original. Those that have written of the affairs of France, especially the L. of Haillan do advow that our fees were instituted under the first line of our kings. By which fees he meaneth a certain quantity of land which they gave (to some more to some less) to such gentlemen & famous warriors as had served them in the wars, to hold the same upon their faith & homage, & to come & serve them a certain time of the year at their own charge. To the end also that these noble & ennobled persons should be the better able to maintain themselves, they licenced them to let and demise their lands to the peasants for rent and yearly pension. Moreover they granted them both high, mean, and law justice over their men and vassals, the appeals whereof were reserved to their sovereign jurisdiction. Thus had the high justicer his law and inferior justices vnd er him, whom he termed his men of war, for they were bound to wait upon him as upon the Lord of their fee, and the others he termed peasants. These lands thus given upon condition aforesaid, such a fee was to set out one man of arms, such a one an archer, such a one a third, and such a one a fourth, who were bound to meet at a place appointed, so oft as by the dukes or earls (who were but simply governors of the provinces & towns) or their bailiefes or stewards that succeeded them, they should be commanded. These assemblies were called Ban or Heriban, which after some signifieth cry or outcry. This order seemeth to have been confirmed in the time of charlemain, under whose posterity the fees & Lordships, which Their order. under our former kings were but benefits given for term of life, were through favour continued from the Father to the son, and so grew to be patrimonial and hereditary. Hereby it appeareth, what goodly privileges have been granted to the nobility, but withal we are to consider that the bonds are very strict. For they must always come armed in defence of the Realm, and be ready to repulse the assaults and violences of strangers abroad. These were the ancient strength of France, where with our kings for the space of seven hundred years did many notable deeds until the year 1454. wherein the men of arms were instituted. But who so is desirous more particularly to see their ancient The difference of the members whereof they were come posed. order, let them read Frossart, who describeth the difference between the Barons, Bannerets, and high justicers, as also of those that might bear banners (which were square Ensigns) and of those that might carry but pennons. Likewise the arms of knights and manner of fight as well jointly as severed, with the rewards and martial punishments: neither do I doubt but having seen all this, he will judge our ancestors to have been brave fellows. The Lord of Haillan like wise in his discourses of France, doth show how fees came to be alienated, which were not amiss to be Of the alienation of fees. known. The first cause proceeded of our parent's devotion. For they being by the Clergy daily persuaded, that they that gave most to the beautifying and enriching of the Church, had the highest places in paradise: such of them as were able founded Abbeys, Priories, and Chapels, all well provided for, of good rents, thereby thinking sufficiently to discharge themselves. Then followed the imaginations of Purgatory, where they were told that for a mortal sin they must burn seven years in a most violent fire: howbeit that they might be delivered therefrom through abundance of messes and prayers. Whereupon he that had but one hundred shillings of rent, gave twenty for singing and praying as well for his own soul as for his kinsfolks and parents deceased. Thus came above the sixth part of the fees of France into the hands of the Clergy. The second cause was, the vioages undertaken for the conquest of the holy land, whereat whosoever bore any valiant mind would not fail to be, the rather for that our kings themselves went in person. And because that some lasted three or four years, the nobles sold part of their fees, so to get money to maintain themselves withal. Besides all this, they also made their wills, wherein they bequeathed (in case they died) a good portion thereof to be prayed for: so as many dying in those dangerous and long journeys, a great number of the fees were still alienated to the Church. The third cause hath grown of the continual wars with the Englishmen, where through many Gentlemen have been forced to sell their fees to the unnoble, who had permission of the kings to buy the same, for with out such licence they could not before have any propriety therein. All which alienations set together, have pulled the third part of fees out of the body of the nobility, whereby they are fallen as it were into dead hands, that is, into their hands who cannot in person discharge the ancient duties belonging to the same. Likewise since that time the Lawyers, Receivers, & some Merchants have so well husbanded for themselves, that they also have laid hold upon a good part of the said fees, so as we may truly say that the nobility do not now possess above the one half. Which notwithstanding our kings in the mean time have still had the use of their Arrierbans: wherein were but few Gentlemen, who all almost ran into place where pay, honours, and martial rewards were shared out, so as there remain none but men of small experience: neither were they employed but in the defence of those provinces that lay farthest out of the danger of war. Moreover, many of all sorts of people both great and small have purchased exemptions from the charges whereto their fees are bound, which have bred as great weakening both in men and money. Our kings Frances the first and Henry the second, seeing all these inconveniences, which they sought to redress, made notable decrees for the reducing of the said Arrierbans into some order: which for lack of well observing have not much profited. Thus much in brief of the succession of these matters. Some man may now tell me that I labour in vain in giving counsel Whether it be unpossible to redress the Arrierbans. to redress that thing which the experience of many years have taught to be so weak and feeble, that it is unpossible to raise it up again. This argument hath in deed some appearance, howbeit I will yet better examine it: then if reason will me to yield I will be content. Shall we, having so long practised with our French Florentines, who through their subtle wits have been able to wrest a quintessence out of the most unprofitable things, seem such dolts as to have retained no one precept of theirs? It hath been already showed that in old time bailiff's & steward's were charged with the levy & conduct of the Arrierbans. It is their office even to this day. And in place where there be none of the short robe, they choose Captains (as in Britain) to gather their men together after the proclaiming of the king's precepts: but because in such offices there consisteth no great honour, none but such Gentlemen as never stir out of the Country wi●take them, yea, & those rather for the benefit than for any other respect: they also, although they be honest and such as may be employed, yet having for the most part but small experience in arms, take no great heed of those that come to them: and to the end to pleasure their neighbours & friends, do accept of all that are offered. Now is there great difference between the troops, when they appear at the musters in the chief town, & when they march whether they be commanded. For at the musters we many times see Gentlemen well provided, who appear only to save their fees from seizure, & as it were to say that they are ready to do their service: but when the said troops are appointed to go forth, them shall we see that the one half of them are but great lubberlike boys, with a foot of beard, who will daily devour half a matton, & do march for their masters. Then say you whether the king be not well served: So in a company that should contain at the least 60. horse of service, ye shall scarce find ten that may pass. How is it then possible that they should work any good effect, considering the diversity of men so meanly armed. For we shall find the spears, pistols, & harquebuts on horseback very simple ones, & others, armed only with breastplates: likewise crossbows on foot, harquebuts, & others, armed only with a shirt of mail & a rusty javelin, whereof some will say they be men of arms, others archers, but in deed few of them good soldiers. There is not so expert a Captain but would find himself shrewdly troubled to set the whole generation of them in array to fight: so as even they that command over them may well judge that it is hard to get any good service at the hands of such disordered troops. In the time of k. Henry the L. of jaille was made Colonel, who in an expedition into the fontiers of Picardy, had so bad hap that his men fled (as it is said) before they came to battle, which brought the Arrierbans into such contempt, that every man laughed them to scorn. Since the L. of Sanzlay hath gotten that office, to whom it should appertain to purchase redress. In the mean time myself will grossly trace this purpose that tendeth to the same end, leaving to him and others more skilful than myself the adding of the draughts of perfection, as also the correction of any thing wherein I may err. In old time the Arrierbans were bound to serve the king but six Of faults commuted in the 〈◊〉 in question. weeks, & only in defence of the realm, neither might he detain them longer without pay: then also were wars short & commonly decided without battle. But in the decrees since made it seemeth the time to be prorogued to 3. months: as well in respect of travailing to the place where the service is to be done, as also for their sojourning there: wherein there is some reason in respect of the extent of the realm. Now will I proceed to speak of the abuses, especially of one that is committed in the taxing of fees: wherein it is often seen that a manor worth 2000 franks rend, shall pay but 40. franks toward the Arrierban, & others less. Neither know I whence those errors should proceed, but only from those that are charged with the said taxes, who upon their particular consideration do defraud the common. In these days most of those that own the service, both noble & unnoble, do acquit themselves with money. For he that should set out 2. or 3. men of arms, shall compound for some smalsumme, & those are rare fellows that set forth meet men for service. True it is that when a small fee oweth but the 3. or 4. part of man, they must take money, but so should they not for higher fees. Then all that money (as I understand) is afterward committed to the treasurer of the Arrierbans, who disposeth thereof according as either the supertor or inferior Captains do appoint. Whether there be any fraud used therein I wots not, but do refer it to the judgement of others. Notwithstanding all these defaults, yet when these troops are levied (whatsoever mixtion there be) we still see some good portion of that old shipwreck, whereby I deem that if they might be purged and furnished again, we might reap some commodity at their hands. I did once inquire what number of such men every province was able to furnish, one with another: whereupon I was certified that Britain, which is one of the greatest, might easily furnish 300 good horse, then considering with myself of the rest, each according to the proportion either for largeness or smallness, I gathered that all France by converting the kind of men into horsemen, was able to bring into the field 2500. horse, which is no small power. This ancient order is yet in practice in the Turkish Empire. For there the most part of the horsemen are entertained of the lands that are given to every horseman for his life time, which is called Timar, and it is a tenure somewhat resembling our fees, exceyting the privilege of justice. And when the Beglierbei (who are governors of provinces) do send for men, they all come to yield their service, as being thereunto bound in pain of deprivation from the benefit received. Without the diligent observing of this rule, the Turk could never be able to bring half so many horse into the field as he doth: neither to maintain wars so long. Whereby it appeareth that the barbarous nations have better observed the consideration of their estate than we. Frossart writeth, that in a journey that K. Charles the 6. made against the Flemings whom the k. of England favoured, at his entry into their country had above 22000. spears, such a number as sufficiently testifieth the plenty of nobility then in France: as also the good order to call them together, which consisted in the Ban and Arrierban. But since the men of arms were instituted, I assure myself there were never seen together 2000 spears, except at the journey to Valenciens. This example have I alleged to the end to drive those that know not of what strength & power the ancient things have been, from finding fault with them. Now is it meet that I discourse of the means how to restore these old ruins, as men do such houses, as in process of time are almost fallen down: but when they fall into a good husband's hands, he trimmeth up some small corner of them, making it habitable: even so must we also, if it be possible, deal herein, which were easy to do, if the master of the house would bend his affection any whit thereto. For when our kings are willing and do but speak, the disposition The means to restablishe the Arrierbanes. to obedience is great. The first thing whereby I think it were good to begin, were to create some Prince or Marshal of France, general of all the Arrierbans of France. And notwithstanding at the first blush it seemeth ridiculous to commit unto such great personages a charge accounted so unworthy, yet is it all but conceit: for if it may be restored I will prove it to be honourable: & we must think that the credit of the Captain is of great force in this case: for whereas now a number of Gentlemen do disdain to march under the banners of the Nobles, than would they willingly come in, if they might see Princes or such other great estates be their guides & conductor. And they likewise respecting their honours, would labour to iucite the better sort of men to enter the same dance: neither is it to be doubted but their motions & example would win many, considering the French honour which is ready to embrace those things wherein there is any likelihood of winning praise. Next it were requisite in every government that comprehendeth diverse bailiwicks to establish one Captain to command over those persons that should be therein taken. And where we have already showed that out of Britain might be brought 300. good horse, which countervail three companies of men of arms, & out of lesser goveruments 100 at the least: are these to be accounted a small charge? yea, I would who ever it were, that he were such a one as might be thought to deserve it. It is most certain that in every Province there be such like that are unprovided for, & would be glad to take upon them such functions, when they see themselves under the government of the mighty, & withal would delight, each one in his quarter, to beautify their troops. So would it follow that the simple Captains of bailiwicks would also amend, knowing that their men should march in the armies and not be always tied to keep the house. If therefore the Captains were such, the nobility would of necessity gather to them, as is aforesaid. And for my part I will never dispute whether being well led they would not sufficiently do their duties. It were likewise requisite to observe one strait rule, which is, not to admit into the companies that are erected in Bailiwicks any other than shall be fit for arms, & to reject those that being sent are incapable. For it is most certain that abroad in the country there dwell poor gentlemen enough & other brave soldiers that have but small living, & would be glad to be inrouled, & when any of the aforesaid that aught to send one or two, should chance to set forth some great lubber to serve in his stead for his own commodity, the same should be rejected, & one of the aforenamed put in his place. For so do the decrees of k. Henry as I remember, import. Yea, they exempt not the L. of the fee from this personal service, but in case of sickness or age. But if we should see some one unfit & not greatly affected to wars, the same should be excused from marching: neither were he serviceable for aught. So did Scipio when he passed into Sicil, for with the armaurs of 300. Sicillians that shunned the wars, he armed 300. Romans that did him great service in Africa: Neither is it enough that the men admitted be & bear the face to be good, but they must also have fit furniture, as horse, armour & pistols, for in these companies I would not wish any but pistols, as well for that those arms are more easy to handle than the spear, as also to avoid the diversity of weapons now a days brought in, which breed confusion. It may be said that it were a hard matter to bring them to this order, considering there are many that are charged but with an archer which countervaileth an harquebut on horseback; others with a footman, others with the 3. or with the 4. part of a man of arms. The remedy herein were to convert those duties into coin, wherewith to to hire & furnish such as I speak of: but they that were bound to a whole man of arms should set him forth at the full. But it is to be noted, that besides the pay, the furniture must also be provided▪ for the duty is, a man furnished & paid, & not a simple pay only. This difficulty may also be propounded, viz. that it will be hard to find a sufficient number of poor gentlemen or notable soldiers to supply the room of the others, because that so soon as war is once proclaimed, every man strait taketh a part: but they that make this objection have not sufficiently considered the multitude of men in France: for still we have enough that keep home, which myself have many times noted, & therefore this need is not to be feared. Also order once set down, & that the pistoller should have given him 30. crowns to arm himself, & other 30. for his 3. months pay, we should see men enough ready furnished of horse or armour, or both, come to offer their service. And better to have in a troop but 25. good men than 100 so armed as is aforesaid, which ordinarily are good for nothing but to scar the peasants and devour victuals. Thus would I wish them to be furnished: with black corselets somewhat light (for the heavy do but cloy them) Tases, Pouldrons, and Burgu●nets, than a good & long Pistol, and the Bauldricke full of charges, but no cassock, for the true Reister should show forth nothing but iron and fire. Their march after the manner of Reisters, that is, three and three, and to fight in squadrons, for who so useth otherwise, is deceived. And thus should the bailie or steward order his men to bring them to the Captain of his province. Likewise this order should be observed: that every 6. score horse, or 100 at the least might raise a banner & make a company. Of the use of well ordered A 〈…〉 bans & the means to maintain them. So that if in a bai●ywick there shall be but 20. or 30. than to join 3. or 4. together, afterward to agree upon a lieutenant & Ensign. All things aforesaid put in effect the Arrierbans would no longer be unprofitable people, but grow to a power of horse composed of many Gentlemen & good Captains that would not fail in their duties: whereof in the armies but one half were to be used for fear of unfurnishing the provinces, and the same would amount unto about 1200. horse. And in my opinion that Prince were far out of taste that would disdain to command over such a company which upon necessity might seem to sight in flank of a king in two great squadrons. Neither is it yet all to have propounded this brave pattern and set down orders: for small fruit would arise hereof, unless we should provide for two points of great consideration. The one to make a more just valuation of that which the fees ought to coutribute: the other to cut off unnecessary exemptions. Concerning the first, many abuses are therein committed. For sundry do spare themselves, and burden their neighbours, or favour others. I remember that once I heard of a fee not worth above 400. franks by year, belonging to an ancient Gentleman, that in his youth had done very good service, rated at 80. franks for the Arrierban. And of another goodly manor hard by it, worth 1800. which a 〈◊〉 Advocate had scratched in with 4. hands, rated but at 35. This is the goodly equality many times observed in such affairs. Wherefore to prevent all such deceits, it were requisite in every bailiwick to choose six men of the three estates, honourable & honest men (because at this day the fees are divided among them) to assist at the taxing, to the end to draw them nearer to reason: so do I imagine that if we should take but the tenth part of the said fees the king should be well served, & the private parties have no great cause to complain. It were also good to have regard to the persons: For there were no reason as much to charge him, who after a sort serveth the common wealth, or is virtuous, or that hath been employed in good service, as a great feed usurer, at whose gate the poor die for hunger, or a pettifogger that continually troubleth his neighbours. Thus might men that would encroach fees be accustomed to abandon their evil manners that hurt others. Answer to those that will have no reformation. I know very well that upon this review, sundry will cry out, and that peradventure with sound heart, saying: What do ye seek to alter? My fee for this hundred years paid but so much (which is peradventure but the thirtieth or fortieth part) and now you ask me more, this violence is not to be borne. If this plaintiefe be a Gentleman, he is one that either goeth to the war, or that tarrieth at home. If he be a warrior, he complaineth wrongfully, considering that going to serve he is exempt from payments. If he go not to the war he is either virtuous or vicious: if virtuous, he will consider that if it be a point of dishonesty to deny private bonds, much more dishonesty is it to deny public. And then it is to be supposed, he will yield to reason. But if he be one of them that doth but bear the name of gentility which he blemisheth with vicious actions, I would set before him the custom practised by our ancient Gauls, in the time of julius Caesar, which was this. After the precepts directed forth for the assembling of the nobility, he that came after the time limited, not letted but by his own negligence, was put to death in sight of the whole army, thereby to warn the rest to be more diligent. For so might he gather, that if in those days they did so severely punish their sloth that were willing to serve: their ingratitude that will neither help in person nor in purse deserveth much greater punishment. As for the unnoble that have fees, such as have any judgement, or are endued with any indifferency or knowledge, either be put in office, should not murmur when they are called upon to give some small portion to be exempt from personal service whereto they are unmeet. Neither will they in any wise refuse so to do. But as for those who as much upon an earnest desire to be called Lords, as for covetise, do nothing but heap fee upon fee, & do neither serve the common wealth, nor use charity, & yet would excuse themselves from discharging those most ancient duties, which I doubt whether even the Kings can be excused of, aught to be charged double, like the Ass that hath a strong back, to teach them to be more willing. Should they not consider that they are unworthy the prerogatives & honours of fees, sith they are uncapable of military actions which ought to accompany those that do possess them? They that seek nothing but starting holes, will yet say that the king raiseth subsidies of the people for the pay of his men of arms, which showeth that noble men's lands should be quite discharged. Truly they do well fulfil the rule of justice, making it to yield to their own profit, & straining it to the overthrow of others. I think if any man would even flay the people, they could be content, so themselves might have some morcel of the skin. It is the commons poverty that ought to be pitied, & not their abundance that cannot be satisfied. One word yet of exemptions, which in such a case as this that concerneth the preservation of the Realm, are but over common. The harm is the kings who is still the worse served. But as himself Of exemptions. is the cause of this diminishing through the liberalities, which without giving to him to understand the consequences, they force at his hands: so is it his part also to inquire what may justly be granted, and to cut off whatsoever is unnecessary. Wherefore it were requisite the Captain general should be careful to obtain of him a declaration, for a rule in the Provinces. For as these duties are no new matters, but very ancient and meet for the upholding of the crown and maintenance of the French Nation, so must they be diligently seen into before they be dispensed withal. The Romans, who did but seldom oppress their subjects with great tributes (had nevertheless, when any great war came upon them, especially against the Gauls) no respect of persons, neither were their Priests, whom they esteemed sacred, exempt from common contributions: so careful were they for the public benefit. The like regard ought we to have of ours, and not to let those helps that serve to that end run into decay, which nevertheless we ought not to use to the murdering of ourselves, but rather to repulse the chief enemies of this estate, who do but watch occasion to destroy us. For this cause ought we of our poverty and necessity to make a virtue, lest we be circumvented. For if we suffer ourselves to be beaten, our neighbours will say, that we shall have wrong: but if we well defend ourselves, as we may, (if we redress the forces of our Realm) they will be afeard to come and assail us. The twelfth Discourse. Of the multiplying of private quarrels, with the abuses therein committed, which greatly want reformation. THe true spring and original whereof so many quarrels The original of quarrels. do arise, which are now more common among the French nation than ever heretofore, are Pride and Wealth. Two most vehement passions that so far transport them as to dissolve the bonds of amity and friendship which held them united together. And not withstanding many do labour to restrain them, yet are they in great force by reason that evil customs in lieu of quenching do kindle the fire of the same, whereby no man can well exempt himself from injury: yea, even the nobility which hitherto hath always been most ready to all brave enterprises, is at this day the foremost in maintaining these abuses. To them therefore do I direct my speech, to the end to assay by some means to divert them from pursuing the errors that molest them, and tend to their confusion. Many men of judgement there are that think so many brawls & The objection of such as think quarrels to be necessary. quarrels as ordinarily fall out, to be necessary evils, which it were meet somewhat to tolerate, so to avoid others far greater. For they imagine that this heat being very natural to our nation must of necessity dissolve and evaporate in small matters, lest otherwise it prove an occasion to cast us into civil dissension: yea, they affirm that process of law tend also to the same end, because they be occupations, during the which the abundance of choler weareth away. This opinion truly savoureth somewhat of a paradox, in being alleged Answer. in such a season as seemeth no whit to favour it. Yet had it borne some likelihood if it had been propounded in the days of our former kings. But since such terrible civil wars have overtaken us, we have greater reason to think that they have engendered these particular disorders, rather than to imagine the same to have always been such as we now see them, either that they have been accounted as preservatives against greater mischiefs. I know well in aught that warlike minds are hardly restrained, also that it is necessary to entertain them in some kind of exercise, whereby to allay the heat of their courages. But to suffer them to hurt, or by arms to assault each other, and not to restrain them, we have very few examples, unless among the barbarous nations. For so should we submit the laws, which are rather made to suppress violence, to the imperfections of men. In Italy where are the greatest politics, the common Courtesans are suffered to dwell in every Town, to the end through such liberty to eschew other more heinous lewdness: Whereof notwithstanding, no good cometh, but rather it seemeth that all intemperancy doth overflow. Such v●ces as in the ●ight of God are abominable, as whoredom & murder ought never under colour of eschewing greater incouneniences, to be permitted. But some man will say, Are not combats forbidden in France? Yes, such as are made with laws & public ceremonies (which likewise Of Combats. the Pope hath forbidden so far as his dominion stretchech) & it is a good law, howbeit that notwithstanding we are not yet at rest. For now all respect being taken away, they appoint their combats without authority, and go to fight whensoever the toy taketh them in the heads, as well against those whom they hate, as against their own friends, as if all were good ware. And if we should diligently account how many are yearly slain by such private brawls, we should find that there have been battles fought with less loss both of gentry & soldiers. Those that consider but the present time, or Their original. are but young as never to have seen other, do peradventure think that men have always so lived in this Realm, wherein they are greatly deceived. For it is not yet forty years since quarrels were rare among Gentlemen, & who so was noted to be a quarreler, was shunned as a kicking ●ade: which proceeded in that their manners were more pure, and the true points of honour better known than at this day. Thus are the evils that in old time were small, toward the end of this age wonderfully increased, so as we may say them to be rather our sins than the sins of our fathers. Some have imagined that our troubles have bred them, by extinguishing The divers causes of Combats. the ancient concord & exasperating the minds of the French nation: which I confess to be in part true: but my opinion is, that many other occasions have helped as much or more to procure the same. First a presumption that many have conceived of their own strength & dexterity, which have made them more ready to do injury. For since the exercise of fencing, which of itself is commendable, came to be used, also that young men especially have found themselves to be perfectly instructed therein, they have imagined that they might brave it out at their pleasures, & obtain reputation of valiancy, considering that experience teacheth, that he that is perfect in the use of his weapon, & withal wanteth no courage, hath almost always the better hand of him that is ignorant, and in deed there is no doubt but the skilful hath great advantage of the unskilful. Thus are men entered into a foul abuse, in using such skill as they have attained unto, to the wronging of others: which ought not to be employed, but to the preservation of life, & that in case of necessity. The 2. cause is, the example of some Lords & notable courtiers, that have been seen fight both in the court & in the midst of the chief towns, whereby other gentlemen (who are very diligent imitators of examples either good or bad) have been induced to cast off all regard of civility & to seek to decide their controversies, as they see others do. The 3. is impunity. For seeing such disorders to escape without punishment, it hath emboldened them not only to fight one with another, but also to put in execution most villainous revenges. The fourth hath grown, because men have tied honour to the mangling of arms and legs, & maiming or killing one of another, which the nobility having noted (as covetous of glory) have sought by such means to attain thereto. Of all these causes, together with the had affections which these Of what parts the monster named Quarrel doth consist. long civil wars have engendered, is this hideous beast Quarrel form, which intruding itself among the nobility, doth unperceived by little and little devour the same. What a deed was that of the six Gentlemen of the Court, who appointing to meet at the Tournels were so fleshed each upon other, that four of them there remained, and the other two were sore wounded. There were among them such as in time might have attained to great dignity, & yet lead by extreme folly, chose rather to perish in the flower of their age, which was lamentable. diverse other combats there have ben both in Paris and at the Court, which have sent many valiant persons to the grave. In the mean time throughout all the other Provinces every one have not been at rest, for some of them have we seen disquieted and spotted with the blood of gentry. In this state are we at this day in France, whereinto our own follies, together with the toleration thereof, have brought us. And unless the king's discretion and authority do provide some remedy all will still impair. Now although I may freely reprove the corruption of our time, Of the ancient Combats and those of our days. yet will I not thereof infer that in time past men lived without quarrels. For men are men and subject to wrath and revenge. But undoubtedly they had very few, neither would they be moved without great injuries: where now a word of nothing or in ●est bringeth the lie, a sharp look shall be accounted an injury, and a slander or false opinion call for a combat: so ticklish and pricking is our daily conversation, which proceedeth of a false imagination conceived, that true honour consisteth in surmounting others with force and making them to tremble under us. A man may seek advantage and victory over his companions by playing at his weapon, leaping, vaulting, running at the ring, and such like exercises: but that he shall not be esteemed unless he devour them, assaulteth their lives, or sheddeth their blood, it is a most pernicious opinion? This have made men so incompatible, that haunting together, they are forced to practise this proverb, To day a friend, to morrow an enemy: Among all shames, nay rather infamies, this is not the least, that a Gentleman, even upon a frivolous occasion, shall tain● his sword in the blood of his friends, with whom before he made but one bed, one table and one purse. And yet if any would diligently inquire, he might find above a hundred such examples within these twenty years: yea even near kindred cannot dwell long together without brawls, which after bring them to blows. I think that these disorders are much increased through the Increase of Combats in our days. liberty of youth, which being crept into credit have rejected all fear of laws and counsel of their elders, and taking bit in the teeth have bred great abuse herein, which custom hath but too much confirmed. But we are not to find it strange that the first age which is accompanied rather with heat then discretion doth sometimes disorder itself. Rather should we wonder that wise men and magistrates can closely consent and suffer such things as they ought sharply to repress, to have free course. I have showed with what inconstancy men use to make quarrels without any ground, also with what fury they afterward fight head to head. But yet is not this all the worst, for others, which are no less than these, do ensue. One taketh amends with advantage: an other taketh cruel revenge: one procureth the kill of his enemy in treazon with the shot of some Dag or Harquebut: others do make great assemblies resembling petty wars: and many times one quarrel breedeth four, and twenty die for one man's offence. These are unworthy actions for Gentlemen, but among the The strange confusions of the Combats. rest, privy murders are detestable. But most of all I wonder at an other abuse now in great course among the most gallantest, that being so pernicious, it hath so long continued. That is, that when any is disposed to fight, he that is his second, as we term it, or his third, must also fight to extremity with the second or third of the contrary part: yea they even strive who shall be one. These men (in truth) may be termed scourges to themselves rather than those who clothed in linen, with whips in their hands, go up and down with heavy cheer daintily striking their delicate skin. Can there be any more fond folly then to see a Gentleman against his companion of Court without any cause of hatred, yea peradventure having some ground of amity, and sometimes his kinsman, yet through a certain bravery, go cut his friend's throat▪ In my opinion these do but badly know the true office of seconds in a controversy of honour. For as I think, they should resemble the judges that are chosen in Combats: who are to assist their friends: first as pledges of their faith given, as also to see there be no fraud in such an action, neither on the one part nor on the other, whereof they are to answer. And next to be witnesses of the valour of those whom they conduct: moreover to agree them or part them in the field, as sometnmes it happeneth, after blood drawn. But now in lieu of doing these duties and fearing to quench their heat, these men do help to kindle them more and more, sometimes to their own destruction: a most deserved penance for such an oversight. Some say these fashions are brought out of Italy. I refer that to the truth thereof, but now the use is ours, and if justice were restored and royal authority better regarded we should become more civil. But I will allege one example to prove the lewd consequence of quarrels, which is that upon a controversy grown between two gentlemen of the court, almost all the Princes and Lords with their fautors took parts, so as the King was driven to send his guard to keep them asunder and cause them to departed. Now if these had met I leave to your judgement what a bloody folly it had bred. It seemeth we have entered deep enough into this labyrinth of How to remedy the confusion of Combats. mischief which hath cost us dear, & brought too much disadvantage to desire any more experience thereof. And as the gentry hath been the greatest favourers & nourishers thereof, so must it be the first that should help to destroy & banish it, especially if it mind the recovery of the good reputation which it had in the days of the great K. Frances. Then was it a goodly matter to see the good agreement among the gentry. Then was applied unto them this Spanish proverb: To the friend as soft as wax, but to the enemy as hard as steel. By which enemies were meant none, but those that were so reputed in time of war. Then was there great modesty among them: societies of sundry companions did long continue, & friends observed the rules of perfect fidelity. If any controversy did arise, they all ran to quench it, where now they suffer it to increase, to the end to have the pastime of the combat. So that when I think of it, we must no more speak of those days, lest the unlikeliness of ours thereto do make us to blush for shame. Such as by nature are given to peace & withal are endued with any discretion, do find it very rude. For notwithstanding they study to shun all contention, yet are they sometimes entangled therein through other men's arrogancy, which is so intolerable that it overcometh all patience. Thus are they forced to follow the wicked custom, lest they should be altogether disdained. Albeit many times it falleth out that they free themselves from such brawls with as great honour, as their provokers. Well was it said of him that termed prowess and quarrels two bad beasts: for worse are there none to be found. I have heard of a gentleman that reported that for The mischief by quarrels. ten years space he was much troubled with 4. horrible mischiefs: from which God had delivered him. The 1. a process in law, whereupon the one half of his living did depend: the 2. a disease thought incurable: the 3. a bad wife: & the 4. a quarrel grounded upon great injuries: among all which he affirmed that the quarrel had bred him most cares & disquiet, with continual torment, where in the rest he had some respite & ease. And this may well be: for he that persuadeth himself that until he be revenged every man scorneth & disdaineth him, dare scarce show his face in any company. He is still in care how to find means to have amends of the injury that he hath received. His hatred to his enemy still stingeth his heart & the desire of revenge leaveth him no rest. Likewise when he considereth the fortune of Combats, the fear of infamy molesteth him. Finally, if he have any feeling of godliness or religion, & that he think upon the evident danger of his soul, if his body should perish in the pursuit of so mortal revenge, may not all these troubles be compared with the furies that the ancients have so much spoken of? And to say the truth, it is the very punishment of quarrelers, whom God's justice permitteth to be continually molested, because themselves will not suffer others in rest. Many mischiefs there are that light upon us, whereof we are in small fault: but this ourselves do forge and take up upon our shoulders, at the least they that will not live without controversies. There be gentlemen enough that having had 1000 or 2000 crowns rend, have spent it all in this miserable exercise. If a man should ask of the quarrelers, What is it that so troubleth you, and causeth you to incur so many hazards and perils, and to waste yourselves in so great expenses? It is, will they say, the respect of our honour. Truly that is such an honour as bringeth many miseries: where it should rather breed content & pleasure. But I doubt if we should more nearly consider hereof, we should find that the cause of this mischief consisteth in our own errors and follies. The spring of the causes of such mischief. And as the ambitious (as Plutarch saith) to the end to hunt after a fantastical glory, do abandon the true: so have we form to ourselves a false honour, that is obtained by a certain valiancy (which yet were commendable in war against our enemies) consisting but in braveries, brags, injurious speeches, outrages, stripes and murders, and all against those that before were our companions and friends. This is a brief description of that magnificent honour which is now adays so rife in our mouths. Hereupon will some man say: Why must I bear wrong & stripes Of true honour. and not revenge myself again? Hereto I answer, that my intent tendeth not to will you to suffer all: but rather that you must in no wise commit such injuries. What then is true honour? It is a goodly praise and commendation, by good men attributed to some in respect of their virtue which by divers good effects they make demonstration of. And this consisteth in the use of wisdom, justice, prowess, temperance, truth, courtesy, and such other virtues: whereof it ensueth that the ground of honour consisteth in the possession of virtue, wherewith he must be clothed that mindeth to attain to the fruition thereof. Those therefore are deceived that think themselves worthy to triumph of the one, and have so smally profited in the knowledge of the other: for it is as much as to seek to have the shadow without the body, or the bark without the tree. I assure myself that the wise will choose to thrive by the ways afore recited, rather than by imitating the abuse of custom, wherewith they should help themselves only in great extremities, as men do with corrosives, and not otherwise. For it may so fall out that a sober gentleman shall be so grievously wronged through the insolency of an other, that he cannot brook it: so is he after a sort compelled somewhat to frame himself to the custom, until such good order be restored as men need not to incur the reproach of cowardliness or base minds. It was an old proverb, That men should flee a hundred miles from an assault, and run a hundred miles to a battle: which with greater reason may be said of quarrels, wherein there is less honour to be gotten then in an assault. It is but small honour to set upon and overcome him that is weaker than myself: but if I maim him that is taken to be a brave fellow, every man will bewail his mishap and accuse my valour, as hurtful to my own nation: likewise if it be my friend and I kill him, who will not accuse me of inhumanity? Wherefore, for my institution it were requisite that all men should know that the aforenamed, did force me to proceed so far, which circumstances do but seldom happen. France hath at all times had many courageous gentlemen, of whom we have, even in our days, seen some show wonderful proofs of valiancy in private quarrels: nevertheless they have not been any thing so much commended therefore as for other their valour showed in skirmishes, assaults and battles. In the wars are we to display our forces and liberally to hazard our lives, which they that cast themselves headlong into quarrels do seem to make small account of. Here might I yet note other abuses in these cases committed, Of remedies for the aforenamed mischiefs. but they are so common and so well known that it would but breed tediousness to hear them repeated. And more meet it were to discourse of the fittest remedies, for the banishing or helping of the same: whereof if some had been sooner applied, they might have done more good: for the longer we delay, the deeper root doth the mischief take. Howbeit, it is yet curable, if we will begin our cure rather by the causes than by the accidents. The manner hath been that if any honourable person had chanced in any quarrel to be killed in the Court, by and by there were decrees and orders set down to prevent the like inconvenience again: which was diligently observed for some months space, and then all was forgotten. This was as a man should say, after meat mustard: or when the man is dead, seek the Physician: as also the preservative was too weak for the time to come. But we must remember that the mischief is universal, and that the remedies ought also so to be: likewise that all the parts grieved, both near and far should taste of the benefit of the medicine. Sundry books have been published which being translated out of Italian do entreat of injuries, amends, combats, etc. which also do teach Gentlemen how to shun quarrels, and prescribe means when a man is in, how to get out again without loss of honour: among that which, Mutio doth best deserve to be read. Howbeit, all this put in one of the scales, the other containing corrupted custom, hath weighed it down, even as a Portegue should way down a French crown: wherein it appeareth that custom is much stronger than the written law. It is the King's duty to undertake the conquest of this monster which glutteth herself with blood. For so soon as he beginneth in earnest to set hand to the work, the Magistrates will do the like, and then shall the inferiors be forced to obey. But sith the question concerneth the rules and decisions of honour, we must not seek or admit any other then from the Court: for whatsoever is there practised, is received and allowed in all the other Provinces. The first foundation of this reformation must therefore be there laid, which cannot at the beginning but seem deformed, because this great mischief is very hard to be pulled up but by descending through smaller evils, until men may be in state to embrace such good precepts as teach that all these combats are not only wicked but also devilish, invented to the destruction both of body and soul, & therefore by no Prince to be lawfully permitted. But to proceed in my purpose: Concerning present remedies, Of particular remedies. this I must say, that it were good his Majesty, the Princes and Lords should in their ordinary speeches which they use publicly, reprove quarrelers, in lieu of commending them after they have tainted their weapons with blood, and withal give them to wéet that they detest them as men that have no delight but to rise by others hurts. That they should admonish all men to govern themselves with modesty & discretion, & threaten the transgressors with most grievous punishments. Then if at the Court any should so far presume as to appoint place to injury other, the same should be severely punished and not to spare any whosoever. For 2. or 3. examples of justice would correct above 500 And this is most straightly observed in the Court of Spain. Some are imprisoned in Castles: others are banished for a certain time: others are condemned to the wars of Barbary against the moors: & others are forced to make public satisfaction: yea if the offence be great, the loss of goods or death do depend thereon. Sith also in our France this noisome humour is so rooted, it were meet the purgation were somewhat sharp, yet would it not breed sedition. There are that hold opinion that it were good the K. would refer the punishment & correction of these ordinary quarrelers & murderers to the justices, & himself not to meddle therein: neither can I mislike it so far as it tendeth only to most villainous wilful slaughters, & such like as daily are committed. But sith this matter concerneth honour & arms, likewise that either good or bad instructions are learned in the court or in the wars, my opinion were that thence likewise should proceed order & correction. To this end also it were requisite his Majesty should assemble the marshals of France, with the most ancient Captains to make some good decree for this matter, to order divers things misunderstood & worse practised: & to show how they should behave themselves in points of honour, which done, to publish the same throughout the Provinces, their every man being advertised might contain himself in his duty: so would good examples, conjoined with severe punishment, be no doubt of great force to suppress the present confusions and errors. As also it were meet the same were carefully observed in the Court, at Paris, & wheresoever there is any body of men of war: for the youth from all parts of the realm do draw thither to learn, & if abuses do there reign, at their return home, they sow the same all over: as contrariwise seeing good customs, they do imitate & make them manifest to others. The Governors likewise are to have express charge so soon as any quarrel ariseth within their governments to send for the parties to seek to agree them, & if they be men of great calling & the matter very difficult, to enjoin them without delay to have recourse to his Majesty to the end he may provide therefore, as having great interest when his subjects do live in discord: also if any should proceed to villainous outrages, to pursue them stoutly & without respect of persons. And indeed I suppose that neither the one nor the other will be so blind as to bear with wicked actions. Some man will say: Hath not the King published such commandments enough? Yes, I confess he hath: but they have no whit profited, for want of putting in execution: & how should those that dwell far of obey them, when they see them even in the Court utterly contemned. For there all sorts of injuries both in word & deed, all treacheries, revenges and set combats are openly practised even in every man's view, without any great reprehension. If we wish good orders to take place, our Magistrates must be the first that must observe them, and then cause others to do the like. Something would I say of points requisite to be contained Order how to make the remedies to serve. therein, were it not that I might seem to enterprise upon those that should be appointed to do it, whose sufficiency I imagine to be such as not to need any instructions, sith it is their parts to give them to others. Howbeit, to satisfy the minds of the curious (who I think would be glad to see some) I will propound only 7. or 8. which first come to mind: namely, That slight injuries proceeding of sudden choler or otherwise, must not be refelled with the lie, in that the same is a word now too odious, but with some more modest denial, whereto a man cannot reply with the lie. He that shall give it, unless upon such an injury as being proved might breed to the gentleman that shall have received it either infamy, or desert of death, shall be driven to amends. He that shall without cause wrong any man in word or deed, shall be forced to satisfaction. He that shall have received any injury, shall not assign any place to his enemy, neither procure him to be challenged under pain of most severe punishment, as well to himself as to the challenger: but shall come before the King, the Governor, or the Captain of the Province, to crave leave to redress his wrong by arms: then if the party that offereth the injury appeareth not within the third summons of his superior, he shall by public placards be banished the Court, the Armies and the capital Cities: and the other restored to his honour, as well in respect of his obedience, as for amends, and discharge of the combat, although the author by secret means should labour to come thereto. And touching all such quarrels as the Governors and captains cannot agree, they shall not nevertheless have authority for the decision thereof, to grant the singular combat, but shall refer the parties, with strait prohibition not to hurt each other, unto his majesty, to whom only belongeth the grant thereof. Whosoever shall by himself or by any other, strike a Gentleman with a●udgell, shall after satisfaction be also punished by limited banishment or some other grievous pain, because it is a boyish injury. If the party injuried practise any treachery for the recovery of his honour, the superior shall force him to amends for his cowardliness. Likewise for those who in the Provinces through their quarrels shall make any great assemblies, or with open force pursue their adversary: because such are but sparks wherewith to kindle wars. Many other such like articles may be hereunto added, which digested into order, would bear some grace. But after some good resolution taken for their well observing, they may soon enough be revealed. For this time it may suffice to run over these small pieces, which I have laid together to awaken many good wits that I know in France, to the end they may say better than I have done, correct that which I have set down, and show the great ones that it is their duties by all means to seek to reduce the Nobility into the way from whence it hath strayed: for so long as it shall remain wandering both in word and deed, it shall still profane Virtue and Arms and waste itself, whereas contrariwise if good discipline may force it to re-enter into the carrier of our ancestors, easily it may attain to the end thereof, where the crowns of true honour are distributed. The thirteenth Discourse. That his Majesty ought in the time of peace to entertain at the least four regiments of footmen, reduced into the number of 2500. men, as well for the preservation of martial discipline, as to be always assured of a great body of old Soldiers. Worthily is King Charles the seventh commended, How necessary it is to have footmen. for his so profitable establishment of the men of Arms, whereof he was the author. Neither doth the great King Frances deserve less praise, in that imitating the ancient discipline, he could find means among his own subjects to form a mighty body of footmen, wherewith the more to furnish out his warsare: For before there was but small account made of them, as is aforesaid. But since the setting down of good rules, and that the exercise thereof hath ensued, they have fashioned themselves, and are grown more obedient and valiant. Harquebuts came but little before into use, which have made them very terrible and so necessary as they may not be miss. Sith therefore the experience of many wars have taught that it is not possible to prosecute them well without a good number of footmen, were it not a great oversight not to lay any foundation of them: Considering that a mean hath been found how to form so strong a one of Horsemen? For the same reasons that moved our ancient Kings to ordain the one, may urge them that now reign to establish the other. In old time the chief differences of war were decided in the plain field: where now they consist in surprises, assaults, and defence of Holds. Wherein the Harquebuts and Pikes are not only profitable but also necessary. Now, if we list to consider the number of Footmen that France maintaineth in the time of peace, they will seem to be few in respect of the Horsemen, who in the time of King Henry the second were above six thousand spears. For excepting the Garrisons of Citadelles and Castles which are there to be settled, the rest is a small matter. But for the procuring of a well ordered warfare it is requisite there be some proportion between the parties and sorts of men of war whereof it consisteth, as there is between the members of a man's body: For either superfluity or want do breed deformity. And notwithstanding the men of arms do in dignity surmount the others, yet doth it not thereof ensue that they should in quantity so far exceed. The arm is more honourable than the leg, yet is the leg as massive and great as it, yea and as profible in his function. In my opinion therefore it seemeth there were some reason in time of peace to entertain four regiments of footmen of six hundred in each, so to concur with the force of the Ordinances, notwithstanding the same now consist but of 4000 Spears. I will not stand to show what need France still standeth Why France always standeth in need of any army. in of an armed arm: for all men of judgement do sufficiently know that the Eagles of Ostrich would come and eat up her Chickens if martial order were extinct. But many do think the French nation to be so well enured to wars, that they need but stamp on the ground (as Pompey said) to bring forth whole legions armed: Howbeit they are deceived, neither is there any trust to be reposed in that: For if discipline and entertainment fail, the more men there be, the more is the disorder and confusion. Such as suffer themselves to be abused with the noise of many Drums, with the sight of many Flags waving in the wind, and with the view of a field covered with men, do not ween themselves to be deceived, because they think that every one should be as ready to do his duty as he is to make a brag: but at the proof we many times find that a small troup of resolute enemies doth overthrow all this. Have not we also within these twenty years sufficiently felt the spoils that a disordered multitude doth work, even to their friends? All these experiences might persuade us that a few old Soldiers do profit more than a great sort of raw and unskilful. I know that no man will say but we ought always to maintain That footmen are necessary: also how to form them. a good number of men of arms: but for Footmen some think that in time of peace they may well enough be spared: because the Realm for want of ability had need to spare many things. But I will say, that if the Realm be poor it will be contemned: if it be contemned the more will practise against it: which ought to move the mighty well to underprop it with counsel and force. I will be advised how I will think our poverty to be such as not to be able to maintain four thousand Spears and five and twenty hundred Footmen in ordinary, besides the garrisons and warders of Castles. We might do more, but when a little will suffice, a great deal is superfluous. Now do I wish that the bodies of regiments should still be in force, to the end the art of war be not forgotten, not in speculation but in practice: as also to preserve many men of commandment. I have guided companies of 60. men, which in my opinion would be sufficient in time of peace. For when occasion should fall out to augment them, putting into every company the full number, they will in two months, as well through the diligence of good captains, as by virtue of good orders, be trained to do good service. But so will not the new levied regiments: For if the Colonel be a man of small experience, he maketh but bad choice of captains and they of Soldiers. Then as well the one as the other guiding themselves rather after their own fancies, then after any good military order, it is not to be marveled though such bad beginnings have worse ends. The like may also happen to this warfare: for if the Colonel, loving the Court will not remain with his companies: and the captains do for the most part keep home, likewise that as well the one as the other to the end to furnish themselves do make their provision of half their Soldiers pay, all will be corrupted. In a matter of such importance we ought to be very diligent, and the more that abuses do multiply, the more severely are they to be looked unto. The four regiments afore mentioned would I wish to be The Ordering of the companies of footmen and the benefit that will arise thereof. put in garrison in the frontiers of Picardy, Champagne, and others of protection, there to serve as well for the custody of some places of importance as Metz and Calais, as also to be Schools where young Gentlemen grown from Pages, and other youth might go to learn the art of war: but the chief end indeed, is to have always a storehonse of old soldiers ready provided for every need. For so soon as war were proclaimed and the King shall have commanded to increase the companies to their full number, amounting to two hundred a piece: we should within some six or seven weeks be able to bring forth into the field two thousand Corcelets & six thousand Harquebuts, which joined with a part of the men of arms would bear a good brunt, until the coming of the rest of our power. Now, if ever, it is necessary to reform our footmen, sith the civil wars have so corrupted them that either they cannot or will not almost obey: only breeding terror where they march and scathe where they continue. In these days when a young man cometh newly into a regiment of Footmen, I presume that he learneth some feats of war, also to be the more courageous: but it is to be feared least in the same School he get as great imperfections, which darken all the good that he had learned, as I have showed else where. Where contrariwise these four regiments would be as it were great springs from whence would flow none but fair and clear water, which shedding itself all over the Realm would clarify those that are troubled. For discipline being established and observed, such as follow the same, showing themselves every where gentle to their equals, obedient to their superiors, courteous to the commons, and stout against the proud, especially against their enemies, should cause all men much more to admire them therefore, then for their big looks: besides the fame of so brave an institution being spread abroad, all noble hearts will detest the accustomed corruptions, and withal desire to submit themselves to the same. Had I not heretofore seen the like effects proceed of the like cause, I would not speak so boldly as I do. I remember that in the beginning of King Henry the seconds reign, when certain captains and Soldiers that had lain two years in garrison in the towns of Piedmont returned into France, they were greatly esteemed, because they showed themselves so civil, and courteous, nothing injurious, and speaking so orderly of the exercise of arms, which caused many young men to run thither in hope of the like instructions. Yea, myself have seen the Earl of Charny (one of the most virtuous and honestest Lords of this land) wear the Corcelet and go to ward as duly as one of the meanest Soldiers, even in the time of peace. Now may some good husband object that this multiplicity of Answer to those who under pretence of husbandry do hinder good orders. captains and Companies, will much augment expenses, which though they be ordinary do nevertheless grow grievous in the end: also that it were better to maintain but ten complete. To whom I will answer, that my intent is not to form one full regiment: for always as affairs grow on, it shall be but one regiment: but I look to lay the foundation of many, which being good, all that shall be built thereon will take the like goodness, that is to say, Valour. As also it would follow thereof that we should have thrice so many men, which is one of the drifts that I tend unto. For, as hath been aforesaid, these four bodies should maintain eight thousand Soldiers, all which being incorporated therein, might be termed old. They should moreover be shops, out of the which we might fetch captains for our footmen: for in three or four years exercise, even in the time of peace, a man of any capacity might grow worthy to command through often conference of the 〈◊〉 of war, and practising the offices of those that deal therein, 〈◊〉 also by continual view of some image thereof before his eyes. As for the charge I confess it would amount unto about four thousand crowns at the most by month. But withal we should maintain a hundred or six score men of commandment: whereof many might in time do such service as could not be recompensed. What brave Colonels have the Infantry bred within these five and twenty years▪ of whom I will name but a few, as Charry, Gohas, Causseins, Sarlabous, Pills, Mounans, and the valiant Montbrun. It is to be thought that this good order will raise us up more such. We shall do our master no hurt in giving him counsel to spend a handful of money, to reap again so good interest for it. The Colonels of these regiments being well and without favour chosen, must also we subject to dwell four or five months of the year among them: neither may the captains have leave to be absent above three or four months at the most. For when the officers be away, discipline is neglected and obedience lost. Likewise were it requisite the assignations of payment were certain, to the end the Soldier be not corrupted in being driven to seek his living abroad. Thus would 15000. crowns by month suffice, which is such a some as our Kings sometime do give to some one man in one day. Likewise where our Soldiers will now a days wear no Corcelets, the same To restore the use of Corcelets. might by this means be brought again into use and estimation: which is more easy to be done then men ween for: but then the captains must begin, who have rejected the use of the Pike: for they must be enjoined to take it again together with the Milan Corcelet. If they will they may also have the Sword and Target of proof against assaults and skirmishes. In the Companies one quarter should be Corcelets, (and that should never fail) and the rest Harquebuts. And notwithstanding this were not a fit proportion which requireth to consist of as many of the one as of the other, yet must we come as near it as we may. Also the better to bring our Soldiers into taste with the said Corcelets, they should have those that should be well made and graven to the end the beauty might allure their affections. Thus when they should see the examples of their captains together with the great pays thereto allotted, also that the Gentry were brought to wear them, they would not look for much entreaty. The Harquebut is good to train young men, and when they have gotten some reputation and experience therein, they must be afterward alured into the other degree which must be made as honourable as the first. It is in my opinion a poor exscuse to say, The Soldier will not do this or that: for although in civil war it must many times pass for payment: yet in a time of rule and reformation it is meet to command with authority, so to make the Soldiers more ready to frame themselves to whatsoever is convenient. The Spanish Infantry although it hath stooped to the civil wars of Flanders did nevertheless never habandon the Corcelet: and the third part of their best men do still wear it. Besides it hath always continued the observation of orders: so as it deserveth this commendation, that in Christendom there is no better Soldier. But will some man say: What account make ye of the French man? Forsooth I say that being well instructed he yieldeth to no nation, as likewise for want thereof he seldom doth any thing worthy remembrance. I would wish they would practise some of the Spanish customs, Goodly custumes observed among the Spaniards. which in my opinion are very good. One is that when any new Soldier cometh into their bands, the old do instruct him in his duty: if he transgresseth they reprove him: and if he be meanly appareled they help him, lest he should be a dishonour to their nation: and he likewise taketh these admonitions as courteously, where we do the contrary. For if a young man newly come into a company committeth any folly, they all do laugh him to scorn: and if he have any money, he is presently plumed either by play or some other practice: whereby many through this bad beginning do start back again. Neither will I here conceal an other fault of our youth: which is, when any man seeketh amiably to reprove them, they spurn at it, and take all in evil part, as if their age were not subject to do amiss. Secondly, among the Spaniards ye shall not have a brawl in six months: for they disdain quarrelers and delight in modesty: so as if any do happen, they endeavour diligently to take them up: and yet when they cannot be ended without blows, they discharge themselves honourably. The French Soldier is much more divers, and can hardly live without brawls, showing himself but over courageous against his companions. Thirdly, if a Soldier among them be hurt, he that hath but one crown will give him half. Fourthly, if any one do any notable act, all his companions will praise and honour him, and seldom do they through envy conceal any virtue. This likewise is good in them, that in their military commandments even the bravest Soldiers and of greatest calling will obey a simple Sergeant: so pliable are they to their officers. As also when they are called to have any charge, they do as well keep their authority. Finally, in the body of their guard they will not suffer any insolency, but the same are as Schools where their ordinary talk is of the duties of Soldiers, captains, Honour, and such like matter concerning Arms. More might be here said: but this is sufficient in that such as go newly into the bands may know that these be no custumes of Munckes, as the proverb goeth, but of excellent Soldiers. If the captains of the regiments aforesaid would likewise take a little pains, they might instruct theirs in like sort: and labour no less to fashion them then a horse course● doth to break his horse: And it were a great shame that we should not have more care of men then of beasts. The humour of French youth, will some say, can hardly away Answer to an other objection of some that would have no martial discipline. with patience and modesty. Truly I had as lief they should say that sith it is somewhat inclined to rashness and heddinesse, it must be let run. I think no nation to be more capable of virtue than ours, if it be taught, and urged to put it in practice. And undoubtedly if Colonels and captains would grow to commend and advance these Soldiers whom they see well disposed to follow their exercises, and to make no account of such as are given to their belly and idleness, the most part would imitate the good. Ordinarily they propound unto them riches, which I mislike not so that they first prefer honour, for that is a bridle to hold them from stumblig, and a spur to stir them up to valour. I dare affirm that of ●ower regiments ordered as aforesaid, we may have more service than of ten such as they now be. For first we should be sure of two reasonable battles of Pikes whereof our Infantry standeth in need: which is a great want. I remember in the third troubles the Lord of Acier brought How necessary the armed pikes are, and the sruict that may proceed of the order propounded in this discourse. 18000. good and brave Harquebuts Protestants: but if they had met in the field with seven or eight hundred Spears, I would weet whether they would not have been all overthrown? More do think yea then nay. Howbeit if they had had but five or six thousand Corcelets among them, a whole army should hardly have broken them. To be brief, the Harquebuts without Pikes are as arms and legs without bodies, which were monstrous. Secondly, if this small number were thus trained: the soldiers would be more obedient; would not scatter so much; would bear more, and would fight more cheerfully: which we may without farther proof, easily judge. This order likewise practised three or four years would stand the new regiments, that upon occasion might be levied, in great stead. For most of the officers being taken out of such a School, would endeavour to cause those that had before but heard speaking of it, to observe the same discipline: so as by little and little the use of pilfery with such other bad customs would be suppressed. Oh what a goodly matter it were to see the peasant out of fear of the Soldier, who is in these days a horror to the Villages! Likewise to see humanity in such credit among them that they would at their hosts houses behave themselves as in their own! These be none of Plato's Idees, that is to say, imaginations, for the French men for certain years practised them in Piedmont. Hereof should the captains reap honour and the Soldiers both profit and content: for they should no longer be shunned, as is aforesaid, but lovingly received, still finding plenty where now sometimes they meet with poverty only and want: and withal his Majesty should be much better served. The foretenth Discourse. Of the French Legionaries. THE name Legion was in old time in The intent of King Frances, by establishing the legionaris: also how necessary their reformation is. great honour and credit. And a man may truly say that by those proud and valiant bands all the world was subdued and the Roman Empire exalted to that greatness whereto it grew. It used these orders and ancient names until the barbarous nations overthrew it: for than were many things confounded and buried up, even in the art of war. Afterward the bands of Soldiers were termed by sundry other names, as yet they be. But our great King Frances desiring to strengthen and establish his realm by all practisable means, devised to establish legions, to the end, as occasion might serve, to have men always ready, & not to be forced to beg for aid. The Lord of Langey saith, that in every Province he took order for one, consisting of 6000. men, who all should once in the year meet severally to be mustered. Now as this mighty Prince after the imitation of his elders instituted this brave order, according as the disposition of his people and affairs could bear: so I suppose that after his example we should seek to redress some small body of these old and great relics, fit to offend and defend as well in the field as otherwise, whose maintenance would in the time of peace be of small charge: for it were but a folly to seek in every point thereof to restore the ancient institution, considering that France being so much weakened, cannot be able to sustain so heavy a burden, and therefore. must have no greater charge than it is able to bear. If his Majesty would entertain four legions, and that after How many legions do seem necessary at this time, also to what end this order tendeth. the ancient manner, I think it would be too much, as well in respect of the charge, as for the oppression of the people: for one months wages for 24000. men, would amount to 250000. franks: besides that, their march to & fro at the assemblies would (now that soldiers are so far out of order) endamage the people a hundred and fifty thousand. To be brief, this warfare would yearly amount to 400000. franks, which all would not make the men much better than those that are ordinarily levied when wars come on. Howbeit the sound of this great number of people doth at the first dazzle men's eyes: but we must not trust to them, better it were to practise the Spanish proverb, that saith: Poco y bueno, which is, A few and good. But I would wish we might have three established, one in Picardy, one in Champagne, and one in Burgundy, each consisting of 2000 men: and this establishment would be erected principally to these ends. First to induce the Gentry to enrol themselves among the Infantry: secondly, to re-establish Corcelettes therein, and thirdly to help to fill up the bodies of our armies. Concerning the first point, experience teacheth, that nothing hath Whether it be requisite some of the gentry should be enrolled among the Infantry. more corrupted our Infantry, than that our Gentry have with drawn themselves therefrom, disdaining not only to bear the harquebut and pike, but also many times to take any charge. Where by are entered petty Country Captains devoid of all respect of honour, and such as seek to enrich themselves with the general spoils of our wars. Yea, if any old regiments have observed some sort the ancient discipline, yet are there many disorders crept in among them. The cause that maketh the Spanish Infantry at this day to be in such estimation, is for that their Gentry are so willing to serve therein, yea, rather than among the horse. For there will they serve out their apprentishippe of war, to the end to attain to be Captains, which degree they make as great account of, as we do of the Colonelship of a whole regiment. It were therefore good to commit the charge of the companies to notable Gentlemen, who likewise might choose to be their Lieutenants and Ensigns, such other Gentlemen their neighbours of whom there be enough in the Provinces, as might be capable thereof. Thus through their credits they might bring in for soldiers other that bear the same title of Gentry as themselves. The Lord of Langey witnesseth that the Captains of the legions of Normandy and Picardy were all men of good houses, and nameth the lords Bacqueville, Cantelow, maly, and Lanny, with others bearing office. Wherefore to restore into honour such as we would establish, it were requisite the Colonels thereof were of person valorous, in war experienced, known in Court, and worth 12. or 15000 franks rend, co the end through their own estimation to bring the office into credit. And although I hear yoke wealth with virtue, yet do I make it but as her handmaid, for the exercise of liberality, which is necessary among soldiers. We see that in the low Countries the chief Lords do not disdain to take the regiments, as the Earls of Egmont, Arembergue, & Barlaimont, the valiant Marquis of Renty, with the gallant Earl Charles of Mansfield. As touching the second point for the re-establishing of Corcelets Of the re-establishment of their elects and Pikes. & Pikes, I have already showed that the Infantry that is thereof unprovided, is unperfect: howbeit that there are means to remedy it. Whereof the most sovereign, in my opinion, is to bring men to it voluntarily rather than by compulsion, which may easily be done if the Gentry through obedience will begin to lead the way to the rest, who will not be behind when they shall see their Captains which command them, take upon them the use of the same weapon that they appoint to them. It were good also that the orders of the said legions were such, as the third part of the men of whom they should consist, to be pikes, and the fourth harquebuts, so should the three legions contain 4500. corcelets, and 1500. harquebuts. Now to come to the third point, I say that this number is sufficient Of the composition of the bodies of the armies. to make three battles, whereof even one would withstand a regiment of Germans: for although it should contain but 1200. corcelets, yet do I suppose it ●urst fight with two thousand, considering the quality of the men therein contained. Neither do I doubt but we should find 1050. Gentlemen in every one, who being placed in the three first ranks, what man can say but they would give a ●aliant onset. Such an opinion have I of the French Gentry, that being lead by a good and skilful Captain, I assure myself they would pass through fire and water. Thus would these three legions deserve to have place in the right and left wings of the army, because their bodies would be both big and strong enough to stand, Such as will meddle with war, especially in the field, must not deceive themselves, but think that armies without battles of Pikes are as arms and legs without bodies, which are most necessary to bear up the said members. Now let us see whether this small principle and order that I would lay in time of peace, may in time of war make them as good as I have described them. For my part I think they will not want much. Which nevertheless I refer to the judgement of those that have more skill than myself, after they have seen the end of this discourse. They are to remember that I fit the shoe to the foot, that is to say, the charge according to our poverty: for if we were able to do more, I would not be against it. But whatsoever our estate be, we ought still to provide instruments wherewith to defend the Flower de luce, lest some pleasant fellow delighting in her smell, should pluck away the branches thereof. His Majestic having chosen for Colonels to the three legions, The means to order well the Captains and chief members of the legions. such men as I have described, (For virtue and authority are necessary in such reformations) they likewise shall each of them in the Countries limited, chose nine good Captains and themselves to make the tenth to govern the companies, wherein they shall employ all their credit, to the end to install such honourable gentlemen their friends or neighbours as shall be worthy. And no doubt many seeing themselves requested by such qualified Colonels (whom they do both know and love) will be ready enough to accept of the offices which otherwise they would disdain. Yea, it may peradventure so fall out that some Gentlemen of two or three thousand franks rend, (but valiant and courageous, which is the principal) finding themselves conducted by a Captain that is both their companion and friend. will not refuse to march with him. If any man desire to know why I crave such fellows, it is to the end that by their example and credit, other more mean & poor Gentlemen should join themselves to the same body, as is aforesaid, as being assured when a good foundation is laid, we may the more safely build thereupon, and our work will be the surer. Then should the said Captains choose for their Lieutenants and Ensigns other Gentlemen skilful in the service of Infantry, and withal five others to be always in soldiers rooms, who were easy to be found. These▪ are all that should make the body of a legion in the time of peace, who likewise should be retained with some mean fee wherewith to bind them to this vocation, and to dispose them to bear the rules of such a warfare. For it were folly to think without expenses to make men subject, either that without study in whatsoever, as well by speculation as practise, an many may grow perfect. The captains wages shall be five hundred franks by year, the Lieutenants three hundred, the Ensigns two hundred, and the five soldiers each of them one hundred, which to every company would amount to 1500, franks. Hereto might I a●de for the Colonel's wages, and many other his necessary expenses 500 Franks. Likewise for ten brave sergeant, whom I think also necessary to be provided for, 1000 franks, and for a Sergeant maior 300. so as the whole summed together, this entry and ground of a Legion would amount but to 5600. Crowns by the year, & so all the three to 16800. All which is but the pay of three score men of arms, and yet in the said three legions we should have above 240. Gentlemen bound and sworn. Now as this maintenance should not be given them to fat them up in their houses (so it were lost labour) so likewise should they not be put to keep garrisons, or to troth up and down whensoever others list to send for them: but herein they should use such a mean, that in receiving yearly all instructions requisite, they might by little and little prepare themselves rather for the service to come, that is, when wars should come upon us, than for the present. Every year upon a day limited, the Colonel, Captains, and Soldiers, should all meet in some great Borough near to the chief Town of the Province, or in any other convenient place, to muster in armour, and receive the pay above mentioned. Half the Captains pay to be employed to the buying of fair Corcelets and Pikes, which should be always kept in the Towns aforesaid, notwithstanding the property should rest in themselves; whereby in four years every legion should have 80000, franks worth of armour, which would be a great help to the furnishing of them. The soldiers likewise should leave their furniture in the same places, as well to ease them of the carriage of it to their own houses, as also to keep it from embezzling, for both going and coming they must lodge in hostries. Thus should not the people be any whit molested: which were a matter both just in itself and honourable to the King, which also would purchase a good name to the Soldiers. So do I think that every man at his return home may have half his pay clear, except the Captains that shall have bought the armour. But, may some man say, that remainder of this small pay will scarce Answer to the common objection of those that shoot at profit rather than honour. buy a pair of hosen, or make a man good cheer one day. In deed I confess that gluttons shall find this shoe too little for their foot: But Gentlemen nobly minded will account such maintenance, proceeding from the king, for an acceptable benefit exceeding their pains and ordinary service. We must direct our actions after the ancient orders that agree with reason, and not after the manner of the depraved customs of civil wars. Myself knew a simple soldier, namely an Argolet that had not above fifty sous rent, who had so well husbanded his small business, that he kept eight horses in his train, a cart with three horses, twelve servants and six dogs, in all thirty mouths, and yet when time served he was not too good to carry the Harquebut, and had but one page. But to return to my purpose. I think that it were enough for Continuation of the ordering of captains & chief members of legions. them to sojourn in the place appointed for the musters (where every one shall be lodged by tiquets, and pay according as shall be rated) eight or ten days, for I suppose that in that time they may sufficiently know their men: instruct them by the discourses & writings of skilful Captains in warlike affairs: prepare them for time to come: exercise them, and by lively exhortations print in their hearts the goodly portraiture of honour, to the end afterward they might do things worthy their fame, and obtain the commendation to have brought into estimation those orders that had been contemned: likewise to breed love and confidence between them, which both are necessary in a troop. To be brief, the Colonel ought to employ his whole mind and purpose with himself to bestow those few days in good instructions, and not in vain riots, which I imagine would be of great virtue. This done, every man to be licenced to departed until the next year, and so should the rest be used. Now is the question whether through this small discipline the aforenamed might grow more capable of their offices: Truly I do no whit doubt, but as well the commander as the commanded should be the better learned therein. For every man coming to this martial school would bring in the best that he had collected out of the deeds of our ancestors, which by continual conference, adjoined to practise, would be both seen & graven in memory. But the greatest difficulty consisteth in knowledge whether when Answer to an other objection touching the whole body of the legions. the legions should be perfected up to their full bodies, such persons as should be added could in short time be trained. Hereto I say, that it is greatly to be presumed that such wildinges as should be grafted into this free and well pruned tree, by taking their relief therefrom, would come in short space to bear the like fruit. And like as good Pilots and ship masters do soon make their Mariners fit for navigation: so, well taught Captains do soon give their soldiers good instructions. Some will say that our legions cannot be good for want of maintenance. I confess they might be the better, but we must withal consider that it would cost above 900000. franks by year, which is the revenue of a good Province, whereas after my rule set down they shall not spend in time of peace above 16800. crowns, which to a king is but four sets at Tennis, or the bad luck of two hours play at Primero. Well, war being proclaimed, and the Colonels charged to fill up their number of men, they should wish their Captains to put in as much Gentry as they might: and we must think that by their credit many would be willing, yea, as many as I have said, that is 150. to every legion. Afterward they should also choose other good soldiers enough fit for the pike & Corcelet, & although many were but so so, yet having so proud a head, they should show themselves wretches if they would not follow so good guides. As for arquebusiers, they should never be above fifty in a company: and we shall find of them thousands. It were also requisite his Majesty should deliver to every legion slew hundred Corcelets, for the which he to pay part of the money aforehand to the merchants, and appoint payment of the rest at the musters. And so doth the K. of Spain sometimes when he jeavieth any german regiments. For he provideth the most part of armour, otherwise the Captains should not be able to do it on such a sudden. During the wars they should be maintained as the ordinary hands and at their feet, as also they should obey the general of the Infantry. Likewise their Captains being men of honour and able to live, as also sufficiently instructed by their Colonelles of the infamy growing of disordered military prouling & pilferies, should study how to keep their companies as complete as might be, and not excessively to rob them as some do: yea, to help their poor soldiers in their greatest necessity: but withal, when the war were ended, they should be paid their charges. If this order might come to perfection the king could hardly be surprised by any evimie whatsoever, for in 6. weeks the four regiments afore spoken of, together with these three legigions may be brought into the field, and their bodies furnished with 14000 brave soldiers, whereof to make four goodly battles of pikes which are so necessary. Also if part of the men of arms and light horse were joined unto it, it would be a meetly sufficient army of our own nation to defend our borders until strangers might be levied. I know some will peradventure say that few mean soldiers will serve in such bands wherein we look to have all chief officers taken out of the body of the Gentry: but for preventing this inconvenience, I think it were not amiss to leave some honours for the unnobls, if by virtue they may grow worthy the same: as the Sergeant majors office, the Lievetenantships of companies, & mean sergeant rooms. Thus may they be contented: But the Lieutenant, Colonel, the Captains & Ensigns should always be Gentlemen. Concerning the difficulty, ordinarily propounded, which in deed is not small, how to induce the common soldiers to take the pike: I suppose it would soon be decided, when they should see (as I have said) the Captains & gentry practise the same weapon: & upon occasion to fight, join with the body of the battle, saving such as shall be appointed to lead the shot: as also to imitate the Spaniard who alloweth the Corcelet greater pay than the simple arqebus. I have heretofore heard some Prince's counsellors, who sought Answer to an other objection. to make their masters too thrifty, mislike the maintaining of many military officers in the time of peace, and peradventure there be yet some of them that may say that it were more meet to higher one hundred good soldiers that might keep a frontier town, than to enter into charges for that which I have propounded. To these will I make no answer, but even refer them to the Marshals, Montmirencie and Byron, two old Captains of France, who understand more of the art of war than myself, and if they condemn me I yield: but I imagine that I shall not lose my plea: for even of themselves I have heard that the good Captains make the good soldiers, because they be the preservers of good order & discipline, which others do soon neglect, yea, even contemn, unless they be bound thereto. But, will some man reply; can yourself well perform the thing which ye tell others may be done so easily: Truly I think that it properly appertaineth to those which now bear the title of Colonels of the Legionaries, and are better seen in the art of war than myself, to labour in it, and to reap the honour thereof. As also I believe that in France there be 1000 Gentlemen more sufficient than myself, and can better discharge it. Nowbeit, that they shall not think that I would set down things that cannot be practised, and like unto paradoxes, whereof I will discourse (and yet are so strange) I say that if my King should command me to try such a matter (notwithstanding I covet not any offices, whether great or small) I would think within two years to form such a body, as therewith I durst wrestle with any other regiment whatsoever, so it were of such a nation as bear us no great good will. And I assure myself the Zuitzers, who help themselves with the pike as well as any soldiers in the world, would be glad to have the assistance of such a legion. This is my opinion. Wherein if I overshoot myself, let men consider that I am a French man, whose ears do so gloe with hearing my nation set at nought, that I would wish it to do that which I know it is able, if it were helped: to the end men might perceive that industry and valour are not quite perished in France. The fifteenth Discourse. That the ancient manner of aranging the horse in hay or file, is now of small use. Also that it were necessary they should take the use of squadrons. THe Frenchmen, who are very ready to embrace Inconstancy of the Frenchmen. novelties, and to abandon old things, have not always so observed that rule, but that they have continued steadfast in some ancient customs which they have accounted ineete to be retained. But growing to a more diligent examination, it appeareth that as in some they have left the worse to embrace the better, so in others, it seemeth they have contemned that which was rather to be received, than the same whereto they have tied themselves. As also it hath fallen out that in one self thing they have bewrayed their good & bad judgement. For when they might make some thing both profitable, fair, and easy, they have been contented with the first, and in lieu of the other two have intruded uncomeliness and difficulty. Whereof Example of arms. I will allege an example, in matters of arms. For where they had some reason in respect of the violence of harquebuses & dags to make their armour thicker and of better proof than before, they have now so far exceeded, that most of them have laden themselves with stithies in lieu of clothing their bodies with armour. Likewise all the beauty of the horseman, is converted into deformity. His head piece resembleth an ●ron pot. On the left arm he weareth a great gauntlet up to his elbow, and on the right a pouldron, that shall scarce cover his shoulder: and ordinarily they wear no Tases: also in lieu of Cassocks, a Mandilion, and no Spear. Our men of arms in the time of K. Henry made a far fairer show, wearing their Salad, Pouldrons, Tases, Cassock, Spear, and Banderol, neither was their armour so heavy, but they might welbeare it 24. hours, where those that are now worn are so weighty, that the pose of them will benumb a Gentleman's shoulders of 35. years of age. Myself have seen the late Lord of Eguillie, and the knight of Puigreffier, honourable old men, remain a whole day armed at all assays, marching in the face of their companies, where now a young Captain will hardly continue two hours in that state. But having determined to treat of the order of horse, I have Of the manner to arrange horsemen. dwelled too long upon this point. I say therefore that the order hitherto observed in the aranging of them would be left, to the end to take another which reason willeth us to follow, as being the better. But I doubt some will control this proposition, saying that old customs are not ras●ly to be altered: also that when the men of arms most flourished, this was their manner of fight. Likewise that sith the late Duke of Guise or the late Lord Constable, who were so excellent Captains, made no innovation therein, it seemeth that it should be still so used. For if alterations in matters of state (as Plutarch saith) be dangerous: like wise the tha●nging of martial orders, bringeth inconveniences. But when a man hath by proof found the profit arising by the new order, and the defects of the old, is it not high time to forsake the one and lay hold of the other? The Romans, who may be said to have been sovereign masters in the art of war did many times the like. Moreover, because the men of arms have had good success when they were ravaged in a hay, doth it follow that now they should so range themselves? No, for many things have since happened, that may compel us to change our fashions: as we have done in fortifications since the invention of Artillery. Froissart who in his Historic treateth at large of the French wars, doth greatly commend the horsemen of his time, which was forty years before the erection of the Ordonances. And by his discourse it seemeth that they fought in file: he there describeth them to be well armed, mounted upon mighty jades, & having strong spears, whereby they might give a great push. I do also suppose that they chose this order, because the same horsemen consisted only of Gentry, so as every man would fight in front, and never continue in the last rank, every one esteeming himself to be in valour no less than his companion: as also it is to be presumed that in those days other Nations observed the like order. Afterward when the men of arms were erected they follow the same, & so continued until the midst of the reign of king Henry the second, with much happy success. But toward the end of his reign our losses taught us, that in part they proceeded of the weakness of our said order, and the firmness of that of our enemies. Then did the squadrons of spears grow into credit, who (as I have heard) were so arranged by the Emperor Charles, who meeting our files of men of arms did easily overthrow them, which also the squadrons of Rheitres have sometimes done: neither is it much to be marveled that it came so to pass for natural reason showeth it, which willeth that the strong carry away the weak: Also that six or seven ranks of horsemen joined together overthrow one alone. Some make this objection. That when a company is so stretched forth, they do all fight, whereas being in squadron scarce the Answer to those that would have the horse stretched forth in file. sixth part do join, viz. so much as in the fore front. Hereto I answer, that in the aranging of a troop, we must not care so much, that every one at the meeting strike one blow with his spear: but rather that it may be able to overthrow all that come against it, which is much bravelyer done when it is in the squadron? It may likewise be replied that the squadron cannot overthrow above fifteen or sixteen horse at the most of the troop that standeth in a hay, which is true, but those shall be about the Ensign, where the Captains and best men are placed: which being carried away, all the rest shaketh, and although that part that hath not been touch● do close up the flanks of the squadron, yet doth it small harm, in that it cannot enter upon the men that are thus in a heap united together: who likewise in their shocks do strike those as well as the first, and break them. Yea, although three or four troops of horse be arranged in a hay one at another's heals, yet shall a squadron overthrow them all almost as easily as the bowl doth many ranks of scailes: So that there must be one force to withstand another's. If a Captain having one thousand Corcelets to set in battle array should not make past two or three ranks of them, even the soldiers would laugh him to scorn, because by reason every battle must have his convenient thickness. The like consideration almost is to be had of the horse, and I wonder it hath no sooner been spied: For if the two notable Captains aforenamed, had lived, they would peradventure have taken order for it. It is not unknown to those that were in the kings army at Vallenciens that there were near 10000 French spears: also that coming before the fort where the imperial were entrenched, I noted that a body of three hundred men of arms arranged in file, took almost 1000 paces in length, & the rest of the horses kept an infinite ground. But if the said 300. men of arms had been set in 3. squadrons, they would not have occupied above six score paces in length, and the order had been far better: for to the end to achieve some notable fear, the men must be close, and the better to help each other, they must not be so scared a sunder. Our men of arms have in our civil wars well perused the forces of the reisters' squadrons: for notwithstanding they always gave the onset courageously, yet could they never break them, for they are so thick that there is no means to get through them. At S. Quintaines and graveling they were thoroughly: taught what great squadrons of spears are able to do, by whom they were easily overthrown. All which proves may be sufficient to induce our great ones to correct the imperfections of our orders. Yet one example more I will allege the better to dis●●se than thereto: namely the battle of Montcontour, where the kings horse being brought into squadrons of spears, at their ioyni●s with the protestāns, who were ordered in a haic and without spears, might see how easily they were overthrown. Yet will I better examine these matters, beginning with a squadron A proof that the horsemen ought to be brought into squadrons. form of a company of fifty men of arms complete. He that list to make seven ranks, his foremost shall contain at the least fifteen spears. Now is it like that those whom we set foremost are choice men, and the second do well second them in valour: and it is a miserable company that hath not at the least 25. good men in it. As for the rest whom I presuppose not to be so valiant, they be placed as it were in covert under the shadow of the former, which maketh them to follow the more cheerfully to the charge, as knowing that the head must bear all the danger and hurt, which if it break the enemy, they shall be partakers of the same honour. So that it is a notable sign of cowardliness, when a troop sobrdered dare not join. Considering that the valour of the first should urgè them to the onset, and the assurance of the last to follow and thrust in. But when a troop is set in a wing, although the good, which ordinarily are the smallest number, do march cheerly to the onset, yet the rest that are not so willing to bite, (which feign to bleed at the nose, to have a broken stiroppe, or to have their horse unshooed) do stay behind, so as within two hundred paces of way, we shall see glass windows in that long file, & great breaches will appear therein, which greatly encourageth the enemy: and many times among an hundred horse, scarce 25. do enter in: who afterward knowing themselves to have no support, when they have broken their staves and stroke one blow with the sword, (if they be not overthrown at their first coming,) do retire. And this showeth what difference there is between one kind of fight and another. When I consider of what manner of people the companies of other nations do consist, and of what people ours are full, I wonder that we pass them not in goodness. For if we mark the Burguinion men of arms, which are in great reputation, we shall not find much gentry in their companies. In the Italian and Spanish troops, which at this day are the best, there be fewer: True it is there be very good soldiers. But in one of our bands of Ordinance of fifty spears which should contain about an hundred and fifty horse, we shall find notwithstanding the corruption crept in, above 60. Gentlemen, who respecting their honours ought to do better than others of meaner calling: not that I will affirm this rule to be always true, though for the most part. Now the means thereby to furnish out our men of arms with Gentry, consisteth in maintaining it as in time past: also to make it invincible, is to use it to fight in squadrons. And for my part I suppose that 100 varlets armed, manned, and guided, keeping this order, will overthrow 100 Gentlemen fight in hay. Some do think it to be a hard matter to bring our Nation to The means to put this counsel in practise. use this order, which is true in respect of great Lords and wilful Gentlemen, for that every man coveteth to be foremost in the march and fight: But in one of the companies of Ordinance the Captain doth purchase obedience, either by love or force. And when this manner hath been a little practised, every one will frame himself thereto. One thing we must note, that men when they come to fight will never keep their ranks well, unless they be first used to it in their ordinary march, for from the lesser men grow to the greater, and he that is perfect in one is the readier to acquit himself in the other. We see the Reisters and their varlets, who have no more devotion than our French Gentlemen, religionsly observe this order. And to say the truth, this manner of march is very commodious, and ourselves do commend it in them. But endeavouring to practise it, as a novelty it doth by & by grieve us, as being too solemn. Which riseth of our impatience, that never leaveth us one quarter of an hour in one state. But this may the captains authority in time remedy. Some will say that three hundred spears in file, maketh a greater show than three squadrons of the like number, which cannot be denied. But for the fight (whereat we must chiefly aim) they are of no such effect. And this is it that should be well beaten into warriors heads. For the Captains ought by instructions to make them half soldiers, and by experience to perfect them. Let us now see whether the ancient order be in these days no whit to be practised. I think it may be used in two occasions. First when we send forth twenty or thirty spears, for that troop being so small may better fight in hay, where it maketh most show. Secondly, when we come to charge the footmen, it is good to divide a squadron into many small troops in file, which may assail in sundry places. But except these two occasions, I would wish the horse always to keep this order of squadrons. Besides, if we consider how meanly many are in these days mounted, and how uncoward at the spear, we will be ashamed to put them into a simple body, which were as much as to set them to be beaten for the nonce. Now let all such as have had experience of the wars judge whether the for●e that I have propounded, which the Spaniards, Italians, Burguinions, and Germans do use, be not better than the old. Many other questions might be demanded, as how many ranks should make a squadron, what number it should contain, & whether 2. squadrons of 250. spears a piece would countervail 300. as good as one of you? Concerning the ranks, I would order them after the valour of the men: which the greater it were, the fewer would I make, and the less the more. As for the number convenient for a squadron, we must in part have regard to our enemies order. For if theirs be great, ours must not be small, and in my opinion, except against the Turks three hundred spears will suffice. And the third question is easily decided. For two mean troops having good correspondence, & charging in season, are, in my mind, of more importance than one great. The 16. Discourse. Of the use of comrades, which among the Spanish footmen are of great account. THe Lord of Langey in his hook of martial What comrades are and wherefore erected. discipline maketh mention of comrades, which in our French speech he termeth Chamberers, making them to confist of ten soldiers a piece, giving to one the pre-eminence over the rest, and him he nameth Captain of the Chambre. Wherein he imitateth the Romans, who in their bands termed Cohortes, whereof ten made a legion, had their Decurions, that is to say, their Tens with their Captains over ten, which as I think they used for three causes. First for order, which should be observed even in the least matters. Secondly, by their small rudiments to instruct the soldiers in their commandments. And thirdly, that by this continual conversation & participation in the same fire, table, and bed, they might engender faith and love. Now the Spaniards do not erect these small societies for any of the two first reasons, but for the third only, so as that which the L. of Langey willeth to be done especially for order, they practise for the commodity only which therein they reap. And I think that this kind of footmen, which is usually 150. or 200. leagues out of their own Country, was brought to that custom through such great necessities, as they are sometimes forced to fight against, for some remedy whereof they invented this fit mean, which in truth is very good, for certainly there is no better, or more assured succour, care, or comfort, than of a perfect friend or loyal companion. It had been peradventure more mee●e in speech to have delivered Why this discourse is put in writing. such ordinary, and (as a may may say) childish things, than to set them down in writing. But the cause that moved me hereto, is my own knowledge of the great want that our footmen have of the use hereof among them: for the bringing of them in liking whereof, I thought good to make this small description, which I wish should not vanish away with the sound. For if some at the least by the contemplation thereof could well perceive the goodly fruit springing out of these military societies, I should not think these my unperfect labours (which have been the hidden pastimes of my long miseries) to have been altogether unprofitable. Among the Spanish footmen there be (so far as I can learn) two The first kind of Spanish comrades. sorts of comrades. The first are they whom the chief officers of the companies do associate with themselves, whom they do defray with their servants and horse, if they have any, so as costing them nothing, they have their whole pay come freely in, and commonly a Captain will have 5. or 6. whom he termeth his comrades, (for such are the customs of Spain) which do in the armies seek means to maintain themselves worthily, & to grow to preferment. These through their daily conversation with the Captains, who are grave, modest, & discrete, do learn so well that in short space a man would deem them worthy not only to bear the corcelet or arqebus, but also to command, as myself have thought of some of those whom I have seen. Their love and regard to him that maintaineth them, is very great: as also for his part he esteems of them almost as well if they were his own kinsmen. To be brief, they always keep the Captain honourable company in his lodging, and serve and stand to him in his affairs, being accounted as Shelmes, if they should abandon him. Their Serieauntes, who among them are in far greater estimation than ours have also for their comrades, some couple of brave soldiers whom they chose, who like wise do give them the third part of their pay to help toward their own maintenance: and although they seem thereby to be but as pensioners, yet do they bear them love & honour as they ought. The second sort of comrades is the same which is practised The second kind of comrades. among the soldiers, a matter so usual among them, that he that keepeth himself long out of such assotiations is accounted as a stubborn jade that cannot abide among his fellows. The least consist of two, and the greatest of six, in every whereof we may see the goodly images of brotherhood to shine. And this is so much the more to be esteemed as it happeneth among soldiers, who might seem to seek discord rather than concord. Thus in the midst of the general amity which the soldiers bear to their Captains and companions, is form this particular here spoken of, which is more lively than the other: the original whereof proceedeth of their mutual knowledge, and increase of ordinary conversation, & the steadfastness and confirmation thereof, of mutual benefits. And for my part I think it no small strength to a company to have therein some duzen of societies of friends, or more, that have care each of other. Plutarch discoursing upon the sacred bond of the young Thebans, which was otherwise called The band of friends, did judge it therefore to be the more valiant. And in deed they all died one after another in the battle. Moreover, there groweth great commodity in ordinary expense by living together: for four soldiers may honestly maintain themselves with a small matter, according to their callings, where one younker having his several table shall spend more than all they and not far so well. The Spaniards do use in their comrades to allow to each his The Discipline and commodity of the second sort of comrades. week to provide and keep account of charges, and he that best husbandeth it, is thought the wisest, which is the thing that they most study for. For they gape after praise even in the smallest matters as well as in the great. Seldom do they incur any want, for still one of them either by hook or crook catcheth somewhat, which he liberally imparteth to the rest, neither can they abide that any of them should be badly clothed, rather will they fast to apparel him. But one of the chiefest fruits of these societies appeareth when one of them is sick, for such is their charity, that they will one help another as brethren to their power. Thus much I will say more, that this small private life is almost always pleasant, because of their domestical conversation which findeth them pastime enough. Neither is it cause of less honesty, for one always seeing another, every man bridleth his affections as well as he may, from doing any infamous deed, for fear lest he should grow into contempt and so be banished the company of those that esteem of honour. And to say the truth, I find solitariness to be hurtful to many Soldiers, who resemble Apes, which when no man seethe them, are always about some mischief: and so do they imagine to do. Whereto is to be added, that if any of the said Spaniards be ignorant in this or that, the rest will instruct him with as good will as he will receive not only their instructions but also reprehensions. This is in brief the benefit that they reap of their comrades. Now let us see how we may so practise the like custom, that The means how to practise the like discipline in France. we may gain any profit therein, whereof others do find so much. Concerning the first sort, I judge our Captains cannot so well fit themselves therein as the Spaniards, in respect that they must then break an other custom, which hath taken so deep root that it would hardly be extinguished. And that is, that they have used to have their tables furnished according to their abilities, sometimes for one and sometime for an other of their Soldiers, who would think themselves contemned, if with that and such other like familiarities they should not be entertained. For the French Soldiers are persuaded that their Captain must not debar them either his table or good countenance, sith they spend their bloods for his sake, and he who for sparing showeth himself slack herein is accounted a Chicheface or niggard: for well for to discharge himself herein, he must not spare expenses. So as if our Captains should find three or four comrades above their other charges, they were not able to perform it without stealing from the Soldier unreasonably, which would redound to their shame. The Spanish Soldier do not go so freely to his captains table, except upon great necessity, or that he be invited: as having discretion enough to consider that they have other charge sufficient, as in deed they have. For such there are among them as have in their families above twenty mouths, and thirteen or fourteen horses. But their best comfort is, that their King as they say, will never leave them poor. Thus we may see things fit for one, which in divers respects that make the difference will not serve an other. But concerning the second, I am not of the same mind: for I think it requisite that our Soldiers should put it in practice, yea that they should be earnestly persuaded thereto, as well for the respects afore mentioned, as also to accustom them to grow more tolerable each to other. Besides, that in some one of our companies we shall find that ordinarily the third part of our soldiers shall in the first week have eaten up their whole months pay, where if they were thus assotiate together they would learn one of an other to line, and withal each instruct his companion to shuune brawls, wherewith our Regiments are so sore infected that in some one day you shall have three or four, whereas contrariwise the Spaniards do detest it among themselves. I have heard some of the Captains of that brave Tertio, wherein Peter de Pass doth command, affirm, that in eighteen months they have not had one, whereof nevertheless they were not exempt through any want of stomach, for they have as much as any men, but they are endued with modesty, and do know that their swords ought to be employed in fight against their enemies, and not in murdering one another. This Discourse is unperfect. The 17. Discourse. Of the rewards ordinarily bestowed upon the Spanish soldiers when they have done any notable piece of service: which they term their Advantages. I Am not of the opinion of those men, who peradventure Whether Princes own any reward to the brave soldier. flattering their Princes, do uphold that the rewards which they use to give to their soldiers do proceed of their mere liberality, and that thereto they are no way bound. And their reason is: for that he hath his pay for his good service, so as whatsoever he getteth more proceedeth of favour. Truly they poise the balance ●o much to the one side, which I would feign bring to stand equal: and that may easily be done by putting as much wait to the merit of the inferior as to the goodwill of the superior. But if we consider the martial laws and customs, we shall find that in such actions there is more of duty then of grace. And I hold that rule good which willeth that as the pay goeth before the service, so the reward must follow the merit. Truly if any men in the world do labour and incur great hazards in service, the soldiers do it. They must not therefore be defrauded of the rewards which even the meanest do hope for and the greatest cannot be denied of. For their valour showed hath a certain attractive power which wresteth praise and garlands out of the mouths and hands even of the ignorant, of the covetous, and of the unthankful. Now, these Advantages whereof I purpose to speak do consist Wherein these rewards do consist. in coin, and are small recompenses, which the Catholic King or his Lieutenant's general do distribute to those that have done any valiant exploit: The least are two crowns, and the greatest eight. Also this is moreover to be noted, that if a soldier once rewarded doth again any extraordinary service, he is again recompensed. And myself do remember that I have seen sundry that at sundry times had so gotten some twenty, some five and twenty crowns Advantage, besides their ordinary pay, which in my opinion is both a good help to the maintenance of a Soldier and a honest token of his valour. Yet some do set down these rewards under the title of profit and not of honour. But if they marked the cause which purchased them as well as the quality of the thing purchased, they should perceive them to be as honourable as profitable. Commonly the General doth assign them, because that being in place he better knoweth those that are worthy than the King who is far of. Likewise when any hath given his ordinance, he may go where he will so he serve among the bands of footmen which are divided into divers parts of his Empire, still he shall have his pay: for such debts are wonderfully privileged. I could never learn when this custom began, but I guess the Their original and commodity. Emperor Charles was the author thereof: for he being personally in many armies & exploits, thought them necessary for the maintenance and increase of his soldiers valour: & by the fruits which both have and do yet appear, we may judge them to have been grounded upon good reason. Wherein is verified the saying of one that said, that where much honour was sown, great virtue springeth up. For the soldier that seethe his assured reward as it were before his eyes, never feareth, if occasion serve, to hazard himself to all perils, thereby to show his courage and desire of fame: whereof it also followeth that he is the better affected to form his life well. I have heard that honourable old man Peter de Pas report, that to his Tertio or regiment, which consists of 23. Spanish Ensigns, there were given monthly above 1200. crowns in Advantages, which well testifieth that the same was replenished with valiant men. It may be some severe Censor will hereupon exclaim and say. Is it not an excessive prodigality to give away 14000. crowns by year Answer to such as think the money to be evil bestowed in such recompenses. extraordinarily unto one regiment? Might not 250 good soldiers be maintained therewith? My friend, what standest thou so much upon the number? I grant thou mayst have soldiers, but good ones I deny. For to the end to make them such, they must be well used. I marvel thou canst cast thy niggardly eyes so far into the lawful rewards of other men's so long labours, and yet turn them from thyself. For what else dost thou but live delicately, taking no pain but to stuff thy coffers with the riches of the Commonwealth, which do far surmount that which thou thinkest superfluous, and which thyself wouldst feign catch? Hold thy peace I pray thee, or else my counsel shall be to send thee to view the first breach that shall be made. But if any man shall think that I would seek out among foreign nations only all that is well ordered, to the end thereto to give due commendation and proceed no farther, he is much deceived. For having set down that which so deserveth, I will stir up our great men to imitate the order that yieldeth such fruit to others, thereby to encourage our footmen, who being well ordered and used, doth give place to none in the world. When I call to mind the small order observed in the rewarding Of the small order observed by the Frenchmen in respect of rewards. of our French soldiers, I am ashamed that so much wisdom as we have among us could never perceive that it was requisite to do more than we have done. I know that he which showeth forth his valiancy may climb to the degrees of the companies. Likewise have I sometime seen that when some had done any notable act, he was rewarded with ten or twenty crowns at a time, though but seldom. Wherefore it were good either to establish some more firm and continual order, or else to accuse our recompencers of ingratitude. But dare I speak of the ingratitude often seen when there is any question of the poor maimed, or such as have grown old in our wars, which crave that we should take some compassion of them? If ten of the hundred be gratified, it is all, and yet how is that? With the room of a lay Monck in an Abbay, where after the poor soldier is come in, before he hath been a fortnight among them, the most of the monks (as scorners of labour, danger, and stripes, and lovers of idleness, and belly cheer) do so cross and molest him, that he is driven to compound for some fifty or sixty franks pension, and so get him some other where. These examples do discourage our soldiers and bring them to take bad ways, which would not so often fall out, if the order here propounded might be established among our bands. But because our France hath not at this day any such yearly A mean how to establish this disciplines fleets out of both the Indies, as this great Empire which threaten it, it were meet, though we cannot do so much, yet to do some part of that which were requisite, so to make those that bear the pike and the arqebus to defend it more bravely and willingly. If to a regiment of ten Ensigns we should assign only 4000 crowns by year for Advantages, which should not be given but upon notable service, and in ten regiments would amount unto 40000. crowns, were it so evil husbandry for the time of war? I think, to some small Duke it were too much, but to a King of France, such a charge were to be accounted small, in respect of the good that would redound thereof, which would appear in that the soldier should grow both the better warrior and the better liver, when he should see his labour and diligence recompensed. It is hard to think what a bad opinion strangers have conceived of our French Soldiers, seeing them in their journey into Flanders and wars in France; so disordered in the field, & sometimes to fight so faintly, which although it hath in part proceeded of giving them the bridle too much and their bad pay, yet may we withal say that the small recompense which they hoped for and hath been given them, have discontented them and caused them by all means to seek their profit, sith they were denied the rewards of honour. Let us therefore grow more ready to amend our faults, and knowing our passed negligence follow good order, showing to those that being commanded do so liberally hazard their lives that we hold them in some estimation: so shall we both conquer others and keep our own. I might here say somewhat of the great rewards and other honourable apparent tokens that appertain to those brave Captains and gallant Knights which achieve brave enterprises: But I will forbear, because myself am forced here to digest the bitter pills of an apparent likelihood of perpetual imprisonment. Four Military Paradoxes. The 18. Discourse. The first Paradox. That a Squadron of Reistres should beat a Squadron of Spears. THE learned do know that Paradores are sentences or propositions repugnant to common opinion, and in old time there were Philosophers which propounded some that they had gathered in the doctrine of the Stoics, were it to show that men might gather fruit of that which seemed unfruitful, or for exercise of their wits. Howsoever it is, I have thought good, imitating their examples (to set down to sundry brave captains matter whereon to discourse) to propound these, thinking that when they have been well examined, some may peradventure give as much credit to them as to common opinion. Among those that profess arms, it is so assured a principle that a troup of Spears should beat and overthrow a troup of Pistols, that who so seemeth to doubt thereof is taken to be but a meanly practised soldier. The Spaniards & Italians do also make less doubt thereof then the French. And although they be such men as with judgement can allow or disallow whatsoever is set before them, yet do I think that herein they lean rather to some small experience, then to any other ground of reason. But in this as in many others matters, it oftentimes manifesteth such effects, that when we have thoroughly considered their causes we find that they should fall out otherwise. The Reistres should rather than any other, be the defenders hereof, for that their reputation consisteth herein: & peradventure if they had at all times showed themselves firm and diligent to do it with their hands, they might now with less difficulty have defended it with their tongues. We must yet grant them the honour of being the first that brought The Reisters active with the Pistol: & what advantage they seem to have of the Spears. the Pistols into use, which when a man can well handle I take to be very dangerous. They are a descent come from the arquebusiers, and to say as it is, all these instruments are devilish, invented in some mischievous shop to turn whole realms and kingdoms into desolation, & replenish the graves with dead carcases. Howbeit man's malice hath made them so necessary that they cannot be spared. To the end therefore to profit by them it is requisite to have a merueisous care, which no nation doth approach any thing so near unto, I mean for Pistols, as the Germans, & that is the cause that I will speak of them, as of those who among all sorts of horsemen that use this weapon, do carry away the prize. I will not stand particularly to describe all the sorts which the Reistres use, for they are but too well known. It is enough to say that the offensive are as good as the spear mens, but the offensive do far pass them. For the man of arms useth his spear but for one blow, where the Reistre carrieth 2. pistols wherewith he may shoot 6. or 7. times, which if he do it in season, doth great hurt. Every man likewise carrieth his sword, whose effects may be equal. Sith than the pistol can pierce the defensive arms, which the spear cannot, we may conclude that the Reistre hath the advantage in the offensive & is equal in the defensive. In favour of the spear man, it may be said that he is better horsed, What advantage the spear seemeth to have over the pistol, especially head to head. and hath his seat surer than the other: also that the spear, when it is seen a far of with the banderol waving & shaking, doth terrify: whereto I answer, that the massive & close order of the Reistres doth supply the weakness of their horse & stays. As for the terror of the spear, it is not of so great efficacy as is the astonishment that the pistol bringeth at the crack. Let us, will some man say, bring these two champions to fight one against an other, and he that getteth the better shall teach which of the two Squadrons shall so be. This objection beareth some fair show, but it may be false. For herein particular reasons do differ from the general. It is as if a man should say, that because in the field one harquebuzier may kill a pike man armed with his corcelet, it followeth that in pitched fields the arquebusiers should overthrow the battles of pikes: which nevertheless falleth out contrary, for it is certain that for the most part those battles do give the victory. But admit the spear man and the pistol do join, the issue will be doubtful, although I think if the pistoler can keep himself from joining head to head with the spear man he may have the advantage of him, by reason of the great offence growing of his weapon. If any man reply, that among the gentry it is holden for a principle, that a good man of arms may easily beat a Reistre, I will answer, that the Germans think the contrary: namely, that a brave Reistre should s●ay the man of arms that cometh to assail him, and carry away his horse: for they must still catch at somewhat. Thus we see that on both sides every one will keep his honour, yea even to private combats. Howbeit, the principal point consisteth in showing what the events Which of the 2. Squadrons should have the advantage. of them in gross should be. For the better judgement whereof, we are first to consider of the valour of the men. Hereupon the spears will say, that their companies being better furnished of Gentry than the others, must likewise be more valiant: but withal we must note, that in the cornets of Reistres there be some few gentlemen and a number of trained soldiers: and for the Captains, because they have been often employed by divers Princes, they must needs be skilful in the art of war. Wherefore to make the quicker dispatch, I presume that in courage, experience and number both the squadrons are equal. Let us then see which of them best keepeth order: for that observed as it ought at the going to charge giveth a great gird to the victory. Herein we must say, that the Germans exceed all other nations, because they seem to be not only close, but even glued each to other: which proceedeth of an ordinary custom that they have to keep always in body, as having learned as well by natural knowledge, as by proof, that the strong always carry away the weak. Also the more to testify that they seldom fail in this, whensoever they be broken, in their retire and flight they still remain unseperate and joined together: which the spears do not, but rather for the most part even in the shock do bring themselves out of array, which proceed of that that they must have some small carrier to strike with their spears: but they take it too long, especially the Frenchmen, whose heat is such, that when he cometh within 200. paces he beginneth to gallop, and within 100 to run amain, which is an oversight, for they need not so much ground. Sith therefore that it is one principle that squadrons do break with the violent shock which they sustain, may we not thereupon infer, that those that keep themselves closest and do strike with the whole body conjoined, do work the greatest effect: It is hard to deny it: and who do better practise those rules then the Reistres? Many there are that will not grant this, but do object that if Answer to the objection that the Reistres have divers times suffered the spears to beat them. there had been so great virtue in the Reistres order, they would not have suffered themselves to have been so often beaten. Hereto I say, that the fault proceeded not of their order, but rather of some evil demeanour which some of them, coming to the combat, have used. The first is, that coming within twenty paces of the enemy they have turned their flanks to them, and so discharged their volley of Pistols upon them: for thus (say they) more may shoot then if they run on front: And then if the enemy turneth his back, undoubtedly they use him badly: but if he abide it, they fetch about a great circuit either to charge a new, or to take new Pistols. Whereof it hath often come to pass, that they have not had leisure so much as to turn their heads: for their turns and returns have been taken for a flight: whereupon they have been so hotly pursued that they have taken their carrier out right. This Oversights of the Reisters. evil invented manner is more fit to play at base then to fight. And I marvel that their leaders could never remember that the Pistol worketh almost no effect, unless it be discharged within three paces: as also that the troops do never break unless they be sharply assailed. another custom by them observed is, that when the first ranks of the squadron begin to shoot, all the rest doth likewise discharge, and most of them in the air. Peradventure they imagine their great noise should terrify the enemy, which perhaps it would do if they were sheep or crows. But French men and Spaniards are not so easily daunted. The inconvenience that riseth hereof is this, that the last ranks which should thrust forward the first, seeing that they have discharged in vain, do in lieu of going forward, stand still, and are sooner amazed than they that be at the head and in all the danger: wherefore it is nothing strange that these evil kinds of fight have engendered evil success. But who so list to mark the other Reistres that have joined as they ought, shall find that they have made slaughters and overthrown the spears, whereby their Captains have learned wit, and do now make them to keep better orders. Now let us speak of the meeting of two squadrons: whereupon Of the effect of two Squadrons when they come to charge. I will say, that although the squadron of Spears do give a valiant charge: yet can it work no great effect: for at the onset it killeth none, yea it is a miracle if any be slain with the spear: only it may wound some horse, and as for the shock it is many times of small force, where the perfect Reistres do never discharge their Pistols but in joining, and striking at hand they wound, aiming always either at the face or thigh. The second rank likewise shooteth of so as the forefront of the men of arms squadron is at the first meeting half overthrown and maimed. Also although the first rank may with their spears do some hurt especially to the horse, yet the other ranks following cannot do so, at the least the second and third, but are driven to cast away their spears & help themselves with their sword. Herein we are to consider two things which experience hath confirmed: The one, that the Reistres are never so dangerous as when they be mingled with the enemy, for then be they all fire. The other, the two squadrons meeting, they have scarce discharged the second pistol but either the one or the other turneth away. For they contest no longer, as the Romans did against other nations, who oftentimes kept the field two hours fight face to face, before either party turned back. By all the aforesaid reasons I am driven to avow that a squadron of pistols, doing their duties, shall break a squadron of spears. It may hereto be replied, that the man of arms carrieth also one pistol which he useth when his spear is broken. It is soon said, but coldly practised: for the most of them scarce caring to charge, do refer that to their men, who have no greater use of it then themselves, and when they come to fight the one half do fail, as hath been oft enough tried, or at the least through evil charging do no hurt. He that will have any use of those weapons, must be as careful of them as of a horse: whereto it is hard to bring other nations, which account this a base and servile occupation. Some man may in the favour of the men of arms say, that they may in such sort join the squadron of Reistres that they may overthrow them. That is, that coming within 80. paces they may send forth their three last ranks of spears gallantly to assail their flank, so shall they open it, break the force thereof, and bring such a fear upon them thatthe squadron of spears may the better deal with them. Hereto I answer, the observation is good, though not greatly in use. Nevertheless, it is a matter common as well to the one as to the other. For teach it to the Reistre, and he will pay you in the same coin, by sending forth part of his troup to strike into your sides: so shall your inventions be a remedy to him, and peradventure he shall prevail more therewith then yourselves. Now, notwithstanding whatsoever I have herein discoursed, my intent is not to bring the French nation in dislike with the spear, which I take to be wonderful proper weapons for them so long as their minds are no otherwise disposed then yet they be. And until they have learned more steadfastly to keep order, and to be more careful of their weapons, they will never work the like effects with the pistol, as the Reistres. Such as imagine the pistol to be such a terrible and offensive weapon, are not greatly deceived: neither will I gainsay them, in case it come in valiant hands. The end of the first Paradox. The second Paradox. That 2500. Corcelets and 1500. Harquebuziers may more easily retire three French leagues in a plain field then 2000 Spears. AMong all military actions accounted notable, this Why moste men do reject this Paradox. hath the first place as one of the most difficult, as also it is a great testimony of the sufficiency of the. Captain that can compass it. And as there are few willing to undertake it, for fear of failing: so peradventure shall we find fewer that will believe that it may be done, because it is a thing that happeneth so seldom. Neither would I reprove their opinion if they meant that in the weakness wherein our infantry now consists it were unpossible to attain to that effect. For having no use of the pike & void of discipline, I do not think that 10000 arquebusiers taken from thence durst show themselves in the plain before 600. spears. But with the 4000 men of whom I mean to speak, all of our own nation and of no other, reduced into good order and obedience, and in their ancient arms, I will uphold that the retreat propounded may be performed. Such as will gainsay (of whom there are many) will propound Proofs hereof may be performed by the notable examples taken out of the stories of our time. an argument gathered of experience, saying, that no Historiographer setteth down any such example, at the least none of those that have written of the wars happened since the year 1494. hitherto, which have been very notable: also that these proofs appeared only in the time of the Romans. Whereto for my answer, sith they beat me with experience, I will defend myself by the same and say, that it maketh no more against me, then with me. For regarding what is past, we may note such haps as verify my proposition not to be unpossible. First I will allege The first example. the brave retreat of Don Aluares of Sande in Afflicke. He had, as I have heard, 4000 Spaniards, soldiers of great valour, and to come where he purposed, he was to pass a plain of four or five miles, which (trusting to his men) he adventured to do. But he was not so soon set forward, but eighteen or twenty thousand horse of the moors were at his heels, who coveted to catch him in this bad advantage. He then having ordered his battle and exhorted his men, went forward on his way where all these horse did five or six times set upon him, but he bore their brunt and so bravely repulsed them, that with the loss of 80. men at the most he brought the rest into safety, and slew seven or eight hundred of the enemies. Some will say, that they wanting armour did not pierce so sharply as do the Christian horsemen, who do far pass them in courage. I grant ours are more valiant, but theirs did not assail very slackly, or else they had not lost so many. And by this exploit it appeareth, that footmen resolute and well led may pass any where. Guicciardine also in his history reporteth a gallant retreat The second example. of 2000 Spaniards after the Frenchmen had broken their army at Ravenna: for being joined again into their body, although the horsemen did follow and charge them, yet did they save themselves, yea and slew Gaston de Foix the conqueror that pursued them. In these retraicts here do appear great determination but small That such restraites may be made when the art of war and in struction of the Soldiers is joined with bold resolution. art, which nevertheless is very necessary in such affairs: whereto I will also add the instruction of the soldiers. For when all these three things shall concur in one troup, I doubt not but it may work greater marvels than the former. Some will say, that the Frenchmen can at this day hardly help themselves with the pike, which is true, neither do I marvel thereat: for in delivering both it and the corcelet to any man, men look to no more, but whether he hath good shoulders, as if it were to carry some coffer like a moil: and as for the gentry they have quite given it over. This is the reason why I wish the restoring of martial discipline, as also that they would again practise the pike, wherewith to fight at hand and open, and to leave to the youth and poor Soldiers the handling of the arqebus, because that therewith they ordinarily fight a far of and in covert: for the one is far more honourable than the other. Captains in old time, venturing upon some difficult enterprise, wished to have their Soldiers not only well ordered, but also old beaten warriors, because their assurance is the greater. For it were but an oversight to attempt any perilous adventure with new men. Now will I come to Instruction, which is (as I have said) marvelously requisite in extraordinary matters. And yet we now see that the Soldier contemneth it: and the Captain careth not for it. But admit a Soldier be valiant, and that wheresoever he be placed he will do his duty: think you he will not do it much better, or that he will not fight more resolutely, when before he hath by good reasons been persuaded that the horse cannot force a battle in the face: likewise that for the flank they must use such fortification as I will hereafter set down, then if he were utterly ignorant and witted not what might happen? I think no man will deny it: for certainly ignorance is in part cause of the fear that many men of war do oftentimes conceive: For that seeing the enemy in their faces, they think they should, according to the proverb, even eat iron charets. I know that practice teacheth to know the true from the false, but there is much time spent therein, unless it be helped by familiar and ordinary documents, which those captains that seek to have the best companies do diligently give to their soldiers. The ordering of the footmen asorenamed to withstand the hotses in the field. For marching but 80. paces asunder and coasting each other, it followeth that the head of the battle marked A can hardly be charged, because the side of the battle marked 3 doth flank it, as likewise the said head doth as much for the said flank: by the same reason also one of the heads of the battle marked 2. and the flank of the other marked D do also secure each other by their arquebusiers, so as it is very dangerous for the horse to assail in such places which enterflancke each other. But may some man say, although the two battles cannot be assaulted but each upon two sides, why is it not as good to make but one only, which cannot be assailed in any more places? For it seemeth the resistance would be more gallant, because that force united is much greater than divided. I am of opinion that in these actions, it is not so requisite to look to the greatness or smallness of the battles, as to the difficulty and hindrance when they find themselves assailed on every side. For it is a great adventure but there will grow some disorder when one body must make defence in four places: but when they need not to look but to two sides, the men do frame themselves thereto with greater ease and much better order. This reason shall content me for the verifying of my speech, notwithstanding I could allege others. Concerning the ordering of the battles, I would wish every Of the ordering of the battles. rank to contain fifty Corcelets, whereof there should be seven at the head, which would make three hundred and fifty, than ten ranks of arquebusiers, and in the midst of them the rank of Ensigns, afterward for the tail six ranks of Corcelets, which in all make six hundred and fifty Corcelets and five hundred arquebusiers placed in four and twenty ranks. For the flanks, wherein all the difficulty doth consist, they should be ordered in manner following. I would never place there any arquebusiers as hath hitherto been used, but make six ranks of three hundred Corcelets, in each fifty men which should serve to make head on those sides. The enemies being near, they should march otherwise then the rest, namely close and carrying their Pikes upright leaning against their shoulders, which is now sufficiently in use. Whereas at the heads of the battle, when any thing is to be done, in their march they trail them, which maketh much distance between their ranks, Now, these six ranks when the charge is offered, after they stand shall do nothing but make half a turn, and so continue in their array with their face to the enemy, and by my advice, they should take but threescore common paces in length, which properly should be the same which the battle being closed to fight, may have open by the flanks. Thus should they be armed to withstand the horsemen, which cannot be well done but with Pikes: for the arqebus shot without covert will easily be overthrown. There remain yet two hundred and fifty arquebusiers to be placed in the battle, counting the Muskets whom I would wish to be distributed into four parts, in each threescore and somewhat more to stand as it were lose before the Pikes, and at the charge to arrange themselves under those of the first ranks on the four sides of the battle. Some will mislike I should make the heads so weak and Answer to the objection against the former advice. only of six ranks of Corcelets, thinking them too few to bear the brunt of a whole hand of horse. To whom I may say, that if there were ten it were the better, but I have cut my coat after my cloth: howbeit, I think such frontes sufficient to resist the horse, which may easily be done, if the men have courage and will be sure to stand strongly, and few battles have we seen overthrown by any assault of the horse at the head. As for the flanks which I have described in such sort as before, they be as strong as the heads, so long as they can keep their order. And this order I would wish them to keep in their fight. First, while the horse were far of, it were good the battles did go forward, but seeing them ready to charge, to stay to the end the better to settle themselves in order and with good footing to bear their first brunt. The first rank of Corcelets to plant the ends of their Pikes How the battles should bear themselves either to fight or to retire. sure in the ground, and not to stir though a horse should gore himself thereon: also to hold them about the midst, and under the foreends should the threescore Muskets and harquebuses appointed, arrange themselves, with one knee on the ground to shoot the surer, as also to be somewhat defended. The other ranks of Corcelets to stand upright almost close with the first rank and to make the body of the battle. Then the horsemen coming to charge, I doubt not but they shall find themselves shrewdly annoyed by the Harquebuziers, which shooting within twenty pa●es, just in the face of the horse, in my opinion will maim the whole first rank of the squadron: but if any think them in small surety there; I will answer, that they can nowhere be better placed at the head then here: for they must be where they may annoy at the first brunt, and although the Spears or breasts of the horse do overthrow some four or five on a side, it were but a small loss. For it is most certain that when a Squadron of horse shall see nine or ten horse fall down at the first coming, such as follow will have an eye to their consciences. Thus after the Squadron shall have borne this sharp welcome, it must likewise strike upon the Pikes of the first rank, or else moderate the first heat, as also because the first gored horses shall be forced to stand, and so stay the rest that followeth. And although this defence might somewhat yield, yet should they still find the body of the battle ready to bear their brunt, wherein consisteth the principal force. And in truth I should think it unpossible (if the Soldiers would not be afeard) to overthrow such a bar: for we must think that though the horses run with great force, yet a small thing letteth them, the smoke and noise of the Harquebuziers scarreth them, hurts stop them, men's conceived fears do make them to pull back, and the cry of the battle hath some effect, notwithstanding the greatest of all proceedeth of the resistance of the Pikes. Besides all this, some rank of Harquebuziers placed in the midst of the battle might likewise shoot over the heads of the Pikes, who bending themselves to the fight do somewhat stoop, whereby part of the horseman's body may be seen. Some peradventure will scorn hereat and say, that all these Answer to another objection founded upon the impossibility. small observations were more fit to be practised in Dances and Masks rather than in the war, likewise the old custom have always been best, though we trouble not ourselves with so many impractiseable novelties. But I am not of their minds, for they put me in remembrance of many of our fathers that laughed at so many inventions for the fortifying of the Holds, terming them Italian devices, affirming that one good great Rampire would suffice to warrant men from the force of the Canon, upon the which they might defend themselves Pike to Pike. And yet experience hath taught us that then towns were taken within eight days, where now we consume almost a whole season, so often must we fight before we can win a ravelin, than the ditch, than the Rampire, than the inward trench. For if in the should there be one ingenious person and a Soldier withal, such a one as was Captain Bastian in Maistrict, he maketh them that are without to sweat water and blood. I would think that that which I require in our battle, should not be so hard to practise, sith our new Soldiers when we train them, do make many more turns and returns for pleasure. Why then should not the old soldiers labour to learn any thing that may breed their honour and safeguard. Two other objections may yet be here made. The first: that the Answer to two other objections. flanks of the battle shall still be much weaker than the heads: because the cover that I have given them, consisting in so difficult an order, it is easy to be disordered. I confess that the said flanks should be too weak to assail, because the battles do still march forward and not sideling: but strongly to bear a brunt I think that observing the same which I have set down, they shall be able to do it, as well as the heads. To the end likewise the conduct may be the better, I would wish to each flank two captains, with the pike; and of the notablest soldiers. The second objection is that the four corners of the battle, though closed, do yet remain somewhat open and weak, as it were for the space of seven or eight steps, where the horse may get entry. Truly this consideration is not amiss, and for the remedy hereof it were requisite in these corners to place seven or eight of the bravest Harquebuziers, who should not discharge but upon great necessity, as also to appoint the Corcelets of the 4. 5. and 6. ranks that should be nearest thereto to turn their Pikes that way to bear the brunt when they see the enemy approach. The greatest danger to all the said footmen consisteth in the two first charges of the horse, which it is to be presumed, will be brave: but being borne out, they may conceive great hope, in that they have quenched the first heat of the enemy, and so march forward over the field, casting forth some lose mosquets to keep the horsemen a loof, but when they see it come upon them then wholly to close. And bearing themselves thus, I am verily persuaded they may make a gallant retreat. The better to comprehend this matter, the Colonels who in A mean to prove what assurance is in this paradox: also a remedy to the difficulty propounded there against. their regiments have many Pikes, should sometimes prove in feigned things how this order standeth with reason, and peradventure they shall find themselves the better satisfied, when they see a picture and lively representation thereof concur with that which they may have imagined, according to this report. Some man will reply that the horsemen may so undiscreetly assail the footmen, that they may indeed save themselves before them, but if they would charge them in small troops (namely of one squadron of 300. to make 3. each of 100 which might follow one after an other) it would much shake the battle. For the Harquebuzery having discharged upon the first (as it cannot be denied, but it will greatly endamage them) the two other squadrons following shall have great advantage, in being exempt from that danger, and so there is some likelihood that they may shake them. Truly this kind of charge is very good, but it may be provided for: for some of those Harquebuziers that should lie under the first rank of the Pikes, may have charged again before the second troup cometh upon them, also from the two sides that are not charged, or from the one, the harquebusiers may be brought to secure that which may be in danger, as also some of those in the midst may likewise shoot which being handsomely performed, the Corcelets shall still have succour from their Harquebuzerie▪ for without this their defence would be but cold. To conclude, I rather fear that we shall want occasion to attempt so brave a retreat, either that we shall scarcely find any Captain that will be the first to prove it, then that I doubt but it may be put in execution. The third Paradox. That it is expedient for a Captain to have sustained an overthrow. PLutarke among his small works in a The general ground of this paradox. treatise entitled, Of profit to be taken of enemies, doth somewhat verify this proposition, where with great art and eloquence he generally showeth the same which I pretend to describe particularly, though rudely: but this opinion of mine I think many Captains (blinded peradventure with the appearance of things which by nature are hurtful) will gainsay: howbeit when I have discovered the fruits there under hidden, they shall, as I suppose, though not wholly, yet in part be satisfied. And therefore without farther circumstance of words I will come to the principal matter. The particular ground hereof. Such as attain to military offices do ordinarily climb thereto by two ways: The one called merit or desert: and the other favour. Some of those that have trodden the first path, seeing themselves in authority do grow proud: and others that have come by the second I do imagine to be ignorant, which are very great imperfections, as easy to be known in others, as hard to be espied by those that are possessed with them. And as to diseases engendered in men's bodies, the remedies must be applied according to the rules of Physic: the like do these that are of the mind stand in need of. But many times neither art nor counsel can prevail, but the accident, which more properly seemeth to be hurt and destruction, than remedy. Howbeit, if any do marvel how any profit can be found in things hurtful, let them consider the Scorpion who carrieth in her both the sting & poison that infecteth the deadly wound, and the medicine that cureth the same. So also may we say, that military mishaps do sometimes work the like effects. For by bringing upon us an apparent calamity, they do thereby serve for an instruction to heal the hidden evil that bred the other. This inward evil whereof I purpose to speak, is Pride, which ordinarily breedeth in those that are endued with sufficiency and valour, and bringeth their souls as far out of fashion as the Dropsy doth the body: whereof ensueth an unreasonable selfe-estimation and contempt of others, which are two such errors as oftentimes do cast those that follow them into most manifest destructions. And as all men ought to beware of stumbling upon such great inconveniences, so must they take in good part the unlooked for corrections, which make them wise, to take heed another time. The first example that I will allege of such as I think to Example of Captains that have benefited by the overthrows that they have sustained. have gained thereby, shall be of Gonsales Fernando a Spaniard and most notable Captain, who having been under Ferdinand of Arragon the chiefest instrument to tame and drive the moors out of Granado, was sent into the Realm of Naples, which that King challenged against the French men. Coming thither with an army against them, he thought peradventure that the French, men of arms, would as easily have been broken as the moors Genetairies, also that his fame already obtained, would terrify them. But he was deceived, for they overthrew his troops: And himself losing that field, which the Lord of Aubigny won, he afterward showed that he had gathered instruction by such an overthrow: for he guided himself with such art and discretion that he overthrew the Frenchmen in sundry encounters, and finally expelled them the Realm. That great julius Caesar, who in the art of war surpassed all another example in Cesar. captains that ever were, after he had driven Pompey out of Italy, & enclosed him in Dirachium, waxed proud & contemned him, so as undertaking to entrench a great country whereby to close him up the straighter, Pompey knowing his advantage, came forth and flew the chief part of his army, and had like to have won a full victory. This shrewd blow made Caesar so wary and diligent, that he never after gave Pompey any opportunity against him, but with his 〈…〉ted policies brought him to the same point that he required, and so overcame him. These two examples, the one old and the other new, may suffice The use of these examples. to give to understand that the greatest, giving themselves even to the least pride, do sometimes incur an overthrow by this imperfection: but withal they have this good thing in them, that having received of their enemies some chastisement for their negligence or rashness, they will soon amend. Many captains therefore now living must not be ashamed to confess that in prosperity they may be over seen, sith those that have been endued with such modesty have so far overshot themselves. The first cause of this mischief consisteth in ourselves, and is The first cause of presumption. our had inclination, which corroborated by custom tendeth to exalt us above measure, so as if an occasion falleth out of a quarter long, it stretcheth it to an ell. Which appeareth in all professions of art and knowledge, but chief in the art of war, the professors whereof do make great account of themselves, because they exercise the actions of Fortitude and Magnanimity. Many times among the Spanish bands you shall hear a new Soldier of three crowns pay, say, I am as good as the King: let us then think what a captain that hath been in sundry assaults and battles will do: He will strait way say, I am better than the Pope. Thus do we see military presumption swell even above the thing itself. The commendations of friends are an other cause that help to The second cause. increase it: for they not able to forbear praising those whom they love, who also do deserve the same, by pouring plenty of this liquor upon them, do sometimes make them drink so much thereof that they be half giddy therewith. Herein they that are too free in attributing do overshoot themselves at unawares, and they that are so curious in the receipt thereof are willingly overtaken. Flatterers also which follow such as are in authority as the The third cause. shadow doth the body, do greatly help to give to Pride her true shape. For with their deciptfull and windy words they puff up the soul like a bladder. If a young Lord doth any valiant act, they strait compare him to Gaston de Fax. If he be an expert Captain, they tell him he passeth Bertrande du Glesquin. And if they have any better hap, they make him equal with Scipio and Marcellus. To him whom in hope of profit they would allure, they say, he must proceed in his good fortune, sith the mighty do esteem of him, the Soldiers do love him and the people have him in admiration. Hereto they add also that his fame is so dispersed among his enemies, that when they know him to be in the field, they fear him as the Shepherds in Barbary do the mighty Lion when he cometh out of the woods. And that for their parts they are glad to see him in so good a way to achieve most worthy triumphs and means whereby to recompense those that are his servants. By this sweet harmony of speech, this man who peradventure The effects of pride inflamed through our own bad nature and the discourses of our friends & flatterers. before presumed enough of himself, now coveteth to presume too much, and so to seek nothing but war and battle. Yea the most modest who mislike flatteries, even in the rejecting of them, do still swallow down some small portion, wherewith to feed that little vanity that dwelleth in them. It is not to be inquired what discourses they make in themselves, what they shall do, or how high they shall climb, but to take these for extravagants. In this disposition nothing seemeth unpossible, and the more boldness and experience they have the more do their presumption increase, whereby they disdain their friends, contemn their enemies, and refuse all others counsel in whatsoever they undertake. These be the bad humours which this windy colic of Presumption and Flattery do engender in a Captain. I think no man dare deny but it were necessary to see them Remedies against these effects. purged. Howbeit, divers do find my remedies to be very bitter and troublesome: but say what they will, they are most convenient. For these humours being too deeply rooted, the remedies wherewith to pluck them up must be very strong. These medicines are of an other sort, than those that are used against diseases of the body, whose property is to work to the good of the party upon whom they be ministered: For being considered in their own nature, they are as hath been said mere ruins of the body: but considered accidentally, they may be termed drugs that heal the astonishment of the mind. The Physicians also that minister these medicines, may be compared to him whom Plutarch maketh mention In his treatise of profit to be taken of enemies. of, who thinking to have slain his enemy, by thrusting his sword into him, pierced an Impostume which he had within him, and so saved his life, that he should soon after have lost through his secret sickness, if the other mishap had not happened, which was to him a healthsome remedy. The wise Captain therefore that seeketh to profit in the knowledge An exhortation to Captains, with a description of the good which the virtuous do reap whiles the vicious and ignorant do impair and confound themselves. of arms, when he incur any mishaps, having disgesed the first bitterness thereof, must seek to use the rest as the expulsive virtue of some Easterly root, to expel out of his mind the proud vapours thereinto ascended: and the greater operation that this worketh in any, the less need hath he of any other medicine. As for the Captains that are furnished with ignorance, they likewise do grow into presumption, whereto the good clawbacks, that follow them (as well as the former) are a great help. But for the others, being better guided by virtue, their losses do happen after a more valiant sort; where these ignorant men do fall into mishaps accompanied with shame: Now to speak of the estate as well of the one as of the other, they that amend, be happy in mishap: but most unhappy are those that will never acknowledge their error, but impute it either to others or to fortune, and so continue their pride in the midst of their misery. For in the end they remain engaged under the burden of some great blow whether their want of discretion hath led them: which the first do shun by finding their imperfection in time, after they have received some small one. Hereby may we easily judge that the adversities which bring us into the path of wisdom, are better than the prosperities that transport us therefrom. I could allege the domestical examples of sundry of our captains, who to their friends have not denied but that they have reaped commodity out of these extraordinary corrections. But sith I imagine that such as follow the wars may have tried somewhat, or heard others speak thereof, I will forbear: only I will admonish them both sooner and nearer to look to their own faults then to other men's: for so shall they learn to overshoot themselves but seldom. The fourth Paradox. That daily experience have taught such means to fortify Holds, as are most profitable in respect of the small charge thereof, and no less defensible than such stately ones as the Ingeniors have aforetime invented. THE Italians deserve the commendation Where to costly fortifications do serve. of being the first inventors of divers sorts of gallant fortifications, which since they have reduced into such an art as hath been esteemed honourable, neither hath it been of less profit to those that have dealt therein. And peradventure this last point hath partly been the occasion that they have persuaded Princes that such and so many things were requisite to bring a piece of work to perfection and worthy them. Wherein they have not been altogether untoward: for through great & long expenses the water is come to their mil. I know it beseemeth great Princes to do great works, because they have great means and therefore the small will not content them; but withal they should prise them in the balance of commodity, lest the dearness of the one hinder the setting hand to the other. I seek not herein that To whom those of small expense are profitable. which is seemly for a few, but that which may be commodious and profitable to all: Especially for their sakes who being weak, had need for their own safety to fortify themselves, and yet through poverty are driven to spend but little. I take that to be a fruitful piece of work which is performed quickly, easily, and with small cost, and yet in goodness doth countervail an other whereto they cannot attain without contrary means. I mean not in this my treatise to comprehend such places as are strong by nature, but only those which may be so made by art. The first place that here I will bring to view, shall be the Citadel of Antwerp, wherein we may say that nothing hath been fortress which have so much. forgotten, either in wealth, diligence, invention or plenty of stuff: so as in all Christendom a goodlier piece of work for fortification hath no man seen. But on the other side if we consider that the building thereof cost 1400000. Florins, and yet, had it been assaulted, would not peradventure have held out much better than Oudenarde or Maestricht which were fortified but with earth, it will make men somewhat curious to examine these matters more exactly. Especially small Potentates and little towns are to look very nearly hereto: for if they should measure their defence by the ell of these great Princes, they should be peradventure empourished, yea utterly overthrown before they could be half fotified. The Citadel of Mets cost above a million of Franks, and I suppose that that of Turin drew near to 300000. Crowns. Which I speak not as misliking that these great Princes should employ so much upon these small Castles: for they wast much more unprofitably: but only to the end to let men see that for the fortifying of such a town as Malines or Orleans, which in greatness are alike, after that order the charge would amount unto above five millions of Florins: also that for the furnishing of money they should be driven either to sell one of their Estates or make peace for a hundred years with their neighbours, that they might work at leisure. Some man may say, it is but a small matter for the Kings, who Against those that like of such expenses. in the civil wars of Flanders and France, have each of them spent above 70. millions of gold. But I will to the contrary conclude by the same reason: for having wasted such innumerable sums, a little will be found to be a great deal. If we shall look all France over, I think we shall scarcely find (except a few Castles) any town half finished after the engeniors rules. Some do bear themselves herein like unto certain Brides, who being persuaded that a gown of cloth of gold will make them more beautiful than one of taffety; do thereby force their husbands to consent that half their dowry be consumed in beautiful ornaments for their marriages: but afterward they have sour sauce to their sweet meat, as being driven to a long penance for their sumptuous vanity. It were much more profitable for both to know what were meet, and to go no farther. When I compare the towns that were besieged in the time of King Frances & his son Henry, with those that have been assaulted in our civil wars, I am forced to confess that these last have been better defended, notwithstanding they have been assailed with greater art, and yet most of them were never furnished with any of these stately fortifications: which showeth that so many great expenses are superfluous, sith they bring forth no better fruit than those that are less. The ingeniours will say that notwithstanding men fortify but How to help ourselves with the Ingeniors devices, and yet avoid excessive expenses. with earth without any of their supporters of Stone or Brick, (which are no less beautiful than necessary) yet still they follow their precepts. Whereto I answer that in many things men may help themselves therewith: howbeit they are rather to stick to new experiences which have taught very good kinds of fitting and defending themselves. The first is the same that I have already mentioned, namely fortification with earth: which cost ten times less than great Masondrie, and is never a whit worse. For proof hereof I will allege the town of Gaunt, which in two years was finished and furnished with Ravelins, ditches & counterscarpes, (although it be of as great circuit as Paris within the walls) and cost not above 300000. Florins: But if the King of Spain should have made this fortification according to the written rules, he must have spent above six millions and twenty years at the least. In divers places the towns have been taken, before they have been a quarter fortified after these great platforms. The second thing which experience hath made many to allow of, is to loosen the Bastions from the Courtines, yea and to carry them without the ditch. For although they be not defended with the Artillery from any low Casemates, yet do the Harquebuzery sufficiently shield them from the Curtines which is a continual annoyance that cannot be taken away, where the flanks of the Bastions may be pierced or broken when the shoulders are weak. Also if one of those rarelines that I speak of should chance to be taken, yet is not the place therefore so lost, but that the enemy may very well be put back, where contrariwise it is a necessary consequence to those that have joined them to the Rampires. The third is the use of entrenching, which is a marvelous profitable remedy, though smally practised in times past, but in our civil wars, men have learned to use it very well. Though they be weak and but ill made, yet do they preserve from being forced on a sudden, and procure some reasonable composition. But if they be large and well made, either they wholly preserve or at the least do give a months respite (which is a sovereign purchase to the besieged, when the enemy must win it by little and little) during which time they may light upon some favourable accident for themselves. Hereto will I add one sleight which practice hath taught, namely, to strive for a dry ditch after the Counterscarpe is won, and so to defend a Rampire a few days, though the enemy be lodged in the Parapet. For with sundry policies have men learned to fight each with other, some more, some less: as hath been seen in divers Sieges both in the Low countries and in France. All which inventions do consist as much in removing the earth, as in any other manual defence. Now will I show how I would the place which I propound An advise upon the means to fortify with small cost. should be provided for, presupposing the situation to be in the plain as are the situations of most of the towns in Flanders. First I would not have the Rampire raised too high: For such as are so unreasonable high, as they are in most places about Bruxelles, Tournay, Orleans, and Rochel, are rather Mountains than Rampires, and be within as I think thirty foot high. For herein they be hurtful, that being won, there is no more means to defend, because the defendants cannot entrench behind to any purpose, when their trench shall be so over awed. As for the ditch, I would wish it to be full of water if it might be, so to eschew surprises, as also that it is more troublesome to the assailant than the dry. Counterscarpes do after a sort serve, and the covert way to them should be large. Likewise I would think an other path to be profitable, which should be behind or under the first, being six foot broad and as many high: Which should serve to the end that when the Counterscarpe chanced to be won by violence (as was that of Vulpian in Piedmont, where all the Soldiers were drowned and slain) the defendants might save themselves. As for the Ravelins they would be fitly placed without the ditch, and made so large that they may bear a good entrenching. For so shall the enemy, although he have won the point, have a fortnight's work. But the inner ditch, if it were possible, should be dry, to the end the Soldiers might in the beginning of the Siege be kept there for issues: which I think to be necessary for the besieged, as well to the increase of their courages, as in respect of the great hurts which the enemy shall thereby receive. For these are meetly safe enterprises for a cunning Captain, and will amaze the assailants when they shall find themselves assailed. Whosoever undertaketh to assault such a place, must of necessity The way how to descend a place that is besieged. begin with the Ravelin, which is a most assured warning that he will beat the Courtine on that side. Wherefore omitting all other matter they must fall to entrenching, whereby in time they may make as it were a new town, in case they have people enough and a skilful Ingeniour. I suppose that in a place where there are Soldiers a Ravelin should hold out one month at the least, yea even against the Prince of Parma, who is the skilfullest assaulter of towns that I know. The rampire and passage of a ditch full of water will be as long: and the inner trench, being almost equal with the height of the rampire that is beaten down may be kept as long or longer, provided always, that it be made 60. or 80. foot from the Courtine. Now I take this at the worst: for there be such weak assailants of Holds, as shall labour two months about the winning of a ravelin. There are that think it an easy matter to keep them from passing the ditch, but for my part I think it hard, for they will enter either by night or day. Thus when a frontier town shall have stopped a mighty army so long as I have said, it shall have quit itself well (for there be few towns impregnable) and the Prince that may have lost it shall have this comfort: That as the fencing of it had cost him little, so his enemy shall have spent much time, many men, and money enough in the winning of it. Some Ingeniour may say that water undermindeth the foundations Against such as think water to be hurtful to rampires of earth. of a Rampire, and that from ten years to ten years they run out: which they do not if they be walled within. It is so indeed where the water is a running water: but the repairing cost little, as also do the props that bear up nothing but earth. Howbeit, I say that a man may fortify a whole small town with earth with the charges of one enclosure to a Bastion made of brick or stone with the countermines thereof. This manner do I here allow for an other respect: which is, that Potentates & commonwealths are better able to provide for the inward fortifications, which must accompany the outward, & do consist in all kinds of necessary provision that want in many towns, though not in whole, yet in part. And as many are lost through this default as for lack of Bastions. They may likewise spare great sums, which are spent in these great works, and with the same maintain a sufficient army, through want whereof the strongest places are taken, as hath been seen in Flanders. Many things more may be objected to beat down this our Bulwark, which is much more profitable to the weak then beautiful to the mighty monarch. In the mean time such as shall follow this construction, shall not find themselves the worse thereby: as the future experience peradventure will teach better than the passed. The nineteenth Discourse. That the continuation of the wicked proceed of the wars of these days do make a just cause to seem unjust. PHilippe Comines in his remembrances reporteth that the Duke of Guyenne, The Duke of Burgundy an Image of such as have no delight but in trouble and confusion. the brother of King jews the 11. joining with Duke Charles of Burgundy in the war for the Commonwealth: when he considered the number of the wounded and slain at the battle of Montleherie, with the spoils that the Soldiers made all over the Country, was marvelously daunted thereat, and told Duke Charles that it had been better never to have begun that war that bred such mischief and ruin: who answered him, that those things were not to be marveled at sith such were the natural fruits thereof: But being afterward alone among his familiars, he scorned that young Prince which brought pity and compassion unto the theatres of Mars, where rigour and vengeance do hold their sovereign Empire. In these days we hear some make almost the like answers to many that curse our civil storms: for they tell them, It is the war, and so do ween that that word being heard should make them to shrink up the shoulder after the Italian manner, and provide to suffer worse matter. But in my opinion such reasons are to be suspected, as proceeding from those that having no other delight or sustenance but in other men's spoils, would make men to account war to be a necessary evil, to the end they should not be slack in giving to them that food which they do desire. Truly these men are not altogether to be believed, lest we confound cruelty and injustice with equity and humanity, and so of an extraordinary accident make an ordinary custom. Neither must we print in our fantasies the imaginations of many others, who wish to see a war exempt from the things that of long time have been proper thereto, and are as it were essentials, namely, rapine, disorder and cruelty: for in these days wherein we live, virtue being tied up and vice let lose, we cannot attain to this perfection. What shall we then say hereof? For soothe, that to the end well The means which do seem necessary to be holden in the consideration of the present estate of the Realm to restablish it. to measure the matters whereof we now speak, we must take the old rules, not of Iron, which cannot bend, but of lead, which are somewhat pliable, and frame them to the crooked and difformed stones whereof our civil wars are composed, that is to say, to our confusions: and then finding what is somewhat tolerable, as also what is to be rejected, to patch up again so well as we may this house of bondage, wherein so many persons within these five and twenty years have been tormented: or else quite to raze it to the foundation by an assured peace, which were the better way. I mean not here curiously to examine or way the right or wrong of those that are in arms, because I will not offend any. Only I am content generally to say that such on either side as love godliness or virtue, do for the satisfying of themselves either inwardly or outwardly, underproppe their actions with justice. Neither should any wars be undertaken without that good faundation, lest otherwise we be found guilty before God, who will not that men use such violent remedies but upon great necessity, neither guide them after their own disordinate affections. Now in these controversies and public quarrels as well civil The miseries of wars especially civil. as others, furiously raised through man's malice, it often falleth out that all the right lighteth on one side and all the wrong on the other. Sometimes that both parties are led by like malice: and sometime that he which in deed hath the right, doth seem to have the wrong, and so to the contrary. As also that sometimes in some one of the points thereof a man may be in the right and in all the rest in the wrong, of all which differences I mean not here to entreat. Only I would advertise the readers to note them in reading the histories, wherein the diversities of so many martial purposes are lively set out. But for myself I will proceed in discoursing upon my first proposition of the evil behaviours which are to be seen in our said civil wars, together with their consequences. I think they cannot be better compared then to an over flowing brook, which with the violent force thereof not only destroyeth the whole ●roppe of a plain, but also carrieth down the trees, buildings and bridges where it goeth, so as neither art nor diligence are able to prevent it. Whosoever would walk through France and Flanders might see (even upon insensible things) the footsteps of our daily furies, which are not nevertheless the greatest damages, for those that wast our good and valiant men, and corrupt particular manners & politic orders are much worse. Truly we have great cause to wonder at our negligence: which on every side is such, that no man laboureth so much as to qualify these so terrible furies, which greatly offend all those that are beholders of our miserable tragedies. Yea many of those that be upon the theatres hereof, and are endued with some integrity, are no less offended thereat. Thucydides saith, that in seditions men may see the image all mischiefs, but in our wars men may say that even the mischiefs themselves do come in post, to the end to fester them with eternal reproach: Yea even the extraordinary ones which were hidden and durst not have appeared fifty years ago, do now come to brag among us. No year escapeth free without some note of treason, treachery, murder, poisoning or barbarous violence: yea sometime the terrible monster Massacre striketh through and with the mighty blow of her talents smiteth those that think not upon her. Oh what strange things are these! A Spanish Gentleman reported unto me, that when the Fort Examples of these miseries of War. of Frezin Ferry was won from the French, there was a Wallon Soldier, being found there, taken prisoner: and when the chief Captain commanded to put all to the sword, the said soldiers own brother, serving in the Spanish Campe●, stepped forth and showing a cruel countenance said: This wretched traitor to his King must die of no other hand but mine own. Neither was his wrath appeased until he had divers times thrust him through, notwithstanding he pitifully kneeled to him. Had the dead man's offence been four times as great, yet should he have abhorred to foil his hands in his brother's blood. We read in the civil wars of Silla that a Roman soldier having in ●ight slain his enemy, stripping him found him to be his own brother, who was on the contrary party, which when he perceived, he was attached with such sorrow, and so spited his unfortunate ignorance, that himself ran upon his own sword and so fell upon the others body. And although that was a very corrupt world, yet many commended that furious piety of the poor Paynim. But the deed that here I have rehearsed of this Christian of our days (which is so far unlike to the other and aught to be buried in oblivion) had not peradventure any fewer allowers thereof. If this deed were true, it deserveth to be yoked with an other as bad or rather worse of a notable murderer of Paris, who, as some have written, began his rage with two of his own niep●es of twelve years of age, whom he slew while they embraced his knees and cried him mercy. I am ashamed to speak of these parricides, which nevertheless these men were not ashamed to commit. But being entered this carrier I will perform my race, and reveal Other miseries of civil wars. yet one mischief which is but too well known, for I have touched others in other my discourses. It is the villainous sacking of poor country people, yea even friends and partakers: for notwithstanding their continual labour, as well for their own sustenance, as to satisfy those whom justly we may term warlike Harpies, yet do they not spare to eat them up, sometime all at once, sometime by little and little with unspeakable boldness and contempt, neither can they be restrained therefrom by any consideration that they serveth the same party, or that their devotion is tied thereto. Uyolence wrought against the enemy breedeth no wonder, neither needeth any excuse, although there should be a little measure observed: but these are inexcusable, as means to destroy themselves, and to bring common hatred upon their superiors, which out of the fields is sown in towns and cities. The said superiors should remember that into this great troup the poor, the widow, and the Orphan (whom God holdeth so dear) are in corporate, who in their sorrows have no other recourse but to sobs and sighs which ascend into his presence, where they are most favourably received. And it is a bad sign, when such as should bless do curse, and even pluck down God's wrath, and cast it upon those that in outward appearance do seem to defend them, but in deed do devour and eat them up. These are in part the exercices of our civil wars which daily do impair: which also are the occasion that many times the wisest, who do imagine that they have the best cause, in seeing so many miserable manners of proceed, which teach to commit all mischief without remorse, do grow into such doubts, as do in manner shake the foundations of the firmness that they had laid. If then they do sometimes totter or reel, think what the simple shall do that use to allow or disallow of the causes of wars according as they be well or evil ordered. If we speak of words, we hear nothing but God's honour, The strange offence of the most of those that bear arms in such wars. the King's service, Catholic religion, the Gospel, our Country. All which goodly titles do bind the ministers of arms to endeavour that their works may concur with their words. But when afterward we see the most part take a contrary course, and as the proverb of the Tennis court importeth, play at bandy and scraping, yea & that rather upon the friend than upon the enemy, that is to say, glut their vengeance, ambition, covetousness and avarice upon whatsoever the war doth make to stoop to them, we must not think that they will be mum that suffer all these things. If such a peasant as he that dwelled upon the banks of Danow, An exhortation to those Frenchmen that are banded one against an other. who was said to have come in the time of M. Aurelius to the Roman Senate to complain, should now rise among us, I imagine his speech should tend to this purpose. Oh ye Christians that do so cruelly devour each other like fierce and angry beasts, among whom pity seemeth to be dead, how long shall your rage continue? Why do ye grant no truce or release to the rest of your miserable lives, to the end at the least to creep into your graves in some quiet? What violent causes are those that stir you up? If God's glory, then consider that he taketh no pleasure in sacrifices of man's blood: but detesteth them and loveth mercy and truth. If your Prince's service, you must think ye do them small service in slaying one an other, for so do you diminish and pluck away the chief sinews of his Realm. If religion moveth you, it seemeth ye know not the nature thereof: for sith it is all charity, the same should induce you to meekness. If your Country, behold your fields are almost all desert, your villages burnt, your cities sacked, your riches in strangers hands, and your glory utterly lost. Seek then no more excuses to lengthen your calamities: rather cut them off, then allege such necessities as do impose other necessities. This were easy to be done if ye would practise this sovereign rule of estate which excelleth the most excellent. Give to Caesar that belongeth To the Soldiers. to Caesar, and to God the things that appertain to God. But when I remember myself, how can you, you Soldiers fulfil this, who have forgotten the art of rendering and can do nothing but take? Who sometimes do say well and always live evil? What are your troops and armies in these days, but shops of all vice, which where they pass do leave more horrible footsteps than do the grasshoppers where they live continually? Your enemies do hate your cruelty, your friends do fear your sackings, and all people do fly from before you as from the floods? Who will believe that your cause is just, when your behaviours are so unjust? And although it were just, do not you yet hazard it to all rebuke and slander? To be brief, learn to live better, or think not much that no man believeth your words, but cry out against your deeds. This truly were a very free speech, which nevertheless I think to approach so near the truth, that I will not give it the lie, least they that have To whom the aforesaid calamities are to be imputed. endured it should come in for witnesses against me, and so return my lie upon myself. Out of this rank I will exempt the honourable and good man that profess arms, as well noble as others, of whom there be yet many abroad. Neither must the whole blame of these disorders be laid upon the small, whose wants do oftentimes stir up their malice. For there be great ones, who because they care not for moderating or suppressing them, must have their parts: & those especially are most guilty, that had rather see whole rivers of mischief than lose any part of their revenges or dominion. If any man ask the soldiers why they make such havoc, they will answer, that want of pay compelleth them, which is a reason to be considered of. If they tell the Princes that these behaviours savour very evil, and must be taken away with gold, they will say that all the India's will not suffice for so many high pays, and other subtle prouling. Which cause must be well weighed. In the mean time under these excuses the mischiefs do on both sides continue and feed upon the infortunate Provinces that bear them, which cannot possibly be eschewed, so long as the mighty ones are so obstinately bend to make the wars perpetual by keeping great armies all Winter and Summer in the field, whereof it followeth that in the end, most of the men become ravening beasts, the country is disinhabited, the treasure is wasted, the great curse themselves, and God is displeased. If we should call to mind how in the wars between the French The state of wars in old time condemn those of our days. and Spanish, especially in Piedmont, we should often see a Cornet of spears pass through a village where they might see banqueting & dancing, & the people without any force come & bring them all kinds of refreshing. Again within half an hour after another troup enemy to the former, to pass in like sort, and to receive all kinds of courtesies. Also these 2. troops within a while after to meet and beat each other well favouredly. Then the conqueror to carry into the said village the sore wounded, as well of the one party as of the other, to be dressed and to lie all in one hostrie, the vanquished upon their faiths, and the vanquishers in the custody of the aforenamed, unto their full ●nre, when each aught to return to their Captains. Thus should we see that these and such manner of proceeding purchased to both nations great fame among strangers, and more amity than is now to be found among pareuts. This I say being reported unto them, they would account for fables, because our present customs are clean repugnant thereto. And yet if in any wars civil behaviour be to be practised, than in these wherein fellow Citizens after they have been together by the ears in their native soil do fall again into familiarity and love one with another: which never happeneth with strangers: for the controversies ended, they never lightly have occasion to see one another again: yea, they ought to behave themselves herein as kinsmen, who among their hatred & force do intermingle equity and honesty. Finally, such as do better note policy and good order, and withal do show themselves most courteous, do give the lookers on to think that they have the better cause, who therefore do favour them with their prayers, and themselves likewise by their good actions are the more satisfied and confirmed in their opinions, which make them the bolder. Contrariwise, those who through their dissolutions do make their war, (which of itself is terrible) utterly detestable, notwithstanding the cause be never so just, God will not fail to punish for prosecuting it by such sinister means. The 20. Discourse. That a king of France is of himself mighty enough, though he neither covet nor seek other greatness than his own Realm doth afford him. ALL such as profess the reading and diligent examination The ambition of Princes and commonwealths, cause of great calamities. of histories, do with one voice confess, that most of the calamities & miseries fallen upon diverse lands and nations have proceeded of the ambition of Princes and common wealths, who have raised such wars as ●red the same. To avoid all the doubts whereof, read but the lives of Philippe of Macedon, Alexander, Pyrrhus, and Demetrius, with the wars of the Romans against the Catthaginians: wherein ye shall find that nothing is more true. And although time by little and little suppresseth the force of the strongest things, yet could it never much extinguish the flames of so vehement a passion, which passing from the Father to the son, heaping the former ages with mischief, hath reached even to ours. I will forbear to speak of things happened within these fifty years in respect of so many people yet living, which may have considered thereof: but of four score years ago Philip Commines & Fran. Guicciardine do yield such testimony, that we may say that the desire of dominion have caused infinite disorders, which have disfigured the beauty of politic government. It cannot be denied but ours have danced at the feast among others, and peradventure oftener: but it hath likewise soon after mourned for it as well as the rest, as having reaped no other commodity of the great wars of Charles the eight and jews the twelfth (which nevertheless were not quite devoid of all grounds of justice) but waste of money and consumption of men. Which might admonish all Princes to undertake none but such as be necessary, & utterly to reject those that contain no necessity. I know they have a wonderful quick desire to increase, which Whar considerations ought to moderate the desires of princes. nevertheless they may moderate by a representation of the mischiefs and difficulties of wars, were it not that they find themselves strengthened and underpropped with the counsel of the young, together with custom: which not only maintaineth it in force, but also doth greatly increase it. For assuredly the mightier that a Prince is, the more is he pricked forward with such stings, as leave him but small rest until that he hath changed other men's minds: whereby he entangleth himself in many cares and wants, which he might well enough forbear. Howbeit those men are happy who in the midst of such disordered broils, false persuasions, and wicked customs, do guide themselves by wisdom and discretion: for ordinarily they pass on the way without stumbling and attain to such ends as breed their contentation. Our good King Henry the second having practised and tried the vanitié of covetousness and wars, was determined to pass over the rest of his days in tranquillity, and content himself with that mightiness that to him remained; which was not small, but it pleased God to call him. And although all things have since greatly decayed throughout this Realm, yet I think our king hath cause enough (preserving and accommodating that which yet remaineth) to account himself mighty & happy, though he never seek with iron, fire, and blood, the forced dominion over his neighbours. By this proposition I bring the ambitious into the lists, who Answer to the objections of ambitions Counsellors. say, That the enclosing of our king's hearts within the accustomed bounds, is the way to quail their courages, and to deprive them of all trophies and conquests, the goodly inheritances wherein their ancestors meant they should participate: likewise That it is unpossible when they consider the dominions of Charlemain, which as all good histories do testify, stretched into Italy, Germany, France, i low Countries, & Spain, even to the river Ebro, but they must needs blush for shame, thinking how themselves lurk at home & do nothing. Truly these be high words, which in my opinion, do resemble the furious Northern winds that stir up the great tempests: for by their often blowing in kings ears, they provoke their minds, whereof do ensue the torments of wars which drown so many people. If they could weigh the dissimilitude between old and new virtue, they would be more stayed: For as saith Plutarch in his small works, it is as much folly to apply the heroical deeds of those that are past, unto men present, as to put upon the head & feet of children of six years of age their grandfathers hats and shoes. But men ought to propound things convenient to that age wherein a man liveth, so long as they be just and honest. We Frenchmen should think that France is passed her greatest growth, and that we are come to the time of her declination, wherein we shall do much if we can but keep her well, which we should endeavour to perform, and not to feed upon her passed glory and mightiness, because we are destitute of the power, occasion, and good hap that lead our ancestors thereto. Some there are that think that a Prince cannot be termed Answer to an other objection touching the mightiness of Prinses. mighty or great, unless he join new Provinces to his estate, and make his neighbours to fear and stand in awe of him, through his weapons, which do encourage him to enterprise and threaten great things, wherein they follow the common judgement, which as saith Plutarch also, do admire the Thunder and lightning, and make small account of the sweet Zephyrus: for they making no reckoning but of whatsoever proceedeth of force do leave behind them any thing proceeding of justice, notwithstanding the one be to be preferred before the other. Many Emperors & Kings there have been, who have endeavoured to purchase fame through their conquests, and yet those that had been content to take pains to be good, and so to make their people, and well to rule and govern them, have purchased another greatness, if we judge uprightly, no less than the former, seeing it always profiteth, where the other doth ordinerilie hurt. Yet do I not mean that a Prince should tread armour under his feet, or contemn it, for so should he but give himself to be a pray: but that he should use it only to keep himself from taking of harm, and not to do hurt to others. I will therefore begin to show forth the greatness of our king Consideration of the greatness of a king of France. by the extent of his Realm, which in length containeth above two hundred French leagues: For from Bayone to Mets, it is more: and from Cales to Narbonne almost as much. But from Morles in Britain to Antibe in Provence it is at the least 250. which is the longest way. True it is that from Roche● to Lions which is The extent of the realm. a straightening made in the midst of France, is but six score leagues. But be what it will, it is a goodly piece of ground & well The fruictfulnesse. inhabited. As for the fruitfulness thereof, it is such as all things necessary to man's life, do so abound, that only for Corn, Wine, Salt, and Woad, transported into foreign lands, there is yearly brought in in counterchaunge thereof above 12. millions of franks. This is our Peru, These are our mines which never dry up: and peraduent ure from the West Indies which are so rich, the Spaniards do not yearly receive much greater treasure. But the principal that we are to consider, is the multitude of people wherewith it is replenished: for turn which way ye will, the people do swarm as they did in the County of Flanders before the last tempest wasted the inhabitants, their wealth & stately boroughs. The peasants The people. are very simple and obedient, the Townsmen painful, industrious, and affable: also the men that give themselves to learning both divine and humane, are most learned. The Nobility is very valiant The country and courteous, neither is any estate in Christendom so plentifully stored therewith. More might I say, had I not spoken thereof at large in other places: but this we may affirm, that universally they are given to rebellion: which is the testimony that Caesar gave of the ancient Gauls. If any man should doubt thereof, I would present him the devotion of our Fathers which have engenderd above an hundred Archbishops and Bishop's sea●, about 650. Abbeys of the order of Saint Barnard and S. Benet, beautified with good kitchens, and above 2500. Priories. For than did the chief holiness consist giving to the Oleargie. Neither were it any lie to say, that at this day they possess above 20. millions of franks in rent. Who then can term that land waist, where in one of the members is so great; fat, and plentiful. Hold your peace will some foreign sensor say, and labour no more to Answer to those that emblason and abase France because of her miseries. exalt & set out that state which hath neither godliness, iustace, wealth, concord, martial discipline, nor order. But have patience a while, will I answer, until I make a review of this great and old vessel which the storms and tempest have cast upon the sands, then having showed unto your hat the chief members there of which have been so tossed and seabeaten, have yet some force and power, also that it is no hard matter to redress the whole, you will peradventure be of another mind, and confess the very relics to be great. I will begin with devotion, Of godliness. which, as I have said, our fathers (as they thought) did steadfastly embrace, for the manifesting whereof they spared not their goods. The same by the like reason should now be more lively; sith for the defence thereof we spare not our lives. These marks although they be good, be not the principal. For the best and most assured in this point, wherein our do honour & service to God doth consist, is to yield to his holy will revealed unto us in the Scriptures. As for the other part of devotion, which hath relation to our neighbours, our contentions hath wonderfully endamaged it: yet must we return to this pass, that the Frenchman take the Frenchman not only for his fellow countryman, but even for his brother: & grieving at his hurt, wish his good. I think that yet among our dissipations there be many that practise this rule: so as if peace might govern any time, we should not find in all Christendom any better Catholics & Gospelers than in France. Some there be that cannot grant thereto: for hearing any speech of Frenchmens' piety; they smile & say that the protestants know but little, & the Papists if they know it, do yet clothe it with hypocrisy. But I will make them no other answer, but that albeit our nation be no longer the Pope's minion, yet this old tree which in the time of Charlemagne spread out such goodly branches all over Christendom, may still ●●d forth the like to the benefit of many. For justice, in no country in the world is better established & known than Of justice. in ours so as the corruptions that have infected her be●ing purged away, she will shine forth again. And where are there at this day goodlier portraitures of these ancient Senates & judicial courts than in our parliaments. The 3. point concerneth our treasury, Of the treasury. (which is much subject to pinching) whereof we are thought to be half spoiled, yea, even of the common. But it is an error to suppose that it may be dried up in this realm. For besides our 4. sorts of A●ammant stones afore mentioned, there be many other smaller kinds that continually draw them in & make them to fleet upon the seas. So as, were it not that one part thereof do afterward through a certain hidden attractive power flow to Rome, & another through violent pulls into Germany, we should many times see even great tides. In the time of Henry the 2. the common treasury was such, as by ordinary means he yearly raised upon his commons 15. millions of franks, part whereof was since paid forth for debts, which not withstanding, our k. doth at this day gather as much. Now would I demand whether a king in joying such a revenue may be said to be beggared? The holy father that liveth in such glory & pomp, & princelike commandeth over divers states & provinces, hath not 150000. crowns reu● of all that his late predecessors good husbandry hath purchased for him: for of the patrimony of S. Peter he enjoyeth but a net to fish withal, & of S. Paul's, but a cloak. Those men therefore are misinformed that report the k. of France to be at beggars door. For albeit he own 50 millions of franks, they may be all paid in 10. years, by winning his subjects hearts, for having the hearts he hath that goods also. What shall Of the Frenchmens concord. we say of concord, which is so great a help to the increase of all estates? Forsooth that she was like to have gotten from us, & to have gone else where: but now she beginneth to inhabit again, & to sound forth some ancient agreements: which maketh to us hope that shortly we shall hear her perfect harmony; in case we would abandon foreign counsel, which under fair pretences go about to kill her, as knowing well enough that France cannot stoop to them, before it be divided in itself, & therefore they secretly thrust it into such divisions, to that end to overthrow it, whereby themselves may afterward fall upon the spoil. I am assured it would be loath to bend the neck to their authority, wherefore it were good to tell them in time, My masters never let your mouths run on water after so dainty a morsel, for you may not taste of it: It is so hot it will burn your lips, and therefore retire to your own quarters. As for martial discipline we must confess that of late it hath Of Martial discipline. been so sick, as to be driven to keep the chamber and not to come abroad: but peace may by little and little restore it to health, & if her medicines would work earnestly, it would soon be on foot again. Our Censors we speak but too much of the absence thereof from among us, saying that our footmen fight fair & far of, & our horsemen are very furious at the first, but afterward can favour themselves well enough: yea, they ●oast that with three thousand spears they will fire the mills at Paris. I cannot deny but there is much bad matter among us: but withal I will avow that there is some very good. But those men are deceived that will assess judgement upon the ordinary and well ordered forces of a mighty state, by the extraordinary & voluntary forces which the abundance Of the chief martial captains. thereof hath upon occasion cast forth. And sith this speech forceth me to lay open our wares, I say that of so many our battles and combats, we have yet remaining six brave Princes, as well of the blood royal as others, who have many times commanded whole armies, of whom some have given great overthrows, and both defended & taken towns of account. Next unto them shall come our Marshals of France, who have many times been employed, among whom the Lords of Montmorency & Byron may be commended for the two best experienced Captains that we have. Twenty other good Captains of the men of arms may we find, who having seen the wars of Henry the second do deserve to lead an avantgard. How many other Lords and Captains be there, who having seen but the civil wars, or part of them, have diversly testified their valiancy and good conduct. Likewise from among our great numbers of Captains of footmen, I suppose we may well choose half a dozen good and worthy Colonels. Hereby it appeareth that we are not clean destitute of men of command, which is the principal part of our warfare. I will not speak of the rest of our nobility and soldiers: for lead them well and they will show valour sufficient, neither can any war wear What means the King hath to defend himself against any Prince his neighbour that list to assail him. away either the one or the other. If our king should perceive any neighbour ready to play with his frontiers, I think he might easily make an army of 60. companies of men of arms, twenty Cornets of light horse, and five companies of arquebusiers on horseback, to whom he might ●ode three or four hundred Reisters, above 100 Ensigns of French footmen, and forty of his good friends the Zuitzers, and all this notwithstanding, the rest of the frontiers to be sufficiently furnished of men, as well to defend in the forts as to offend in the field. This army being in the field, it would be some what hard to go burn the windmills at Paris, and it may be, those that are of that opinion, will then be so courteous as to be content with the firing of that at Catelet. So mighty an army, will some oran say, would deserve the king's presence: neither should it want if any other king should come to assail him: for he is no apprentice in matters of war, neither shall we at this day find any that with the sword in his hands hath been so victorious in two battles as he, or that in the ditch of a besieged town hath received the arqebus shot, which maketh me to think that he will never suffer any upon presumption to curtal his coat. Sith therefore he is yet able to bring such a power into the field, there is no wise man that will think him ready to play bankrupt (as some men do make account) but rather Of the restoring of order in France. to be a most mighty Prince. It resteth that we speak of order which in many other matters is very disordered among us. But the kings own hand must be the true mean to restore it, which can as well do that as handle the sword: But he must have the assistance of time and peace, without the which it is unpossible he should attain thereto: for adding to them both his own diligence and good example, the work will be performed: in such wise that where now it is called France decayed, it shall be termed France restored. I would extend my speech farther, were it not that I remember I may be accused of cogging with strangers, and flattering my own nation. Rather would I wish the first to know that as strong bodies do through their own riot overthrow themselves: so likewise by a certain hidden power in them they rise again, examples whereof we have enough. For such considerations may make them wiser to judge of matters of estate and of other men's, and not under the pretence of a few diseases to condemn a man to death. As for the second, I should be glad to see them affected to maintain themselves united under the authority of this crown, whereof would ensue the greatness and felicity of the same, which we ought as much to desire, as heretofore we have tasted of the sweetness thereof: But if God would vouchsafe us the grace to see the beginning of this goodly world, it would redound to our great contentation, & after we have wrestled against so many calamities, to find ourselves in the midst of our domestical goods, which were almost vanished away, we should have no cause to waken our covetous desires, neither to whe● our swords to go with great labour to seek goods other where, for we should find sufficient in our own houses. To conclude, we must not think that true greatness consisteth in getting much land, but rather in possessing much virtue, which is such a prize as when a king hath coveted and obtained it, both he and his realm may be termed mighty. The 21. Discourse. That alliances of Christian Princes with Mahumetists, the Capital enemies of the name of Christ, have evermore been unfortunate. Also that we ought not to enter any firm confederacy with them. THe great Orator Demosthenes in one of his What the grounds of public actions ought to be. Orations, saith: that Like as the master shipwrights going about to build a ship, do lay strong and steadfast foundations thereof: so the principles of public actions ought to be just and honest. This peradventure is not unfitly alleged in the beginning of this small discourse, for the better representing to those that govern great estates, those necessary rules whereby they ought to compass their affairs. And like as for the most part those men do amiss, who cleaving too much to their own opinions, do go from the lawful ways: So do they seldom stray, who borrowing good examples of the instruction and wisdom of the elders, do follow the same. In the mean time whatsoever care man may take to contain himself within the bounds thereof, yet can he not always be exempt from transgressing the rules of equity through the imperfection of his judgement, and force of his passions. Howbeit he must at the least take heed of encurring those great faults that breed bad consequences, as diverse Princes both afore time and still have done and do, whereby there have grown irrecoverable loss to their estates. A Prince seeing himself oppressed and his Country in necessity, The ground of confederaties with Turks. deviseth with himself, and hath those that do also counsel him to seek all means to preserve it: which peradventure hath made men too free to make leagues with barbarous Nations, the fruit whereof hath nevertheless been so small, that few there have been but have soon repent their rashness. But before we propound any examples of these wretched confederacies, The original of the Turks; their increase, behaviours & governments, as well in respect of the souls as of the bodies. I think it requisite in a word to teach the original of the Turkish nation, their increase and terrible behaviours. john Carrion in his brief Chronicle of the world faithfully corrected out of all histories, saith the Turks to be descended out of the straights of the mount Caucasus. And that (as some report) they dispersed themselves out of the North into some small corners of Asia about two hundred years before the coming of Christ, where they remained almost unknown unto the time of the the Emperor Heraclius, who reigned in the year 612. Then Orismada king of the Persians finding himself assailed by the Saracens, called to them for secure whom they assisted. But after his death seeing the Saracens had seized upon the Realm, the beauty and fruitfulness of the land so alured them, that they stayed about the Caspian sea, in that place which in old time was called Hyrcany, and finally so compounded with the Caliph of Babylon; that he suffered them to possess and till the land where they had stayed. There also they embraced Mahumet's religion, and obeyed the Caliph a long time. Afterward the Saracens growing into dissension and wars among themselves, the soldan finding himself too weak to defend his party called the Turks to his help, and expulsed the Caliphs. After this victory the Turks demanding their pay, he denied it, which so provoked them, that they set upon him, overthrew him, and brave him out of his Realm. Thus did they establish their dominion in both the Armenies, whereto they adjoined Capadocia, Galacia, and Bithynia, which by little and little they conquered, and this was about the year of Christ 1050. Shortly after the Tartarians took away the Turks dominion, and brought them into subjection to them, until that in the year 1300. they rebelled, and fortified themselves, destroying the Tartarian Empire. Then (the other ancient families having through enmity & domestical wars destroyed each other) beganthe race of the Ottomans to bear sway. Under this race grew the Turks to that mightiness wherein we now see them. Thus the name and Empire of the Saracens decaying, this nation got the dominion of all the rest. Carion saith, that this family at the first was but small, but through I wots not what destiny, it grew to this unreasonable greatness with wonderful speed & prosperity, as a cruel people whom God would have to bear sway all over, to punish the sins of all other Nations. Furthermore, the occasion that moved the Turks to invade Europe, as also of the victories that they have obtained, hath grown of the dissensions, wickedness treasons; disloyalties, idleness, covetousness, rashness, and mistrust of all states Christian; from the least to the greatest▪ And the revolts of Christians have wonderfully increased the Turks. For many unthrifts from time to time through the liberty of wars, seeing the flourishing estate of the Mahumetists, have forsaken the Christian Church, to cleave to their sect, as well in respect that liberty is of itself agreeable to men's fancies, as also because their wills do incline any way where they see things prosper well. It will be needless here to number the Empires, Realms, and Provinces by them conquered within these two hundred years: for such as have been conversant in the world, or that have perused the histories will confess that they possess much more land than all Christendom do contain. Their sect is replenished with all impiety and blasphemy against God and against Christ jesus and his doctrine, and their government with the most horrible and cruel tyranny that ever was: as being (as it seemeth) erected rather to overthrow all laws, discipline, and honesty, than to maintain them. Thus much briefly concerning the estate of the Turks, the knowledge whereof may tend greatly to the opening of that which shall hereafter be spoken of. The first Christian Prince punished for all such confederaties, What Christian princes were the first that repented their confederaties with the Mahumetistes. was Guy of Lusignian, the last king of Jerusalem. For he having a quarrel with Reymond Earl of Tripoli, and finding himself too weak to follow it, made a covenant and called to his aid Saladin the governor of the Saracens, who having overthrown Reimond, did afterward expulse Guy, and so overthrow the state of the Christians in Syria, and finally suppressed the realm of Jerusalem. And albeit the Saracens and Turks are not all one, yet did they concur in Mahumet's law and all treachery. About six score years after john Paleologue Emperor of Constantinople, being molested by sundry Lords of Greece, whom the Bulgarians John Paleoi●gue. favoured, determined to enter league with Amurathes the first, than ruler of the Turks, and craved his help, which was granted. Hereupon they passed into Europe, whereof ensued the destruction of Greece. For these Lord's presumption being suppressed, the Turks remained in garrison in the towns of Greece, and shortly after Amurathes alured by the beauty of the Country came into Europe with 60000. men. and seized upon Philippopolly & Adrionople, with other places, whiles Peleologue bewailed, and too late confessed his fault that he had committed in entering a league with so traitorous an enemy, whereby he saw his Country become a pray unto them. These unfortunate beginnings might have been a warning to other Princes their successors, not to be over hasty of the acquaintance of such a nation, according to the proverb which saith: Happy is he whom other men's harms can make to beware. But his next successors forsook not the same path, neither had they other payment than he. For after that Emanuel Paleologue had made a steadfast league with Bajazet, the tyrant bearing him no long good will, besieged Constantinople, which when he could not win by force, he determined to famish, and had so done, had not the coming of Tamberlane prevented his purpose. Two or three other Emperors following were through the errors and bad examples of their predecessors constrained, as it were, to cleave to these barbarous people, until they invaded the Empires of Constantinople and Trapizond, before in the possession of the Greek Princes. Whereby we see that the thing which in the beginning was done of an undiscreet free will, grew in the end to be followed of forced necessity. But howsoever it was, we may say that the unjustice of such actions hath been the cause to bring in great mishaps. It may be objected, that within these three hundred years sundry Answer to the objection of such as under colour of covenants evil kept among some Christian princes, do allow of con●ederaraties of Infidels, so as therein men be wise and circumspect. weak Christian Princes have made confederacies with such as have been strong, thinking by the same the better to preserve themselves, & yet have found that they have turned to their destruction, because the others have used those occasions to oppress them: and thereupon would conclude, that only indiseretion hath been cause of their mishaps, when they have called to their help, coveted to join neighbourhood, or confederated themselves out of season with such a one as hath been mighty, or desirous to climb, for small faith reigneth in ambitious persons. Hereto we may answer, that in truth in such deeds there is want of judgement and consideration, and that the histories, though we set not down the examples, do bear witness of many that have tried the hurt proceeding of such follies. Nevertheless we must make a difference and have other regard when we come to join amity with the Princes afornamed, either with tyrants, whether to assail the Christian Princes, or to defend ourselves from them. For when a Prince through ambition or disloyalty useth confederacies to the end to deceive, the infamy still cleaveth to him, and as for him that hath been too simple and so circumvented or endamaged, we do rather pity than accuse him. But in all such leagues as we make with these destroyers and scourges of the world, in whom treason, impiety, unjustice and cruelty, have their continual habitation, there is always error, especially if we exceed certain bounds prescribed by reason, because it is in no case lawful to confederate with them, except for matter of small importance, and such as bindeth not the hearts with any strict amity, neither the persons in any great bond. For what steadfast society What treaty may be made with Turks: also what difference is between such treaties and true alliance with the danger of steadfast consederaties with tyrants. can there be with those whose continual imaginations tend only to subdue you to ungodly bondage, & so to destroy you. We cannot nevertheless here infer that no man may enter any treaty with them, because sometime necessity induceth us to grow thereto with the most devilish enemies that we can imagine: as to crave truce or peace, to agree controversies for Lordships or territories, to demand amends for injuries, and to deal for traffic & assurance for merchants. In these cases it is lawful to deal and & treat with these tyrants. Who so therefore would compare these agreements with those true and lawful leagues which are usually made between Princes, to the end each to help other against all that seek their trouble, shall see a wonderful difference between them. For these are grounded upon equity, and tend to the preservation and maintenance of civil amity between them, whereas Princes do use the other agreements upon necessity somewhat to bridle their rage, whereof do grow some assurance to their subjects and their affairs. The Wallachians, Moldacians, Transylvanians and slavons, have been forced to proceed farther, as to submit themselves to the Turks, to the end to eschew their furious cruelty, for want of means of defence, and of them we ought to take compassion. Some would peradventure think that this proud nation would be loath to enter amity with the Christians: But the contrary is most true: For albeit they be barbarous, yet do they herein imitate the ancient policy of the Romans, who under colour of confederacies set foot in Greece and Gaul, which afterward they subdued. The like would these do if they might: but at the least in their haunting among Christians, they discover our affairs, diligently considering our forces and means, which afterward do the more kindle their desire to enterprise against us, neither do our men through their conversation among them, reap any other fruit than apprenticeship of most wicked customs which do infect particular persons with corruption and entangle the minds of those whom they govern with tyrannous precepts. I will yet allege other of the most notable examples of such as Other latter examples of the danger that is in confederaties and trust to Turk's have abused themselves & found inconvenience in reposing too much confidence in Turkish infidelity. One shall be of the last king of Hungary named john, whom the Hungarians chose after that jews was slain in battle against the Turks. This king soon after his election did Ferdinand expulse under some pretended title to the Realm: which forced him to have recourse & to put himself into the protection of Sultan Soliman, who thereby had a good occasion: For he waited only how through the means of the Christians, to get access into those places where he sought to establish his greatness. Thus having for the time restored him into his dignity, and beaten Ferdinandes men, he kept not his promise long: for after the decease of john he dispossessed the Queen his widow & his orphan, who had craved his help against Ferdinand, that had besieged them: and ever since have the most part of Hungary continued in the hands of the Turks. In this their deed the grievous injuries offered by that aforenamed, may to some seem to excuse their submission to Soliman: howbeit they were not free from blame, in that for their own particular interest they were the cause on that side to advance the destruction of the Christians, peradventure 30. years sooner than it would have happened, besides that, they ought rather to have summoned the Christian princes to take order for their controversies, or else to have grown to composition with Ferdinand. But how should these confederaties be other than mishaps to those Other examples. that put them in practice, sith such Princes as have made them only to the end to revenge themselves of, or resist their enemies have come to evil ends? Of whom Alphons king of Naples is one, who fearing the power of Charles the 8. king of France, did after the imitation of Pope Alexander the 6. who before had done the like, sent his Ambassadors to Bajazet to crave help. As also jews Sforza, who to the end to molest the Venetians, sought to the Turks of whom he brought a certain number into Italy: but neither of them attained to their pretences, as being prevented by the subjection of themselves and their estates. It is no marvel that shame and destruction do follow such deliberations, and who so list well to consider the causes thereof, shall see that a vehement desire of revenge stirred up these How many mishaps have been hatched out of the confederaties of Christians wihch the Turks. Princes to call them in. Is it not as much as if a man should go into the woods to higher thieves to murder his kinsman or friend in his own house, for some debate risen between them? Either to open the window to the wolf, and so to bring him into the flock to devour the sheep? Those that were at the first war in Hungary, when Soliman came in person, do affirm that in that one only voyage there were above 200000. persons of that only Realm, either slain or carried away captive, which violences together with innumerable other more have been such pastimes as these horrible monsters have within these two hundred years taken, to our costs. Who is he that reading or hearing of the cruelties, villainies, & torments, which the poor Christians endured at the taking of Constantinople, but will even faint for sorrow and pity: In this shipwreck neither the greatness, nobility, and affability, neither the tears nor lamentations of the old, young, women, or children could any whit mitigate their cruelty, until that having glutted their desires and revenges with the blood, riches, & beauty of the youth of each kind, they granted some small release to those miserable persons that remained of that fury, who had been far more happy to have been swallowed up among the rest. I could here add sundry other deeds wherewith to describe the fierceness of this nation, but it shall not greatly need, because we The original and occasion of the alliance of the French Kings with the Turks. are to believe their proceed to have been almost always alike, as if their only drift tended to tread all mankind under their feet. Our neighbours always have and still do think it wonderful strange how such learned wise men as have continually flourished in France, could counsel our kings to enter league with these, yea, and so long to persevere therein, considering how infortunate such confederacies have been. Some ancient persons have in this sort reported the cause. That king Frances the first seeing himself still beset with the Emperor Charles a mighty Prince, Henry king of England, and diverse other enemies, who oft brought his state in to danger, was for his own safety counseled to confederate himself with Sultan Seliman, to the end when they should molest him, to oppose against them so mighty an enemy. And this treaty was concluded about the year 1535. by virtue whereof we have often times had succour from the Turks, which have greatly hindered those that troubled France, and without the which it must needs have endured much more through the ambition of them that ought not to have brought our Kings into necessity to employ so terrible armies. All these accusations and justifications have moved me to peruse some histories, to the end to see what profit or hurt we have reaped by their succour. I have noted three or four armies by Sea brought into Christendom What service the Turks have done to France. at the pursuit, as they say, of the French men under the conduct of Barberossa and other admirals, who have bred great terror. The most notable of all their exploits, in my opinion, was the taking of Boniface in Corse. But I have laboured to learn of divers ancient Captains and other skilful persons both Italians and Spaniards, what their nations either thought or said of these Turkish tempests: who all reported unto me that these barbarous people wrought lamentable desolations, as having burned, sacked, yea and led into perpetual bondage a marvelous number of poor Christians: for the most part, which was worse, were forced to renounce Christianity and to embrace the false doctrine of Mahumet, a most lamentable destruction truly of so many souls fallen into such horrible gulfs of perdition! Neither is it almost to be imagined how grievously these mischiefs have moved all country people both to speak and write in the reproach of the French nation. What then might, said they, the kindred and friends of those that were led into this miserable bondage do? One lost his father and mother: an other his wife and children: this man his brother, that man his cozen. It is very likely that their just sorrow have wrested from them infinite complaints, tears and lamentations, which have peradventure knocked at heaven gates. This confederacy seemeth to have been the cause of the diminishing of the glory of so flourishing a Realm as France: for even at the death of King Henry the second it was fallen from a great part of that greatness which forty years before it did enjoy. And although other causes might set forward this declination, yet do many think this to have been none of the least. Yea, say they, if How ●ore this league hath blemished the glory of the French nation. we should compare the commodity reaped by all this Turkish succour with the only tainting of the French good name among all nations in Europe, we must of force confess that the reproach doth far exceed the profit. For what is the winning of two or three towns to the reproof of so many people for actions so universally condemned? Yea ourselves can yet testify that at the concluding of the peace between the two Kings of France and Spain Anno 1559. the common speech of Germany, Italy and Spain was that one of the chiefest causes of our misfortunes proceeded of confederating with the Turks, & bringing in and favouring them to the hurt of the Christians. To whom I answered: That they did too sharply taunt those things which in some respects might be borne with, neither were so unlawful but that upon necessity they might be used: likewise that the offence was in him that forced others for their safeguard to have recourse to such means. But they replied: That it is one thing to confederate with a Christian Prince though unjust and ambitious, and an other with these barbarous people which are the instruments of God's wrath. Also that those which seek to excuse these errors, aught to show what wisdom there is in backing ourselves with the succour of such as blemish the Prince's fame and bring him into reproach. Moreover, whether it be not mere blindness to pass the same way wherein we see every man incur shipwreck? Finally, that their opinion was, that no wise man endued with any conscience could much gainsay so evident a truth, but would rather yield and grant not only to condemn that which was so unlawful, but also to abstain from persevering therein. These in brief were the reasons that they propounded, which also I could not find to be much impertinent. Nevertheless, for my better satisfying, I thought good to try the opinions of some divines which came to visit me, whether Christian integrity were impaired by such confederaties. To this question they answered: that Daniel in his prophecy, speaking of the 4. Monarchies which should How far such confederaties do prejudice christian religion. be in the world, and describing them under the shape of 4. beasts, showeth that toward the declining of the fourth which was the Roman, there should spring up a little horn, that is to say a kingdom, which should be more mighty than the rest, also that this horn should have eyes & a mouth. That the eyes signified a law craftily invented, & the mouth blasphemy against God, also that this power should fight against the Saints and have great victories. This did they affirm to signify the doctrine of Mahumet holden first by the Saracens, and then by the Turks. That if we list well to consider the Turkish kingdom, we should find it to be a terrible tyranny, whose subjects were wonderfully enthralled: their wars destitute of all good foundation: their politic government being well examined to be but a bare name: their Ecclesiastical regiment to be none: but in lieu thereof we should see a wicked profaning of the name and service of the true God: their household affairs subverted with Polygamy & other disorders which dissolved all humane society. And as for their treachery and cruelty the histories together with experience & the matters afore alleged do yield sufficient testimony to make us to believe that prophecy to belong to them, as being therein so figured as they are. Now presupposing the premises to be true, say they, we would weet Whether confederaties with the Turks be lawful. how a Christian Prince can confederate or make any steadfast league with such barbarous nations as are as it were marked and appointed to be the scourges to Christians? For as we think, they can hardly be used without offence to piety. In old time God expressly forbade the jews to enter amity with the Canaanites or Amorites, people whom for their abominable vice he did abhor. Neither were the comparison amiss in setting the Turks down for the one, and ourselves for the other: whereof it must of necessity follow, that the same defence ought to stand us in stead of a law to restrain us, lest we pollute ourselves in their abominations. Then did I tell them, that I much marveled how so many Cardinals, Bishops and Doctors endued with great learning, of whom France had no want, could brook this league, or made no means to break it. Hereto their answer was: that many times Princes made the gowns to yield to the sword, and the counsel of the Clergy to the necessity of the state. And so we broke off our conference: which having since well considered, hath forced me to say: That these barbarous people are the same against whom the Pope ought to turn his excommunications, and all Christian Potentates their wrath and weapons, rather than against themselves or their Subjects, to whom very rashly they impute Heresy, when they should have in much greater abomination all Turkish infidelity. Against those should they draw their sword, not to convert them (for the Gospel taketh no root in men's minds, but by preaching and holiness of life) but to repress their cruelty and tyranny: and these wars would be as necessary as our domestical be unnecessary. But there are some, who seeing the Turks prosperity to continue so long, and to increase rather than diminish, are as it were Answer to an objection grounded upon the consideration of the Turks prosperity. confounded in themselves, and cannot think their dominion to be so detestable, considering that God poureth not his wrath upon them, but rather his favour. I doubt not but such as want instruction in God's providence, are sometimes, when they enter into discourse hereof, even shaken: but they ought to be assured that this power can have no perpetual continuance, which hath her bounds, as had the Sarazens that is ended, together with their name, so that these many years we have heard no news thereof. These rods doth the Lord entertain to the end only to punish and chastise those who bearing the glorious title of Christians, do nevertheless through their iniquities dishonour him, neither need we elsewhere seek the cause of the Turkish prosperity then in our own sins, the continuance whereof do thereto minister sustenance and strength: where contrariwise our amendment would be an occasion that the Lord should pull it down. I would wish all such as are familiar with Princes, often to put them in mind that lawful Monarchies, which ought to be supported with Piety and justice, cannot be preserved by any means repugnant to these virtues, so to resolve them the more, not to seek any profit in actions utterly separate from honesty. I know there may be some that will say that France is now so Answer to those that think it no time now for the Frenchmen to break their league with the Turks. weak and brought so low, that it were not meet it should for sake those leagues which seem to retain her enemies in any fear, who would peradventure be easily induced to set upon her so soon as the prop, which is to them a terror, shall be taken away. First the Germans would redemaund the imperial towns: Then the Spaniard, who hath sundry both old and new quarrels, would allege some one or other: and it is to be doubted but such mighty enémies would deal hardly with her. Indeed this requireth consideration. But the Germans will answer: That their nation is not so hot to entangle the Empire in so great a war which they would not wish to be mightier than it is, lest it should gripe them as did the Emperor Charles the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave. Neither would they advance the ruin of France, which they know to be a good counterpaize for the inner side of Christendom, and a strong shield for the outer side. The Spaniards do say that the long peace between their King & France, together with his affairs in the Low countries, do sufficiently declare that he intendeth not to molest her with wars: For it is enough for him that she daily decayeth through her own civil dissensions: whereby now he no whit feareth her power, which aforetime hath been a terror unto him. So as it were rather to be believed, that if the Princes her neighbours might see France for an universal benefit, to give over their league with the Turks, they would like very well of so commendable a work which they have long desired. Howbeit, I refer myself to the matter as it is, and to conclude, The conclusion of this discourse. do say, that our Kings in old time showed forth their affection to the rooting out of the enemies of Christendom: for themselves travailed personally together with the flower of their Subjects even into Asia and Africa to fight with them: namely, jews the young, Philip August and S. jews: as also Godfrey of Bolein, with most of the Princes that accompanied him in his voyage to jerusalem, were for the most part French men. Likewise long before them what scourges were Charles martel and Charlemaigne to the Saracens, who being the Lords of the French nation obtained mighty victories against that terrible people? Whereupon I conclude, that upon good occasion, with condition and assurance sufficient unto our King that none would attempt against his state, I think we should not find him to have any whit degenerated from his ancestors zeal to wisdom and valour. The 22. Discourse. That the Christian Princes well united, are able in four years to expulse the Turks out of Europe. IT might better beseem sundry excellent Captains The excuse & occasion of this discourse. whom I take to be yet living, as the L. john Dorie the Italian, Lazarus Schuendy the german, or the Knight of Romegas the French man, who have been employed in divers wars against the Turks, to discourse of such means as may best serve to suppress their power, then me who never saw their streamers wave in the wind either by sea or by land, neither looked upon their frontiers. Nevertheless, sith yet they have laid open no part of their goodly conceits in this argument (howbeit I cannot think but they have imparted some to their friends) I have thought good as well for mine own content, as also to instruct others, who peradventure have not employed their cogitations upon such an haughty exploit, to speak somewhat thereof: and that the rather because I suppose it to be most just and necessary to the universal benefit of all Christendom. Yet not that I would men should think I would at random put forth any speeches depending only upon my own imaginations: for so might they contain small assurance. But having read and over read the histories that entreat of their wars, & therewith noted what hath happened in our time, I have accounted such a ground to be sufficient to bear up whatsoever we list to build thereupon. Here might I have occasion to rehearse the original and increase of this tyrannous and unpitiful Turkish Empire: but sith I have already declared it in an other small treatise, I will use no repetition. Such as are neighbours thereto do A brief Description of the Turkish dominion. bat too much feel the weight thereof, neither ought they that be farther of to be ignorant that it is a horrible scourge of God's vengeance, which having many years ago overthrown the flourishing Eastern Empire, and set deep foot into the Western, doth yet threaten the rest to bring it under the intolerable yoke thereof. The consideration of the greatness of this peril which is so near might be sufficient to terrify, and waken especially those that are in chiefest dignity, to strain themselves to provide for common preservation. For the fire by little & little taketh hold, & hath already consumed the suburbs of Christendom, namely Hungary, with all the great coasts of the Adriatic sea, commonly called Sclavonia: So as by sea we have these barbarous people at the mouths of our havens, & upon the land in our gates. Certain it is that had it not been for the famous victory of Don john of Ostrich, a most valiant and noble Prince, together with the war of Wallachie, wherein died 50000. Turks, & now their last with the Persian, which hath cost them very dear, we should have felt their forces. All which losses notwithstanding, yet do they hold the isle of Cyprus as a glorious monument of their triumph, having withal quite razed to the very foundations the proud fortress of Goletta in Africa. Herein do we see that as they have lost men, they are able for every one get 4. & where we have lost land, by our usual proceedings it is almost unpossible to recover it out of their hands. Thus do their losses breed their commodity, whereas ours do lead us to destruction. Now to those that know them not, they seem to be Of their hatred and conspiraty against Christendom. on sleep or letted for a great while: whereas contrariwise they do but take breath & provide, neither tendeth their delay to any other end but to gather force whereby their first assaults may be the more furious. One of the first solemn oaths that all these tyrants of the house of Ottoman at their entry into the Realm, do make, when they take their usurped sceptre, importeth, that they shall be irreconsiliable enemies to the name of Christ: also that by continual war and all sorts of cruelty they shall endeavour to root it out, wherewith as yet their effects have evermore very well concurred: which course we are to believe they will still continue. I have heard of some that have haunted among them, that if their Emperors should but a while surcease their invasions against the Christians, they should incur much reproach among their Priests and men of war, who persuade themselves that the sword of Mahumet must bring all the world into subjection to their Lord. These follies do so puff them up and encourage them, that they ambitiously covet and embrace as much as ever did Alexander. It may be alleged that they suffer the Christians to live under why they suffer Christians among them. their dominions, which is true: But no otherwise then we suffer the Oxen and Sheep to live in our fields, for the profit that we reap by them. Neither make they any other account of them then as of bruit beasts, and so do use them even in their most vile service, whereto they dare not gainsay: for had they been willing to disenhabite the land, long since had it been desert. But they are not so unadvised as to do that: albeit a valiant mind would prefer death before the calamities and reproaches which they make them to endure. This might be unto us a goodly portraiture, still to behold, to the end the horror of so many cruelties might increase our care, and watching for fear lest we fall into the same estate: For our own danger conjoined with the compassion which we ought to take of their miseries, will have the greater power to induce us to seek all convenient remedies. All this thoroughly considered, there is no fit way then to unite The means to suppress the Turks insolency also the cause why it is propounded. all the Christian power together, and to go and assail those that are our destruction: for of all wars, this is the most necessary. It should not be made upon ambition, or desire of glory, neither in revenge of any small injuries, but for the preservation of many thousand souls from the mortal infection of Mahumet's doctrine, and to set the bodies free from the most horrible bondage that ever was. Likewise for the defence of laws, honesty, virtue, knowledge and discipline, which the rage of these barbarous people do pretend to bury in oblivion, and in lieu thereof to bring in impiety, vice, ignorance and thieverie. This likewise revealeth an other point worthy the noting in all humane actions, namely justice, which ought to be the foundation of them all. But it appeareth so clearly as none can gainsay it. Hereto also I will add this word, that no act can be more just than in that subdued part of Europe to purchase the redress of politic order, which in it comprehendeth all kinds of justice, public and particular. I suppose, if we could either in eye or Image behold only two sorts of the violence (besides innumerable others) which these barbarous wretches do practise against the poor Christians, our sloth would be turned into zeal. The first, that yearly in the Provinces that they have subdued, they pull away, even out of the mother's bosoms, five or six hundred small children, whom they transport to Constantinople, there to be instructed in their sect and arms. The second, that yearly in their courses and roads here and there, they take at the least twice so many poor Christians whom they sell again: whereby the father is carried one way, the son an other, the husband into the East, the wife into the West, there to be slaves all the days of their life, without hope of ever seeing one an other again: such a separation as is made with incomparable tears. Neither do I here comprehend the spoils of wars, which in some one voyage swalloweth up 40. or 50000 souls. This is only the ordinary that I set down, the continuance whereof in ten or twelve years will breed, if we well note it, a great extraordinary. Many there are that confess this to be true, and there settle Against those that think the Turkish tyranny to be so far of as it can never reach unto them. themselves, without proceeding any farther, as imagining the mischief to be so far of that it can never come near to them, and therefore do leave to those that are nearer thereunto, the feeling that they ought to have thereof. This is no small oversight, which showeth that they regard only their own interest, a matter at this day too common among most men: for there are so few that take care either to pity others, or respect justice, as humanity and equity do seem to be utterly extinguished. In like error remained our forefathers, I mean those that were near neighbours to the Countries now left in prey: for through their recklessness & small care to favour them, they are lost, and have left their neighbours in perpetual fear of falling into the like inconvenience. Also as every man is ready to seek goodly cloaks to cover his faults, so are there some, who to the end to excuse their sloth, would persuade us that the Turkish power is so limited with Seas, Mountains and fortified Frontiers. that it can increase no farther. We are to pray that it be so, but for the more certainty, to believe the contrary, for fear of surprising: and I suppose that such as shall peruse the histories will scarce cleave to these men's advice. For they shall find that in two hundred and eighty years it hath stretched one way from the Caspian ports unto Strigon, a town on the hither borders of Hungary, which are almost four hundred leagues of ground. Truly we must have very strong borders to stay those whom neither the mountains of Armeny, the straits of Hellespont, neither the great river of Danow●, could stop from their passage. Neither is this any great matter in respect of the Empires, Nations, Realms and Armies that they have destroyed in approaching unto us. It is then but mere flattery to imagine that they will thus stay pitched in so fair a way, and a sign of small judgement to think that under colour that they are yet a great way from us, we should be free from fear, and refuse to assist those that do continually bear their impetuosity. I know that sometimes a great power stayeth a time without How terrible the Turks power is at this day and why. doing any great exploit, as we see that for these forty years they have not much encroached toward Germany, but likewise that not many years before they conquered almost all Hungary and made Transiluany tributary. And thinking well thereof I find that they shall need so small success to terrify all Christendom, that I do already apprehend that inconvenience. It is well known that Sultan Soliman twice besieged the town of Vienna in Ostrich, which Charles the 5. succoured. But if at this day Soliman's successors making the like enterprise should carry it away (for we must think it to be neither unpossible, neither uneasy, to those that can bring into the field 200000. Horse, to force a town) what would follow but the forage and destruction of all Germany, and the Turkish wars to be transported to the shores of Rhine? As also for Italy, shall they not have a fair passage through the Alpes to go to ransack it? Or what Army durst make head against such a multitude after they have overthrown our Frontiers? We must confess that it is well with us that GOD is our watchman and rampire: for had he not so been, we had already felt that which we shall not fail to feel hereafter, unless we help ourselves with those remedies which GOD of his goodness putteth into our hands. Now let us see to whom it appertaineth to care for the universal To whom it belongeth to suppress the tyranny of the Turks. good. We may easily judge that it is to the Emperors, Kings, Princes and commonwealths, under whom God hath subdued the Nations to yield them obedience: In respect whereof they ought to govern them in lusty, and defend them from oppression. And like as the Shepherd still watcheth that the wolf surprise none of his flock, so ought they by continual diligence to stop the horrible 〈◊〉 that this cruel nation continueth against their subjects. If we look well about us, we shall see that there are few countries crempt therefro: For the borde●s of Poleland, Germany, Spain and France on the side of Provence and Languedocke, do often enough try how grievous the bondage of these barbarous people is. That is the whole body of Christendom▪ The rest are but Isles, as England, Scotland, Denmark and Sueden, What letteth princes from thinking thereof, also the mean to set this matter in hand. which are in manner almost islands, This doth the more astonish me, that having such warnings we still are so drowsy. Now the matter that maketh Princes so smally affected hereto, is that they grow altogether attentive to their own particular greatness, whereof ensueth the forgetting to do things beneficial to Christendom. Another cause, in part depending upon this first is fear & suspicion that each hath of other, which do engender such private mischiefs, as make them to neglect the public calamities. Thus do we see how covetousness and domestical malice do hinder honourable and profitable resolutions. And so ●eng as their hearts shall be thus disposed, it will be hard to enterprise enterprise any matter of importance. It is therefore necessary for the remedying hereof to seek means not utterly to pluck from them all these hurtful passions, (for so must they be a●ewe cast again) but to diminish them in them, to the end they afterward the more at their ease put on those affections which they ought to hear to the common cause. The best way to draw to this effect were, if they that bear greatest Who they are that ought to begin to set the rest on work. sway in Christendom could with lively persuasions and diligent solicitations, showing to all men how near and sharp the lions teeth & talents are, open their eyes and unstop their ears: for that were a good beginning to compass the principal point of remiting their wills. The first person that should effectually perswad● ought The Pope. to be the Pope, whose dignity is in great reverence among Catholic Princes, whom he should solemnly send unto. For they seeing him leave his ordinary cry after them which he yet useth, saying: Cut the throats of such of your subjects as will not acknowledge me, and that his phrase were ●ee●ed, would be much persuaded by the virtue of these inductions, as Princes were by other Popes in the first voyages for the recovery of the Holy land. The second person necessary is the Emperor, for albeit his power The Emperor. doth not now concur with his title, yet ought that sacred dignity wherewith he is clothed to be in great reverence among all Christian Potentates: whose exhortations would likewise be of great eff 〈…〉 throughout all Germany. The third person meet & The King of Spain. necessary 〈◊〉 the rest should be the K. of Spain, in respect of his mightnesse & power, whereupon his word being builded, the very fear of his evil will would make every one to be the readier to do well. These in my opinion being well united, might easily lay the foundations of so stately a practice. In old time mens-zeale was framed to divers just matters, or such as so seemed: for then one particular person endued with eloquence and experience was able to stir them up, as did Peten the Hermit, who having discovered all the East countries led thither the first troops. But now that every man looketh but to himself, it is requisite to words to join authority and fear: therein imitating Themistocles, who coming to certain confederates of the Athenians to crave money at their hands, the sooner to persuade them, told them that he brought them two God's Love & Force. Even so who so desireth to do any good in this matter, must in laying open the necessity speak Magistratlike, as we term it. Who so doubteth that these three persons cannot be linked together in this desire & pursuit, is deceived: for the state as well of the persons as of the affairs doth invite them, rather than force them backward, as we may easily see. But in this which I am now about to say consisteth more difficulty, How other princes may be induced to join with the three asorenamed. namely in framing the other Princes to join with them, among which the most Christian King is most necessary: for he being united with the rest, who would afterward be behind, sith almost all other Potentates are confederate unto them? Or who durst do any thing contrary to their power, but should immediately be oppressed? Whereupon I gather that if this particular league between these 4. were once well knit, the general would undoubtedly soon ensue. Now the most Christian King cannot be hereunto bound before he be won to consent to break his league with the Turk: which I fear will hardly be compassed without great reasons and good assurance: for peradventure he will be loath to pluck down the outward props which his father and grandfather of happy memory reared up for the assurance of their estate, which hitherto have not been shaken: besides that his Counsellors will fear in so weighty a matter to make any rash alteration. This therefore they may allege in this case, whereof I have briefly spoken otherwhere. Namely, that King Frances the first finding England, Spain, Germany, the Low countries, & some Reasons for the leagne between France & the Turks. parts of Italy to be confederate against him for the oppressing of his estate, whereof ensued the loss of the Duchy of Milan, with the denial of his sovereign rights to Flanders and Arthoise, and therewith having the wars oftentimes within the bowels of his Realm, fearing more hurtful losses, was forced for his safety to have recourse unto extraordinary remedies: namely to enter league with Soliman Emperor of the Turks, so to annoy his enemies: likewise that the fear hereof hath many times seemed to restrain them from the execution of greater purposes against France. That his son Henry being to withstand the like endeavours, did also use the same foreign favour, wherein he had good success. That if the Realm when it flourished and abounded in all things stood in need of such help, much more necessary is it now while it is divided, weakened and poor; because the ancient hatred of those that seek the abasing thereof may yet gather strength and force. This moveth them to fear perpetual reproach with manifest danger to the state, if they should counsel their master to deprive himself of such succour, the loss whereof may embolden the neighbours to more willingly the assail him. That they are not ignorant but that the confederacy with the Turk beareth appearance of unjustice: howbeit for counterpaize thereof, that the profit which it yieldeth is so great, that in these days wherein we live, which are replenished with suspicion & surprises, it may without infamy be tolerated: considering that the Catholic King, whatsoever regard he hath to conscience and honour, maketh no doubt of confederating himself with the Persian, who is a Mahumetist as well as the other: And who can tell, will they say, whether the most Christian King, when under colour of universal benefit he may have made of his friend his foe, if he should be afterward assailed, be assured of the love of those Princes with whom he hath been at so great controversy▪ Without manifest testimony therefore of a good reunion and assurance to his Realm, they would be loath to persuade him to abandon his ancient confederaties. Moreover, that although all Christian Princes should unite themselves to assail the Turks and achieve great victories against them, yet is it likely that all the fruits of their labours both by sea and land shall redound to the profit of the house of Ostrich, which already is clambered so high, that all the neighbours begin to stand in fear thereof, and so should their master reap nothing but labour and cost, which point is to be considered of. These, in my opinion, are the chief reasons that our King's officers can alieadge, which it Answer to the reasons and allegations aforesaid. were requisite to overthrow by better before we bring them to the league aforesaid. I think if the Princes afore named would proceed sincerely, & unto words adjoining good demonstrations, this might be compassed. For besides the equity of the matter, the desire of many good men which seek no more but the exaltation of the name of Christ shall accompany them. But if they labour with subtlety (as men do many times) there will no fruit come of it, but they shall be requited with subtlety. Howbeit, I will believe that they mean very well: which if they do, there resteth no more but to answer to that which hath been propounded, and so to decide the difficulties aforesaid: whereof I will not speak, in that I can say little in respect of that which so many heads as well in Spain as Italy are able to set down: neither do I doubt but these Princes would grant to the most Christian King good assurance, to induce him to enter into this confederatie. For if there arise any controversy upon this saying: The assurance is not strong enough, or upon the answer, we can give no other: the same were an evident token of a bad mind to the common benefit, in him whom we should see unwilling to yield unto reason. For if it should happen such a King as he of France to be assotiated, it would afterward be an easy matter to make all the other Potentates to enter into the general union, yea even the King of Poleland now raiguing. And withal if any one would be slack when he should see the whole body set forward, the same should deserve to be forred thereto. Yet were all this in vain and to no purpose, unless withal order That it is requisite to unite Christian princes, before they meddle with the Turks. be taken to appease all present wars, also to provide for such as may arise as well between Prince and Prince, as between them and their subjects. It seemeth that at this day there is small cause of controversy between them, sith the Duke of Anieow is deceased, who was at debate with the Catholic King, having won for all his pains the only town of Cambray, which some may think to be rather an occasion to breed discord between the two Kings, of Spain and France: which nevertheless I cannot believe; for they will never so far overshoot themselves, as for so small a matter to hazard both their Realms into charges, calamity and destruction. Neither (to speak as a Christian) should any man wish two so mighty Monarchies to go together by the ears. For so should they bring their confederates to partaking, and of a private controversy make a general war. And no doubt the Turk would thereof take occasion to work wonderful practices against us, which for want of withstanding through our domestical dissensions, would breed our great hindrances. Some man will add that the small Potentates will be glad the great ones should feed each upon other: truly if the great ones should seek to devour them, they might have great reason to wish it: but seeing them willing to undertake to do that which may profit all, all aught likewise to wish their good and to help them therein. The true means therefore to take away the fear from some and covetousness from other some, were jointly to employ themselves in these high enterprises. As for the wars of Princes against their subjects, it were good Of the union of princes with their subjects and the ceasing from all acts of hostility and civil wars within their lands. (if it were possible) to quench them: because they are sufficient to divert them from all other intents. To which purpose I say that subjects are to remember that their sovereign Princes are as the visible Images of God, whom he hath established upon the earth as his Lieutenants, to drive men to live in Piety, justice and honesty, and to defend them from oppression. In respect whereof they are to yield unto them all honour, fidelity, service & obedience, as also the Princes are to bear them like goodwill as a father doth to his child, and never to drive them into necessity, lest they enter into despair. Through the maintenance of this goodly concord, states do flourish; whereas contrariwise the breach thereof hasteneth their destruction, as hath been lately tried to the great hurt of all France, and is yet in practice in Flanders to the desolation thereof. It is a lamentable matter to see those that worship one self Christ thus to pursue each other with fire & blood like wild beasts, and the while to suffer these Mahumetistes to triumph over the lives, lands, and spoils of the poor Christians of the East countries. For if this alteration of the Low countries were ceased, all Christendom should seem to be at peace. But this reconciliation Of the necessity of peace in the Low countries, and how the King of Spain may and aught to grant it. will not be 〈…〉 y purchased: howbeit, all lets must be overcome, to the end to creep out of these long miseries that make both the assailants and defendants miserable. The Catholic Majesty, who, as it is said, is very courteous, and thereof daily showeth great proofs in most but myself, should diligently look hereto: for all this bloody tragedy is played at his costs. Now is there no question of state, but only for religion: whereof, albeit no man asketh my counsel, neither will believe me, yet I will speak a word or two. The way were, in my opinion, to proceed by gentleness, not to judge by forejudgement: and to frame the laws according to the natures, and not to lean so much to the reports of some, as to the just complaints of many subjects: as being assured that consciences cannot be forced without marvelous force. Finally, the success of things past may have taught that those princes who by wars have endeavoured to accompany the vehemency of their Priests, have disfigured their dominions & diminished their greatness. And what jesuite is there, how skilful soever, that is able to persuade those that be no Jesuits, that God delighteth in so much blood as on both sides is shed? The people of the Low countries are of a free nature, the affections of whose hearts are removed by clemency and unfeigned humanity: but by stripes and injuries they be provoked and alienated. The surest counsel therefore were to grant to those that are in arms the permission which they crave to serve God, to the end they may yield also the obedience that man doth require: for it is to be supposed that if this be not willingly done, time will wrest it by force: which may as well breed favourable accidents to the losers, as it hath done to the winners. The liveliest sting and sharpest prick to move the Spaniards to peace, is the remembrance of the folly of France, whereby they may say: We have scaped fair. This difficulty shall not let Upon what consideration the enterprise against the Turk ought to be of great commendation among all Christian princes. me from proceeding in my discourse, and by divers examples to show that this enterprise against the Turks, aught to be unto us in great recommendation. Our grandfathers had courage enough to assail their grandfathers even in their own cities and fields, which they watered with the blood of these misereants: which proveth that the children are not invincible. Wherefore the better to see those notable victories, we may read the history of Paulus Aemilius, who treateth of the conquest of the Holy land. It is marvelous to see how zealous every man than was to employ himself in these foreign expeditions, wherefrom neither the dangers could terrify the young, nor the tediousness of the way the old: but both sorts either sold or mortgaged part of their goods to furnish & set forth themselves therein. Even that excellent Prince Godfrey of bolein to the same effect sold his Duchy to the Bishop of Liedge: He was the first Western Prince that gloriously triumphed as well of the Saracens as of the Turks, in taking from them the realm of jerusalem, and driving them away. Many other vayages have since been made by divers Emperors & Kings which have had good & bad success: whereof I will speak in time convenient. At this time it shall suffice to behold in these by oils the zeal of so many noble personages: the consent of nations: the magnanimity of gentry: the liberality of all men: & finally the high prowess & conquests of so many warriors, to the end by the motions thereof our affections now as it were asleep, may awake & bustle themselves to the same end which our ancestors shot at. For it were a great sign of degenerating from the ancient virtue, if we should not stir against these our terrible enemies that approach even to our doors, sith they travailed above 600. leagues out of France to seek them. And yet are we to fear them much more than they, because their power is four times as much again as it was then. This may be a warning to Princes (being resolved to enter into this enterprise) to be the more careful to lay the foundations so sure as they may not be shaken. For if through negligence or haste there should happen any default, it would be somewhat troublesome to redress, and it would fall out as to those that build a beautiful Bridge upon weak pillars, who are afterward for the repairing thereof driven to break it down again. I have here afore made mention of two foundations, consisting Having treated of the foundations of this war, it is here spoken of the proceeding thereof, and first of the general assembly for the entire resolution of the affairs. the one upon the justice of the war, the other upon the necessity: which both are thoroughly to be considered, because by seeing the grounds to be good, we conceive the better hope of the end which we pretend. Now it remaineth that we proéeed in the rest, the principal whereof dependeth upon the will of the Princes, whence the general union must grow. For that is it which beareth up the whole frame and maketh it to move. And in as much as the matter that may hinder it is to be overcome (as we have seen) we are to believe that after divers negotiations and journeys too and fro, the Princes may in the end grow to resolution. This compassed, it were good to summon some notable assembly wherein to deliberate upon the whole, & to swear to whatsoever may be concluded. And sith the Emperor should be one of the chief dealers & withal of greatest dignity, he to appoint the place (so as the Pope would not be jealous) where the Ambassadors of the greatest Princes might meet, whether also the meaner will come in person, for that the Emperor himself should be there. To which purpose the town of Ausbourg (in my opinion) might well serve for them all, where also with the advice of many other skilful Captains they might better determine all matters. Having form such a confederacy, it were requifite to go on & to provide fit means to continue the war at the least four years, Of the means to continue the wars divers years. to that end none might give it soover over without incurring reproach and displeasure of all the other Princes, either else not to enter thereinto at all. For to begin this war, and then to leave it unfinished, would breed too great inconvenience, as having forced a mighty enemy to play double or quit, wherinto being entered, he might peradventure attempt such devices as before he never thought upon. True it is that it is hard so sure to bind those Princes which depend but of themselves, howbeit, all that might be must be done: for ordinary experience teacheth, that only three or four leagued together, can hardly long agree. And sometime before the first piece be performed, some one shrinketh, who then wanteth no reasons nor excuses therefore. Then must they provide for treasure, for foreign wars are never well Of treasure to maintain this war. conducted without abundance, & want doth oft make them to decay. In the first war against that Mahumetists, the zeal & affection was so great that most men waged themselves of their own goods. Afterward they were helped with the treasure which through that Croisats that the Popes published, was levied in sundry realms and provinces. This help, whether it now proceeded of the Popes or of the authority of princes, & were termed either Crusade or contribution, would be necessary to help the Potentates to defray their charges. For having gathered among their subjects an extraordinary sum (yet not immoderate) & thereto laying part of their ordinary revenues, it would suffice to maintain great armies. Howbeit sith in our small wars we still find want of money, it were meet to lay a good foundation for treasure a year before the enterprisiug of any thing: for being of sufficient ability before they begin, they should afterward hardly incur any want. It may be said that to threaten the enemy so far before hand, were as much as to give him time to provide: but having well weighed all, it were a greater inconvenience, according to the proverb, To take shipping without biscuit. Besides, it is to be imagined that their pride & glory is such, & they so much contemn the Christians, that they will take it to be rather some brag to terrify than, than any preparation to assail them. As for power, I think no man can deny but that Christendom is at this day very mighty. For all Countries are full of men these Of forces necessity for the execution hereof. domestical wars have greatly exercised in arms. The art of war is also better known than it hath been these 150. years, whereto the knowledge of histories both Greek & Latin, conjoined with experience, have been a great help. We see likewise that their courages are no whi● quailed, as we do but too often prove to our great grief and loss. Of soldiers therefore having both ●now & good, we must look for Captains, for they be the men who through their wisdom & magnanimity are great helps to the winning of the victories. In this point we of force confess that Christendom hath not now any of so great experience, as even in our days we have seen: as the Duke of Alva, the Duke of Guise, the Constable of France, the Admiral of chastilion, and for the sea Andrew Dorie. Howbeit we cannot likewise say that it is utterly unprovided▪ for although those that remain be but young, yet do they follow the steps of the others, neither want they any thing but the subject of a brave war, the more to display their virtue: besides that many times good hap accompanieth young heads, as appeared in Don john of Austria at Lepanto, the Duke of Anguien at Serisolles, the Duke of Sanoy at S, Quintin's, the Earl of Aigmont at graveling, & especially the Prince of Parma in Flanders. We are to think that we live in a time wherein the large schools are open for Captains to learn to frame themselves & grow good. Let us therefore content ourselves with those that yet live, & hope well of their conduct. I will name none particularly, for they be sufficiently known, who in Spain, France, Italy & Germany have purchased fame. Now are we to look to discipline, whereof I will say thus much, Of Martial discpline. that without great care that it be diligently observed & kept, we are not to look for any good issue of the war. We see how the civil wars have quite corrupted it, and the infection is shed over all nations, though over some more than othersome. It were meet therefore at the first to establish rules which may be put in practice, & thereto to add both a punishment & reward: for if we carry our accustomed disorders into these wars, we shall soon become a pray to the Turks. Titus Livius discoursing how the Romans' attained to their great conquests, among other things attributeth it to their good observation of order & discipline. Yet do I not herein require as great perfection as in those days, but rather to fit the coat to the body, & the laws to the virtue. I doubt not but there is yet enough spread abroad among our Christian nations: Whereof if a great part were gathered into one army, it would suffice to bring forth good fruit. These Of other preparatives requisite to begin withal. be the principal preparatives which the Princes should consider of betimes. For the rest, which nevertheless are necessary, as weapons, vessels, artillery, & munition, they are much easier to be gotten. Philip of Macedon Alexander the greats father prepared for such things as he needed for his wars a year or two before hand: but he died before he could begin, & his son finished them: & yet it served his turn well, that he found all things ready, but especially he made great account of five or six old Captains whom his father left him. Another Philip the father of Perseus, purposing wars against the Romans, made no less preparation, though his son employed it but badly. And we are as greatly to fear the Turkish nation as they did the others, for it holdeth at this day the greatest Empire in the world. Many there are that being badly informed of their customs, Against those that think the Turks easy to be subdued. do take them to be barbarous people, given to cruelty, & wanting all other good qualities, wherein they are deceived: for among all soldiers in the world, they show themselves most sober, obedient of their Captains, & diligent. For a while they had small use of the arqebus, but now they can help themselves therewith against us, & do begin to arm their horsemen with certain light breastplates & morions to cover the foreparts of their bodies & heads, although they retain the use of the bow & target: & it is a great marvel considering how many Christian soldiers do daily go to them & deny their faiths, that they have no sooner taken our fashions which are better than theirs. Footmen with the pike & corcelet they have none, which in my opinion is our advantage, as being a very profitable kind of soldiers. All this aught to hasten us to prevent them before they conform themselves to us in things wherein we exceed them: neither is to be doubted but in time they will imitate Pyrrhus & Hannibal, who brought their soldiers to take up many of the Roman fashions both in weapons & discipline, as having by experience in their wars against them, found the same to be better than their own. I leave it therefore to any good Captain's judgement, if they should thus do (considering their great numbers of people) whether it were possible to stand before them: if they should arm but 50000. horsemen after our manner, surely the same would suffice to fight with all the horse in Christendom: but they put in their general armies well near 200000 which is an incredible matter. I heard a French Gentleman that was at Sighet when Sultan Soliman Of the great power and ability of the Turks. besieged it, say that there he saw 150000. which ●raue him into admiration, seeing all the earth covered with horse & men as thick as trees in a large forest. When we in our small wars see 10. or 12000. horse, we think them able to fight with the whole world, what then would we say if we should see these wonderful troops? They have evermore used to march thus: yea, the Saracens whom they succeeded in the law of Mahumet used mighty armies, though not so strong in horse. I will not stand upon the description of the large extent of their dominions, as being a thing sufficiently known, only I will say that in Europe they hold more land than all France, Spain & Italy do contain, from whence they take their best men of war, where also they keep them, partly in garrisons and partly upon their conquered lands which they divide among them, with charge to be always ready to serve upon any the great Lords commandments, so as out of the said Provinces of Europe, they are able to bring into the field near 100000. horse, which is a token that the barbarousness that we take to be in them, is not altogether devoid of wisdom and policy. They use not to fortify many holds, for no man dare enterprise to assault any of their chiefest, but he shall strait ways be assured of a mighty power at hand ready to make him give over quickly. As their land power is great, so is not their strength by sea any whit smaller, which now they are more jealous to keep well than ever heretofore, through the remembrance of their great loss received by the good hap and prowess of Don john of Austria. They never impoverish themselves in wars as Christian Princes do, for their warfare and order of pay doth somewhat differ from ours, and the coin that their Emperor taketh out of his treasury at Constantinople in the time of war, he supplieth again in time of peace. To be brief, they be most mighty enemies: against whom whosoever shall deal, he had not need to forget any thing at home (as we use to say) but do as they that enter the lifts, who before they do come, look to increase their strength & courage: to see to see their defensive arms sit, and their offensive sharp, to the end either to overcome, or die valiantly. Now are we to enter into the chief point of this matter, which is, of the means how to assail these terrible enemies, in what places, Of the manner how to assivill the Turks: in what places and with what power. & with what power, to the end within the time afore noted to achieve a happy conclusion. And although in the assembly before mentioned, whereat should appear sundry princes & Captains, they may argue of this point to the end to grow to some resolution: yet will I not let as briefly as I may, to say my mind, according as I purposed at the first, always submitting the same to the censures of such as are more skilful than myself, to correct the imperfections thereof. My discourse tendeth rather to kindle the affections of valiant persons to enterprise, than to give any counsel in the proceeding in so haughty a purpose, whose events may not easily be foreseen, wherein the chiefest Captains (whose poor scholar I shall account it an honour for me to be) shall not be too sufficient to give advice. The better nevertheless to behave ourselves in such a war, I thought good to set down some examples of but ancestors, who sundry times fought against the same nation, to the end that what they wisely executed may be to use a rule, by fitting it to our time, as also we may eschew and avoid their oversights. I will not enter into search of matters beyond Godfrey of Bolleine (albeit there were great wars before between the Emperors of Constantinople and the Saracens) in whose days the Christian Princes began to confederate themselves against them. The first army that was sent went under the leading of Peter the Hermit, who passed even into the lesser Asia, and at the first acchieved a few valiant exploits: but he and all his men were afterward overthrown by the soldan of Nicee. Likewise two other armies as they marched, were broken by the Hungarians, a nation which at that time had scarcely attained the rudiments of Christianity, and as yet did hold of the ancient fierceness of the Huns: so as these first expeditions yielded small fruit and great hurt. The cause of which disorders & inconveniences proceeded (as I think) of the want of authority and experience of their leaders, who upon a zeal, assembled all these troops gathered out of divers nations, in whom peradventure they found not convenient obedience, and wanting foundation both in purpose and provision, could not long hold out, neither among their friends, neither against their enemies. The histories report that in the first expedition there were unless than 100000. able men. And the Hungarians overthrew the others (which were not so many) because by the way they ●ell to spoil, which argueth that they used small discipline. We can therefore make no account of the greacnesse of a multitude, if there be no order among them, which especially faileth when their Captains be either insufficient or want authority. Shortly after did Godfrey of Bolein took upon him his notable voyage about the year 1086. toward the end of the reign of the Emperor Henry the fourth. This voyage was better looked to and ordered than the former, and had many more excellent Captains: for besides himself, who was already a famous Captain, he had his two brethren Baulduine and Eustace Earl of Flanders Hugh, Philippe the French kings brother, Robert of Normandy, the son of William King of England, and many other Lords & Gentlemen: yea, if we list to believe such as have written the particularity, thereof, we shall find there were in that army above 40000. horse and 150000, 〈◊〉 all fight men, a great part whereof (which was me 〈…〉 about their own expenses. So soon as they were assembled they marched forward, and so How long our auncest●rs were in their war: also whether it be harder in these days then in those. followed their business, that they finished their conquest in 3 years over a great part of the lesser Asia, Syria, & Mesopotamia. In this war they had many reencounters, but the most notable were two great battles which they won, and two principal sieges Nice & Jerusalem, where they were the conquerors. Many Christians were also once besieged at Antioch, but they sharply repulsed that Saracens and Turks, with great slaughter. Finally, having expulsed them out of the farthest Provinces, they established the Realm of Jerusalem, where Godfrey of Bolleine reigned and his successors after him: who so list now to consider the time that was spent in so great a conquest, shall find it but short for the winning of more land than all Germany and Scotland do contain. Great was the defence & assault, but 2. great battles & 2. sieges yielded the whole victory, whereby we may believe that the hardest enterprises are overcome with valour & good order. Neither will I let slip the inconveniences of those long journeys: for the tediousness of the way, the distemperance of the air, & the continual travail bred sundry diseases among those great troops, which were helped forward by the excess of the mouth too much used in these north parts. These brought the loss of many, even of the better sort that wanted no ability. Now have the Turks taken order that we shall not need to go so far to seek them, for they are come abroad even to some of our gates, others have them within fifty leagues of them, and the farthest within an hundred. We shall not need to fear the hearts of Asia, for our batable grounds shall be in as good a temperature as France: yea, even Constantinople standeth in the same climate as Strigon, so as we shall need to fear no more but our enemies iron. But to proceed, we are to understand that after the posterity of Godfrey of Bolleine had enjoyed the land above 80. years, civil What was the cause that our forefathers lost the advantage they had of them, & were driven out of the east. dissension crept in among them, and some of them calling the Saracens to their aid, grew so strong that they drove out the rest. This afterward moved diverse Christian Princes to join again in the recovery of that which was lost so as in five or six score years they made six or seven notable voyages. wherein went personally the emperors Frederick Barbarossa, Frederick the second, Conrade king of Germany, some kings of France and of England, whereof nevertheless grew small profit. At the beginning the Christians had goodly victories, but in the end they had the foil, & were never able to expel the Turks and Saracens out of the lands that they had recoveres. All these later losses proceeded of sundry causes, as of particular wars levied by some of the princes that stayed behind in their lands that were gone that voyages: of want of wine & other provision: of the small perseverance of them that were leagued, of the pestilence that fell in the army: & finally, of such hindrances as the Emperors of Greece did underhand work to the westeru forces: envying, as it should seem, their generosity, & being loath they should conquer the land which that Saracens had won from the said Empire. These are the deformities of the former enterprises, which ought to be warily shunned for fear of disgracing the present: for it is a double fault, to know the former over sights, & yet to fall into them again. Other princes that followed the aforenamed have but defended The wars of those princes that succeeded Godfrey and others against the Turks. & yielded to the Turkish rage, which overflowing in the family of the Ottomans, hath for these 300. years still increased to our great loss & destruction: howbeit even in the midst of our disorders we have not wanted some excellent persons, who with very small means have withstood the marvelous force of these barbarous nations, & whiles life hath lasted, been a rampire to all Christendom. One was john Huniades the Father of Mathy Coruine, chosen to be king of Hungary. Another Scanderbag Prince of Albania, who both were surnamed The scourges of the Turks, because of the great slaughters that they made in those battles that they won. Wherein we are to note God's power & wisdom, who with weak & small things can pluck down the pride of the mighty. They like wise have held long wars upon the seas, yea, the Saracens have been so strong therein, the oftentimes they have made great descents in the costs of Christendom, and have taken land in sundry places, as in Spain, the most part whereof they possessed a●o●t 780. years also in Sicil where they remained above two hundred ●e●res. But the Turks great power upon the seanever appeared so much as after the loss of: Constantinople: For having so commodious a harborough, they thereof took occasion to think upon sea matters, showing themselves terrible in the conquest of Islands and firm land, where they have descended. The Christians always, so much as they might; withstood them, but in the end by little & little were through their great force oppressed, so as for their more assurance they have been driven 〈◊〉 them with the Mediterranean and adriatic sea: abandoning unto them almost all that is beyond the same. diverse are the reasons that lead me to think the time to set upon Why the time is now convenient to set upon the Turks. them as convenient now as ever. First the want of experience in their great Lord, who is said to be rather a Philosopher than a soldier, as never wearing armour as his grandfathers Selim and Soliman, the conqueror's of sundry countries did. For the Turkish nation having such leaders do notable things. Then their losses in the Persian wars have much weakened them, whereof we are to gather that their great prosperity which so long hath accompanied them, doth now begin to droop. Thirdly, Don john's victory hath eased us of one error wherein we were, which is, that we thought them to be by sea invincible, & withal taught us what advantage in joining we have over them: wherein we should scarcely have been confirmed but by this experience. All this together considered should the more incline us to take the occasion when it is offered: for we must imagine that time altereth things, & men grow into experience, good hap returneth, & inventions increase. I know our sins are the chief causes that God useth them as scourges to smite us, but we need not doubt but they have like wise fourfold procured his wrath. And who knoweth whether their time be not come to receive the same that they have inflicted upon others? We ought to be assured that in his just judgements toward his, he always mixeth his abundant mercy with his wrath, and they that be vessels of his wrath, shall soon or late feel his vengeance without mercy. To this purpose I will alleade a foolish prophety contained in their Koran where I have read it, not that I think any truth Prediction of the Turks Alcoran. to be harboured in their false Oracles underpropped with lies: but because sometime the wicked have at unawares foretold things that have afterward come to pass: This it is. In the later days it shall come to pass, that the Musulmans, that is to say, the Turkish nation, shall stray from the laws of the great Prophet Mahumet, giving themselves to all iniquity: Then shall the Christian sword arise and thrust them out of their Empire. Such as have been conversant among them do report that their wise men do sometimes set these speeches before them, and they fear them: as indeed they ought, sith they were never so corrupt as at these days, or so worthy grievous punishment. I have been long before I could speak of the means to assail The means to set upon the Turks. these so mighty adversaries: and the rather because I have imagined the former matters very requisite for the better understanding of that which I will say. To begin therefore I will set to your view some counsels of our forefathers, out of the which we may gather good instructions, who for the like causes have often been stirred up to frame brave purposes. Guicciardine the historiographer, who well noted such things as happened in his time, reporteth that when Selim had conquered all Egypt, and obtained sundry victories else where, all Christendom grew into great fear. His own words because they deserve consideration I will set down. The Pope (saith he) with all the Court of Rome astonished at such success, Guicciard. lib. 13. and to the end to provide against so great a mischief, showing that he would first crave Gods help, commanded sundry devout processions at Rome, wherein himself went barefoot: Then calling upon the help of men, he sent his Mandates to all Christian Princes, admonishing them of this great danger, and persuading them to lay aside all disorders and contentions, speedily to attend to the defence of religion and their common safety, which was continually opposed to great danger, if with courage and united force they transported not the war into Turkey, and so invaded not the enemy in his own Country. Here upon the opinions of sundry skilful men of war and others that knew the Countries & disposition as well of the Princes as of the power of the Turks, being taken, it was thought necessary to make great provision of money by the voluntary contributions of Princes & an universal impostio be levied over all Christendom. That the Emperor with the Hungarian and Polonian horsemen, warlike nations & such as were practised in continual wars against the Turks, as also with such the strength of Germany as might beseem so great an enterprise, should sail along Danowe into Bosina in old time termed Misia, and so into Thrace, and to approach unto Constantinople, the imperial sea of the Ottomans. That the French King with the forces of his Realm, the Venetians and other Potentates of Italy, accompanied with the footmen of Zuitzerland, should pass from the port of Brunduse in Albany, a very easy and short cut, to invade Greece, a landful of Christian inhabitants, as well in respect hereof, as for the intolerable yoke of the Turks, most ready to rebel: That the kings of England, Spain, and Portugal, as well in their navies at Carthagene, and the havens thereabout should take their course with 200. ships full of Spanish footmen & other soldiers to the straits of Gallipolis, thence to make roads to Constantinople, having first seized upon the Dardanes, that is, their Castles standing upon the mouth of the strait. That the Pope should take the same course with an hundred great galleys. With these preparatives sufficient to cover both sea and land, the Turks estates being invaded in so many places, who make their chitfest account of defence in the plain field, it seemeth (especially adding thereto the Were of God's name, that of so holy a war there could not be hoped but a happy end. This deliberation of the most excellent Captains then living. I To what use the former discourse of Guicards may serve, & what is to be altered in these days. find to be so well grounded, that I think we might borrow much of theirs but had the execution thereof ensued, we should the better have seen what it had been, howbeit the death of Selim coming on, assuaged the fear of these Princes, & so consequently their desire to proceed, whereby they passed but to words. Now as since there have followed great alterations, so are we to frame ourselves according to the disposition of matters, & somewhat to vary from this platform, but rather in the particularities, than principal points thereof. First we may be certain that it is to small purpose to invade the Turks by land only, or by sea only: for leaving them either of those gaps open, they will thereby so molest us, as that they will turn us from the other, in kindling the flames farther within our houses, than we can do in theirs. In respect whereof it is requisite to set their whole estate in Europein combustion, by following the wars in every part thereof, which is unpossible to be performed without a mighty power as well by sea as by land, which our ancestors thought expedient, as also it is (as Guicciardine saith) the perfect means to abridge any war: for being strong, ye shall soon bring your enemies to reason either by victory or composition: Whereas contrariwise when it is weakly followed, it groweth ruinous. When Caesar invaded Pompey, who had seized upon all Greece and the Eastern Provinces he made himself strong both by sea and land, wherein nevertheless his competitor exceeded him. The like did Augustus against Mark Anthony, who possessed the same countries which now the Turks enjoy, & both of them had near 1000 vessels, & above 35. legions by land. But because it is an easy matter to know, that for the well invading of those countries, both the powers must be matched together, I will speak no more thereof. As for the partition of these prince's forces, which Guicciardine mentioneth, it is not amiss, nor the invasion of 3. sides: albeit I think it were better for us to stick to two. For I consider that the whole defence of the Turks lands consisteth in 2. great armies, the one upon the land, that other upon the sea, neither hathhe any fortified places as we have, so as the loss of one of these props is the opening of a gate unto us, which is the reason why I would wish we should make but 2. strong bodies wherewith to attempt our enterprises. Moreover, if we should strike into Slavonia or Greece with a body of 18. or 20000. men, they would ere we were aware, fall upon us with some 100 or 120000. whereby we wanting assured places of retreat, this body would be quite over whelmed. This other reason will I also add: that if both our armies as well by sea as by land do shoot at Constantinople, and by winning little & little do attain thereto, must it not needs follow, that in performing this purpose, they shall seize not only upon Slavonia, but also upon all the land of Romagna, which shall be a pray to toe conqueror. The Christian forces would I wish to be thus divided. The K. of How to divide the Christian forces, also to what number they should amount Spain, as the mightiest prince Christian, to arm as many galleys & galleasses as he were able. The Pope, the Venetians, with other the potentates of Italy to join with him, & I think, if they list to strain themselves, they be able to set forth 300. galleys & 12. galleasses, besides other small vessels for the transport of victuals & horse, which be but the dependences of the camp. If any demand whether the number may stay the Turks power by sea, I think yea: for Don john had but 200 galleys when he won the battle against them. As also when the armies, whether by land or by sea do exceed a competend quantity, the rest do but breed confusion. The soldiers for the furnishing of the said vessels might be levied in Spain & Italy, notwithstanding it would amount to 30000. For the land, the Emperor likewise should prepare a mighty army, to invade through Hungary, consisting of the power of all Germany, the low countries, Sueden, Denmark, Boheme & Hungary, thereto also adjoining his that now reigneth in Pole. land, which united together would undoubtedly amount unto 35000 horse, and 30000 footmen and 10000 pioneers. The other part of the land forces to come from the most Christian king of France, the Queen of England, the king of Scots with the Suitzers and Grisons, who under some notable Captain should join with the Emperor, and in my opinion, would amount unto some 20000. footmen & 5000. horse. This power would I take to be sufficient to obtain some brave victory, containing at the lest 125000. fight men, which seemeth to be a great number, but if we also consider all Christendom, it is to be thought very small: neither do I think they will be grieved with maintaining it four years, sith so they may reap this benefit, to enjoy forty in peace and safety. Charles the fift only of his own and part of the Empire brought before Metz 80000. men, and the army that Maximilian lastly raised against the Turks in the year 1556. amounted unto 60000. so as we shall perform no new thing, but only in the continuance thereof. Concerning Captains over the Hungarians, the Emperor himself might command, who cannot employ his highness in any What Captains were meet to command in the Christians army. act more worthy his greatness, and he to be accompanied with his uncles and brethren. The Dukes of Saxony, Casimire and other german Princes, Earls, and Colonels, among whom he should find both prowess and good conduct. As for the French and what should thereto be adjoined, we may easily find Princes enough to command: but I will name but two, whom I take to be most meet, namely, the king of Navarre, who in desire of well doing and courage, giveth place to none: and the Duke of Lorraine, whose ancestors having been scourges to the Turkish nation, it is to be presumed that their ancient good hap may accompany his valour. So as it should rest in the King to appoint which of them should have charge, or if he should commit it to them both alternatively, I am sure neither of them should want a goodly train, as well of the one as of the other religion. The navy likewise would have some mighty Captain. And in as much as many do certainly believe that the Duke of Savoy (a Prince of great expectation & an imitator of his Father's magnanimity) will enter alliance in Spain, it may be the Catholic king may honour him with that office: for that authority is requisite to rule so much nobility and Gentry as should there be found of both nations, who are not easy to be governed. Howbeit considering what experience ought to be in such a head, I know none more capable than the Prince of Parma, who justly deserveth to be commended for the best Captain in Christendom. But I fear that every man's desire to be employed in this expedition, would moderate the jealousies of the first and second places, also that such debates would easily be decided. When I consider what Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, Captains Of the principal members of this army. and notable Soldiers shall be in these expeditions, I know not how such power can possibly be beaten: For if in all Christendom there were any virtue, discretion, magnanimity, art or industry, the most exquisite thereof would undoubtedly be brought thither by those, who inflamed with a desire of well doing, would liberally in so noble an assembly show forth whatsoever the fairest of their perfections, one would seek by counsel, another by boldness, another by diligence, each to outgo his companion. The like shall we see among our nobility: not coutentious envies, but honest emulations, who might be most notable in well obeying and better commanding. When ye have in an army a number of such people as can lead the way to others, and take sure hold without letting go, they make all the rest to fight well. Neither can I think that there be many such among the Turks, who being for the most part slaves do fight for fear of punishment, rather than for love of true glory. These armies should be ready as well by land as by sea, to march At what time the Christian power should begin their war & how. wheresoever they shall be appointed at the beginning of May. But all the difficulty resteth in knowing how to invade, for we may proceed therein after sundry manees. I would think that the Christians should wholly purpose at the beginning of their war to grow to battle with these barbarous people: for sith their Empire consisteth only upon the good will of nations, we shall see wonderful alterations, if at the first arrival they may in●ur●e any notable overthrow: But it is a question whether they may be easily drawn thereto: for commonly we see that if the enemy perceive his adversaries devices, he will still seek to lead him to contrary purposes. This do I confess to be often put in practice: but we are to hope with so mighty and proud enemies as the Turks, that it will fall out as with a great Boar whom the dogs have haet: for what soever he first seethe, man or dog, by and by he maketh toward it with wonderful fury. We never found in writing that they have been slow to battle, for that they still seek to uphold the reputation of their name and armies. When they hear of the Christians preparation to wars, they proceed in like sort, and before we can come within 50. leagues of their frontiers, they are so diligent that they have sacked halt ours. Whereby we know that they would soon cover the vizard, as we say: and having thoroughly considered hereof, I find that it would be a great advantage unto us: for the hear and fury of Northern nations is at the first very forcible, but by delays quaileth. Now let us see wherein the land army should consist, namely, in 18000. Reistres, 10000 spears armed after the French & Italian The troops of the army that should march by land. manner, 2000 harquebuses on horseback, and 10000 Hungarian and Polonian spears to serve for light horsemen. For the power must be received, each after the manner of his own nation. The footmen to be composed of 20000. arquebusiers and 30000 spears, in all amounting to 40000. horse and 50000. footmen, all fight men. Likewise for artillery for the field, twenty Canons, and twenty great culverins, accompanied with the pioneers aforesaid, and virtual sufficient for such an army. The thinking of all this maketh us to rejoice, but when we dream upon the expenses, it daunteth us: for it will require monthly 800000. Crowns, which riseth to a great deal in a whole year. Furthermore, lest such an army if it should go far from the great rivers, or enter into the land, should be much hindered for want of victuals and forage, it shall be forced to keep along the river of Danow, and there to begin their first purposes, so might they abound in all necessary provision, which should be brought by the same. It is also meet to have a bridge of boats accompanied with armed galleys to follow it, so to keep both shores of the said river as well for forages as for the siege of such places as stand thereupon. I think that Strigonia is one of the first places that the Turks Their first endeavours. hold: but neither it, nor any other that they possess are (as I understand) of any strength: for when they doubt that any shall be assaulted they put in 8. or 10000 soldiers, and look for no other fortification: and it is hard with ordinary means only to wrest from them any that is in their hands. Wherefore whether they should fortune to be the first or the last in the field, I am of opinion, to the end to bind them to fight, it were good to make show and that in earnest, to set upon some places of importance, thereby to make them to approach with their army, so as they should hardly escape battle, when they are come so near with their carriage, footmen, and artillery. For when they come but with thirty or forty thousand horse to secure what so is besieged, they cannot by any means be overcome by reason of the swiftness of their horse, which nevertheless doth greatly molest a camp. I would also like very well, that in ten or twelve days before Their exercises. the army should march, the Captains every other day should cast them into several orders of battle, whereby to choose the best to help themselves withal when need should require. For it do much better conceive the truth of things by lively representations, than by forecast figured upon paper: And by them is the general the better resolved in his conception, and the inferior Captains to be the better provided to the practice. Herein do we in our petty wars ordinarily fail, in that we never look to the ordering of battles until within two days before we must fight: and then doth the General set down a fair order in writing how Bee will have it, which he sendeth unto the leaders of the regiments as well of the horsemen as of the footmen. For such ordering many times, as being made over rashly and without ripe deliberation, proveth very unfit. The ordering thereof in war. It is very requisite that a General be in mind very perfect in the order which he purposeth to observe as well in the large fields as in the straights, lest he be amazed, or driven into much consultation when his business cometh upon him. For the chief grounds being well laid, if through any accident the order be to be altered, it is easily performed. There be some that will say, that in so doing we shall warn the enemy of our order, whereby he may provide to prevent us. I grant if we still use but one form, it may be so. But when we practise sundry, we shall put all men in doubt which we will cleave unto, saving the General, who is to reserve the best in memory. For the well ordering of this army, it were good to have the advice of such Captains as having served in Hungary, do by experience best know the most convenient forms. And sith I am entered so far into this point, I am content for the satisfying of those that be curious, to deliver my opinion concerning whatsoever may serve against these barbarous people. In this case we are to consider of two kinds of countries, the one large, the other strait. Concerning the large or plain, as we term it, which is the most part of Hungary, the battle may be so arranged, that the enemies innumerable strength of horse (which will amount to 200000 at the least) shall not without great loss endamage them, and very hardly break them. The order were to disperse the horsemen among the footmen, as Their order in a large country. upon the like consideration the late Duke of Guise did at the battle of Dreux. I would therefore make a strong body of my army consisting of eight battles of footmen, each comprehending 2500 pikes, so as the said ranks should every of them contain ninety men, & be 28. men thick, besides the Ensigns, & to the flanks would I join 1000 arquebusiers. They should be all ordered in an equal front with sufficient spaces to set in array 2000 horse in four squadrons, each of them of five hundred men, & forty horse in front, two somewhat for warder than the other two. These seven spaces might serve them for places of advantage, and assured retraits to fall into order again: for it would be too hot to come upon them into place where they should be so succoured by the harquebuzerie and pikes: yea, in my mind it were mere rashness. Likewise in as much as the flanks of the battles are not commonly armed but with arquebusiers, which is but a weak defence against a great army of horse, I would think it were good both the flanks of the two battles standing upon the wings of the army to be fortified with some other instruments like unto those which the Duke of Alva invented and used when the Prince of Orange passed over Meuse or better, which might be easily brought thither by two hundred pioneers, and those should suffice for one of each flanks: as for the rest they shall need none, as well for that the force of this order shall supply that want, as also because it would be overcumbersome. On the right and left point without the battles should stand at each six thousand horse, every squadron of one thousand, and in two bodies the one to support the other. And if any man ask wherefore I make them so great, I say, it is because the Turks, as I have heard, do make theirs (especially in any great combats) of five or six thousand spears, which swallow up three hundred horse, as a lion would do a mouse. And therefore we must set strength against strength. Then would I divide my 5000. arquebusiers into ten troops, placing six, as it were, for the adventurers, at the heads of the battles toward the wings, and the other four at the tail. I would also place two thousand arquebusiers on horseback at the head of the horsemen upon the wings to serve in the first skirmishes. Thus do ye see in this great body 28000. horse, 20000. Corcelets, & 13000. harquebuses arranged which as I think, will not take above 4000 common paces in length, wherein there is no great disproportion: and I have thus stretched it out to the end to debar the enemy from all hope of enclosing it. There would be likewise in the first rank of this great front almost 1900. men, which is sufficient. The rest of the men I would thus appoint. I would make two small bodies, which should be set in array 800. paces behind the two wings of the army: because the first shocks do begin there. In either of them would I place 4500. Corcelets in two battles and 2500. harquebuses: then in the spaces and points 4000 horse in eight squadrons, which for the two bodies would amount unto 22000. men: every whereof should stir when they perceived any of the first troops to yield: for undoubtedly they should so make them to hold fast. I would also place between these two troops and 500 paces behind them 3000. horse in three squadrons, whom the Emperor, or in his absence his Lieutenant should accompany when it were requisite to fight: And this should be the Holy anchor, as we term it, which should upon great necessity move forward. Yet do there remain 1000 Corcelets, 2000 harquebuses, and 1000 Reistres or Hungarian horsemen, that should be appointed to the keeping of the Camp, which the pioneers should fortify with small trenches for the safeguard of the carriages: for if through negligence the enemy, who might appoint twenty or thirty thousand horse to do the feat, should peradventure be suffered to sack it, we should afterward be driven through the inconveniences both general and particular to break up our Campe. This army thus ordered were able in my opinion to stand in a plain field against the whole power of the Turks, who being destitute of Corcelets, Pikes and armed squadrons, can hardly overthrow our battles. We see likewise how our horse are surely provided for in the spaces: whereby I suppose that either the enemy must be endued with an extraordinary valour, or our men show great cowardliness if they lose the battle. This order have I not here set down as the best of all: for other men may peradventure devise some more convenient: but it is done to the end to invite sundry Captains to seek what may be more profitable. The Christian army thus in presence of the Turks, they after a few Canon shot I presume they will begin, both because they be Of the battle by land between the Christians and Turks. very proud, and also that they be ordinarily four against one, which greatly embouldeneth them, and will peradventure come with some three or fourscore thousand horse to charge gallantly upon the flanks of our foremost horse, yea even in the midst of the head: but I would think they should at this onset be well beaten and repulsed with the loss of some four or five thousand horse: howbeit their horse being very swift, they will return behind their main battle to fall in array again. Then I imagine that having discharged some two volleys of their Artillery, whereof they have plenty, they will give a strong charge with their whole body: whereof so much as should strike into the battles or spaces would be handled God knoweth how. But peradventure the horsemen on the flanks may be overthrown: which so happening, the other 2. small bodies appointed for their support should move: who finding the victors in disorderly pursuit (which always for the most part happeneth) should so bravely invade them, as also should some of the Squadrons, who stepping out of the spaces aforesaid, should come upon their slanckes, that they should be quite broken. So should also their Harquebuzerie, being joined with ours, bear the punishment of their rashness. Nevertheless, the Christians should not undiscréetly pursue them, for they are very skilful in rallying themselves, and would peradventure so do within two Canon shot, and so enclose four or five thousand of the most eager upon the chase, as their forefathers did D. john of Burgundy, and all the French Nobility in their battle against Amurathes. Wherefore, it were requisite for the whole Christian army to march and send after them some twenty thousand horse by squadrons, each supporting other, except the Hungarian and Polonian horse, who might go more dispersedly in chase. And it may seem enough to chase them thus one league. To be brief, I suppose that in so notable a journey they might be defeated of half their footmen, all their Artillery and carriages, and above twenty thousand horse: but in case but one quarter of such an exploit were at the first performed, yet would it breed great reputation, and in the soldiers hearts confirm a confidence to overcome. For he who in war winneth the first advantages, conceiveth a great hope of the issue. Now must we speak one word of the strait countries. It Of the ordering of the army in the straits. seemeth the army to be there in more safety then in the large, by reason of the great numbers of their footmen: and there if the enemy should offer upon them, they might alter their order according to the places, being still diligent to keep their advantages of the Woods, valleys and Artillery. But especially they ought to beware of aranging their body in any such sort, that the first overthrown should strike into the second: for that was the loss of the battle of Poitiers, where King john had fifty thousand men, and the English were but ten thousand. This so favourable success once obtained, no doubt afterward (the rest of the great Artillery provided at Vienna being caused to march) we might in three months take from them four or five of the best towns standing upon Danowe, as Strigon, Bude, Pest and others, which the inhabitants there about do better know. True it is there would be great lets, and the Turkish army, being refreshed, would not fail to favour their places, where we might see brave skirmishes. In the mean time, we to keep that earnest for our first years work: I leave to your imagination whether all Christendom would rejoice, when they should hear of such a victory obtained over those who for these two hundred years have but triumphed of our destruction. Yea even the small babes would sing forth the praises of such valiant personages, by whom such notable exploits should have been performed. Now let us come to the Navy, which being so mighty must Of the exploits of the navy. not the whiles lie idly in the Havens, but make sail to execute matters worthy thereof. My best counsel were that it should conform itself to the land power, in trying to bring the enemy to a day of battle: which peradventure might be easily done, as being of no less pride by Sea then by land: so as seeing us draw toward Greece, they will by and by be upon our army, neither shall we need to counterfeit the besieging of any place to bring them thereto. And sith the battle of Lepanto hath made them wise, the Christians must also be well resolved in their inventions and other necessary means to attain to the victory. There are other reasons, besides the equity of a cause and urgent necessity, that stir up men to fight courageously: As the presence of noble persons which detest cowardliness and exalt prowess: secondly the captains orations, wherein they exhort their soldiers to behave themselves manfully in solemn journeys: Thirdly, confidence which increaseth when we see men well disposed and the army well ordered: Finally hope of reward, which is a good spur to such purposes. And above all other the Spanish and Italian Captains are meetest to take order herein, in whom, being accompanied with choice of valiant persons, we are to think that neither order, courage, nor provocation shall want. I will forbear to discourse of the putting of Navies in array, as one not so skilful in Sea matters, notwithstanding the order by Don john observed at Lepanto, I have always thought to be most convenient and well invented. Some too fearful or over circumspect person may say, that the That the armies as well by land as by sea should invade, and how. hazarding of all our strength at once is the way to bring all Christendom into great danger. Whereto I answer, that he which voluntarily entereth the carrier, doth purpose to run: and so he that shippeth himself in a war, as the assailant, must adventure, otherwise all his former preparations and threats are in vain. For it is a greater danger to suffer a man's self to be by little and little devoured and to do nothing. An other as far too eager, considering of all this power, would to the contrary that we should march directly to Constantinople, and not to stay else where: but as this speech is a token of courage, so is it a sign of small experience (at the least as I think) because armies march not in post. Moreover, they do ordinarily meet with bars and stops which they must first break. For undoubtedly the Turks being certified of these great preparations of the Christians both by sea and by land, will set against them three hundred thousand fight men, against whom they must march with leaden heels and Iron hands, and take as great heed of oversight by rashness as by recklessness, especially in actions of great importance. Now presuppose the Turks Navy do offer to fight with us: I must not think our Soldiers to be by sea any whit of less discretion, courage and felicity then upon the land: for I make certain account of their victory. But admit these barbarous people purposing only to try our men should fight near to their advantages, and then having lost twenty or thirty galleys should retire to the covert of their Towns and Castles: yet should we so win great fame and be thought bold that durst adventure to invade them even in the face of some of their Holds. Then if any man's courage so increased as needs he would to Constantinople, we might tell him that besides the reasons afore named, we should be too far of, and that the Turkish army will still be as strong as the Christian. Again, that although we had more favourable success, yet were it too much presumption to think at once to win that proud City, without any army by land, within two hundred leagues thereof: as also that if they should perceive that we would take that course, they would presently thrust in twenty thousand Soldiers, and bring as many horsemen into the field to favour it, all which they might raise in natoly. And hereupon we are to note that Mahumet the second at the taking thereof besieged it with two mighty armies, one by sea, an other by land: the Christians having at that time but fifteen or sixteen thousand men to defend it. But our best counsel were to bestow the time until the end of September in conquering of Moroca, invading the same at the head, namely by Coron & Modon, either by those Castles that keep the mouth of the gulf of Leganto, to the end afterward to fortify it after our best manner at the falling of that piece of an isle where the famous city of Corinth was in old time builded. The like enterprise made Andrew Dorie in the year 1532. who by force took Coron, Patras, & Lepanto, places which were afterward lost again for lack of succour. Having therefore left a strong garrison of footmen in the conquered places, seven or eight hundred horses, and provision of victuals sufficient with thirty galleys, whose slaves might serve for Pioneers, the rest of the Nanie might be dismissed until the spring. These through God's great favour might be the effects of the first year. Now are we to discourse of the effects of the second year, when The continuation of the war in the second year with the order to be taken as well by sea as by land. I think we should not find the Turk so proud as before: but much more wary and advised: for experience teacheth those things which otherwise we neither would nor could know. The armies should be ready to march in the beginning of May, with like purpose again to come to battle if the Turks would offer it. But if they list to take a surer course and not to attempt any thing out of season, then must the Captains show forth their brave policies, whereby to force them to the combat without their Holds, as Hannibal did, who by subtlety drew the Romans to three battles, which he won soon after his arrival in Italy. The most ordinary means to be practised to that intent, is to besiege places of importance: for if this move not the enemy to hazard himself, it is a sign of small courage and less force. I doubt not but into those which they mind to use to delay us withal, they will put 8. or 10000 Soldiers, well victualled and furnished with all sorts of munition,, whiles themselves will lodge their army some six leagues of to relieve them as aportunitie may shall ser●is. And to say the truth such exploits will be difficult, chief for any town standing upon this great River: But that must be no let but that we proceed and with plenty of Pioneers, and instruments enough to set teme thousand men on work, we raise trenches both offensive and desensiur, and build as many Forts as may be requisite for the more convenient assaulting of the besieged, and safe defence against the enemy's army, using withal whatsoever our bridges. And I think certainly that up planting fifty Canons before such places as may be but weakly fortified, we shall in four days see breach sufficient for a horse to go in at. Then coming to haudie blows with them, we being strong and they weak, and withal having the advantage of the quality and goodness of our armour, may easily he we them in pieces, unless Christian courtesy list to spare any. During these actions it will stand our horsemen on hand to be very watchful, in going to safeconduct the bictuall and forage: wherein may be brave enterprises, and either part may lay great ambushes, to try the sufficiency of the Captains, together with the baliancie of the younger sort. And if the first year we may reach to Bude; I think that, in the second we may reach unto place where Drove falleth into Danowe. This don● the imperial power should be placed in foam convenient ground to underprop this new couquest, until the towns convenient to be kept for the assurance of passage be fortified and made defensible: then to retire to their garrisons to pass over the wiuter. Concerning the Navy, time of year coming on it should set forward to the I'll of Negroponte, to put the Turk therefrom: which if their army should peradventure offer to let, than the same to be fought withal: For in this expedition, the watch word should be Fight: but if they lie aloof, then to go forward with their enterprise. But still this is to be noted, that assailing the land, they must always be provided as if themselves should be assailed by sea. Then having diligently fortifled the best Havens with men, virtual and vessels, the army might sco●●e some part of the entries into the great Ocean, and so to rec●i●e to wintering. hitherto have I said nothing of the inhabitants of Greece, Of the nations of Greece: the Turks bondmen. who have long groaned after their delivexie, because I wots not what service may be rea●ed at their hands▪ 〈◊〉, as the boyce goeth, their courages are so quailed through the great tyraunie that mo●esseth them, and they so unprovided of weapons and martial knowledge, that I dure not ad●owe that they would make any great stir so soon. In all those Provinces; lying on this side of Constantinople, which together are at this day called Romania, there be many more Christians than Turk's: and in many places for four Turkish families we shall find above ten Christian: but they be so quailed and terrified, that when they be laid on with slaves they dare not complain. Some man will laugh at me sore for judging the events of war, as if they should fall out as I prescribe them: But I am not so presumpe●ous as to imagine that men can foresee the things that are to them unknown. For I do only discourse here upon by likely reasons, leaning unto certain rules and experiences as men are accustomed in humane affairs: as also I speak of Countries, Towns, Rivers, and Passages; not that I have been there, but by noting their ●●ituation in the Cards: and withal to cause the common fort to conceive-good hope in this enterprise, knowing well enough that in matter concerning battles, men do ordinarily take counsel in the field, and it is the proper duty of the Captains there present to deliberate upon such matters. The third year comining on, I think the like cheerfulness Of the exploits and behaviours of both the Christian armies the third year. as had moved so many brave warriors to employ themselves in the two former, would still be of like force in them. And albeit the enemy's Iron, their own passed labours and sickness shall have taken some away, yet many other, who hitherto shall not have stirred from home, being desirous to participate in the common commendation, would go to supply the empty rooms, so as there would be no want of men. The time to take the field thus drawing on, the army by land having passed Drove, should march to the river of save, whether it is not past twenty Hungarian leagues: here do I not think that the barbarous people will meet with them in gross by the way, but rather employ their whole studies and endeavours to stop their passages over the river, which is such an advantage as (being good Captains) they will prevail of. Upon those terms may a man see on both sides the practice of all sorts of brave policies and inventions. But because experience hath always taught that a mighty river can hardly bridle a mighty army (for if they can not pass under the favour of some commodious place together with their Artillery; they will do it by subtlety, dallying in one part while they cast their bridges and doing their endeavours in an other) I will speak no more thereof, saving that I am persuaded that they may compass it in eight days. This done, the most profitable exploit will consist in the assault of Belgrade, a famous town standing upon the fall of save into Danowe, neither have any action be 〈…〉, in my opinion, of greater difficulty than this. For besides that we shall find the-towne well provided for defence, we must also have an especial eye to the Turkish army, which will not be far of: keep some great bridge upon save: have an other passage on the side of Danowe: make Forts and Trenches: and go safely on foraging with conducts, so as the taking of it were a notable piece of work. And to judge thereof, may we not boldly say that those that are accustomed to conquer, will surmount all these difficulties: This place once won, must speedily be repaired and a strong garrison left therein: as being the most convenient place to establish a great storehouse wherein to gather all necessary provision. There about do there fall three great rivers not far asunder into Danowe: namely Drove, Save, and Tibise, which springeth about the borders of Transiluania, which are as great at the Rhine or Mensae, By these four channels might we bring all commodities, in case we first take order that the Turks remaining in some places in the heart of the country molest not the boats. Also because we shall not have spent past half the year, the rest may be employed in driving them forth, which peradventure may be easily done. Having thus spoken of the exploits of the land power, we must The exploits of the navy. likewise say somewhat of the Navy, which in the beginning of May should make sail toward the conquered I'll of Negroponte: where if the Turkish were desirous of battle, it should not be refused: but if it would not adventure, but lie in wait for good opportunity, the best devise were to surprise and force the town of Salonike, in old time called Thessalonica, which is in the borders of Macedon upon the sea coast, and being but weak might soon be won. Then by all means possible to devise how to make it defensible, because it were good there to leave a strong garrison both of footmen and horsemen to scour the country. Here it is to be noted, that whatsoever were to be left in the conquered Holds should be an overplus of men above the number: for the armies both by sea and land should still retain their number furnished according as is prescribed, to the end to be always prepared to the battle. We might as well have enterprised upon the coasts of Sclavonia, where the Turks do keep many towns, but by seizing upon these, which are more easy to be taken, we shall come behind them, and so make them think as well upon flight as fight. Having thus sojourned there one month or two, it might scour the Isles of the main sea, as well to the end to sack all the Turks there to be found, as also to assure the Christian inhabitants. It may be the Turks fearing the first heat of the Christians, may suffer our army to try itself two or three months in the sieges of Forts, and then while they be all occupied about some one place, to come upon them fresh and lustily as they did at Gerbes where the Spanish forces were defeated: for the which the Spaniards likewise toward the end of the siege of Malta in part requited them and overthrew five or six thousand Turks. For this inconvenience I hope the Captains will well enough provide for being surprised: and before our army withdraw to their wintering, it were good to leave forty galleys in the isle of Candy, there to be ready upon need. In the winter time likewise it were not amiss on the edge of Hungary to deal with the Walachians and Moldanians, the Turks subjects, though his great enemies, in respect of their remembrance of the injuries and mischiefs lately inflicted upon them, to procure them to rise against them, and to send some choice of men waged to join with the Christian forces, or to work any other profitable commotions. As for the Transylvanians, the Turk's tributaries, they will also be easily stirred up: so as this supply would stand us in great stead to withstand the Tartarians, if peradventure the Turks should procure them to invade Christendom, to the end to turn away our power from them. For 50000. ducats by month they can cause 50000. horsemen to march, who as grasshoppers do make innumerable waste. It were good also at the same time to practise with the inhabitants of Greece to declare themselves at the next spring, when they should see the armies both by land and sea set forward, and so fall upon the Turks scattered and dwelling in those Provinces. The effects of the fourth year which we have appointed for Of the exploits and effects of both the armies in the fourth and last year of their wars against the Turks. the end of this glorious conquest, should be more notable than the former: wherefore it were most expedient that the good union of the Princes should continue, least necessary provision should fail. Neither is it likely but it should persever, considering that prosperity having always accompanied these enterprises, every man replenished with hope would strain himself to attain to the wished end. With greater courage therefore and the same men of other years should the whole army by land take the field more timely than aforetime. At Belgrade should there be already provided plenty of munition for the Artillery, with a surplusage of two thousand horse to perform the furniture thereof, and three hundred Chariots for victuals at the least: for going from thence they must give over the rivers. Thus should they march to perform their work toward the town of Sophy, which is the beginning of Bulgarie: for that do the Cards show to be the direct way to Constantinople, not past two hundred french leagues therefro. It standeth in a plain and is unfortified. It is likely the Turks will not there make their head, but having gotten out the inhabitants, and either consumed or transported the victuals, that they will leave quite empty and go to Philippopoli, there to make up their whole camp. The same is a town of Thrace, & famous through the battle that Brutus and Cassius there lost. It standeth in a fruitful soil upon a small hill, at the foot whereof runneth a small river scarce wadeable. This were a fit place and well chosen to make great resistance, yea and to hazard a field: for it is not so near their Empire that by the loss of a field they may being in fears be prevented, neither so far of but that they may, if Fortune so far frown upon them, there gather up good relics of their army: wherefore I suppose they will fight there, yea and their Emperor came thither in person: And how can he suffer us to invade him even to his den and not defend himself after the examples of the noblest beasts? Albeit also that this nation be replenished with all unjustice and cruelty, yet are they withal fierce and hardy, and such as make great account of their reputation. The Christians likewise should have matter whereon to increase their hope, considering there are no more great Rivers or strong Holds before they come to Constantinople: their only hindrance will be a mighty army to resist them, whereat valiant persons do rejoice: neither is there any other thing that troubleth them but when they are forced to fight against Hunger, Thirst, Sickness, great heat or extreme cold, because there is no virtue but may be suppressed by such inconveniences. The Christian army may, as I suppose, arrive at Philippopoli about the midst of June, where if the Turks should be entrenched, and lodged in any ground of advantage, it will be hard pulling of them forth: But because they have never used so to do, especially their Emperor being present, I will rather presume that they will after their wont manner come boldly into the field, as did the first Bajazet against Tamerlane, notwithstanding his army were innumerable. I think the Turkish power would amount unto 220000. men, and the Christians to fourscore thousand: for some must have been left in the last wars in garrisons, and some to safeconduct victuals, etc. And I dare assure that as well the one part as the other will be well bend to overcome, because this battle should be as it were a definitive sentnce of the whole war. Of the order I will not speak, for if the same which I have before prescribed be not good, they may devise of a better, and there refer the event to God, who (as we are to hope) will favour those that worship him, against such as do dishonour him. When I consider with myself of this great war and stately Of what importance this war against the Turk is in respect of all other wars. armies, and confer them with our small ones in these parts, I remember the answer of Alexander to Antipater, whom he left in Macedonia at his going to the conquest of Asia. Antipater wrote unto him that certain of his enemies were risen against him and had already brought into the field ten or twelve thousand men, and therefore did desire him to send him secure: he returned him this answer: All your small wars in Macedonia, now that I fight against the mighty armies of Daryus, and am conquering of the great Empire of Asia, do seem unto me to be battles between Cats and Rats, and therefore resist them as well as you may. Some man may say, that sometime in our civil wars we may note some brave martial exploits, albeit with small power, as at the battles of Dreux, S. Denis, Montcontour fought in France, with the sieges of Rouen and Rochel: also seven or eight great overthrows in Flanders, with the sieges of Harlem, Maistrict, Tournay and Oudenard: I grant it: howbeit they are no whit to be compared to the battle of Lepanto which D. john won. As also I believe the siege of Malta which withstood four score thousand Canon shot, and that of Nicosia in Cyprus, which as some writ bare out fifteen, are to be preferred before the afore alleged. The wars against Infidels are the same which our brave Captains & soldiers ought to seek 100 leagues of, where they ought likewise to flee 50. from the civil, which by their continual course do devour and consume, and that with small husbandry the flower of kingdoms and commonwealths. I need not to deseribe the manner of this great battle, for we must imagine that in the former conflicts were never seen such Of the principal battle against the Turks. stomachs or so furious charges. To be brief, after three hours fight I suppose they will leave us but a bloody victory: But such as may there perish, shall build to themselves more honourable sepulchres than those that are purchased by particular quarrels, wherein the souls do for the most part incur shipwreck. In this case shall their desire be just, and their cause good, both which conjoined with that excellent courage that many shall have here showed, will breed perpetual renown, which shall yet crown the posterity of noble persons that still may remain. The Turks thus overthrown and their camp spoiled, we shall be driven to sojourn eight or ten days at Philippopoli, which after this great loss would make no resistance, to rest ourselves and provide for the wounded: and there were it requisite to hazard sundry Greeks severally to go to carry news of this good success to Salonike, as also to send the Navy word, to the end the same might draw toward Constantinople: for it were hard to besiege it without both the powers togethers. The Turks loss in this battle cannot be such but he shall save 130000. men, of whom some may scatter over the country to see to the preservation of their families which they may have left so abroad, but the great body will draw toward Constantinople with their Emperor, there to make their last resistance, for in the plain field dare they show themselves no more. Because also the town is nothing strong, we must imagine they would with all diligence raise fortifications of earth, make their planes, & erect their spurs to plant their Artillery upon: All the victual also there about would they take into the town, leaving for the defence thereof at the least forty thousand men: but for their great Lord, it is to be presumed that he would pass forward into Anatolia, which is the lesser Asia, with all his treasure and Concubines, there to provide for new succour. Our power by land according as they could make their preparations, The following of the victory. should by little and little set forward, leaving a sufficient garrison in Philippopoli to keep the ways. Thence should it pass to Adrianople, a great City, which being very weak, would never make resistance: where also it were good to leave some garrison, and there to lay up whatsoever victuals might be gotten, whereof, through diligence we should never want. This order were likewise to be observed, That the Soldier should never spoil any but of the Turkish nation: also that all Christians should be exempt from pillage and servitude: so would they bring you in virtuals from fifty leagues about. Also good order and severe justice ought to be established in great armies, otherwise through the multitude of wicked and unthrifty persons all would run into confusion, were not their malice by such means bridled and punished. During three or four days rest at Adrianople, we must cause our Navy to set forward, whereto, hearing of this good success it will not be very slack. It should draw toward the straits of Hellespont, where it is likely the Turks remembering their losses and not willing rashly to hazard, using the advantage of the place, will settle themselves to fight, where they may be flanked with the artillery of the Castles: besides that they shall have that commodity that they cannot be assailed without four score or an hundred galleys in front. The first day that our army should show itself to the enemy The exp 〈…〉 of the Navy in good order to behold their countenance they will discharge sundry Canons, which must be answered with the like: and so to retire considering the strength of the place. In the evening they should take counsel, and the expert Mariners to give their opinions how to attempt nothing out of season. Finally, the Captains should resolve to land some of their men and artillery on the side of Europe to beat and take some one of the Castles, to the end to displace the Turks from this advantage: considering they shall there find but four or five hundred horse on that side, where on the side of Asia they shall meet with above two thousand. By break of day they must put forth four thousand Corcelets, six thousand Harquebuziers, and thirty Canons out of the galleys, landed by the forsats or galley slaves. While they shall thus march, the enemy's horse will come to provoke them, but the number of Musket shot shall scatter them well enough: So soon as night is come they shall make their approaches to the fortress and the artillery bring planted, they shall by break of day fall to beating of it. This will make the Turks to provide to bring upon them twenty thousand men to cut them in pieces: or else with some 150. galleys to invade our Navy there to do the like, sith they shall find it unfurnished. But the Turks liking best of this second counsel, will seek to put in execution. Which our army perceiving, they must go on half the way with their furnished galleys, which may be about two hundred, and so each army divided into three parts to join boldly: but after a long hours fight our men having the victory, scarce the third part of the enemy's galleys shall save themselves. The same time also may the Castle that our men shall have besieged, after the brunt of a furious assault be taken. Thus should we become masters of this proud passage where Xerxes built a wonderful bridge of vessels, and such as shall be escaped, amounting to some one hundred galleys, may carry the news of their mishap to Constantinople. Our men having then sojourned there five or six days, as well to provide for their wounded, as to take the other Castle, having put good garrisons into both shall take the way to Constantinople, where they may arrive within two days after the army by land. Then on both sides knowing of the arrival of their long looked for and victorious forces, it is not to be demanded what joys there will be. But we may in truth affirm this last deed to be more difficult than the rest. For a battle, though well fought is but one Of the siege, assaults and taking of Constantinople. days work, whereas the forcing of so many men, covered with rampires and provided of all provision to be achieved in two months, is a testimony of the experience of the Captains and valiancy of the Soldiers. The land army being come within two leagues of the town, the best Captains with 20000. horse and 7. or 8000. Harquebuziers should go within half a league thereof to discover the lodgings, and well to consider what may annoy or impeach their safety. Neither is it to be doubted but they may thereby grow to a hot skirmish: for the Turks being so strong in the town will show their couragies and small astonishment. The next day they shall come to take their lodgings betime, and to furnish themselves with some sleight trenches at the head and midst of the flanks. To the end also the Navy may confer with the land power, and safely send their provisions, it will be good at every thousand steps to make small forts with trenches for the safety of the passages from the sea, about which works both the Pioneers and the most part of the Soldiers may labour 7. or 8. days. This done, they should go nearer to discover the town, whereon they must stay at the least four or five days: for myself have ordinarily seen that of hasty and rash discoveries have ensued great oversights. Now must we look what way will be best to give the assault, which I would wish to do but in one place: for separating the army the guard of the trenches may prove too weak, and so not be able to bear their sailies. I would not think it amiss to place 6000. Corcelets, and as many Harquebuziers at the least, with 3000. horse upon the flanks in some place under covert, having also the whole body of the army to support them, which should not be above a Canonshot of. The first trench should be made a thousand paces from the Camp in form defensive, with convenient flankers, and two long wings of five or six hundred paces stretching toward the camp: also to the end not to be easily environed behind by any sudden sailie, it should be made large enough to take 10000 men. The second should come within 500 paces of the town, in form offensive, & at every 100 paces some small circuit of Gabions for the Ensigns to retire into, with a strong guard where they may fight a whole quarter of an hour. Within 20. paces farther they should place 25. Canons on three Gabions to shoot at the defences, the same to be defended by day with the harquebuzery of the trenches, and by night by some small defensive trench on each side. Now think ye how many of their pieces may be dismounted in 5. or 6. days from of their new fortifications made in haste. In this siege it will be requisite to proceed with all diligence and force: for when they give a mighty people time, the same doth in one month build a new town, having to work but the length of 500 paces. Being once sure of the artillery within, they should begin to make the great battery, bringing their pieces within 200. paces of the wall, and there planting them with all possible assurance, they should make but two breaches, howbeit those to be both large and reasonable, whereupon fifty Canons assisted with the favour of ten long culverins having played some six days, it is likely that the horses may pass. I will not speak of their saillies, skirmishes and other kinds of combats ordinarily to be performed, as being generally better to be imagined then particularly foreseen. Then ought the old to give counsel: the young to adventure: and those of middle age to preserve: In some, every man should look for a share in the well doing. By Sea likewise other enterprises as well great as small wherewith to surprise were to be dealt in, in such sort as this mortal and bloody tragedy might be beautified with the diversity of so many new actions. forty years in this barbarous nations possession, shall be restored to the ancient owners. Their Emperor Mahumet was 54. days about the winning of it, & we shall not be much more than two months, not withstanding it were defended with a far greater power. But he in his victory used all kind of cruelty, insolency and v●lanie, which are utterly to be shunned: and to the contrary we ought to use all gentleness and moderation to ward the people: as wishing rather their conversion, and jesus Christ honoured in their temples, than to see their bloody bodies scattered all over the streets, although it be to be presumed, that many will be slain in the heats thereof: neither will the soldiers be slack in gathering up so plentiful a pray, as in deed they shall have deserved some recompense: but the valiant minds will never stand thereupon, but be content with the honour and some faushion, or such like thing to bring home and hang in their closerts, that their children seeing so honourable spoils of their parent's conquest in so honourable a place, may remember to initate their virtue. The histories do report that three days after the winning thereof, The behaviours after the Conquest. Mahumet went to the temple of Saint sophy to give solemn thanks to his false God: much rather ought that Christians therefore to sing holy Hymns to the true God whom they worship: and to sound forth the same, not in the temples only, but also in the high ways and open fields for his favour in achieving so triumphant and long wished a victory. Then order being taken to prevent all mutiny among the nations for the pillage, and having limited them a time to ordain thereof, the soldiers should be sent to lodge each in his quarter, except such as should be chosen to keep the Town, & then should they also take order for the inhabiting thereof with government convenient. In as much also as great numbers of the Turks may be retired into sundry towns in the inward part of the land, it were good to send two armies, each consisting of fifteen thousand men, with artillery convenient to scour the same. Like wise to send forth an hundred or six score Galleys to bring all the coasts under the Christian obedience. The pioneers all, so to be retained for the fortifying of Constantinople, wherein it were good to lodge siue regiments of footmen for the guard thereof with two thousand spears, and to leave fifty Galleys in the haven. Farther, if Autumn should be any thing begun, in which season it is no good travailing either by sea or by land, the armies should be divided into garrisous in the most meet places in Greece, Thrace, and other Provinces: neither were it amiss for the emperors majesty there to keep his Winter with the assistance of the counsel of the Princes confederate, to the end their countenance might cut off such disorders and insolences as usually wait upon prosperity. These things thus executed, it were good (as is said in the beginning) Partition of the Conquest. to look to the partition of the land that shall have been conquered: and according to the expenses of each Prince and common wealth in these conquests, to adjudge to them their just desert. Like wise to reserve sundry places for such brave Captains as may have behaved themselves valiantly and done any notable service. But I think it were better to stay the division until we have the thing, rather than now to discourse thereof in vain, only we are to imagine, that if we agree in the conquest, we will not fall out in the partition. But some man may here scoffingly say, that I have discoursed bravely in paper, and myself will confess as much: howbeit he cannot deny but such a troup as I have here described, being in the field, would become it better, and I am sorry we are not already come to it, that we might with the sword perform that which I have now shadowed with the pen. My intent is only to waken the Christians, and to beat it into them, nevertheless if in my speeches I have strayed in some points through want of knowledge of the places, fashions of the people, qualities of Potentates, or any other thing meet for this or for that, I will never deny my fault, whereinto my good affection hath made me to fall. To be brief, this will be in my mind, the issue of so just and The conclusion of this discourse. necessary an enterprise. And in case all Christian Princes had not so many controversies among themselves, and withal would have taken more compassion of the miseries of those that reclaim the name of Jesus Christ, long since had we brooken off half the scourges which do now strike us. This war would breed no remorse of conscience, neither should we see the mischiefs and confusions wherewith ours are replenished: but every thing would be guided by martial orders: and punishments, and rewards ministered according to reason. Neither is it to be doubted but such a voyage would be as notable as ever was Godfrey's of Boullein. The only fault why it is not put in practice, resteth in the Kings, Princes and Potentates that bear sovereign dominion over the people, and much more profitable and honourable would it be unto them, than to stand quarreling with their neighbours, or to suffer so much of their subjects blood to be shed under colour of piety, and so make their wars domestical and perpetual. I know we have some controversies in religion among us, which notwithstanding, the Protestants and catholics are still brethren, and grafted upon one self stock jesus Christ. But with these profane Mahumetists, who worship an imaginary God, which is (as the Scripture saith) rather a devil, and do pollute all honestly and sack the world, what conjunction or fellowship can we have? Against these enemies, the ravishers of our goods, tormentors of our bodies and poisoners of our souls are we to strive with our swords. But among those that bear one self title, all controversies ought to be ended in modesty and truth. The 23. Discourse. Of the Philosopher's Stone. AFter that through the knowledge of good Letters The fruits of learning. (which by God's especial goodness are dispersed in sundry places in this latter world) the arts and sciences had recovered their ancient beauty, diverse men having seen the glimpse of this light, which for many years had, as it were lain buried, have therewith helped themselves in the safe conduct to the search of difficult and hidden secrets: and according to the greater light that each hath received, so hath he penetrated farthest into the depth of such wonderful secrets as are dispersed throughout the whole world. Yea, even at this day, who so list to behold any Country whatsoever, shall in diverse persons perceive the like affection and diligence as have been in their predecessors to find out the perfection of those things that other men had in their days sought for. But as when many archers do shoot, few do hit the mark, so are there not many that can atteyn to that that in their imaginations they had conceived: which default is rather to be attributed to the weakness of man's brain, than to any imperfection of the arts and sciences, the which he that can well use and reduce to their true end, doth attain a great part of his desire. Among those that are (but over curiously) given to the pursuit Of such as are to curious in the search for gold by Alchemy. of diverse objects, there are none that stand in greater need of admonition, than such as profess with continual blowing to make their furnaces yield forth great treasure, which they imagine their long proofs should reveal: for we ought to take compassion of those whom we see in error to spend their years and lose their labour, without reaping any fruit whatsoever, which have moved me to give them this small advertisement, which they may vouchsafe to take in good part: wherein I pretend by common reason easy to comprehend, and according to my ability, to show them that they are deceived in those means that they take to attain to their wished end. Afterward I will speak one word to some learned Philosophical The sum of this discourse. Alchemists, that prosecute the same object, as also show what is to be judged of their so rare and unknown purpose. Finally, having confessed that there is a true Philosophical stone (but rather spiritual than material) I will declare what it is, also that being diligently sought, it may be found, and found will bring incomparable treasure and contentation. There be, as I take it, in these days three kinds of men which deal in seeking for gold by Alcumistrie. The first, being poor, Three sorts of men that deal Alchemy. are through necessity that oppresseth, driven to have recourse to this art, hoping thereby to find remedy for their want. The second being learned, are by the curiosity of their minds moved to search into nature's principal works, but thereto especially driven by lycorousnesse of profit. The third are mighty Lords, whose desires (still tending to greatness and wealth) are through other men's persuasions so stirred up, that for the compass as well of the one as of the other, they are disposed to use this art. Now by the examination of the causes that move each part, we may judge who hath the best intent. But in the mean time it is greatly to be presumed that they all shoot and draw at the devil of silver. I have hard some of them discourse in this manner. There have been (say some of them) in time past sundry learned persons as Mercurius Trimegistus, Geber, and diverse Arabians, that have employed their time in the consideration of both natural and supernatural things, who in their books have left written diverse goodly instructions concerning the Philosopher's stone or powder of projection, which is of so wonderful a virtue, that albeit their speeches be very dark, yet are they of such sort, that sundry excellent wits have since understood them, & plainly expounded their highest conceits, in putting in practice that which others have been content to see into by speculation: for both these conjoined they have by sundry proofs delivered to the view of the sense that which in old time was comprehended only in imagination whence have proceeded the discovery of wonderful secrets. Truly these speeches bear a goodly show and are built upon the authorities of very brave personages, which these puffing bellows do diligently note, to the end to set the better gloss upon their merchandise. Neither can I tell whether I dare allege that which one of their learned Alchemists did on a time tell me, namely, That they were the heretics of their sect: but I refer myself to the truth thereof. Now if the considerations of antiquity have been able as sparkles to kindle in their hearts the desire which we see doth consume them, the receipt and books written in our days of the like argument cannot but have greatly increased the same, and experience most of all: in such manner as some do seem to be even ravished in discoursing upon the excellency of this art. Now will I proceed in the course of their reasons which are as do follow. That God hath not in vain endued man with the understanding, which he hath given him to the end to consider of the greatness and beauty of his divine works, and thereof reap so much fruit as should be unto him permitted, that afterward he might yield to him all praise. That in time passed he revealed infinite, wonderful, and singular things: always reserving to himself nevertheless sundry new secrets to disclose, by the variety whereof the more to stir up every man to confess that the abundance of his works are incomprehensible. That the West Indies which seem to enclose the whole treasures of the earth, until, before unknown, were not discovered within these hundred years. Likewise that in these later years the art of transformation of unperfect metals into perfect, & the multiplying of the quantity thereof, which barbarousness and ignorance had long buried, is as it were revived again. Also that men have learned with fire to draw forth the essence of sundry things, whereof they have conpounded most sovereign medicines as well to preserve health, as to cure diseases. By which speeches it seemeth the Philosopher's stone to consist in such transmutation and multiplication: and this do all the scholars of this art together with their books affirm: A matter of sufficient admiration, which also ministereth argument sufficient to dispute upon. But first I must declare some of their principles: They say Their principles. that according to the opinions of sundry ancient Philosophers, the earth hath in her bowels enclosed a certain substance common to all metals, and apt to receive whatsoever the convenient forms of the same. Also that the said substance warmed with a certain heat, shut up in the same earth; doth in long process of time purge and wax liquid, afterward that it congealeth and groweth hard. Thus having by little and little in this slow generation lost the unperfect qualities, in the end it attaineth to this perfection, whereto nature laboureth to bring every thing. This is their opinion of the engendering of metals; which from unperfect do afterward grow to perfection: among the which Gold hath the first place, and Silver the second. These foundations thus laid, some speculative minds have imagined that it is possible by art to imitate nature, & first that the matter requisite and necessary may be found: next; that even in short time, with artificial fire that thing may be made, which the earth is long about with her natural heat. With these goodly persuasions have many as well in times past as now, made infinite experiments whereby to find, as the Proverb goeth, where the bean is hidden. Truly such men are to be commended as do dedicated their labours Their curiosity examined. to the search of whatsoever may tend to the relief of man's life, and wherein we do see the evident tokens of God's wisdom to shine: but withal it is very requisite that they which find that agility in their minds, do not undertake to enter so far into the wilderness of so many unknown secrets, unless for their guides they have upright judgement & discretion, least wandering amiss they lose themselves as many have done, who through a desire of knowing too much, being carried upon the wings of their rashness & soaring too high, have fallen down headlong with Icarus. Experience hath taught that many things have been invented as soon as sought for, as Printing & Artillery, neither is there any mention that they were long in devising. Others there be that for these 2000 years cannot be yet thoroughly understood: as the proportion the diameter to the circumference thereof, the cause of the saltness with the ebbing and fl●wing of the sea, and the reason of that high motion called Trepidation: which may be a sufficient rule to stay us upon those things that are possible, and to cause us to shun the unpossible. Of which number our blowers will answer, y● that which they seek is none, albeit it be a supreme secret. Truly I confess it is a great secret, considering that no man could ever yet find it out: but that it is one of the goodliest ends of philosophy, as they persuade themselves, I deny. And the better to know it, I will first divide it: into moral and politic, and then into supernatural: afterward into that natural, which hath relation to all elementary matters? The first and second part thereof which concern manners and Of the parts of Phillosophie also whether Alchemy hath relation to any of the same. policy, and celestial motions with the substances separate from all matters, do import a far more worthy argument than this is. For no metal is any whit comparable to the beauty of the heavens, or excellency of the virtues. This being most evident, that part of Philosophy which hath respect to natural causes, must of force have but the third place, which notwithstanding, if any man should ask them whether the good that they labour for be not to be accounted among the sovereign felicities, many will answer yes. Which what else doth it signify, but to place man's felicity in earthly things? Which is a matter utterly repugnant to the dignity thereof. For Gold is created to serve man, not to hold his affections in servitude, as it doth most of those that take it for their most beautiful and profitable shoot anchor whereto they can attain. In old time the like covetousness as we now see moved diverse to search the dark caves of the earth, also to dig and pierce the same, to the end to fet forth this metal, as yet they do in some regions: but these new inventions to engender it in furnaces, do show the desire thereof to be now more unreasonable than ever it was: so deeply rooted in man's heart is this persuasion, that he which possesseth plenty of gold is happy. Which opinion experience hath very well confirmed to be most false: for if we list to look into ancient Empires and common wealths, we shall set that together with Gold vi●e came in: also that virtue flourished so long as only brazen money was in use. Gold did by civil wars almost subvert the Roman Empire, That habundancie and plenty of Gould hath done more harm then good in the world. and since through the superfluities and dissolutions that it bre● overthrew it. The Empires of the Assyrians and Medians were changed and extinguished, when Sardanapalus and Darius swimming in Gold, conteinned the things which they ought to have had in greatest estimation. When did the Lacedaemonian common wealth flourish more than whiles their money was of 〈◊〉? For it began to decay when Gold began to grow into use and eestimation. I know none that will extol Caligula (who in two years spent above 67. millions) above Fabritius, who having neither Gold nor Silver in his small house, was nevertheless for his justice and valiancy the guardian of the Roman common wealth. Who lived a more contented life whether Plato the Philosopher, discoursing in his Academy, or Dyonisius the tyrant in the midst of all his treasures? He it was who through his doctrine made men good, and not the other who with his wealth corrupted them. Truly it hath been always seen that Gold hath made more men miserable than happy: for few do know how both to get and use it well. These examples one I not allege to bring. Gold into contempt: but rather to give men to understand that to such as want discretion it is hurtful, and that many other things are to be preferred before it. For when men shall see that in all worlds it hath been a fatal instrument, which hath so terribly moved men's affections, likewise that it hath hatched so many mischiefs, they will be better advised how they subject themselves thereto, considering it is made to serve or not to reign. Howbeit in commendation thereof I will also say that it is an Of the commodity and use of gold, also of the mischiefs arising of the abuse thereof. excellent metal, endued with goodly qualities, and very necessary to help with greater facility in the traffic of every thing, serving both for a common price for whatsoever we list to exchange, and for an ornament to those that are in greatest dignity. We ought therefore to esteem of it according to the commodity that it yieldeth, and to attribute no more thereto: but when covetousness doth so rage in us, that in lieu of well using it in such sort, we grow to excessive extolling thereof, it is converted into poison. For it breedeth murder, enmity, riot, and wantonness: It is also the occasion of wars and ●illage, and for the most part infecteth men with vile avarice. Hereupon did Lycurgus banish it out of Lacedaemon, and therewith also all vain pleasures, the deadly plagues of common wealths. It may be replied in favour thereof that when the ancients meant to commend the first age of the world, they termed it, The Golden world: but we are to understand that thereby they meant only the integrity of such as then lived, which they compared to the pureness of Gold, as they did the days ensuing unto silver and brass. For us it surpasseth all other metals in perfection, so also were the first men more excellent in all goodness, than their successors, who have & still do degenetrate. But if any man were disposed to entitle our age with the crown of the golden world, he might have some reason thereto. For Gold is now so cherished and worshipped that by it all things are obtained, & without it nothing is dove. He that hath Gold shall be honoured, but he that hath none is counted but an outcast. Yea, the mighty men are not content to be clothed therewith, but their houses must also glister thereof: but if we consider the manners of men we shall find them so far altered that they may be trulier termed manners of iron than of gold. An ancient good Bishop complaining, saith, When the Church vessels were of wood, the Bishops were of gold, but when the vessels grew to gold, the Bishops were turned into wood. This doth sufficiently testify what change it br●edeth in the possessers thereof, for in the end it overcometh the owner, and plungeth him that hath it in all pride and iutemperan●ie, unless he be restrained by the bridle of good doctrine. Some man may say that many other things may be likewise How dangerous the abuse of Gold is, also in what estimation and use it is in these days. abused, as Law, Women, and Wine, which are more necessary for man's life than it, whose use (notwithstanding their abuse) is not forbidden. Neither will I with Lycurgus conclude that it must be utterly forbidden, only I will show that it is a very slippery path wherein we may slide as soon as they that walk upon Ice. And in deed Gold is the very Ice where upon our hearts do slide when we so far let slip the reins of our desires that we cannot pluck them back again. Many men hold opinion, that wealth, if it be not ●e●tified with plenty of gold, is but like a cloud & too simple. In deed it cannot be denied but it setteth on a fairer gloss, but the same is likewise so course that it perverteth our judgements, in that so highly it alloweth of superfluous things, that it contemneth those that be necessary. A man may have his house plentifully furnished with all Of the mischiefs proceeding of those men's vanity, who because they have much Gold do think themselves to be rich. things meet and convenient for the use of his own family, the entertaining of his science, and the relief of strangers: howbeit if he have no precious vessels & movables with other like superfluities he shall be accounted poor: for custom hath so far encroached upon men; that wealth is accounted to consist in needles things rathar than in those whose use we cannot forbear. How be it what ever men think, this great discommodity doth gold breed, that it causeth a man soon to overthrow himself: for if his mind longeth after the follies of these days, he will waste 1000 franks re●● upon one mask, two or 3 garments for himself, one banquet, some game, or in presents to his mistress; before he be aware. Before that gold was so plentiful, the use of cloth of gold, silver, & silk were unknown, & precious stones most rare, even a prodigal person could hardly in many years spend his goods. Now we have a thousand vanities which lead vain persous to impoverish themselves in one day. Rabelais reporteth that Panurge in his voyages into Italy learned above 78. inventions to colne by money: but after he had a while haunted the Spanish & French nations, he was perfect in above 100 gallant ways to spend it, which made him continually to eat his corn in the blade, which good custom is yet in practice among us. After that the barbarous nations had invaded as well the East as West Empire, & sacked all the treasures of the same, gold & silver were for certain ages almost unknown: but after that the Spaniards & Portugals had discovered so many new lands, this mineral wealth & stones, grew as a vehement storm to be shed throughout all the provinces of Christendom, so as even to this day they do abound. And what is there grown but a general flame of covetousness, with extreme avarice of some, & excessive prodigalities of others, with so many superfluities which custom hath brought in, that 1000 Hercules should have enough to do to s●ay all these monsters. To be brief, all this gold & silver for ten men that it hath enriched, have impoverished 10000 To what purpose then is it to attribute thereto the power to make men happy? Plato & Aristotle entreating of goods, & whereto they ought to tend, do not go to seek them in the bowels of the earth, as shall be hereafter declared. These blowers therefore are to be reproved, in that they endeavour to persuade the end of their are to be of such excellency, whereby they lead many into error, who of themselves are already too much inclined to seek their contentation in material things. The poor savages of Perow before that our covetousness Gold hath brought the barbarousness of savages into Europe, and finally made the savages very wild men indeed. rob them of their Gold, had so much, that they made all implements of household thereof, esteeming it no better than of iron: for they never took care or laboured to gather, keep, or otherwise use it. But since that they were taught, & that they perceived the imperfectious which we●cō●●it for Gold, they grew as miserable as ourselves, & have made, as a man may say, their Gods of the same stuff which before they trod upon their feet. When we first began to traffic with them▪ they gave for a knife or any other cutting tool, double or triple the weight in Gold, making more account of the commodit 〈◊〉 of that metal, which we esteem sal●ise, than of the other that we think so precious. And who so list to speak with reason, must of force confess that iron, considering it is an instrument without the which few arts consist, is much more necessary to the use of man's life than Gold. Howbeit pride, superfluity, pleasure, and man's curiosity have bred the extreme admiration of Gold. which nevertheless, as I have said) is not altogether to be contemned. Now are 〈…〉 e to answer to their arguments, whereby they endeavour to prove the means to perform their work to be both easy Answer to the allegations of the Alchemists concerning the substance of metal. and possible. They say there is a certain metallical substance ●it and convenient to be transformed into perfect metals, which is the true seed that yieldeth the Gold, and the same (as the principal ground whereon they must build) it is requisite to know very well. That in time past few men knew it, but that now some excellent scholars in this art are nothing ignorant therein: also that it is likely not to be so strange and unknown a thing, considering that even mean men are perfect in the knowledge of the substance, seed and virtues of plants, herbs, and fowls. Like wise that albeit most of these goodly operations of nature be hidden in the depth of the earth, yet is man's spirit able to penetrate into such secrets, sith it can also mount above the heavens. To deny the substance that they search for I dare not, because we see the effects: but to affirm that it is known, there resteth the difficulty: for although we know many, as the aforenamed, yet followeth it not thereof that we are able to comprehend the other, which hath so long been hidden, except by the discourse of our imagination, until experience hath taught us the truth of this matter. Some common Alcumistes have in their pamphlets gone about to describe the said substance. One assureth it to be quick silver or brimstone: the other eggs or blood: and others have named sundry other kinds, which have procured a thousand and a thousand experiments, all which have proved false. Some of them do affirm that the true matter must of necessity have in it a great vegetative power, and some similitude with that substance whereinto it should be transformed. Concerning the, vegetative power their speech doth stand with some reason for sith nature must be an agent and work in this action, the matter must likewise have the same property, and not resemble a stone or a piece of wood. As for the similitude, it is likely also that the substance that should yield Gold must have some correspondence therewith: for it were a plain mockery to imagine that an egg should bring forth a tree, or an acorn a bird. These two properties than are very necessary for the matter which we speak of: nevertheless by the only discoursing upon things convenient thereto, it is not found, no more than is the philosophers wisdom, albeit they have in their discourses qualified and form it. But admit I grant, they know the true substance (which nevertheless Whether they can minister any form to the thing by them imagined. is a deep point) yet are they to prove by what artificial means, that is to say, by what regiment or help they can enforce their wished form, which is not easy to be done: for albeit that art do imitate nature, yea, that in some things it can even help her, yet dare not our common Alchemists affirm, that it can grow equal with her. Hereto they reply that experience teacheth that the virtue of the art, duly fitted with the force of nature, doth so help it, that thereof ensueth the bringing forth of the kinds in likewise as Nature alone may have brought them forth. As in Eggs which are the substance whereof fowls are bred, a man may minister to them an artificial heat so temperate: either in an oven or by other means, that we shall see them yield forth the like fowls as nature would have engendered: as also in the Salt pits we see that art together with the sea water and help of the natural heat of the Sun formeth the Salt. If therefore in living things, yea even in dead things, it hath so much power, why may it not likewise work in the substance of metals? Hereto I answer, that this is but a bad kind of arguing, of a few particular examples in things known to make a general rule for things as it were yet unknown: for that which may agree with one cannot agree with many. We may easily see that there is great difference between the manner by nature observed in the engendering of metals, and the other kinds afore noted. For having made the seed of plants, herbs, and fowls so common unto us, she also showeth us the facility of their generation: But in metals it is another case, for if their substance hath been hitherto as it were hidden, it is no marvel that their procreation is unknown. Who so list to consider how a Wheat kernel bringeth forth a fair and great ear, shall nevertheless therein see but small help of art, saving some travail and tillage of the ground with the sowing thereof, which cannot properly be said to be the principal cause of the generation: for it is only nature, who having received the seed into the ground as into a matrix, doth heat & putrefy it, also it maketh it to sprout, grow, and take that form whereto it is most proper. The like effect is to be noted in the generation of metals, which is performed by the only virtue and power of nature, neither can art work any great matter therein. And whosoever should take the substance of them out of their matrix, wherein nature by hidden means worketh, weening through art to make perfect the said metals, shall greatly deceive himself: for so would it lose the whole force and become lame. This might the Empirical Alchemists have thereby learned by so To what use experience may serve the Alchumists. many their false experiments made so long time: which nevertheless have not yet utterly diverted their minds from promising to themselves somewhat more: for they affirm that this powder of projection once performed, they may by casting a little of it among a great mass of imperfect metals reduce the whole into gold. Now thy proceed thereto by degrees, saying that one once of this powder is able to convert a thousand ounces of other metal into gold: & that which is better purified will convert ten thousand: but that which is once brought to perfection, will multiply, as they term it, from one weight to 100000. These be the brave fruits which they make the trees of their garden to bear, whereof the least will be worth 9000 crowns, & the greatest about 900000. Truly if these effects were as true as the discourses of them are brave, we shall see many gardens given themselves to the tilling of so fruitful a soil. The common opinion of man doth account this same to be a prodigious The examination of the multiplication of their powder. matter, yea, sundry learned men do marvel how so many can suffer themselves to be lead away with such persuasions, of whom if a man ask how this great augmentation can come to pass, they will answer that that should not seem so strange, considering that daily we see as great matter as that after the same manner: for (say they) ae candle once light is able to impart her light to 100000 more, & yet never diminish itself one whit: so likewise the virtue of this power is so great, that it communicateth the self substance thereof to other metals apt to receive it. This similitude, in my opinion, is no great proof hereof: for the transmutation of a mass of Lead into a mass of Gold, which is a conversion of substance, doth far differ from ministering unto fire any matter that may nourish or maintain it. Yea, it doth better appear in this, that the fire having consumed the matter ministered, they both do perish: whereas by the alleged transmutation so perfect a metal must come of it as may have a continual being. They must therefore bring in better reasons & examples to verrefie this multiplication. Besides, if this were so, it must needs follow that art should surmount nature, because in short space it should work the thing which nature is many years about. Thus much have I thought good to answer to the common arguments which they ordinarily use in their discourses & devices, whereby a man may judge what a small foundation they have to build so high a work upon. Such as being sufficiently learned, list to peruse their pamphlets may be able with greater gravity & more at large to dispute with than, to the end the truth being disclosed, many may by abandoning their errors find profit therein. For my part I shall still think them to be deceived in Whether any of the 〈◊〉 writers did ever find out this secret. the ways that they take, until experience hath revealed that whereof we are in doubt, which is one reason that we do many times lay against them, saying: that sith it doth not appear that any of the ancient Writers could ever with all their furnaces find out this secret, why do they so obstinately proceed in the search thereof? But (say they) in old time many did know it, as Solomon, in whose days gold was so plentiful, that all his palace was therewith adorned, & silver as common as iron: which abundance could never have been such, had he not practised this hidden Philosophy, wherein through his great wisdom he was most expert. Hereto do they add that K. Midas, who, as it is said, turned all that he touched into gold, was also skilful herein. Likewise that the ancient Poets, speaking of the golden fleece, meant thereby the Philosopher's stone, which also was not altogether unknown when the Roman Empire was in greatest pride. Howbeit that ever since it hath as it were lain dead together with many other things until these later days, that some men searching among the powders of antiquity found out some small fragments of this wonderful treasure, affirming that some have made demonstration thereof, as Cosme of Medicis, and K. Edward of England, who received this benefit at the hand of Reimond Lul a Catelaeunia: Others have concealed it as Arnold de villa nova, & Theophrast Paracelse. To be brief, leving a multitude of like examples, they accounted themselves to be followers not of imaginary matters, but of things Examination of the examples of antiquity with the Alcumistiss do allege. already practised. Truly I should never marvel to see the novices in this art, that have small practice in histories, sometimes to feed upon these vanities: but when the masters themselves shall go about to persuade the others that these imaginations are true, it cannot but breed pastime to the hearers. Wherefore to answer them, first I say that the aleaing of the example of Solomon turneth to their disgrace: for David was he that heped up most of his treasures, neither is it written that ever man had so much. The Scripture testifieth, that he left him toward the building of the temple 100000. talents of gold, & a milion of silver: which amountech to 120. millions of crowns as Bude summeth it. But almost all that treasure did rise of the spoils and overthrows of the Canaanites and Amorrheans, whom David according to God's appointment made an end of rooting out. And as for Solomon, he was a King endued with perfect wisdom, but he never used the same to their pretended effects, yea, in the holy Bible we find whence he had his Gold and silver. It is said that his ships sailed with the ships of Hyram king of tire into Ophir, which some interpret to be the Indies, to fetch and the number of Gold that they brought did mount to six hundred sixty and six talents of gold. Now the Hebrews talon of gold, as some do affirm, was worth seven thousand Crowns, so as all this sum should rise almost to five millions of Gold, which in those days was a marvelous treasure. But some of these men do imagine that the gold of Ophir was the same that was fetched out of their furnaces, which impudent affirmation deserveth no answer. But I will use the example of Solomon to prove their art to be false: for if he whose wisdom was incomparable, who also was perfect in all whatsoever could fall into man's capacity, never writ that he gate this secret by blowing: but contrariwise setteth down some of the means whereby he attained to his wealth, shall not we presume that it is an evident abuse to leave to their experiences? Neither is the example of Midas of any greater credit than the other. For in his person the ancient writers purposed to set before us a covetous prince, whose treasure through his own vice grew hurtful to himself. And by the golden fleece the poets meant the veins of gold or silver which the Greek Princes fetched out of Chalochos in the ship of Argos. Now let us come to the Romans. For it can not be denied but the Empire of Rome overflowed with wealth: howbeit it proceeded of the sacking of all the world, and not else where, as testify the histories. The alleging of great Cosme of Medicis is but a little tickling to cause us to smile. For he was a man issued from a very wealthy family, and with all discreet, a great dealer and of much traffic, whereby he mightily increased his goods, and afterward used very stately liberality and expenses as did Lucullus at Rome and Cimon at Athens. Concerning Edward king of England, who coined so many Rose nobles, no history reporteth it to have been done with Raymond Lullyes philosophical gold, which maketh me the rather to think that he dealt with minerals. As for Theophrast Paracelse and Arnold de Villa nova, no man can deny but they were learned both in Philosophy and Alchemy, and found out great secrets: but I am assured that in any their books it cannot be found that the substance of artificial gold doth resemble the same whereupon our common Alcumistes do work, either that the form thereof is to be performed in Fornances: besides, if we consider of their lives, we shall in the same see the tokens of poverty, and not of abundance: whereby it is likely they rather laboured to find what were necessary for the health of men's bodies, then to reveal any such matter as might increase their covetousness. Besides, if either themselves or any other had been skilful in this transmutation, I think they concealed it as well for their own safeties and quietness, as also to the end to eschew so many inconveniences as such plenty of gold might have engendered by falling into cruel and ambitious hands. I would therefore entreat those that are so hot in the pursuit Of the mischiefs wherein the Alcumistes do plague themselves. of these crooked ways, to consider how many rich men have within these hundred years beggared themselves in these miserable experiments. May not so many shipwarackes reclaim them: but they must needs run headlong after their own fantasies: yea, they are so fleshed in this business, the it will be four times more work to withdraw them therefro, then to fetch a Massing hedge priest out of a Tavern: so as we may say that in this art there lieth a certain hidden power which charmeth those that do exercise it. And it is likely that such as so vehemently do hunt after these extraordinary means, are thereto provoked rather by their own disordered affections, then by any well guided motions of the mind. As also we see that for punishment to their errors all their labours vanish in smoke. Neither is that all: for some finding themselves in this extremity do coin counterfeit money: others troth up and down to deceive those that are ready to believe their goodly motious, which they make in seeking to catch them in the same s●are wherein themselves have been taken. It seemeth to be a punishment of God laid upon those who contemning so many honest exercises and lawful vocations, do thrust themselves into such labyrinths as they can never escape without their own loss. Some man may say that every one that giveth himself to this science doth not cast away himself, no nor take any harm thereby: for we see Lords and Princes that have not sold one Crowns worth of land for it, but are desirous only to learn, as it were in sport, whether the thing that they imagine may be compassed. I grant they be wise in respect of the rest, but the number of them is small: whereas of those that wast themselves in these desires there be many. Truly he that could learn the goodly discourses that they make to themselves what they would do when they had achieved their purpose, should see mounts and marvels. One would be a King, and an other a Duke: One would make wars whereby to exalt himself, an other would build Towns and Castles, and the most part would live in pleasures and superfluity. To be brief, such as are the affections, such would the effects be. But I can never think that any secret can be revealed to those that bear so bad minds. Howbeit, if men would use this art only to attain to the knowledge Of the use of true Alchemy. of divers virtues and properties of nature, it were commendable in those that would so employ themselves: but there are but few that keep themselves within those bounds, and yet do they only reap the true fruit thereof that use it to find out remedies for sundry inconveniences & diseases, whereof (as is aforesaid) by fire men have found most singular. Ladies & Gentlewomen may, when they are at home, occupy themselves in distillations of waters and essences drawn out of all sorts of herbs, roots and flowers, as well for their own domestical uses, as to impart to their poor neighbours & subjects that may stand in need thereof. Were it not also an honest exercise for Lords and gentlemen, who lose so much time, sometimes to recreate themselves in such extractions, not of herbs only, but also of minerals and other substances, out of the which they may draw such oil and virtue, that two or three drops thereof may profit more than a whole heap of apothecary drugs? How many other brave secrets may be found out by the use of fire, whereof even the greatest Princes should not disdain to be skilful? divers printed books do show of things yielding both admiration, delight and profit. He than that list thus to use this art shall be free from repentance thereof, whereto all those are subject which seek to make it by strange devices to bring forth gold, which is as much as if a man for his own appetite should seek to fetch Manna from heaven. But admit a man should have converted all the stones about his Of the vanity of those that aspire to have heaps of gold and Silver. house into gold, what hath he then done? Truly he may peradventure have built himself a sumptuous sepulchre wherein to bury his virtues, or a proud theatre whereupon to display his vices, as it often happeneth those to do that are stored with great wealth. Be those the documents which the Philosophers meant to leave to the posterity? It is not likely: considering that they thinking man's soul to have had her original in heaven, would never minister unto her any object wherein to contemplate and depend upon that were unworthy herself: neither doth it appear in their writings that among the resolute and perfect good they ever harboured this earthly felicity after the which many do so hunt, even unto death. If we list to credit the saying of Aristotle in his treatise of felicity, we shall find that he first placeth it in the treasures of the mind than in those of the body: and lastly in those of fortune, under the which he comprehendeth riches. Socrates and Plato do also stir up men to virtue and spiritual things, & withdraw them from the earth: which should move these poor deceived persons to follow the steps of those whom they account their great fathers, who through the observing of the precepts of good doctrine, have not gone astray. Some there are so obstinate in their opinions, that all that may Who it is that in deed converteth metals. be said is not able to dissuade them from the possibility of converfion of metals. Truly to pleasure them I will believe them, but in such sort as once a scholar in that art at Paris told me: that the great Alchemists laboured by furnaces under ground. This poor apprentice herein was of my acquaintance, & had in three years space blown away a goodly house of his own with some 1000 or 1200. franks rend, & kept no more but the skin and bones, yea the fire had drawn away not only the quintessence, but in a manner the whole essence of all the apparel that he ware. Which when I had considered: Well my young master, said I you are now in good case to learn to fly, for you have nothing to load you or hinder your lightness. Oh sir, said he, you should rather take pity of those that unawares have made shipwreck. Truly so I do, said I, sith I see you so penitent, neither shall the help of my purse be denied you to furnish you a new in some lawful vocation, but now show me unfeignedly what light or certainty is there in your precepts? Our pamphlets, said he, are full of riddles and obscurity, and our long labours and continual expenses, do in the end bring forth but untimely births and fantasies. Have you not, replied I, any example either old or new of any that hath found out the secret. I know, said he, but one that ever attained thereto. I pray you, said I, tell me who that was? It is, said he, he: Who? said I, for I cannot know him unless you otherwise name him unto me. It is he, said he. Why, said I, do you then mock me? Well, said be, Then I must needs tell you. It is the holy father, who hath taught all our blowers that they are but doul●es, which in many years do multiply all their somewhat into nothing. Where himself yearly in France only transformeth and multiplieth forty pound of lead, which may be worth two crowns, into 40000 pounds of gold which may be worth 600000. crowns, and then maketh attraction thereof even to Room. Truly, said I, I will give you ten crowns the more for breaking your mind so plainly unto me: but I would wish you not to use much such speech in this town, lest our masters of Sorbonne immediately devounce you an heretic of seventeen Carects and a half: Whereupon we parted, and glad he was that he had found some means to fatten himself again, for he was as lean as a red Herring. And for my part I began to consider of the hidden property of this authentical Caballe, and having thoroughly pondered thereof, I fond that my jolly blower had better success in that which he had told me, then in all that he had done. But because the time was then too hot to rehearse this tale, I hide it in a corner of my memory. Having thus discoursed upon the falsehood that resteth in this Of some Alchumistes who ween under pretence of piety to attain to their purposes. Vulcanist art, whensoever it list to stretch to the forging of gold, I will speak one word of certain Alcumistes or rather Philosophers, who being consumed in Philosophy, do in their operations adjoin the power of nature with the necessary aid of the art. I will tell you what one of them once said unto me concerning the matter whereupon he had laboured, which now I have called to mind. He told me that the whole study and labour of man in the search hereof was vain, unless God would reveal unto him things unknown. Also that for the attaining to perfection in this art, it was requisite first to be an honest man: secondly, to pray often to God to grant him light in this darkness: thirdly, to gather knowledge of the art out of good books: and finally having found out the secret, to keep it secret, and not to abuse this treasure, but to employ it in the relief of the needy, or in very good works. Whereto I replied, that I found it somewhat strange that he would seem to work violence to nature, and submit God's order to man's will, which was unlikely to obey, because every man would give over the arts and sciences, to the end idly to enrich himself in things superfluous and of best necessity to man's life. He answered, that in this operative science, we could not perceive nature to be any whit forced, but working with all facility, order and power: which so much the more declared the wonderful power and wisdom of God: likewise that he knew very well that in as much as this knowledge could not dwell but in a contemplative soul not polluted with earthly affections, few men were perticipants therein. Of whom the most contenting themselves that they had hit the mark, were very scrupulous in the publishing of that which rather by heavenly meditation then practise they had comprehended, either to use the fruits thereby achieved, but in most necessary occasions. He, said he, that is desirous to learn the art must mark what the Scripture saith. First seek the kingdom of God, and all things shall be given you. Also this saying of the Psalmist. The Psal 2●. Lord declareth his secrets to those that fear him. To this I answered, that these places were meant of spiritual matters, and not of metals. True, said he, such is their proper interpretation: howbeit we may sometimes see the effects in things material, when the former blessing goeth before: as appeared in Solomon, who upon his prayer had the grant both of wisdom and abundance of wealth. You believe then, said I, that it is possible to transform metals, also that some men have attained thereto. They be both true, answered he, for myself have seen most evident proofs thereof, and as I think, there be some yet living which be skilful in the art, and to the end to gather some taste thereof, I pray you read good books, for in them you shall see not only beams, but even very lights which will show you not only the errors of this blowing, but also the true likelihoods of the metallical Philosophy. Hereupon I was blank: for having final experience in this doctrine, I was loath to answer impertinently, and being half dazzled with so many goodly words, I thought it best to stay until by effect I might see the truth of this affirmation, before I would allow or disallow thereof, which I yet wait for. Neither am I so frantic as to think that God cannot as soon extend his liberality to a good man (albeit by extraordinary means) to use it lawfully, as he could give to effeminate Sardanapalus 40. millions of gold, also to the monster Caligula 67. by ordinary means, which they wasted in all abominations. Thus much have I thought good to speak of the material Of the true Philosopher's stone, taught by Solomon. Philosopher's stone: now will I proceed to that which I take to be the true: for the knowledge whereof we can have recourse to no better writer than Solomon, whom, in my opinion, we ought to believe, as him that was endued with perfect wisdom, whose conceits and speeches were in many things guided by the spirit of truth, and therefore the rather cleave to his divine sentences. As also I think that all Alcumistes do give the most credit to his testimonies, as of one who is often in their view, in respect that he saw and had a taste of those miseries which they so much reverence. In some of his books he hath taught, that although man through his disobedience hath here below enthralled himself to many miseries, yet God who is goodness itself, would not leave him so wrapped in mischief, but that withal he hath prepared and offered to him innumerable benefits, to the end that craving them at his hands he might seek them, and by seeking evioy them, and so to reap such contentation as may be had in this life, and to yield him praise for the same. He divideth them into two kinds. In his book of the Preacher he speaketh of such as are earthly and Eccle 3. corruptible, affirming that notwithstanding their beauty, yet they that trust in them do find more vanity than pleasure. I have, saith he, built me houses, and planted vineyards: I have made me gardens: I have had men servants and maid servants, a great family and many flocks: I have gathered gold and silver, with the treasures of Kings and Provinces: I have appointed singers, and taken pleasure in the sons of men: and in wealth I have excelled all that have been before me in jerusalem. Neither have 〈◊〉 forbidden my heart to rejoice in the things that I had provided: but when I turned to behold all the works of my hands, & the labours wherein I had sweat, I found nothing but vanity and anguish of mind, also that nothing under the sun is permanent. This may be a good instruction to all those that six their felicity in things frail & transitory, to admonish them moderately to use them, & to cast the anckors of their contentation upon solid substances, which the change of fortune, as we term it, cannot carry away. Such are the second sort, mentioned in the book of Proverbs, That the true goods are spiritual and uncorruptible. and deserve to be called, goods, for they are spiritual, uncorruptible, steadfast, and do yield perfect joy. They therefore that list to follow the precepts of this great King shall not go astray, as the followers of the rules of our common Alcumistes, so as the scholars that are willing to learn, be endued with humility & docility, which are the first preparatives to that entry into this study. For Also the means to attain thereto. he that with worldly presumption, puffed up with vain knowledge seeketh to submit this so worthy & pure a matter to his senses, so far is he from reaping any fruit thereby, that he cannot so much as perceive the beauty thereof. These be his words: Happy is the man that findeth wisdom: It is more precious than riches: & nothing P●o. 3. that we can desire may be compared thereto. This is the declaration of this secret, which many never seek for, and others do seek indirectly & by crooked paths. He that can know it & apply it to himself, may be assured he hath found the true Philosopher's stone, that is to say, plenty of all goods, which do as greatly enrich & delight the soul as the body. I doubt if some of these blowers (mad to see his Answer to those that look only upon earth. experiences vanished in smoke) should chance to read this, he would exclaim & say: Oh, how are we fallen from a fever into a hot burning ague? sith they here propound unto us as great a paradox as they account our own to be! What reason is there, sith we be of earth, inhabit the earth, & live of earthly things, that they should feed us with spiritual & invisible substance? Let us first banish this terrible monster poverty, which continually tormenteth us, and then we will see to the rest. To this man will I make no other answer, but wish him to repair his broken furnaces, banish his wrath, & again seize upon his right wits, which peradventure he had forgotten in some of his Limbeckes, then will I teach him that the divine testimonies which I use in this proof are as true as his transubstantiall imaginations are false. Let us therefore hear Solomon, the image of perfect wisdom speak, who discourseth thus. The Lord hath possessed prover. 8. me from the beginning: before he made any thing I was ordained from everlasting: before the earth, the seas, the hills and the rivers were I was conceived and brought forth. When he prepared the heavens I was present: when he environed the sea with her banks and laid the foundations of the earth I was with him, making all things: and I delight to be with the children of men. Who seethe not here that wisdom took her original in heaven, yea even in the highest heaven, which is above all that we do see? Notwithstanding, to speak properly, she is without beginning: for sith that by her we are to understand the same of God, who is the eternal wisdom of the father, we cannot imagine in him either beginning or ending. It is the word, whereby all things were made, & which illuminateth all men. The most learnest contemplative Philosophers, as the Academics, which have been illuminated with some small beams thereof, did know (and yet knew not truly) & in their writings testify, that this wisdom whereby the whole world was created and form and in so good order governed, have of all eternity been resident in the divine essence. To be brief, that it is God, who through his divine wisdom hath declared himself unto men after sundry sorts: but wonderfully in the work of restoration, when he converted the mortal imperfections which man had purchased into those perfections that he hath liberally imparted & given unto them. And albeit they had lost the just possession of the land, yet hath he granted them the inheritance of heaven, whereupon Solomon saith. That wisdom is a tree of life to all that will take hold thereof, and happy prover. 3. shall he be that can keep it. Truly the excellency thereof doth shine in that it abundantly excelleth in all things. But because most men are so little moved toward that which is The excellency of heavenly wisdom. spiritual, in that that being wrapped in earthly things, their senses hold them down to those that be corporal, let us now as it were visibly show it them by the fruits and effects thereof, to the end they may the better comprehend it. Solomon who hath written a book in commendation thereof shall perform this duty. I loved (saith he) wisdom, and sought her from my youth: she taught me Wisdom. 8. the discipline of God and chooseth his works: I preferred her before Kingdoms and Thrones: and in comparison of her accounted riches to be nothing, neither have I compared the precious stone unto her: for all gold is in respect of her but gravel, and silver shall be esteemed as dirt. I have loved her above health and beauty, and have purposed to take her for my light: for her brightness cannot be extinguished: and all my goods are come together with her, and wonderful honesty through her hands. She teacheth sobriety, discretion, justice and fortitude, which are things most profitable to the life of man. If any man covet after plenty of knowledge, she knoweth things past, and judgeth of such as are to come: she is skilful in the depth of speeches and solutions of arguments, in the change of manners, division of times, the course of the year and order of the stars, in the natures of beasts, the strength of the winds and the imaginations of men: in the difference of plants and virtues of roots: and of her I have learned all secret things, and those that were never seen before: for wisdom the workmistris of all things hath taught me: for her sake I shall be wonderful in the presence of the mighty, and the countenances of Princes shall marvel at me. When I come home I shall rest with her, for in her conversation is no bitterness, neither is she accompanied with envy, but with joy and mirth. Moreover, by her I shall obtain immortality, and leave an everlasting remembrance to those that shall come after me. If I could into seven or eight verses have abridged all that is here described, I would have done it, but, in my mind, we should never be weary of reading so high and true mysteries, which nevertheless are but a small parcel of all that Solomon setteth down. The Alcumistes do say that one ounce of their power of projection is able to convert a thousand ounces of other metal into gold: what then shall we think that one grain of this heavenly powder shall do? Between gold and metal there is some affinity and correspondence: but between vice and virtue, ignorance and knowledge resteth a manifest contrariety: and yet is that the place wherein wisdom doth work, for it transformeth the wicked powers thereof into good, and as is aforesaid, teacheth those principal virtues which Cicero in his offices so highly extolleth: But what man is so gross and senseless, as to compare even the greatest mass of gold with the least portion of temperance or justice? Plato the Philosopher saith, that if with our bodily eyes we could perceive the beauty of virtue, we would be ravished with perfect love thereunto: But the vail of pleasure and ignorance so blindeth us that we cannot see it. And I like well the judgement of Solon, who preferred the felicity of a poor citizen named Telus, that was endued with wisdom and virtue, before the good hap of K. Croesus', who flowed in power and wealth. Here must we stay, as having no need to dilate upon the sayings of Solomon, considering how amply he expresseth the benefits proceeding of wisdom: & sith she bringeth the knowledge of heavenly matters, humane actions, & natural effects, & withal giveth honour, riches, virtue, praise, health, mirth and fame, what can a man say more? Now, God imparteth not these benefice only to the mighty: How liberally God doth communitate this treasure to all men: also the use and abuse of the same. for even the meanest do participate therein, some more and some less, according as it pleaseth him to endue them with this sovereign cause: as being assured that the knowledge of Mechanical arts, industry of Merchants, and experience of labourers, are no other but the small effects thereof, which do also appear in the order of the government of smaller families, and temperance of the manners of the poorest. But who can make a better show of the brightness of this light then the very discourses of the Alchemists? For sometimes they wade into the depth of the earth, then do they consider the operations of nature, & sometimes for the extolling of their art they climb even to the spiritual substances: And what hath opened their eyes to know such difficult matters but that wisdom which after an excellent manner doth shine in their understandings? In the mean time, in lieu of suffering themselves to be guided thereby they use it as a slave, in seeking continually to enthrall it to earthly business, as in old time condemned persons were thrust into the mines. Thus do they recompense it badly, and seem to have small knowledge of the virtue thereof, which tendeth rather to ascend then descend. Those men also are in an error that account him unhappy that hath any want of the goods which we term of Fortune. And yet the poor man that with patience beareth his poverty, is without comparison far more happy than the rich man that burneth in covetousness. To be brief, there is no estate that can make him miserable that hath any portion of this wisdom, which may be termed a very fear of God, or true passion of virtue. To him therefore must we have recourse, who distributeth so much thereof as is expedient to those that by prayer, humility and perseverance do cra●e some such beam, as may suffice to augment their contentation. Surely I take this to be a far more precious felicity, than the knowledge how to multiply whatsoever quantity of gold or silver: which the covetous and encroaching persons, can by wicked arts do as well. It is therefore better to stay upon the search and pursuit of the true Philosophical stone of wisdom, which instructeth, comforteth, enricheth, contenteth and saveth those that have found it, then to hunt after the vain hope of our blowers in the search of things whereof they grow sad, poor, and into decay, and yet can never meet withal. The 24. Discourse. Against those that think that Godliness depriveth man of all pleasures. GReat is the number of those men that The subtlety of the Epicures. at these days are infected with this false opinion, which they smylie publish in all places where they haunt: And they are, in my mind, such a kind of people as we may well term Epicures and Libertines, who establishing their sovereign felicity in pleasures, do endeavour only to contemn Christian life, burdening it that it breedeth nothing but continual sorrow, so to make all such as list to hearken unto them unwilling to walk in the paths thereof. Their arguments are wonderful plausible to those in whom sensuality beareth sway, which is the cause that many simple persons, yea and some of the wiser sort do suffer themselves so to be led away therewith, as somewhat to favour the said opinion: and thus do they with their malicious speeches turn many from walking according as the duty of the name that they bear doth require. There is an old proverb that saith, Evil words corrupt good manners: which is often verified. Howbeit, if any man doth doubt hereof, and wisheth some more evident proof, let him repair to the school of these doctors, from whence he shall be sure to return far worse than he went: for as drops of ink cast into fair water by continuance do not only defile, but even black the same, so young souls hearkening to such instructions do gather a bad disposition, which afterward enhabiteth within them. Now in this age wherein we live, which is so plentiful in wickedness, How dangerous they are: also how to beware of them. it is hard to be converfant among men without hearing such speeches: In respect whereof we ought to be furnished with good preservatives, as in the time of the plague, to keep away the evil air. The same may easily be had and without any great cost: For as well Christian as humane Philosophy do offer them for nothing to those that list to take so much pains as to cull them forth, as they would in a fair meadow cull such flowers as they best like. Howbeit, sith all men will not find so much leisure, this my small labour shall supply the default of those slothful persons: wherein they shall find the flowers ready gathered, which are so sweet as no filthy stench shall be able to offend them. I suppose we shall need no particular mark to know these of How they may be known. whom we speak, for their own speech will bewray them as the fruit doth the tree: neither to note the places where to find them: only this shall suffice, that although they be scattered every where, yet are there three principal fields wherein they do most prosper: the Court, the Armies, and the Towns: and so long as virtue was in estimation their number was but small, but through contempt thereof, they have abounded. Neither is it any marvel: for as thorns spring up among Roses, and darnel with wheat: so doth vice intrude itself where virtue doth, or ought most to shine, to the end to blemish the same. Among the three sorts of inhabitants in the places aforesaid, we may peradventure find some difference in their discon●●es and manner of proceed, albeit they all shoot at one thing, as an Archer, a Crossbow man, a Crossbow man, & a Harquebuzier shooting all at one but, though with sundry Instruments, yet in intent do agree. The Courtiers are very delicate in their speeches and pleasant Of the Epicures of the Court. quips, pouring forth their reasons so sweetly and with such a facility that a man shall be catched ere he be aware. Neither do their countenances or courtesies, which are great helps to persuasion, any whit vary therefrom. Thus with these goodly speeches they cover whatsoever is unperfect in their opinions, not that they think them unperfect: for they do follow them, wishing others also to embrace the same. The ordinary life that is led in those Courts that are alienated from virtue, is in part the cause of increase of corruption in these men: for seeing pleasure so highly esteemed, they are the more inflamed to enjoy the same: also through long custom in wishing and plunging themselves therein, they do esteem nothing else, and to the same end do refer all their actions. Thus by little and little of scholars they grow to be masters in an art that draweth those that put it in practice into destruction. Among these do I not mean to place the virtuous Courtiers, whom I take to be as unlike unto them as gold is to lead. But I wish only they were admonished not to permit their purity to be contaminated with others corruptions. Albeit we are not to think pleasure to be such an outward imperfection, as fasteneth hold upon us so soon as we come near to the same. For the seeds thereof are in ourselves, where they readily do sproot and fructify according as they be hett by such objects as presents themselves to our senses, unless by the power of reason they be restrained. Whosoever sendeth or counseleth a young man to go to the places afore mentioned to learn any thing, ought first to admonish him that there he shall find few good men, but many bad: also that the first sort will coldly induce him to all honesty, but the latter will continually solicit him to whatsoever is unhonest, so may he prevent the danger and provide to resist the same. For these subtle doctors have no better sport then to meet with such game, whom they assure themselves of, if they but once give them the hearing. Howbeit, although they hate true virtue, yet do they sometimes in words commend it, to the end to daunt none, but by their deeds they show that they do not much regard it, as having no care but to take their pleasures. Their ordinary speeches to those whom they seek to draw to Their speeches to those whom they seek to seduce. their opinion are these. Man's life is short and replenished with divers troublesome events: we are not aware that it is at an end before we know how to guide ourselves to find any comentation. For some led by common custom and others by ignorance, do entangle themselves in divers miseries which they might well avoid, and so do leave behind them many pleasures which they scarce perceive: and without the which man's life is a weighty burden to him: yea and repugnant to nature who by her secret motions procureth all living things to delight in their being, and to seek after that which may delight them. That as among all other creatures, man is the most excellent, so hath he most privileges: whereof one of the principal consisteth in recreating himself in the beauty and variety of whatsoever is scattered over the face of the earth. That his mind is capable to learn and comprehend: but it many times happeneth that all have not like good hap to meet with good schools: which are to be found in the courts of Princes and good towns, the principal seats of conversation, where the best polished minds do choose to inhabit: howbeit that the Court only beareth the name, as the place where not good instructions only are to be had, but also all sorts of objects that may delight do make their residence. That the country man who keepeth home, spendeth his days in hunting some beast, or in eating the wortes of his garden, where as those that flow in abundance do continually be hold goodly things, hear all melodies, & smell all good savours: yea if there be any sweet delights in the world the same are with them to be found. Likewise that whatsoever may tend to the exercise or contentation of the mind, is there more plentiful, as delightful company, amity, courtesy, honour, favour, wealth, rewards, offices, dignities, commendations, triumphs and all magnificence. To be brief, which way soever a man turn himself, all do laugh and rejoice: These are the things which we ought to seek in this life, to the end to bury such heaviness as happen thereto by so many unlooked for accidents: And whosoever taketh any other course resembleth the covetous person, which having (as a man may say) all felicity in his coffers, cannot enjoy it: but daily increaseth his cares and miseries: so far are his senses out of frame. That it is great folly to prescribe to man's life (as many do) such strait bounds to coop it in, as a man would do a prisoner: for so do they make it like unto death, which is repugnant unto nature: and devotion do bring it into that state. For we see some of these Protestants that make a conscience to laugh: on the other side, the Charterhouse Monk dare not speak, and the Nuns do nothing but weep. But if no man may without those passions have place in the chambers and stately halls of Paradise, they are well content to leave the pre-eminence unto them, and for their parts to take some room in the small corners of the outer courts. That those men are too speculative with in regard of things to come, do set themselves in the stocks in this world, and reject so many present benefits which are not created but to be used. These are the short sermons which these good Courtiers do preach in good and polished speeches unto the novices whom they purpose to entrap: neither is it to be doubted but they be drawn by this Epicurian doctrine, which is in these latter days very plausible to many. All these words, with many more delivered with a grace and dexterity in the midst of these theaters of pleasure, unto those simple souls that yet do walk in the paths of youthful innocency, are of wonderful force to restrain them from all good motions, and certainly the most part are shaken and infected with the same. Wherefore it is necessary in this our age to replenish the vessels of our souls with all good liquors, to the end those that be poisoned and still flow in many places may find no entry. Here would I answer the proposition of the false Courtier, were it not that we must also suffer his companions to utter their speeches, which are not much different from him and tend both to one end: and then answer them both together. Now let us bring unto the stage the inhabitants of the towns. Of the Epicures and Libertines which inhabit the Towns. One sort termed the careless children, which are a kind of people that pass not their leg of mutton, their flagon of wine, and a game at scailes I will not speak of: but I purpose to make mention of the other sort which want neither learning, eloquence, nor civility: men worthy continual conversation, were not their souls polluted with this vain Philosophy, which tieth true felicity to sensible and corporal things. They do some what differ from the Courtier that spoke before, for he doth not utterly reject labour, but delighteth in diversity of actions, & doth somewhat aspire to high matters: whereas these men love idleness, which they term tranquillity, seeking to eschew all causes of grief, which is one of the priucipal fruits of the Epicurian doctrine: who also do diligently observe the precept proceeded out of the same school: Hide thy life. Now some of them being learned do easily, by the subtlety of their arguments, draw to them many scholars. But their strongest means is the practice of the delicious life that they lead. For so soon as any have once tasted of the liquorous morsels that it yieldeth, it is a great adventure, but he even glutteth himself: And the better to induce him thereto, they draw him in with these speeches following. That men for the most part have been wrapped in ignorance, which is one of the chiefest diseases of the soul: whereof it Their speeches. hath followed that many times they have taken the false for the true: yea even in the choice of the life that is best for them they have been greatly deceived: but that those whose minds have been illuminated with the documents of Philosophy, have better perceived what were good for them to choose. That in them they have learned that among all temporal things subject to the sundry blasts of fortune, the meanest are the safest. For proof whereof, that we see the highest towers and trees most beaten with thunder, likewise the lowest meadows for the most part drowned with great floods: but that the meanest buildings are freest from all such inconveniences. Even so is it in man's life. For such as troth after the greatness thereof are tossed with a thousand passions, and oftentimes with sudden destruction: On the other side, the meanest sort are subject to many oppressions and injuries: But those that keep the mean, do without the envy of the one sort and contempt of the other, best preserve themselves, and withal enjoy a sweet peace both in body and mind, which consisteth in the use of all delectable things, and in the want of such as may be noisome. That albeit they inhabit the great towns, where they may see a vehement flowing and ebbing of worldly folly yet doth not the same toss this out corner of the world, where their navigation doth lie, and where it is almost always calm, whence they behold the motions of all, and smile at the vain hope and disordered desires of the one sort, and bewail the simplicity that circumventeth the other, while in the mean time they let the world slide, which passing in her wont course, moweth down all that hath had being: wherefore the best counsel that a man can take is to possess himself, and not to become a bondslave to divers things, which to no purpose do bereave him of that small liberty that he hath, which also he should make so dear account of. That it is not in vain that this brave speech, Too much of nothing hath been had in so great reputation, as being a sentence that cutteth off all excess in humane actions, and not only the bad, but also those which under colour of goodness, do tend to transformations against nature, such as many endeavour to persuade to themselves, who but simply considering of the weakness and frailty of man, do imagine that they can live here below as Angels, and to the end to attain thereto, do endeavour to bind themselves to unpossible rules and observations, albeit their bodies be composed of the elements and subject to the alterations that follow that substance: but they weening to advance themselves do recoil backward, as the hammer wherewith a man striketh too hard upon aslithie. For, say they, what else are so many superstitious custumes, such austerities, devotions, and propounded fears, but ravishments of joy and recreation whereto man's affections do tend? adding, that in seeking to make it perfect, they make it unsensible, after the manner of the stoics, which is, to destroy their own figure: That the best way therefore is to follow the rules which agree with nature, who is to be guided without violence and left free: also that who so useth it otherwise, burieth himself before he be dead, which is a punishment that those men have well deserved that have so badly used the goodly privileges of life. These be the first speeches that they propound: and then when a man is grown into domestical familiarity with them, they do more at large disclose the secrets that before they durst not reveal: For (as saith Plutarch, speaking of such Epicures) they fear the people, and for a show do embrace the religion allowed, to the end to be tolerated, although in corners they scoff thereat. Let us now hear also those that are brought up in the wars, Of Epicures and Libertines brought up in the wars. for now is it their turn to speak. But first I will say thus much: that I mean not to condemn the lawful professions whereto men apply themselves, but only such corruptions as fall out. The great labours of these warriors, together with the dangers whereinto they hazard themselves, do procure them earnestly to long for pleasure, as a most sweet medicine for their pains: also to eschew all sorrowful objects, as being but too much affrighted at the images of death which they see so often. And when they have catched some good booty, it is not to be demanded whether they study to make good cheer: for both days & nights are too short for them. And this proverb which by the scripture is applied to profane persons, is usually in their mouths, Let us eat drink & be merry, for peradventure to morrow we shall die. This is a close approbation of the perishing of the soul together with the body, which they will replenish with all earthly goods, for that they be ignorant of the heavenly. When a young gentleman cometh to learn the feats of war, they fashion his soul after a terrible manner, if he cleave too much to them. Their speech is not so much painted as the former, but as it Their speeches. were interlaced and full of jesting. The Soldiers (say they) must aim at both pray and pleasure, and eschew all melancholy, which they return to the covetous misers and hermits, for covetousness and devotion can have no abiding with the soldiers, the one making them to hate, the other to fear: likewise that they must not feed delicately, for that quaileth their courages. To be brief, that those which mind to bring into the Theatres where Mars playeth her bloody tragedies, fastings, portuaises, & contemplation, do but put forth themselves for mocking stocks, considering that there is nothing to be looked for but triumphs, rewards, and commendations, which are achieved by contrary ways. These be the petty rudiments of their schools whereby we may perceive how all three sorts do agree in the rejecting of piety, which is the worthiest and most precious ornament of our souls. I know such wicked speeches do deserve to be buried in silence, Why the speeches of the Epicures are here set down: also the means to eschew the infection of the same. also that neither the mouth of man should utter them, neither the paper bear them: but now other far worse are so common, that we need not to make any doubt of revealing them, so as we do it only to the end to warn others to beware, & to show the means how. For as men set manifest marks in certain places in the great streams where the rocks do lie hidden under water, that the sailors may escape them, so having marked the places where these dangerous shelves are harboured, I thought good to set down some small description of their form. Many there are who being ignorant of these dangers do thrust through the midst them: and these are to be moaned as much as the others are to be blamed, who perceiving them, do seem to have a pleasure to make shipwreck thereon, as taking their beginning to be very sweet, though the end be sour. The best way to scape without scathe, is to carry with them the quadred, that is, wisdom, and the card, which are the goodly precepts to discern the true from the false. For when the vail that covered this false life is taken away, and that the filthiness thereof appeareth, that man is very beastly that immediately flieth not from it for fear of polluting himself in so filthy a puddle. We have already seen the beautiful show of this veil which shineth in the painted and sweet speeches of these teachers: and especially in those which they make to run down so sweetly in the beginning: for men would think they should bring them to heaven: but when they gather to their conclusions, they make a sudden stop, taking the way not to any pleasant places of the earth, but even to the darkest dens therein. And in the mean time their intermingling of the fair with the foul, and of the good with the bad, do dazzle the eyes of the simple, and dim their judgements, whereby they cannot at the first perceive their iutentes, which in deed they seek to cover, because they cannot catch the birds without counterfaicing such pleasant calls. But lest we might be deceived, it is not amiss to show the fallacies of their entangling arguments, reducing them into a more brief and manifest form. The Courtiers is this. The instructions of the Court, with the examples of the quiokest wits do teach man to follow such things as minister A more brief order of the discourses of the sundry sorts of these Libertines. pleasure & contentation, as a benefit greatly to be desired in this life: and contrariwise toteschue all such as are sorrowful and noisome, which also make it miserable. But devotion and the strait rules of religion do plunge it in 1000 anguishes, make it melancholy, and hinder it from attaining to this end. We must therefore reject them, and ensue those that bring more delight. The second argument gathered out of the Epicures speech is this. The best rules to man's life are the natural motions of the soul, somewhat helped with the precepts of Philosophy. But the superstitions which transport man to imagined perfections, strange to man's reason do turn it out of this way. We are therefore rather to follow that which is according to nature, and conformeth itself thereto. The soldiers is this. Those things that effeminate the minds and daunt the courages of the soldiers, taking from them their wont cheerfulness which they ought to have, do in no wise agree with their profession. But the rules of religion which commend humility, forgetfulness of injuries, & a fearful meditation of death, do work all these effects. They are therefore unconvenient thereto. By this abrigement of speech we may (as I think) better comprehend The examination of the arguments or sophisms aforegoing. the speakers meaning, as seeing it naked and clear from that which before kept it disguised: neither do I suppose that any man, pare deaie that these argument are grounded upon impietis and intemperancy: for as well those men's purposes tend only to let go the bridle to bodily affections, to the end to wallow and glut themselves in all pleasure, and to reject the laws and admonitions that labour to restrain them within the bounds of virtue. But if we do more nearly mark their arguments, we shall see that all their conclusions are false, as also are the most part of their propositions, which must not seem strange, because that in the approbation of wickedness we cannot proceed but by falsehood and lying. The principal thing that the propound to dazzle men's eyes withal, is that all creatures do long after whatsoever may rejoice them, and eschew whatsoever may make them sorrowful. This do I with them grant to be true, and that nature teacheth every reasonable soul the same lesson: howbeit with this condition, that every one use it as to him shall be most convenient. In beasts this appetite is ruled by certain instinctions which nature hath given them, whereby they order themselves: and usually we see them seldom change this order: But man is endued with reason to guide his actions, whereto he yieldeth very small obedience: which also albeit it were much greater than it is, yet could it not escape s●umbling and falling into things vicious: considering how reason herself having been in a manner blinded by original sin standeth in need of a guide, so far is she from being altogether capable of the conduct of affections: but is it possible to find any man whose affections are so well ordered as to rejoice at nothing but that which is good? Such a one must we seek in the other world: for in this, wickedness, vanity, and delights, do please far better, even without comparison, than that which is good: so as this universal desire (which in beasts is ruled after their being) is very unperfect in those that have the use of reason, until it be after a sort restored through heavenly humiliation. This is their goodly foundation which taketh more of the bad than of the good, howbeit they nevertheless proceed to lay a great Confutation of the Libertines argumet touching the pleasure. building thereupon. For (say they) the delightful aught to be a most sovereign felicity to man, sith his own forcible desires are so lively bend to such an end. Heeteupon if a man should deviand of them, what is the delight of the intemperate person, they dare scarce be acknown, for shame forbiddeth them to say impudicitie or gluttony: wherein we may brholde the beauty of their brave Philosophy, which maketh man's sovereign felicity like unto that of a hog or goat. Neither is it to any purpose for them to reply, that they can well enough shun such villainous excess: for experience doth but to plainly teach, that when man fixeth his felicity in bodily pleasures, he doth extremely exceed in the use of the same: and herein doth all the vice consist, when we exceed the mean, whether in wishing or enjoying: besides that, whatsoever is of itself wicked, we ought neither to wish nor labour for. The doctrine of Philosophers teacheth that there be three sorts of good, The pleasant, the profitatable, and the honest. Also that as the profitable are to be preferred before the pleasant, so the honest are to be esteemed above them both, as far exceeding them in all excellency: and these do properly pertain to man, who only among all creatures is capable of virtue. Who so therefore preferreth pleasure before and setteth virtue which is the true honest good: last committeth a great error, and placeth himself among bruit beasts, who do respect no more but to satisfy their lusts. Neither will I forget to say that the good of pleasure cometh behind the good of profit, but that which accompanieth the honest is without comparison the most perfect, neither is there any falsehood hidden therein as in the others, which for the most part do breed sorrow and satiety: whereas those which consist in the enjoying of virtue are pure and clean, not subject to alteration, but continually yielding content. This showeth the blindness of our Libertines speeches, when they say that pleasure is above 〈◊〉 things to be desired, meaning of inferiors, for they ought 〈…〉 add the honest to make their proposition the more receivable. The second part of the confutation touching the sorrow which the Libertines doecondemne. Now let us speak of the other part thereof, which so earnestly persuadeth to eschew whatsoever may breed grief or sorrow: for therein do they account the greatest part of their felicity to consist. Hereupon we may say that the principle of such affection is bad, sith it tendeth only to eschew the thing that altereth the temperature of the body, & breedeth discommodity to the mind, because the same seemeth to be a perverting of the order of nature: but they have other considerations. For as they refer almost all to the body, so they think it a great inconvenience to suffer, whereof also ensueth another, which they think to be no less, that is, a hindrance from enjoying of pleasures: which their false opinions do minister unto them double torments. I will not deny but he that professeth wisdom, ought so far forth as he may, to eschew all griefs. Howbeit when they hap unto him, he must not make the accident greater than it is, but by the valiancy of his courage diminish the same. Whereas these men to the contrary do imagine every word of sorrow to be ten, such a delicate felicity have they forged themselves. They also show themselves to be of small judgement in that they seek to shun sorrows and griefs, & yet do wallow in all pleasures which draw them after them by douzens. It is as if a man to keep himself from wet, should run up to the chin into the river, whom we might well say to be besides himself. Whereupon Erasmus very ●●tlie saith, that pleasures at their coming do flatter, but at their departure do leave us full of sorrow and heaviness. The Town Libertines do incomparably fear these inconveniences The cowardliness of those Libertines that inhabit the towns. more than the other, because that having chosen the more effeminate life, themselves have through custom grew as tender as the wax that melteth against the Sun, which in them is a great token of pusilanimity so sore to fear that which so many vile and base persons do bear with so great facility. Yea, we shall sometimes see women and young children make so small account of the griefs that prick them, that you shall not hear one lamentable voice proceed out of their mouths, which are the goodly fruits of constancy. But who should better know this than they that think themselves in fineness of wit & knowledge to pass all others? In respect whereof their opinions in the ordering of their lives ought in soundness and truth to pass the common sort. They imagine that they have laid a sure foundation, in saying that we Answer to their argument concerning the motions of nature: also whether it be well done to hide their lives. must follow the motions of our nature, whereto nevertheless they also add the help of precepts, whereby they show that they account it unperfect. But it were better for them freely to confess the great imbecility & weakness thereof, than by extolling it so high, to put it in hazard of a greater fall, & themselves do but too often try how much it is inclined to evil rather than to good. Howbeit although it were much purer and sounder than it is, yet would they through the bad sustenance wherewith they feed it utterly corrupt it. And what manner of Philosophy is this of theirs, which seeketh to straighten crooked things by those that be more crooked: This is the occasion, in my opinion, that they so love to hide their life, least men should perceive their disordered manners. I will rehearse unto you the admonition of Plutarch to such people, for the same will suffice. Plutarch in his treatise, whether this common speech Hide thy life, be well said. It is (saith he) a point of dishonesty so to live as none shall know how thou hast lived: for if thou be'st endued with virtue thou oughtest to let it appear. If with vice, to seek to have it cured. Whom then may this Proverb Hide thy life profit? The ignorant, the wicked, or the fools? No. It were as if thou shouldest say to them. Hide thy ague, or thy frenzy, let not the Physician know of it. Go creep into some dark corner where no man may see thee or thy passions: Go hide thyself with the incurable and mortal disease of thy vices: cover thy envy, thy adultery, and excess, as a hasty and lofty poulse, lest thou be showed and delivered to such as are able to admonish, correct, and cure them: Let us also look what commodity the hiding of a man's self, and not to let any in an know him, doth breed to the honest. It is as much as saith Plutarch, as if a man should say to Epaminondas: Take no charge of the army: to Lycurgus, Trouble not thyself about the making of laws: to Thrasibulus, Kill not the tyrants: to Py●hagoras, Teach not: or to Socrates, Make no discourse. Hereby we may very easily comprehend that those which seek to persuade others to live in these small corners, have no lust to make men to amend their imperfections, or to serve the the common wealth, but rather that they seek to glut themselves with all pleasure. But as for him whom we see so disposed, and past amendment, we may well apply unto him the saying of the same Philosopher to the brother of Epicurus. Go and hide thyself with thy harlot Hedia and other thy yonckors, sith that contemning all honesty thou placest thy felicie in the pleasures of the flesh. Truly such ends are to be buried in the darkness of the night, lest their wicked example should stir up others to filthy imitation. The Courtly Libertine differeth from these men in this, that he Answer to the errors of the courtly Libertine. seeketh to live in more light and to be known: how be it he is so sly, that he forgetteth no devise wherewith to cover that which he doth well know many will reprove. But he speedeth as well as the woman, who to cover her nakedness putteth on a white, thin and fine lawn vail, whereby she may be seen as plain as before: for even so may we easily behold the mud that is in the bottom of their water: and it is great pity he employeth not his so many qualities and exercises as well in the use of virtue, as of his pleasures. But after a man hath suffered himself to be by this sorceress bewitched, it is very hard for him to abandon her, so many hooks hath she to withhold those that do follow her. We have already seen how he allegeth the example of Courts and finest wits, feigning that as well the one as the other do all tend to that end. But I deny it. For although men do there seek pleasant matters, yet are not those their principal ends, but underlings thereto, and as it were, some sweet refreshing to life, after it hath been too much wearied & toiled with cares. For I think there be few (but their like) that will prefer the pleasure of melodious music, before the goodly harmony of sundry commendable amities there contracted: either glut themselves with a pleasant banquet, rather than save their dear friend out of present peril, lest so should they seem to have but small regard to the contenting of their souls: for their body being filled they are satisfied. Yea, they make it a bondslave, saith Plutarch, in forming the contemplative part thereof, not to think upon any other thing but the body, which is as much as for to hale it down with sensual concupiscences, and because in his small works he hath eloquently discoursed against many other Epicurian opinions, I will refer the Reader for his better satisfaction unto him. Now must I say some what also of our warlike Epicure, A refutation of the errors of the soldier-like Libertine. who, as the nature of wary is to disorder all things, so would he bring such a confusion upon the most profitable senses that remain in his soul, as they might not keep him down, but suffer him for to follow his furious appetites, whereas he is so evilly accustomed in these corrupted schools, that nothing but the glutting of himself therewith can delight him, even as the Fisher's nets are haled into the bottom of the water with small morsels of Lead thereunto fastened. He maketh a goodly brag, as if he would tread under foot whatsoever he thinketh may seem to lead him unto fear and delicacy, and yet he marketh not that most of his pastimes are of like nature. For when he hath suffered a little, what is his delight, but to wallow in the puddles of Bacchus and closets of Venus, until that grief, weakness, or poverty do pull him forth again? O what a goodly mean he hath to maintain the virtue of Fortitude in strength, by nourishing it in dishonest pleasures! Nevertheless to the end to moderate the rudeness of martyall life, I will set down an argument clean contrary unto his, and conclude that it is necessary many times to use such things as may mollify and appease it: but with what drugs must it be done? With piety, humanity, and temperance, which never quail the courage, whereas that meat wherewith he feedeth his soul doth make it both dull and savage. Our aforesaid Libertines in whom particularly there is small disagreement, do in general very well agree among themselves to Whether Christian profession do banish joy out of the heart. contemn and reject the Christian life, as being persuaded that it banisheth all joy out of the heart, and keepeth man all his life time in as demure a countenance as the same which a bride counterfeiteth for one day only. And because they dare not openly speak evil of it, they revenge themselves by slandering it secretly among such as are of their own fraternity. This monstruousness of these later days might be thought berry strange, were it not that I consider that the antiquity of the jews engendered the Saducees who denied the resurrection of the dead and immortality of the souls, which maketh me not to wonder so much at the imperfections of our time: for if we be God's people, so were the jews: albeit we see that as well that one as the other have gone very far astray. In plutarch's time, there were many such people: but the same were heathen men blinded with ignorance and pricked forward with their desires, to whom upon this point he speaketh so parti●ently, that I would take his speech to be sufficient to awaken and amend those that live in our days. These be his words. The Epicures do scorn the sacrifices and In his treatise that by the doctrine of Epicurus no man can live merely. ceremonies which we use to the God, saying that those that assist thereat, do it not of any pleasure that they conceive therein, but for a certain fear that they have of them, which is manifestly false: For in truth there is no prosperity that more delighteth good men than that which they conceive in the temples, neither any time more joyful than those feasts, neither can they see or do any thing that better pleaseth them than when they sing or assist at the sacrifices to the Gods. For is not there the soul heavy or melancholic as if it had to deal with some tyrant, but rather wheresoever it weeneth that God is, there doth it soonest put away all fear and care, and give itself to mirth. Afterward he addeth. Now saith Diogenes, all belong the Gods, & among friends all things are còmon, but the good are friends to the Gods. It is not then possible but that the devout & such as are friends to the Gods: must withal be happy, neither that the virtuous man, as he that is temperate and just, can be without devotion or religion. Is not this very well spoken of a heathen who never had but false instructions, to conclude that he, which hath a lively impression of religion can not be without felicity and joy▪ Let therefore our Libertines of these days, who make themselves so blind in the midst of all this heavenly light at the leastwise receive the instruction of this philosopher (even they that so much esteem of profane writers) who did see more clearly in those passed darknesses, than these men will do in the perfect light. I am of opinion that who so list to read this his so excellent a a treatise thorough, out of the which I have shred these small morsels, it will suppress in him a great part of these false opinions, by seeing them so sufficiently confuted, which shall excuse me from repetition, referring the readers to the original. We shall not need (as I think) any other doctors than the Philosophers to confute these people which do thus falsely pollute the purest principles of man's life: for it were too great an honour to them to have the heavenly rules alleged against them. Howbeit in as much as they dare in their corners make their scoffs thereof, it is very requisite by the same to disclose the filthiness of their disorders and return their atunts upon themselves. They imagine that they have gotten a great advantage of other The confutation of the Libertines allegations against the terrors of hell. men, in saying, that they be not terrified with the fantastical imaginations of the torments of tell fire, which say they, are but devices invented to restrain such as exceed and live against nature. But I would ask them, (albeit their false proposition were true) to whom those propounded terrors may better be applied then to themselves, who live as much against the nature of men as conformably with that of beasts. Truly they cut their own throats with their own knife: & also whatsoever countenance they bear to fear nothing, yet we see no people that stand in more fear of bodily punishment and death than they. And whereof may that proceed, but of a natural feeling printed in their consciences, which under temporal corrections and calamities do represent unto them the eternal pains prepared for such as flee and revolt from God? And that is it which Solomon saith, The wicked do flee when none do pursue them, and unto them is death terrible. Have not the philosophers also said that the most grievous and assured punishment of wickedness is a continual remorse in the offender, which leaveth him no rest? The aforesaid things, which even they of whom we speak do try, are as it were demonstrations and sensible approbations of God's judgements after this life. Some do endeavour so much as in them lieth to have no feeling hereof in themselves (because it is the continual diminisher of their joy) but they can not possibly compass it. And they are far deceived to think that good men be so terrified with the remembrance of hell: for although they abhor it, yet are they hereof assured, namely that there is no condemnation to those that are in jesus Christ and walk not according to the flesh that is which live not as Epicures. Moreover, they know that hell, with all the power there of was lead captive in the A consolation to the good against the apprehension of hell: also how fore affliction tormenteth the Libertines. triumph of our redeemers resurrection, and therefore cannot swallow up any of those that are partakers in the benefit of this victory. Whereupon they stand in no fear for themselves, albeit they take compassion of others whom they see to take the way toward this gulf which is to them invisible. Let us a little consider how the Epicures and Libertines whensoever they suffer any adversity, whereof they be not exempt, do bear the fame, as also what consolations they use. We may say that they take them as unwillingly as children do the rod: for sith of the deprivation of sorrow they make a wished felicity, it must needs follow that the presence thereof is unto them a very odious mishap. Nevertheless they can yet comfort one another, saying: If it be violent they shall be soon delivered from it, and that being reduced to nothing, they shall no longer feel any thing: but if it be bu● small, they will seek to lay all the fault sometimes upon men, and sometimes upon the elements, as if all creatures should be contributories to the preservation of their bodily felicities: All these consolations do far differ from those of the true catholics, who are instructed in the truth: for when they The comforts of the true Catholics both in affliction and prosperity. fall into any tribulation, their souls are not troubled, as knowing assuredly that it is God that visteth them after a fatherly manner, for their good & amendment, as not willing they should perish: assuring themselves that after their humiliation, and calling upon his favourable goodness they shall find such remedy as may be most convenient for them. Yea, although the greatness of the peril, or vehemency of the mishap should even carry them away, yet would they not sorrow without measure for abandoning a frail and transitory life, for one fully replenished with all eternal goodness. Neither do these men guide themselves otherwise in prosperity than in adversity, measuring them according to the pleasure which they breed unto the bodies, as also they measure the other by the ell of their bodily sorrow. But the Stoic Philosophers whom they scorn, are sufficient to reprove them: for they say that to speak properly, vice only may be termed mishap, because it transfigureth man into a wicked devil or beast, which grief doth not, for it oftentimes maketh them better: likewise that the true good which giveth perfect contentment, is that of the soul which consisteth in the goodly actions of virtue, and the high searches of the truth. But in as much as this is well enough known, I will persist no The abuse of the Libertines in the use of the things that they feel after, & wherein they ground their schcitie. farther therein, but return where I left, pretending to show the abuses which the Libertines do commit in those things that they seek after and delight in. Let us put the case some good succession or other benefit be fallen to one of them. The first thing that then he should do, if he were as he ought to be, were to give thanks to God, as to him that is the author of all goodness. Secondly, to rejoice for being freed from poverty, and being better able to exercise than before the actions of virtue, as charity & liberality. Thirdly, to use this riches conveniently or honestly, as well to the benefit of others, as to his own commodity & recreation: but what doth he, but refer all to himself, neglecting all acknowledgement to God, (of whom he taketh small keep) and his other duties, and then saith to himself and his coadjutors. Come let us prepare ourselves to all The Christanmanes delight. kinds of pleasures, sith we now have means to enjoy them, and cast away care: for the pleasures received will never be lost, and the remembrance thereof is still pleasant. But the true Christian man's pleasure is far other: for so soon as he receiveth any benefit, by and by his heart riseth to Godward, and he confesseth and acknowledgeth that he hath heard him, yea, that of his bounteous liberality he hath prevented him, or that although for his ingratitude he deserved to be chastised, yet he hath so far favoured him as to grant him all things necessary for his present life: & meditating upon these things in his soul he rejoiceth, and with David singeth: The Lord is my only support, and he that doth me feed. How can I then lack any thing whereof I stand in need? He doth me fold in coats most safe, the tender grass fast by: And after drives me to the swarms which run most pleasantly, etc. In the court we may see many who when their master hath given them any reward, do never cease praising of him, saying: O what a good master we have, that giveth us such rewards? Are we not bound to love him heartily, and withal fidelity to serve him? If men can then so delight in the acknowledgement of human benefits, what are they to do for divine? Undoubtedly those that be well taught do delight much more in heavenly: for they know that a Prince loveth to day & hateth to morrow: but the God never hateth those whom he hath registered for his in the book of life, but loveth them with a most perfect love. Another pleasure also that ensueth this, is when that which a man hath gotten he useth by rules of virtue. For if I be a magistrate & have preserved divers innocents from unjust oppression: that my prince favoureth me, and I have reported the truth unto him: either that having had wealth I have relieved those whom poverty was ready to thrust down into their graves: will not all this be unto me an occasion of greater joy than if I had used these commodities to hurt my enemies, to eat more delicate morsels, or to be costly clothed all over to make men gaze upon me, as upon as upon an Ox crowned whom men use to lead up and down the streets? I refer it to the judgement of the wise. A Christian shall also find further occasion to rejoice when by outward benefits as well his mind as body are freed from sorrow & sufferance which proceed of the want of these goods: but this is with a moderate joy which continueth and resembleth a calm and still running water, whereas the joy of the Libertines doth rather resemble the inundations of a swift stream. I dare affirm that even the bodily pleasures (I speak of such That the pleasures of the body which the Christians do enjoy, are more delectable and firm than those wherein the Liibertines do plague themselves. as are lawful) which they so storm for, are not so pleasant unto them as unto those whom they take to be so entangled in sorrow. The first place will I attribute unto those which they receive in taste and feeling, which are the two senses that they seek soonest to satisfy, notwithstanding nature hath placed them further from the understanding then the rest, as those which are most repugnant thereto. In this carrier do I already perceive some not only running but even dying after one Flora or Lays: but in their such pursuits, yea and enjoy, they shall hardly persuade me that their pleasures do surmount their pains: for if there be any purgatory in the world, a man may say that it is there. One crieth out that he burneth, another that he freezeth: one will go hang himself, another will banish himself: thus do they pay beer for such wares. Such loves will some man say, do not pierce so violently: but I say yes. For unchaste flames do burn, where the shamefast do but heat only. Again, after they have enjoyed their purpose, what followeth? two very contrary effects, according to the diversities of humours. For we shall see some not to love women, but even to worship them as Goddesses, submitting themselves to such vile bondage, that easily they grow most vilely to unworthy actions: Is not this then a worthy pleasure that maketh the soul so senseless & astonished? Others contrariwise, after they have once tasted of this food do disdain it: not to the end to taste no more, but to long after change. Wherein they very well declare the vanity and shortness of bodily delights. Yet is not the tragedy ended, the mischief whereof we may say to consist in the Catastrophe. For most of those that have best played their parts do find themselves rewarded according to their works, namely with debility of members, gouts, pocks, pains in the stomach, and which is more, their life is shortened and their hearts and minds weakened. These be the fruits that grow in this goodly garden of pleasure which these our masters do so honour: where in the beginning they gather a few roses, but after they have a while sported themselves, they step before they be aware into a Labyrinth of pricking thorns, the coming forth whereof is perilous, and the torment perpetual. Now let us match unto these such men as desire honest pleasures, so shall we the better see the difference between them. When in their youth the sparks of purest love have somewhat warned their minds they seek 〈…〉 eet objects, using for their load star honesty, and for their quadrant the remainder of their reason. Being thus guided they escape shipwreck, and oftentimes have a very calm navigation, I mean those which lawfully do labour after lawful things, have their pleasures not full of launching forth, but seasoned with sweetness, replenished with steadfastness, and such as leaveth behind it neither remorse nor repentance, as do the others. These amities may also be termed the kirnelles, which bring forth the fair & great families, whose end is ordinarily crowned with contentation. Neither do those men that are taken with the furies of Bacchus govern themselves any better than these disciples of Venus. For some there are whom a man cannot say to be borne to live, but to live to eat and drink: others are not so deeply plunged in this gluttony, but in lycorousnesse and delicacy. The first are so disposed, that their belly seemeth to be a cauldron, and their stomach a turn, for they be continually nailed and chained to the table, where they fill both the one and the other, until the load be so weighty that it overturneth his man, or carry him away upon all four. But who so should think them to be any whi● ashamed thereof, shall be greatly deceived: for they account it a great glory after their long strife in so sweet a combat, to be carried away triumphantly into a bed, where they recover new forces. And then they know very well these two great Captains White & Claret to be invincible, also that the bravest must of force stoop unto them, as a Pigmean might do to Hercules. In opinion they consent with that good fat Abbot of old time, who when his friends told him that such like exercise would shorten his days, made them this answer: My friends take no thought for me, for as it is an honour to a good knight to die in the battle: so it is an honour to an Abbot to burst at his table. I will not speak of the pleasure that they take in these continual and reiteratedtepasts, because they be but too well known, especially to such as have travailed some parts of the North countries, where such excesses are more common than with us: albeit it might beseem those that are endued with piety, and yet do practise it, to leave the abuse thereof to the Libertines of whom we speak. The second sort are not so disordinate as these, but do entertain themselves with much more civility and desicacy, and in lieu of swallowing down all that they eat & drink, they will only taste of it, to the end thereof to have the longer delight before they be satisfied. These men be somewhat careful to hide the filthiness of drunkenness, but most diligent to seek means of diversity of all meats, that by such variety their appetites may find more delight. If they can meet with a good cook, he is better thought of among them than ever was Plato or Aristotle in the Academy of Athens. All their meditatious consist in invention of liquorousness, and calling to mind their passed good cheer, and thus still aiming at their first mark, they pollute themselves in the like puddle. But they do it with more cunning, as knowing better how to enjoy bodily pleasures than the others, also to cover their filthiness. As for their Bacchanalean rewards, as well the one as the other are partakers of them: and it is hard to have continued that course long, but they shall feel the forerunners of sickness who follow after, and are as perverse as the former alleged. Likewise we may see what gain is to be gotten in serving a master that is so liberallin all kinds of sorrows to those that choose to cleave rather to their bellies than to abstinency. far other is the pleasure of those that do moderately use the gifts of God which he sendeth for our sustenance. For taking the same in such sort, their souls are never endangered with abuse of them: so that remaining free in the conduct of their sensuality, they sometime give it the rains, and sometime restrain it neither more nor less, but as a man would do when he walketh a young horse in the fields. And in so doing as well the soul as the body do rejoice in the enjoying of those benefits whereof it only hath the use, when she seethe them fettered within the bounds that she hath prescribed. But what more gracious & goodly a banquet can there be than the same wherein as well the one as the other be satisfied▪ With is always practised among such as be adorned with piety & virtue. Yet do they not disdain exquisite food, neither pleasant wines, but do esteem of them as of other necessary things, which when they want, & have not even those things that are common to the 〈…〉 o sort, they do nevertheless not storm or languish after them, as knowing that a small thing will suffice nature. But one of their chiefest considerations is to make these means to serve for the enjoying of the conversation of their like, & more & more to knit up amity, & to hear such good & pleasant speeches as do both instruct & delight. For as Plutarch saith, the proper work of Bacchus consisteth not in drunkenness, Plutarch in the banker of the seven Sages. neither in drinking of wine or tasting of delicious food, but in the rejoicing affection & familiarity that it breedeth between one & other. For unto divers who before scarce knew each other, having as a man should say, more 〈…〉 d & steeped the hardness of their hearts in banquets, even as pron is mollified in the fire, it hath given them a beginning of commixtion & incorporation of one among another. Those men that thus behave themselves I suppose to have much more pleasure than the Libertines, yea, than they who can have but little, except when they are invited to some stately feast, where they hear the sound of the Cornets in a great hall, with the murmur of the troup there present, & see every thing glister with rich furniture, with the diversity of dances & masks. Truly all this dazzleth, yea, & bringeth on sleep the senses, rather than rejoice the souls, even of those that are well disposed, yet are there many that séed only upon such food. Now in the use of other temporal goods we may affirm Of the contentation of Christians in the use of temporal goods. that the man which professeth Christian life taketh like pleasure as in the former. For sith he confesseth that receiving of them at God's hands who is the same God of them, so doth he grant him the joyful enjoying of them. And how should he not rejoice in the good, sith the evil can never terrify him as it is written in the 112. Psalm. No tidings ill can make him quail, who in the Lord sure hope doth set: his heart is firm, his fear is past, etc. For when they hap unto him, he receiveth them as merciful chastisements, & studieth to reap profit in them. Whereto we shall hardly persuade these men that we now have to do with, until experience hath given them some taste. As also our whole speech tendeth only to give them an appetite to taste thereof: for if these small delights, which perish almost as soon as they be borne, can so be w●●ch their senses; what effects shall so many & sundry delectations, as piety & temperance do bring forth, work in their souls, except to purge & cleanse them from all those blemishes and errors, which almost ●●mme all the brightness of the same▪ Let them therefore abandon this life that hath but over much affinity with brutishness, and embrace the same, which for want of knowledge they reject: for they may already perceive by my former speech that there is as great difference between these two, as between a handful of mire and a handful of pearls. Concerning the point whereof they stand in most doubt, which is, whether of the two is the more pleasant, it is already proned to be the Christian: If they say that in the paths thereof they many times find pricking thorns, with many small stones to stumble at, I must needs answer, that that is but a small matter, sith they have also the remedies at hand. But in the ways wherein they walk, as well secretly as openly, let them consider how many serpents lie hidden that bite them, and how many deep pits they find, the falling whereinto is most dangerous, yea, and mortal. And the most horrible matter of all they come to in the end, viz. a most filthy and abominable name, wherewith oftentimes: they hear themselves blazed even whilst they yet live, and afterward a headlong downfall into the eternal gulf where is no redemption. And contrariwise they which have pity and virtue, being a sweet savour to their like, are assured after the end of their long journey upon earth to be worthily received into the celestial habitations. The 25. Discourse. That every man according to his capacity and vocation may use contemplation. MAny even in old time held opinion that Contemplation Against those that have deprived most men of contemplative life. properly appertained only to the Philosophers, whose number could then be but very small, as also they did likewise marvelously commend such actions of the mind, yea, and that life which was destined only thereunto. The like do some men in these days attribute unto those who being withdrawn out of the world do live in Monasteries and Hermitages, in that being thus separated they may the better tend to spiritual exercises: which do in quantity far surpass the others. And they be in part induced thus to judge, because they imagine that the common sort know not almost what contemplation meaneth: and withal that they see many wise men disdain it, as if it were some unpleasant or very difficult mystery. Moreover, they hear the monks, who brag that they have taken it upon them, say that it doth belong to them only. All this hath caused them as it were inseparably to unite such actions unto those lives which seem altogether freed from earthly cares. This so goodly and high a matter would deserve that we should begin more gravely to discourse thereof: but I would not (neither peradventure could I) as wishing others to go seek to be instructed therein, in the writings of the learned where they be perfectly examined, as myself have done: Wherefore my intent is to speak meanly thereof according to my ability, so to help those that fly no higher than myself. And this is it that hath caused me first to set down common opinions, that afterward we may with the more ease climb to the truer. Now as we account him a spoiler which appropriateth that thing to himself that ought to be common, so is it a kind of usurping, when by over free judgement many are made unworthy the benefits, wherein they may have part, and the same adjudged to a few monks under colour that they attribute it to themselves only. We must not therefore do either the one or the other, but rather endeavour to make all persons capable of some portion of this spiritual benefit. Experience teacheth That all men are capable of contemplation. that the gifts which we term to be of nature, are distributed with as marvelous indifferency as is observed among metals. In the mean time, when by good doctrine we are taught to prevail of whatsoever is in us, we may reap such utility as may be profitable to every man's condition. For, to speak by similitudes, they whose minds are as it were gold or silver, may lift them much higher than they that have them but of copper or iron: Albeit that when the most basest substances are polished, they also yield some beauty. Every man will confess that among men the country clown is most abject and of least account, and yet he that list to studyupon it may make most of them by little & little to comprehend that there is an eternal divinity, which hath created the world: that there be immortal souls: and that after this life there shall be a more happy life for those that have believed in Christ the Son of God. Then they afterward coming to think and meditate upon these things, what else do they but enter into the paths of the highest Contemplation. No man therefore aught to think himself utterly unworthy: for he shall make himself a bruit beast by thinking that he can not participate therein. But what shall we say of those who being endued with good wits (as many gentlemen and others) do a many of them in lieu The misery of many 〈…〉 sake their part of this privilege and reprove it. of lifting up their minds, bow them down and captivate them to earthly mix, rather than make them walk at liberty through the heavens, there to behold the diversity of beauties that do rejoice the soul which is a prisoner in this mortal body? Truly we are to mourn for them, that they are ignorant of this goodly privilege, either if they be not ignorant, that they make no account of it. Some there are which term Contemplation a high folly and the vizard of Mouckish idleness, and scorn the same as they use to do divers other good things which they reject, even as the man that is out of taste rejecteth good food, No man need to wish them any other punishment than they inflict upon themselves in denying the enjoying of a benefit which they will not know, and yet do contemn it as some mischief already known. By this that I have said, it appeareth that the use of Contemplation is not tied to that life only which seemeth to be wholly vowed thereto: for there be many monks that fall to riot, and many Artificers which contemplate: and without this benefit which few seek to enjoy, humaïne miseries and continual cares would take from us the greatest part of that felicity which we labour for. This may be a beginning of answer to the afore alleged opinions: for in my mind it is more available to declare what this contemplative power is and the true objects thereof, to the end we may the better know how to help ourselves therewith, and the need that we have thereof. The reasonable soul (to speak familiarly) consisteth of two parts: the one which is exercised in the base things of this world, Of contemplative power and the true objects thereof. which being in manner innumerable may happen after sundry fashions in respect of the mutability of the substances, variety of appetites, affections and operations of men: And they which bear themselves well in these matters are termed ●●creet and wise men: But the other part which is the same whereof I now mean to speak, seeketh higher than these bodily eyes can penetrate: for it comprehendeth the substances, notwithstanding the same be spoiled of all matter: then sporting itself in the meditation of things which daily do fall out, it stayeth upon that that is divine & eternal: The participants herein be termed learned men & of great knowledge, because that thereby, as by a sure guide, this most noble part of their soul, which is endued with most perfect intelligence, is led into those places where it may somewhat comprehend those things wherewith it hath some correspondence & similitude: for that which is spiritual delighteth in spiritual things: & herein consisteth the excellency of the creatures that participate in reason, above all other mortal and earthly creatures: that they can from far though unperfectly discern things immortal and heavenly. This aught to solicit them not to stifle in them that natural power which is given them to be well employed. As for the objects: the most sovereign of them is God, beyond whom no man can look, because he is the end of all ends and the cause of all causes, and that in him all fullness of perfection doth abide. But there be many other inferior as the Angelical natures, the heavenly motions, and whatsoever is immutable in the order of nature, wherein is a very large scope to exercise the same faculty, which by continual use groweth the more perfect. To see therefore how this may be put in practice, we are Of such persons as may intend thereto. to consider of what persons every politic body is composed: which I will divide into three orders. In the first shall come the Noble men and Gentry: In the second, all that bestow their time in divine or humane learning: And in the third, all other the dwellers both in town and country. As for the first, they seem to be borne with more quick and pliant inclinations than The Gentry. the others: because their father's having attained to honour through virtue as well intellectual as moral, as it is to be presumed, have left unto them some small seeds thereof (as near as nature can form them) meet to spring again, so long as their bringing up be no hindrance thereto: for confirmation whereof we do many times see the children of Princes, Lords and Gentlemen at seven years of age show forth even petty miracles of the soul. She bringeth them forth in place where she findeth the agents which she useth to be best disposed: even as we see in a Lantern that the brighter the glass is, the more doth the inward light thereof appear, and being dim, small brightness may be séené. These therefore having so good grounds do want but good instructions to bring them to the knowledge of the dignity of man, which consisteth in the lifting up of his mind unto the author of all his good. Whereto also their noble calling ought to exhort them. And as in the active life that they lead, they keep it ordinarily occupied in divers honest and profitable things, so should they go forward and thence ascend to spiritual: for he that is devoid of such apprehensions maketh his condition very bad. If any man saith: Why, are not we present at the religious ceremonies: Answer to a common objection touching contemplation. It is but a cold excuse, because the most excellent part of religion consisteth in the inward man. And this doth the scripture teach us, when it saith that God is a spirit and will be worshipped in spirit and truth. And how may it be possible to cast of the heavenly mysteries, if this speculative power should not bend as a bow to the search of so high truths, more necessary for the sustenance of the soul than bread is for the body? Howbeit, there be but few of that degree that are very hot herein: whereof it cometh that many are ignorant of that which they ought especially to know, and are skilful in that which they ought rather to be ignorant of. For proof I will allege only one example of a neighbour of mine, who in certain company talking of religion said: These Hugnenots would seem to be great doctors, but know no thing. If you dispute with them, they presently deny Purgatory: but then deny you the Trinity and you never see men so amazed. This, I suppose, he said thinking to have said very well: howbeit it is a lamentable case to see that he that ought to have taught others, had need to have gone to school to learn the first principles of Christianity and Godliness, sith in matters of civility he was sufficiently seen. The bodily exercises which tend to honesty are very convenient for gentlemen, but they droop toward the ground if they be not sustained by the soul, which being devout, doth between times estrange itself from this element. Hereof are we admonished in the fourth Commandment of the law, wherein God declareth that it is his will we should rest the seventh day, that is to say, that we should forget all worldly cares, and apply our whole minds to meditate upon his wonderful works, as well of our creation and conservation as redemption. Wherein we see that contemplation is a common duty, whereto we may avow those to be most bound that have received most kind's of benefits. Now to speak of the second order which proceedeth from the Of the contemplation that beseemeth Student's Lawyers and Churchmen. first and third order, namely the Gentry and Commonalty: We may well say that many of them are thrust forward voluntarily to learn the sciences, as well through a desire they have of knowledge as also to profit others. But there are also and that the greatest part whom profit and necessity do stir up. Among these some there are whose only contemplation hath regard to their coffers: which the first sort regard not, as aiming at better ends. And in deed the chiefest duty of a Philosopher is to whet his wictes to the knowledge of whatsoever exquisite things in the whole world: whose contentation, the higher that the spirit penetrateth, the greater it is. As for divine knowledge which they that have the Ecclesiastical offices do particularly profess, the same doth require a soul free from worldly bonds and lets, because that in so high an argument it is to employ whatsoever the agility thereof. And to them more properly then to any doth contemplation appertain. Not that I mean that they ought continually to be therein occupied as a quadrant to behold the sun, for so in vain should they be in office, if they discharge not themselves to the benefit of those that are to receive the usury of such spiritual talents as GOD hath imparted unto them, namely, sound doctrine. Thus do we see that active life ought not to be severed for ever, or any long time from the contemplative. And this did the best Philosophers well know. Also that great Divine S. Augustine well allowed this orderly composition of the one and the other. For although the spiritual actions are more worthy than the corporal, yet must they not be separated. I know very well that the monks, especially the begging Answer to the objection of such as imagine the contemplative life to belong only to themselves. Friars and Charterhouse (for those of S. Bennet and S. Bernard are somewhat better companions) will gainsay this, affirming that the continual contemplation which they have chosen, not being interrupted by mortal cares maketh both soul and body more perfect. Truly it is a goodly matter to seek to attain to some small perfection according as man's frailty can bear: But sith S. Paul (who attained to so high holiness) with his high and profound speculation, continued neruerthelesse in continual action to the edification of the Church, I am driven to avow that it is better to stay upon his example, then of any of the rest. And to the end the better to lay open this matter, I will set down the lives of the ancient monks who lived within four hundred years after Christ, in such manner as a very learned 〈…〉 hath gathered them out of the writings of S. Augustin. Contemning, saith he, all worldly delights and pleasures, they do together lead a most holy and cha●● life, passing their time in prayer, readings and conferences, without puff of pride, contempt, debate or envy. No man holdeth anything in proper, neither is any man burdensome to his neighbour: with their hands they do such labour as may maintain their bodies, and not hinder their minds from attending unto God: Then do they commit their labours into the hands of those whom they call Deans, who of the money which they make thereof be accountable to him that is called the father among them. These fathers are such persons as are not only holy in life, but also excellent in the doctrine of God, and having pre-eminence in virtues as well as in power do govern their children without any pride: and as they have authority to command them, so are their sons as ready to obey them. Toward evening every man cometh forth of his cell, and yet fasting do meet together to hear their father, which done, they take their bodily refection, as much as is requisite to maintain health: Every man restraineth his lusts, so to use it in all sobriety, yea even the food that is set before them, which is neither much, nor very delicate. The overplus above their sustenance (for they leave much, as well in that they labour diligently, as also in respected of their sobriety) is distributed to the poor which care not greatly for earning it: They force not of abundance, but care only to reserve no part of their superfluity. In this austerity of life, saith he, no man is forced to a heavier burden then either he can or is willing to bear, and him that is weaker than the rest do they not therefore condemn, for they all know the commendation of Charity, as also that all meats are clean to those that are clean. Their only industry consisteth, not in rejecting any meats as unclean, but in taming their lusts and maintaying themselves in good love together. As for bodily exercise, they know the same to profit but for a while only. Charity do they especially observe, framing thereto their food, speech, apparel and countenances. Every of them do conspire in one charity, and do abhor the 〈…〉 olation thereof. He that resisteth this is expelled, and who so cotrarieth it, stayeth not one day among them. Thus far the words of S. Augustine, who there maketh a Whereto Monasteries did in old time serve. goodly description of the ancient kind of Monasteries, which then stood the monks in stead for a preparation to a more excellent estate. For their Colleges and assemblies were as it were nurseries to furnish the Church of good ministers, and out of the same were Gregory Nazianzene, Basil, Chrisostome, and many other notable persons called to be Bishops. It appeareth therefore that their lives were as well active as contemplative. For although most of them lived in solitary places, to the end the less to be diverted from their studies and moral discipline, yet did one of their principal purposes tend to make them meet to serve in that body whereof they were but small members. Then being admitted into Ecclesiastical functions, it was lawful for them to marry: Of Monasteries of our days and of Monks contemplations. neither was marriage in those days forbidden. Howbeit, although this ancient manner of Monastical life, when such simplicity of rules and hearts reigned, did bear a goodly show, yet may we, and that truly, say that it was grounded rather upon the inventions of men than any examples taken out of the scriptures. But all these things are, by little and little, altered and corrupted: as by comparing them with our days we may easily perceive. For if we mark well what most of our monks have studied within these threescore years, we shall find it to be nothing but this, Hang and burn, whom: Even those men who by brotherly admonition wished them not to stoop unto so many corruptions as were crept in among them, and did not allow of their new found devotions. Thus are their chief contemplations converted into fire and blood, which even to this day do bear great sway, though rather in will then effect. Rabelais who in his writings mentioneth sundry brave monks of his time, doth paint us them out more moderate and tractable: for so far were they from slandering and hurting, that contrariwise they sought to be merry and make good there with all men. Among the rest he speaketh of friar Bernard Lardon, resiant in the good town of Amiens, whose like was not to be found again in 36. Monasteries. His superior contemplations, saith he, remained in the authentical ranges of the same town, & his inferior in the deepest sellers in Laon in Laonoise, which were best furnished with good wines. Moreover, this good Friar was always merry and lively as a pretty untamed Ass, and as learned as his porteous could extend. This is the fruit which these late worlds have brought forth, namely, to have changed the integrity of old time into the impurity of these days. The first Monks of whom I have spoken, being replenished with charity did good to all: most of them that have succeeded them within a few ages, bearing more affection A comparation of the old and new monks. to their bellies then to the holy scripture, caring for none, have had regard but to themselves: But many of those of our days, abandoning themselves too much to hate and revenge, do hurt many. Yet will I not say but that among that multitude which swarmeth all over the world there be many, who groaning under the burden of so many traditions, do wish the reformation to the ancient observations endued with great moderation. Yea myself have in my imprisonment known many courteous persons of them. I pray to God for them that he will vouchsafe so to strengthen them that they may in mouth sing, and in deed practise this Psalm of David. I did in heart rejoice, to hear the people's voice, in offering so willingly: For let us up say they, and in the Lord's house pray: Thus spoke the flolke full lovingly, etc. Well, leaving these abuses, we must confess that they which dedicate themselves to heavenly things, do choose an excellent matter, as saith S. Paul, if they well discharge it: and they may think their contemplations to be fruitful and true, if thereby they feel their souls more devout toward God, and their hearts more readily bend to help their neighbours. But as for such as delight only in the solitariness of the deserts, few there are of them but are infected with hypocrisy. I will now speak a little of humane sciences which I have too Of the contemplation of the Students in humane sciences. long overslipped: Truly such as apply their minds to them, have a large field wherein to walk their spirits, albeit not so worthy as the other: For the Divine is the mistress, and these are her inferior handmaidens, the professors whereof have had contemplation in honour, whom they have affirmed to be the mother of wisdom. Neither have they been therein deceived, for it is very difficult to penetrate into high and deep mysteries but by daily meditation. The Platonistes have highly magnified this contemplative faculty of the soul, whose operations they have thought to be most worthy in respect of themselves, as proceeding from a perfect cause, and embracing most perfect objects, the highest whereof was God. Plato also speaking of the sovereign felicity said, that it consisted in a similitude and conjunction of the soul thereto: which it did in part attain, when abandoning all transitory matters, it stayed upon the consideration of the supreme beauties who afterward ravished it into so great felicity. But this matter is unto us Divine rather then Philosophical, wherefore I will speak no more of it, but only commend these poor souls, who so zealously sought a felicity which they could never find by any natural reasons: and accuse our own blackishness, who having it before our spiritual eyes will scarce vouchsafe to look upon it. But the Philosopher's studies tend to base matters: & I well like some men's divisions thereof, namely into reasonable which teacheth to speak well and increase: into moral, which instructeth how to live well, which also comprehendeth the political: and into natural, which giveth us knowledge of nature and every thing that hath being. Who so therefore li●● to profit in all the said doctrines, must use often meditation, to the end the better to perceive the perfections of the same. For whatsoever it be which the mind doth but lightly pass over, it is but a touching of the mind: but when it stayeth upon it, it penetrateth through the thickness of the wood even to the marrow. He that shall consider of speech which is proper to man only, will think nothing to be so common and familiar: but if he ascendeth to the inward word, which is the conceit of the understanding, in which receptakle a thousand images perfect and unperfect, true and false be resident and pass to and fro, which afterward be revealed by the sensible speech, he cannot but wonder at Gods so wonderful workmanship. Thus ought we from terrestrial matters to ascend into celestial, and again from the highest to return to the lowest. For what else is the composition of man but celestial and terrestrial, which by a most excellent and inimitable workmanship are conjoined together, whereof we gather this instruction, that the contemplative and active life do very well agree together: and to seek to divide them is as it were to force nature. Some may say, that although Contemplation beseemeth the Whether contemplation beseemeth Princes, Soldiers, Lawyers and those that have the care of bodily health. Philosopher, yet the Prince, Captain, judge & Physician ought rather to labour, for that at their hands we are to expect only good effects. Hereto I answer, that effects proceed of consultation and consultation from discretion, whereto we first attain by experience, then by meditation. When he that possesseth the royal dignity shall often think with himself that mercy and truth do marvelously preserve the King, and that his throne is uphoulden by gentleness, as Solomon saith, will he not be more diligent in his duty than he that thinketh himself to be set up as a painted Image upon an Altar, to be admired and magnified? Those also to whom is committed the administration of justice and regard of health, in lieu of employing their whole minds in the filling of their purses; should then not do better sometimes in the 〈◊〉 to occupy themselves, the ●udges in meditating upon▪ this goodly saying of King jehosapht, who said, to those of his time. Consider 2. Chron. 14. what ye do, for y● exercise not the judgement of man; but of the Lord: And all your judgements shall redound to yourselves. Also the Physicians in the saying of Ecclesiasticus. The sovereign hath given knowledge unto ●●on to be honoured in his marvels. For by often consideration of these admonitions they will grow more dutiful to men and obedient to God, whose ●●ttie instruments they are to make those virtues which he freely bestoweth upon them, which nevertheless they sell full dear, to shive here upon earth. But ambition which is properly termed an honourable torment, and covetousness which is a shameful hell, do withdraw as well the one as the other from so high thoughts, whereof ensueth confusion in politic order. Concerning the third order, which is termed the third estate, I will divide it into two parts. The worst whereof is the country Of contemplation meet for the commonoltie both of the town & country. people, who seem to be led as much by affection as by reason, and is so gross that although it be taught, yet a man would say that it either contemneth or is utterly ignorant of the superior exercises of the soul, and that the same are no more convenient for it then is Magnificat for morning prayer. But charity should make us to judge that God doth nothing in vain, also that having given them a like substantial form as to the highest, he hath in no wise forbidden them the use of whatsoever may make them partakers of the benefits which are offered unto all and consist in the knowledge of him. And if we well note what the Scripture saith, we shall find that he revealeth himself to the lowly and is hidden from the wise. Math. 11. Hereof we should learn to be modest in the judgement of this matter, sith faith, which is a supreme contemplation is not denied the veriest clowns: wherein we see Gods wonders, in that he maketh many of them learned to salvation in a science which seemeth utterly unlearned. The town dwellers are more capable of instruction, and besides their devotions do also apply their minds to the arts, whereof sometimes groweth such perfection of workmanship, that many are driven to confess that the boisterous hand could never have performed them, had not quickness of wit been the guide. And whereas the soul abaseth itself in the matters which we touch (which is much unworthier than that that is material) yet doth it not so before it hath been long stayed upon the consideration of the forms wherewith 〈…〉 ●othe it, also upon the meere● to attain to such an 〈…〉 to invent the instruments necessary thereto. Cobre 〈◊〉 by the deduction afore said we see, first that it is The conclusion conjoined with a notable advertisement to such as give themselves to vice and pollution. mee●e for all men to contemplate more or less in divine mysteries. Secondly, that it may also in part be applied to inferior things. Thirdly, that 〈…〉 member ourselves from civil society, and 〈◊〉 stable or live apart, to the intent the better to attend thereto: for in all 〈…〉 private or public he that hath leisure and will, hath also use thereof. But before I end this discourse, I have thought good to use this small admonition to those that care so little for submitting those noble parts of their souls not to works of small account, but even to horrible vice, and to set before their eyes the saying of David. Man being in honour Psal 42. hath no understanding, but is compared unto the beasts that perish and is made like to them. For when they disdain to enjoy the goodly privileges granted unto them, and choose rather to bury this light in earthly pleasures, as a man would do a precious diamond in mire, then do they as a man should say, transform themselves into beasts, which is a just punishment due to their ingratitude and blockishness. I will also advertise others which are quite contrary to these, because of the quickness of their understandings, not to soar over high beyond the limited bounds: But to remember what God said to Adam touching the tree of good and Gene. 3. evil, Thou shalt not eat thereof, for in the day that thou shalt eat thereof thou shalt die the death. Hereby should they learn to content themselves with that wisdom which he hath vouchsafed to impart unto them as well concerning divine as human causes: which is (if we take it right) most wonderful. Lest contemning the person of so excellent an Apostle as S. Peter, we transform ourselves into a Simon Magus, or disdaining an Aristotle become a fantastical Stoic. Thus much of Contemplation may suffice me to have spoken who never went to Monckish school, and he that listeth to know more, let him repair thereto, if he so think good. CERTAIN OBSERVATIONS OF DIVERS THINGS HAPpened in the three first troubles of France. Together with the true report of the most part of the same. The 26. Discourse. The first Troubles. That the Protestants, but for the late accident at Vassie, had been prevented in the beginning of the first Civil war. FRance, notwithstanding the agreeing upon and concluding of the Edict of january The beginning of the first troubles. in the presence of the King, by the advice of a very notable assembly of the wisest politics of the Realm, who thereby intended to provide some remedy against the divers and universal commotions thereof, and to conform it to the common laws, was not yet brought into tranquillity: as well by reason the Protestants were so earnest to establish and confirm themselves in that liberty which they had obtained, as also through the general fear of the Catholics, who could not endure such a novelty. Some of the Princes and Lords that held this part being greatly aggrieved at the sight of such increase, did make a secret League to suppress it. And whiles some of them were on their way to Paris, where they purposed to join to their general body fell out the disorder at Va●si●, where many being at the sermon were murdered, which deed being by other Historiographers already described, I will meddle no farther with. For my intent is only to note not so much the grief that it bred to the Protestants, as the instruction, which they took together with the fruit that unto them did redound thereof. The Lord Prince of Condé was at Paris about the establishing of the public exercise according to the King's Edict, when this news was brought him: which made him to grow into consultation with the wise●t Lords and Gentlemen of his company, who judged this small storm to be an assured forewarning of a greater, and therefore wished to look farther than to things present. Immediately he gave notice to some of the chiefest in the Court of that that had happened, who thereof took an alarm and counseled him to seek some preservatives and remedies for himself and the estate. He also warned all the French Churches to look to themselves: of whom the most part imagining to have already obtained some assured rest, were more ententive to the building of Churches, then to think upon Military provision for their own defence. This bruit did wonderfully waken the gentlemen Protestants abroad in the Provinces, and made them ready to provide horse and armour, waiting what would be done at the Court and how Paris would take it. Shortly after there arrived the Lord of Guise, the Constable, The Princes retire from Paris. and the Marshal of S. Andrews, also the King of Navarre whom they had drawn to their League, who forced the Prince of Coudé to retire into the town of Meaux with a good train of Nobility and Gentry. Being come thither, with all speed he sent word to the Lord of Andelot and the Admiral, that not want of courage but of strength had driven him to forsake Paris, wishing them with all diligence to march toward him. For Caesar had not only passed Rubicon, but was even seized of Rome, and his flags began to wave abroad in the fields. Which presently they did with all their friends and furniture, howbeit not yet manifesting their arms as the League had done. There stayed they five or six days as well to deliberate of their affairs, as because of administering the supper, which was to be celebrated at Easter. The Lord Admiral, no novice in matters of estate, foreseeing that the game waxed warm, showed that it was requisite either in all diligence to strengthen themselves with men, either else to take them to their heels: yea that he was afraid they had already stayed very long. But whiles they stood upon those points, many gentlemen came in from all parts unlooked and unsent for: so as in four days they were abont five hundred. This refeshing caused them to resolve upon their departure, and that for two purposes. The one to try whether they might win the Court, and so install themselves about the King and Queen, or, not able so to do, to s●●se upon Orleans, there to form a main head, if they chanced to be driven to come to handy blows. Having therefore in six days gathered a greater troup than they looked to have gotten in a whole month, they took their way toward S. Claud, where their troup was refreshed with three hundred good horse, where also they were advertised that the Lord of Guise and his assotiates had seized of the Court, which diligence falling out well for them, broke the Prince of Condees first purpose, who meant to have done the same and so to have authorized his doings under the King's favour for the preservation of himself and the rest of the Protestants. From S. Claud they marched toward Chastres and Angeruile, and by the way met five or six troops of gentry. This bred some astonishment to the contrary part, when they began to consider the sudden increase of our body, which consisted not of less than a thousand gentlemen, who made 1500. good horse better armed with courage than Corcelets. Then drew they toward Orleans, which was taken in such manner as the Historiographers do set it down. This we must note, that if the Prince of Condé had at that time had but a small power, he had been oppressed or besieged: but when they perceived him to be so mighty as to keep the field in subjection, also that he spoke as boldly to his adversaries as coldly to his King, they were not very earnest upon him, whereby he had opportunity to prevail in sundry attempts. This profit did he reap of being strong in the beginning. Some men have imagined either that these things were long Occasion of the assembly of his troops. before premeditated, or else to have so happily fallen out through the diligence of the Captains: But I, as one that was present and made curious search into the causes, dare affirm the contrary. True it is that most of the Nobility, hearing of the slaughter at Vassie, partly of a voluntary good will, and partly for fear, determined to draw toward Paris, imagining (as it were at adventure) that their protectors might stand in some need of them. Thus did the most renowned depart out of their countries with some ten, some twenty or thirty of their friends, secretly armed, and lodging in Hosteries or villages, where they paid truly for every thing, until they met both with the body and cause together. Many of them have assured me that this only reason moved them: and I have heard my Lords the Prince and Admiral many times confess, that had not this benefit happened, they had been in danger to have taken a bad course. Hereby it appeareth what fruit is sometimes gotten of hurtful things, which at the first blush appearing ruinous, do nevertheless A notible consideration upon the former discourse. after the event give us to were that they bree our good instructions. Men may also learn, yea even the best Captains, not to attribute too much to their own wisdom in the conduct of affairs either public or private: For ableit it be a most necessary instruction, yet sometimes it is as it were veiled, so as among many ways and proceed they can hardly tell which is the best to lean unto in such unlooked for storms and troubles. And this falleth out to the end to humble them, and to make them from else where to seek the cause of good success. Silla, with whom no man now living dare compare for military knowledge, gave out that himself through the benefit of fortune had been saved and exalted. And yet are there some at this day that will say that the fortune of the ancient heathen (which was vain) and the order that God taketh in the conduct of inferior matters (which is assured) are but cloaks where-under men do shroud their ignorance: also that man himself, according as he guideth his doings either well or ill, breedeth his own mishap or felicity, albeit sundry experiences be thereto repugnant. They ought therefore to purge their minds of such opinions, and to persuade themselves that notwithstanding man imagineth and purposeth, yet is it God that giveth accomplishment to his enterprises. Whether the Lord Prince of Condé in the first troubles committed so great an oversight as many have given out, in that he seized not upon the Court or Paris. I Will not deny but many skilful persons were The Prince's intent in these beginnings. and peradventure still be of that opinion, as also myself was a while: But after I had thoroughly weighed and considered what happened at the beginning of this tragedy, as also what fell out afterward, I was reclaimed to the knowledge of those truer matters which shall appear in the progress of my speech. The Lord Prince of Condé seeing how his brother the King of Navarre was by little and little slipped into a delicious kind of life, and had suffered himself so much to be abused by the vain and rich promises and apparent honours of those that scorned him, that he was grown so far as to give over his party, whereof ensued a wonderful quailing to many which both openly and secretly seemed to favour him, and as great an encouragement to the leagued to withstand him: did not think it good to lean to so rotten a foundation, but rather to lay a better else where. In as much also as the Court and Paris are the two great lights of France, the one resembling the Sun, the other the Moon (yet both subject to eclipse) he imagined that having some light from the one, he ought to seek for the light of the other: and therefore endeavoured to plant the preaching of the Gospel in Paris: to the end the same knowledge which before was hidden, and lay as it were buried among the innumerable multitude of people, might bring forth abundance of fruit, as soon after did it appear: for sometimes ye might see at the assemblies thirty thousand persons. These goodly beginnings caused those of the Religion to seek means to establish it, wherein nevertheless they showed themselves somewhat negligent. But when the effects of the League broke forth, they evidently perceived that it was meet to do that which through over much forflowing, was not now easily to be done: whereabout nevertheless they somewhat employed themselves, albeit with very small hope. Having more narrowly examined this matter, I find that as the execution of this purpose to any profit was in the beginning nothing easy: so in the end it was most difficult. I will first therefore spoke of Paris, and show the lets therein to be found. Every man knoweth it to be the seat of justice, which is of marvelous authority, and as the favour thereof would have stood the Protestants in great stead, so would the mislike have bred wonderful damage. Now all the Senate with their whole train, except a very few, did always show themselves their capital enemies The Clergy of that City being most mighty and in great reverence, were even mad to see those things common which touched them so near the quick, and under hand wrought a thou, sand practices there against. The body of the Townehouse fearing alterations, which they imagined to proceed of diversity of religion, endeavoured to banish and drive it away. To the same end tended the most part of the University, and in manner all the inferior and common people, with the favourers and servants of the Catholic Lords and Gentlemen. Neither do I yet speak of such as might happen to have recourse to the City out of other places, but only of those that were then present. As for the assured strength that the Protestants made account of, it consisted of three hundred Gentlemen, and as many trained soldiers, four hundred scholars, and a few voluntary burgesses of no experience. And what else was all this against in manner an infinite number of people, but a small fly against an Elephant? I think that only the novices of the covents, together with the priests wenches, coming suddenly upon them with faggot sticks in their hands, had been able to have withstood them: and yet notwithstanding their weakness, they set a good face upon the matter until that the open force of the leagued Princes and Lords did constrain them to give ever. But had they buckled in the Town (as considering the secret drifts of their enemses, they should soon have been forced) could the Protestants have been able to fight three days, as they did at Tholouze? Truly no, nor three hours as I think: neither had there been any way to maintain them, but the presence of the King to favour his Edict. Some will say that the Prince of Condie abandoning Paris, committed the like error as Pompey: But if they mark it well, they shall find that Pompey's oversight was without comparison greater than his: For he had all Rome at his beck, where the Prince had scarce a handful at Paris. Before we apply those ancient examples to the deeds of these days, we must consider of the likelihood between them. All the aforesaid difficulties do persuade me that the endeavouring to establish the exercise of religion at Paris, was a haughty and valiant attempt▪ but without the help aforesaid to confirm it, it was unpossible, as that which hath since fallen out, hath well declared. Now let us look into the disposition of the Court. It is well Why he could not possibly be the stronger about the: King and court. enough known that at the conference at Poyssy the doctrine of the Gospel was propounded withal liberty, whereupon many both great and small began to have a taste thereof: But as a fire of straw maketh a great blaze, and is by and by out again for want of substance: so after that that which they had received as a novelty was a little grown old in their hearts, their affections thereto quailed, and most of them returned to the former course of the Court, which is more fit to procure mirth and pastime and to breed wealth: yea, even some Huguenots turned their coats and followed this path. The Court we are in general to take for the true image of the Prince: for as he is, so is his train. If he be wise, so will it be: but if he delight in folly, it will also imitate him. And in case a householder through use shapeth the manners of his children and family by the pattern of his own, what shall a King do, in whom it lieth to raise and cast down? hereupon the Courtiers seeing the King, his Brethren and Mother more inclined to Romish religion, also the King of Navarre revolted, conformed themselves to them, which redounded to the great disgrace of the Prince of Condie, and those whom he maintained. Besides that, if he had come first, he could not have sojourned there long without incurring much hatred: for if to a Court you propound reformation, take away vain pleasures, and entangle it in business, it will hate you even unto the death. Finally, having many enemies therein and more abroad, he could not but have very small assurance. This maketh me to think that the fowdation of the Court was not of any more certainty than that of Paris. howbeit he attempted another devise, (but it was not put in execution) in my opinion of more appearance: which was his moving of the Queen mother, to go and carry the King to Orleans: and some writers do say that it was motioned to her when she feared the motions of the league, also that she hearkened thereto: but all vanished away in smoke: nevertheless I suppose that if the effect hereof had ensued, all their weapons had been sheathed up again. For had the Court been in place where it could not have been surprised, in respect of such force as might have been brought, and where it should not have been forced, for no man durst have discharged the Canon against the walls that environed the King, they might have parleyed and dealt on horseback until the affairs had been somewhat re-established according unto the Edict of pacification: not withstanding even to imagine that this remedy could have utterly extinguished the wars, I dare not presume: only it had sufficed if it had but delayed them for a while. Of three things which I noted that happened before the armies took the field. The one pleasant, the other artificial, and the third lamentable. THE Writers of great Histories, who are to That Historiographers cannot possibly note all particularities. represent more matters than there be leaves upon a spread Oak, cannot always express and note every the particulars that accompany them: for if they should bind themselves thereto, for every volume that they publish, they should be forced to set out four, and therefore it is enough for them to declare whatsoever is most notable. Wherefore myself, if in reading things past I meet with aught either much or little, whereupon a man to the end to bring it into taste or reap any profit, might dilate, do somewhat delight so to do, especially in those things whereof I have been an eye witness, which also may peradventure somewhat serve to the understanding of the story, which is the rich storehouse, whereto they that covet goodly ornaments ought to have recourse: for that which I here set down is but a peddlers pack, containing wares of mean price, albeit unless I be deceived, not falsified or counterfeit. The first matter that I mean to show, is in what sort the Prince How the Prince of Conde seized upon Orleans. of Conde and his troup arrived at Orleans. The day before he came he sent the Lord of Andelot to take the Town, who coming unknown, perceived there would be some let▪ whereupon he sent word to the said Lord to make speed to assist him, for he was likely to have some bickering. Now the whole company being loath to lose so good a morsel desired not to troth, but even to gallop, which was no sooner said but it was done. For six leagues off began the course: The Prince having with him as well in masters as servants about two thousand horse, taking the great gallop, the whole body did the like, and so continued even to the very gates. Innumerable were the people that they met by the way going to Paris, who beholding the mystery of this course, and withal, that none asked them any question, did for the most part at the first think that all the fools in France had been there assembled, or else that it had been for some wager: for as yet there was not any noise of war: Howbeit thinking better thereof, and considering both the number and nobility, they grew into great admiration, yet so as they could not but laugh at so forcible a motion, which did not bear down the trees as the winds of Languedocke, but seemed rather to bear down itself: for ordinarily by the way they might behold servants cast down, horses shouldered and tired, and sumpters overthrown, which bred continual sport even in those which did run. But they that the same day were thrust forth of the town did catholicly bewail, their dispossession from the staple of the pleasantest wines in France. Concerning the second point, the matter is of more gravity, as consisting in both general and private accusations, defences, reasons, Of writings published for the taking of arms in the first troubles. and other policies to persuade: which were the weapons wherewith so many great Captains for the space of two months fought together, as also to comfort and hearten their confederates and partakers. For in these so new and extraordinary alterations of estate, it was very requisite to abolish all bad opinions out of the minds of those that knew not the drifts of the enterprisers: and as the assault was great, so was the defence forcible, as may appear by reading the actions as well of the one part as of the other, which are inserted into the Annals. Some there are that ween if their cause be good, that it will so show itself to all men, and therefore will not publish the truth thereof: wherein they overshoot themselves. For albeit just and true matters do in time show forth their light, yet is it in sundry occurrences meet to anticipate them, and that men should betimes know that that will at length appear, though not with so much fruit. Also as weeds do many times for want of pulling up, choke the good herbs: so if the slanders which the adversaries do ordinarily object against such things as be good, be not refelled, they would no doubt many times thereby be suppressed, besides that we are the more supported when (in whatsoever case) we have proved that we walk upright and labour with an even hand. To be brief, in this world men are so slothful in public duties, that without continual calling upon, they remain immovable. But they that have but a bad cause in hand, have more need of artificial speeches to cloak that which being reavealed will bring it out of favour: neither do I think them to be tongue tied, whereby we may perceive that eloquence resembleth a two edged knife: but whatsoever men say, it is a hard matter to disguise falsehood or blemish the truth. The third point consisteth in the parley near to Toury in Beausse, Of the parley between the Queen mother and the Prince of Condie. between the Queen Mother, the king of Nauare, & the Prince of Condie, to devise upon some means to appease the controversies fallen out. Many did imagine that the presence and conference of the greatest would be of more efficacy than the sundry embassages from part to part: and albeit euteruiewes be sometimes dangerous, yet was it concluded, the rather at the Queen's instance, with the limitations ensuing: That on each side they should bring one hundred Gentlemen with armour and spear: That no troops should come within two leagues of the place appointed: That thirty light horse on each part should six hours before their meeting discover the field, which was as plain as the sea: That at the appointed hour the Queen and King of Navarre should be on horse back in the place appointed, where the Prince and Admiral likewise on horseback should mee●e them to entreat together of the public affairs. In the mean time the two troops consisting of choice men; and for the most part Lords to hover eight hundred pates asunder: the Marshal de Anuil commanding over the one, and the Earl of Rochefoucault over the other. Having thus beheld either other for the space of half an hour, each coveting to see one his brother, another his uncle, cousin, friend, or old companion, they ●raued leave of their superiors, which was hardly granted, in respect that at the first they were forbidden to meet for fear of injuries and affrays. But so far were they from quarreling, that contrariwise there was nothing but salutations and embracings of such as could not forbear the demonstration of amity unto those whom parentage or honesty had united unto them: notwithstanding the contrary tokens that they bore. For the King of Navarre's troup was clothed in cassocks of crimson velvet and red scarves, and the Prince of Condes in white. The Catholics imagining the Protestants to be lost, exhorted them to see to themselves, & not to enter obstinately into this miserable war, wherein near kinsmen must murder one another: hereto they answered, that they detested it, howbeit if they had not recourse to their defence, they were assured of like entreaty as many other Protestants had received, who were cruelly slain in sundry parts of France. To be brief, each provoked other to peace, and to persuade their superiors to hearken thereto. Some who a part did more deeply consider of these things, bewailed public discord as the spring of future mischiefs: Then weighing with themselves that all these greetings would be converted into bloody murders, upon the least token of battle that the superiors should give: that the ●iseardes being shut and ready, fury having nailed their sight, one brother would scarce pardon another, the water even stood in their eyes. Myself was then among the Protestants, and I may truly say that on the other side there were a dozen of my friends: whom I accounted as dear as my own brethren, who also bore me the like affection: In the mean time as well conscience as honour bound each one not to fail in the one or the other. Private amity did as than live, but since these great calamities had course, and conversation discontinued, it is even dead in many. The Queen and Prince of Conde having conferred two long hours together, when they could grow to no agreement, departed, each very sorry that they had no better succesie. Of the Prince of Conde's promise somewhat rashly made to the Queen mother that he would departed the Realm of France, and why it was not performed. AFter the arrival of a great number of the ordinary The approaches of the two contrary armies. bands and part of the old infantry at Paris, the King of Navarre, the Constable and the Duke of Guise, who contemned the Protestants as rebels, thought themselves strong enough to make them afraid, and in battle array marched toward Chasteaudun. The Prince understanding hereof craved the advice of such Captains as accompanied him, what were to be done: who all with one consent declared, that sith they had hitherto as well in deeds as words set so good a face on the matter, if now they should at the beginning of the war suffer themselves to be shut up and besieged in a Town, it would be some testimony of cowardliness, and greatly disgrace the Protestants affairs as well with foreign nations as with such of the Frenchmen as took: heir parts: withal considering that their power already grew well toward six thousand footmen and two thousand horse, also that by the report of the spies the enemies were not yet above four thousand footmen and three thousand spears: to whom notwithstanding they were not so well armed, they were no whit inferior in courage: that nothing ought therefore to let them from taking the field with all speed, and fight with the enemy, if occasion might so serve: for they could never have them at a better advantage, considering how their power would from time to time increase. Upon this resolution ehey encamped a league and a half from Treaty of peace. Orleans, whether the Queen sent new Ambassadors to enter parley: for both sides did greatly fear the universal desolations ensuing of war, if once it were begun. At the two first meetings they argued sufficiently, though to small resolution: only it was agreed, that the Catholic and leagued Lords and Princes should departed each to his own home, and then would the Prince of Condie obey whatsoever the king should command for the wealth of the Realm. Soon after they marched to Chasteaudun and no farther, which the Protestants presumed to be but a dissimulation. Some will say, that in the said parleys the Prince of Conde hazarded himself into over great peril: but he was still stronger than the enemy, and his men too wary to be deceived, albeit in one point they overshoot themselves upon simplicity: which was in delivering to the king of Navarre when he came to the parley the town of Boisgencie (which was nothing worth) for his safety, but was never restored them again: this did greatly chafe them, as perceiving that thence forth they must talk with the bridle in hand. Now as daily there came some from the Queen to the Prince of Conde, to persuade him to peace, which he seemed greatly to desire, among the rest was employed the Bishop of Valence, a man in learning and eloquence most excellent, when he list to show forth either the one or the other. He with his fair speech so qualified the Prince, that he increased his desire of a good accord: and finally told him that in as much as many reproached him to be the author of the war, it were his part to make evident his justification by all good offers & brave effects: also that if at the next interview he would tell the Queen that rather than to see the real me hazarded to fire & sword, he would be content with his friends to departed the same, she could have nothing to answer, much less his enemies who had promised to return to their habitations▪ likewise that of this motion might ensue some good resolution that should stay all weapons, which being laid down, all things might after ward be easily re-established. This said he departed, leaving in the Prince (who was loath to be constrained to fight against his own nation) & certain impression to follow this counsel, which he imparted to some that were desirous of peace, & therefore gainsaid it not. It was agreed that two days after he should meet the Queen Of the Prince's offer, made to the Queen. a league and a half thence, so to prove if any thing might be determined, which he did. There after many speeches the said Prince did in the end make her the offer aforesaid, namely to departed the realm, so to testify his zeal to the quiet thereof: which she took hold of before the word was out of his mouth, telling him that that in deed was the true means to prevent all mischiefs feared, for the which all France should be bound unto him: also that the King coming to his majority would bring all into good order, whereby every man should have cause to be content. Now although the Prince was a man that would not be easily daunted, neither wanted his tongue, yet was he at this time astonished, as not thinking to have been taken so short: & because it waxed late, she told him that in the morning she would send to know what conditions he would demand. Thus she departed in good hope, and the Prince returned to his camp laughing (but between his teeth) with the chief of his Gentlemen which had heard all his talk. Some scratching their heads where they itched not: others shaking them: some were pensive, and the younger sort gybed one at another, each one devising with what occupation he should be forced to get his living in a foreign land. At night they determined the next morning to call all the Captains together to have their advice in so weighty a matter. In the morning they entered into counsel, where the Admiral The counsel and advice upon this matter. propounded, that in as much as this matter concerned all, it was in his opinion, good to impart it unto all, which was done, and the Colonels and Captains were sent to demand the advice as well of the Gentry as footmen: But they immediately answered, thatsith France had bred them, it should also be their scpulture, likewise that so long as any drop of blood rested in them, it should be employed in defence of their religion. With all they requested the Prince to remember his general promise that he would not forsake them: This being reported to the Counsel ha●ted the conclusion of those that were there to deliberate, who considering of the general disposition of all, were the rather confirmed in their opinions, which did concur which the same▪ neither were there above three or four that used any speech, the matter being so evident: and I do yet in part remember the particularities there deducted. The Lord Admiral declared unto the Prince, that albeit he supposed that the Queen in accepting of his offer meant no harm, as one that desiring to deliver the state out of misery means convenient 〈…〉 ot that he thought those which had weapon on hand, did circumvent her to the end to betray him: that he neither aught, neither could perform that that, was propounded & himself, had promised, in respect that beforè he stood bound in stronger bands: and besides all this, that if he should now absent himself, he should utterly lose his credit & condemn the cause that he had taken in hand, which besides the equity thereof, being authorized by the King's edict, aught to be maintained even with hazard of life. The Lord of andelot's speech was this: My Lord the enemies power lieth but five small leagues hence: if it perceiue●● among us either fear, breaking up, or other alteràtion whatsoever, it will with ●●●ord and spear drive us even into the Ocean sea. If you none should forsake us it will be said that ye do it for fear, which I know never▪ harboured in your heart. We are your poor servants, and you our master, divide us not then, sith we fight for religion and life: so many parleyes are but snares laid to entrap us as appeareth by the effects else, where: The best way therefore to come to a speedy agreement is, that you will vouchsafe to bring us within half a league of those that, wish us to depart the Realm: so may we peradventure within an hour after grow to some good resolution: for we can never be perfect friends before we have skirmished a little together. Then stepped forth the Lord of Boucarde, one of the bravest Gentlemen in the Realm, whose head was fraught both with fire and Led. My Lord (said he) he that either giveth over or putteth of the set looseth it, which is more true in this matter now in hand than in the tennis court: I have already seen fifty years, in which time I may have learned a little discretion: I would be loath to walk up and down a foreign land with a tooth picker in my mouth, and in the mean time let some flattering neighbour be the master of my house, & fatten himself with my re●●newes. God willing for my part I will die in my Country in defence of our altars and hearthes': I beseech you therefore my Lord, and do wish you not to abandon so many good men that have chosen you, but to excuse yourself to the Queen, and employ us with speed while we are willing to bite. Little more was there spoken, except a general approbation of all men. Then the Lord Prince began to speak, and for the justification of his offer said, that he made it, because they went about covertly to tax him, with the cause of the war; as also for that if his absence might breed their peace he would think himself happy, as not respecting his own particular affairs: lyke●●se that he did well perceive seeing the enemy's power so near, and their resolution, that they would impute his humility to cowardliness; whereby it should breed no rest but rather destruction to the cause that he maintained: and that in consideration thereof he was resolved to follow their counsel, and to live and die with them. Thus said, they all shook hands in confirmation thereof. At the breaking up of the Counsel Theodore Beza with others of his companions made unto him a very wise and pi●hre exhortation to comfort him in his resolution, alleging unto him the inconveniences▪ ensuing the departure from the same, and so besought him not to give over the good work he had begun, which God, whose honour it concerned, would bring to perfection. About the same time came the Lord of Frense, Robertet, Serr●tarie of the commandments, whom the Queen had sent to know, upon what conditions the Lord Prince would depart: Whose answer was, That it was a matter of weight, neither was he yet resouled thereof, in respect that many murmured thereat: but when it was concluded he would either send or bring the Queen word himself. But Roberter by some particular speeches perceived that matters were altered, and so returned to the Queen, whom he certified that she must have more than paper to thrust him out withal, who afterward went her way. Hereby may Princes and great Lords learn in matters of Observations upon this matter. importance not to bind themselves by promise before they have thoroughly consulted thereof with the wise: for albeit their meaning may be good, yet may a man after some fort stumble, because the suddenness of the matter may make him neglect diverse circumstances therein to be considered▪ Yea, although one should think upon all that were requisite to be noted, yet may many do it much better. The worthiness also of the matter in hand may be such, and the number of confederates so great, that even the chiefest must have respect as well to the one as to the other, As likewise they must imagine that they to whom they promise, although things unreasonable, will nevertheless upon want o● performance find themselves grieved, and complain thereof. By what occasion the war did first break forth between the two armies. DUring the parleys afore mentioned, there The Prince's resolation to set upon his enemies. was as it were a truc● between both armies, which caused that there was nothing enterprised at Paris or Orleans: But when the Prince of Conde and his associates did well perceive that words were to weak to remedy the present alterations, he determined to add effects, and so immediately after the resolution upon the offer made unto the Queen, he called aside ●eauen or eight of his chiefest captains, and consulted upon the most convenient means to buckle with the enemy, for the truc● was ended the day before) who all were of opinion that they must be prevented by diligence, considering that they had two advantages: the one that the Duke of Guise, the Constable, and the Marshal of S. Andrew's were then absent, and so none but the king of Navarre with the army: the other, that the companies of men of arms were lodged scattering from the main battle: That if they should march forward by day, their light horse or foragers might give them warning, and therefore it were best to use great diligence in the night, and so come upon them in the dawning: for thus might they undoubtedly be surprised: likewise that because they had not ordinarily used any camizadoes, they might now the more easily put this in execution, while the enemy lest doubled any such thing. As for the way, it was most easy, as being all plain fields between them. About one hour after the camp departed, and came betimes to Fe●te, where the generals opened their intents to the Captains, willing them to cause their soldiers to put on shirts, and resolve them to bear themselves manfully in this so valiant an enterprise. By eight of clock at night the troops were in the field, who after public prayer (as was then used among the Protestants) began to march with such a courage, as I may in truth affirm, that in soldiers I never see greater. Before the departure did a gentleman commit a most villainous act, in forcing of a maiden, whose calling together, with the shortness of the time were causes that it could not be punished. This did many take to be a bad sign in this enterprise. Presuming to find the enemies in their lodgings, the order to fight was this. First the Lord Admiral marched foremost with eight hundred spears, to overthrow whatsoever horsemen he should find in arms: then followed 1200. harquebuts in four troops, with charge to assail the watch of the enemies footmen, and thence to enter their quarters. Next marched eight hundred harquebuts, supported with two great battles of pikes, to seize upon their artillery: after all came the Prince of Condee with one thousand horse in four squadrons, and the rest of the: Now are we to understand that considering at what time they set forward, they should by all reason have reached to the enemies lodging by three of the clock in the morning: for the way lay over a plain field, neither was there any strait passage, but that the footmen might march a whole league in an hour and a half: but when they had gone two leagues, the guides perceived that they went wrong, and thinking to recover their way, they strayed farther out, remaining as men amazed, and not knowing where they were, to the no small discontent of the Captains. To be brief, having thus travailed until one hour after day, they found themselves a long league of from the enemies lodgings, whose scouts descried the head of the Prince's army, and so returning with all speed gave a great alarm. Hereupon took they counsel what was best to be done: but in the mean time they heard the Canon discharged in the enemy's camp, for a warning to call in their horsemen, which broke their devise for passing any farther, as well for that they we●e descried, as also that they had yet a great way to go, albeit if they had been within half a league, they were resolved to have gone forward and fought. Thus was this enterprise which in ontward appearance seemed very certain was utterly broken of. I have asked the opinion of sundry good Captains then present in the adversaries camp, what success might have followed if Now this enterprise might have succeeded, and what happened the next day. the Protestants had come in time, who all affirm that they would have fought, albeit they were prevented by their separation from their most affectionate Captains, and the greatest part of their horsemen. The Lord Martial of Anvil, a watchful and very skilful Captain, was with his light horse lodged at the head of the Catholics army, woe told me that he waked and was in arms almost all the night, nevertheless if our whole power had come in time, their army had been in danger, which is not in deed to be doubted: for albeit the hazards of war be uncertain, yet the advantage of a surprise, doth import apparent loss to those that suffer themselves to be so far overtaken. All the fault was laid upon the guides, who to clear themselves said that the Lord of Andelot's putting the footmen in array at the departure from the lodgings made their march the flower: but I think this excuse more subtle than true, considering there was neither bush nor hedge to stop them. In deed if the Country had been straighter, it might have had some likelihood. Both armies, albeit somewhat asunder stood in array until two of the clock afternoon. afterward the Prince of Condie went to lodge at Lorges, a small league of: and the King of Navarre with all speed certified the Lord of Guise and the Constable, who lay at Chasteaudun of all that happened, who immediately came to him. Then fearing to be assailed by night, because the Prince's army was strong in footmen, and their own lodgings very unfit for horsemen, they made at the head of their battle ground upon the coming in, five or six great heaps of faggots with straw enough under them, to kindle if they were assaulted, to the end by the light thereof to discharge three or four vollees of artillery, which would have greatly annoyed the assailants: There are that disdain such inventions, albeit they may sometime be to good purpose. In the morning they fell again into array, but see not one another, neither did any but the light horsemen skirmish. The Captains of both sides perceiving that it was hard to surprise one another, also that their lodgings were very discommodious, and moved by a certain kind of necessity to get some towns which might stand them in great stead to continue the war, as Bloyse and Boisgencie, did in the morning send away their carriage and artillery, and in the afternoon followed, parting after this sort without bactaile or loss. An accident favourable to the Prince's enemies. here will I declare an accident which happened two hours after this separation, which if it had fallen out when they were together, the Prince of Condie had been in danger to have been overthrown. It was this: There fell such a horrible rain and tempest, continuing almost an hour, that I am assured that of his four thousand, ten could not have discharged: besides that, most of them sought to the covert, which was such an occasion of victory to the catholics, as well in that they were strong in horse, as also for that the wind and rain so beat in their enemy's faces, that even the fiercest had enough to do to withstand the rage of the weather. This is the truth of all occurrences among the Protestants in this expedition: but the particularities of the King of Navarre's army are they that were present, and so may have known them, to describe. Of the good discipline which for the space of two months only, was observed among the Prince of Conde's troops both of horsemen and footmen. Also of the original of Picoree or prouling. IN the beginning of this war the Generals The causes of good discipline. and Captains had yet fresh in their remembrances the goodly martial discipline observed in the armies of King Frances, and his son Henry, which sundry Soldiers also had not forgotten, the memory whereof did somewhat contain those that now took arms, in their duties: howbeit the continual exhortations of their Preachers, who admonished them to beware of oppressing the poor commons, together with the zeal of religion where with most of them were led, being then in strength were of greatest force in working this effect. Thereby were all men without constraint voluntarily bridled from committing those actions which often times horror of punishment is not able to restrain: but chiefly the nobility in this beginning showed themselves worthy their name: for marching over the Champion Countries (where they have without comparison greater liberty to spoil, than in the Towns) they neither spoiled nor misused their hosts, but were content with a little: & their heads and most of themselves that had brought any wealth from home paid honestly for all things: Then should we not see any running out of the villages, neither hear any cries or complaints. To be brief, all was a well ordered disorder. If any one in any troup had committed any offence, he was immediately banished, or delivered into the executioners hands: yea, his own companions durst not excuse the offender, so much did they detest mischief and ●oue virtue. In the camp at Vassadoune also, near Orleans, where the Prince of Conde sojourned a fortnight, the footmen made demonstration how they were touched with the same feeling: they were lodged in the fields, and consisted of six and thirty ensigns at the most. Then did I mark four or five notable accidents. First, among The notable particularities of the same. all this great troup ye should never hear God's name blasphemed: for if any rather rather of custom than malice chanced to do it, he was sharply reproved, which greatly repressed the rest. Secondly, there was not a pair of Dice or Cards, the fountains of many brawls and thefts, walking in any quarter. Thirdly, all women who never use to haunt such places, but for dissolution, were banished. Fourthly, no man forsook his Ensign to go on foraging, but were content with such victuals as were distributed among them, or the small pay that they received. Lastly, evening & morning at the setting and raising of the watch, they used public prayer, and the Psalms sounded in the air. In these actions might we perceive Godliness in those that are not much troubled therewith in the wars: and albeit justice was severely executed, yet did few feel the rigour thereof: for there were but few disorders. Truly many wondered to see them so well disposed, and my late brother the Lord of Telignie and myself discoursing thereof with the Lord Admiral, did greatly commend it, whereupon he said unto us: It is in deed a goodly matter if it would continue: But I fear this people will power forth all their goodness at once, so as within these two months they will have nothing but malice left: I have a great while governed the footmen and do know them. They willfulfill the proverb, A young saint an old devil. If this fail we may make a cross upon the chimney: we smiled hereat, but took no farther ●eede thereof, until experience taught us that herein he was a Prophet. The first disorder happened at the taking of Boisgency which The beginning of disorders. the Provincials won by two holes that they mined in the wall, where they practised more cruelty and spoil against the Protestants there dwelling that could not get forth, then against the Catholic Soldiers that held it against them: ye● they even forced some women. This example became a br●●ge to the Gascoynes, who soon after showed that in playing with their hands they would not be surmounted. But the Lord of Y●oyes regiment consisting wholly of French men, did skirmish herein ●●eter than the t●o former: as if there had been any reward allotted to the worst doer. Thus did our footmen lose their virginity, and of this unlawful conjunction ensued the procreation of Lady Picoree, who is since grown into such dignity that she is now 〈◊〉 Madam: yea, if this civil war continue I doubt she will become a Princess. This perverse custom immediately crept in among the Nobility: whereof part having tasted the first delicates here administered, would never after eat any other meat. Thus the particular mischief grew general, and still worn more and more into the whole body. Sundry remedies did I see ministered, in The remedies applied. hope to restrain the malice of this humour, which albeit they somewhat profited, yet were they not strong enough altogether to expel it. Among others, the Lord Admiral took pains therein, who was a fit Physician to cure this disease: for he would not be entreated, neither were the frivolous excuses of the guilty, which he esteemed not of, able to breed their escape. In his journey into Normandy he heard of a Captain of the Argoulets that had sacked a village, whether he presently sent, but could catch no more but the Captain with four or five soldiers, who immediately had their condemnation, and were trussed up booted and spurred with their cassackes on their backs and their clout for an Ensign, where also to the enriching of the monument, he caused to be laid at their feet their conquered spoils, as women's apparel, sheets, and table clothes, intermixed with hens and gammns of bacon: which was a warning as it were written in great letters to all others of the same trade, to beware of the like behaviour. Never did you see wiser men than the rest were for a moveth after: but then they returned to the practice of their good customs, which without severity will not be forgotten. As also in favour of the Catholics this I will say, that at the beginning they likewise were well ordered, & did not much annoy the commons, whose nobility did also shine among them: Howbeit, I cannot well tell how long they so contiwed: but I have heard that they also did by and by spread their sails and took the same course as the other. Thus albeit our disorders may sometimes procure sport, yet have we greater cause to weep when we see so many of those that deal with arms, through their bad behaviours, deserve the name of thieves rather than soldiers. Of the reasons that moved the Prince of Condées army to break up after the taking of Boisgencie: also how he converted that necessity into profit. And of the purposes of the King of Navarre. THE principal Captains and such as were best practised in worldly affairs, Discontent in the Prince's army. did well for esee that their army would not long continue whole, because they did in part want the necessary foundations thereof, so as they feared this dissipation, as men fear least the fall of some great Dake shaken with the winds should light upon some wall and cast it down, or upon a number of small plants bearing fruit: which caused them to give counsel while it was in force to hazard th● field, whereof they miss. Now after the taking of Boisgencie, when they see the contrary power placed at Bloys which standeth upon the river of Loire, and that the war grew long, their first heat began to cool, as also at the same time began their treasure wherewith to wage Soldiers (who had already consumed all that they had gathered as well a● Orleans as else where) to fail. This necessity opened the gates to divers discontentments, whereof the most part had but simple foundations, albeit the principal motion proceeded of the natural impatiency of the French nation, which if it by and by see not the imagined effects, do grow out of liking and murmureth. Neither will I conceal but that some even of the chief of the Nobility, too much affected to their goods, either endued with somewhat an ambitious hope, or else over delicate and tender, endeavouring to hide these defaults, did call the equity of the war into question. This being known, they were requested to depart, lest their speeches should alienate the minds of others. As for the greater part of the Nobility and Gentry, which could not be maintained or placed in the nearest Garrisons and might serve else where, it was thought good to employ them in their own countries, where debate began to break forth between the Protestants and Catholics, especially in Poictou, Xaintogne, and Angolesme. Thither sent they the Earl of Rochfoucault: to Lions the Lord of Soubize: and to Bourges the Lord of juoy with his regiment. Also seeing the Germans, Sui●zers and Spaniards, did already enter into France in favour of the Catholics, they sent the Lord of Andelot into Germany, and the Lord of Briquemaud into England to seek for help and secure: By this means did the town of Orleans remain freed and safe from that which would most have molested it: foreign negotiation well established: and the preservation of those Countries, from whence they had secure provided for. Thus were the difficulties that happened among the Prince's party, determined, so as the hope of the success of this war was not much diminished, whereof I do not much marvel. For sith in extremities, wise and valiant persons can find remedies, why should they despair in such as are not so far grown▪ In the mean time in matter of war, want of money is no small inconvenience, neither is it any loss to have to deal with voluntary persons; which is a burden of itself hard to be borne, whereby a man is soon oppressed, and this doth none so well know as he that hath proved it. The King of Navarre and his assotiates considering that it was not good to lose time, which ought to be precious to those that Of the taking of Burges, and the counsel to besiege Orleans. have power at command, increased their camp as well with French men as Strangers, and besought the Queen to bring the King into the army, to the end the Huguenots, who 〈…〉ned it the King of Navarre's, or the Duke of Guizes, might be forced to call it the King's camp, as also the more to 〈…〉 horise the war that was prosecuted in his name, which she did: And they met at Chartres where they resolved to set upon Bourges, before it were fortified: for, said they, so mighty a city, not past twenty leagues distant from Orleans, did but too much benefice the Prince's affairs. Thither they marched and assaulting it found no such resistance as was looked for, whereby it fell into their hands. Then being with this so sudden victory, which, said they, was the cutting off of one of the Protestants arms, puffed up and very joyful, they entered deliberation of their affairs. Many were very earnest to besiege Orleans, whose reasons were these. That the two chief heads that moved all this body, namely the Prince of Condé and the Admiral were there, so the same being taken they might easily make the rest of the body immovable. That the strangers that looked up and even tickled to come into France, when they should but hear of the siege thereof, would not be very willing to set forward. That they had men enough to begin the siege: for placing and fortifying two thousandmen in the little gate to bridle the town on that side, they should still have ten thousand footmen & three thousand horse, who might suffice unto the arrival of other their power that was marching. Finally, that the town was but weak, as being neither well flanked, nor well ditched, and having no counterscarp: Only there was a rampire wherein thirty Canons would in six days make a breach of two hundred foot. But, said they, if ye give those huguenots any respite to finish their fortifications, wherein they labour already, we shall not be possibly able to win it. That they should remember that that town was no small thorn in the foot of France, but even a very great dart which pierced the bowels thereof and kept it from breathing. Others of the contrary opinion did thus reply. That by their intelligences The reasons of those that counseled the fiedge of Rouen, rather than of Orleans. in Orleans they were assured that the two regiments of Gascogns and Provincials amounting to above 3000. soldiers were in it: Also five or six hundred other soldiers of those that had been in Bourges and were now retired thither. Moreover four hundred gentlemen: Then the townsmen able to bear arms being no less than three thousand persons. All together above seven thousand men, besides such as hearing of the siege, drawing thither, would likewise enter thereinto. That a town furnished with so many men and great store of victuals was not easy to be taken. That in consideration aforesaid, it were to no purpose with twelve thousand men to pitch their camp against it, considering how many several camps for the well enclosing thereof they must make. Moreover, that to undertake such a piece of work without at the least two hundred thousand of powder, twelve thousand bullets, and two thousand Pioneers, all which the King's whole power was not able to gather together in one month, were as a man should say, to take shipping without Biscuit. That they had elsewhere more easy work which was requisite to be provided for: namely, to take from the enemies the town of Rcan whilst it were yet weak, for that the Englishmen being by them drawn thither might there frame a great army, to go afterward where they list, in respect whereof that arm must be speedily cut off. As for whatsoever power the Lord of Andelot might bring in, if they would send there against 1500. horse and 4000 shot, the same under the favour of the countries, towns and rivers might suffice either to stop or cut them in pieces. Then having achieved all this, they should have a very fit time, without danger of impeachment to plant a notable siege before Orleans, wherewith to win it either speedily by main force, or at the length, by mines and sap, or finally by building forts round about it. This last counsel took place and was followed, and to be plain with you, I take it was the better: for in the town there were for the defence thereof above five thousand strangers, besides the inhabitants: store of munition: the Ravelines begun and the fortifications of the Isles almost finished. True it is the Lord Constable said that he would have nothing but sodden Apples to beat them down withal, but when he was brought to see them he confessed that he had been misinformed. Our Captains did often grow into communication of the siege: but the Lord Admiral laughed at them, saying, that to a town able to furnish three thousand men for an issue they could not approach without danger, much less bring their artillery. Likewise that the examples of Mets & Padua where two mighty Emperors in assailing such bodies as were too strong from them, had the foil, were goodly mirrors to all such as would go about to besiege places well furnished. That but for the foreign aid that the Lord of Andelot brought in, the Protestants affairs had been but in bad case, and many men's minds shrewdly daunted, as well through the taking of Bourges and Rouen, as for the overthrow of the Lord of Duras. GReatly did it grieve the Prince of Condé from time to time to hear of the The taking of Rouen. voyage of the army against Rouen, for that he had no mean to secure so principal a town whose apparent loss he plainly perceived: for he took it to tend greatly to the impairing of his credit: neither could he do any more than send word oftentimes to the Lord of Andelot to hasten his return, but especially to beware that the power which waited for him did not surprise him. Howbeit, as all negotiations in Germany are long, so much time did wear away whereby the adversary had opportunity to prevail against him, namely by the taking of the said town, which being courageously assaulted was as obstinately defended. The great Captains who before had taken such strong towns as Dawilliers, Mariembourg, calais & Thionuille did imagine that so weak a place, so greatly commanded and having no fortification of any account, would quail at the first noise of the Canon: but by the resistance which the fort of S. Katherine, that defendeth the hill, did make, they found that they should have somewhat to do to drive all the Pigeons out of that Dovecoate. Therein together with the Earl of Montgommerie were seven or eight hundred Soldiers of the old bands, and two Ensigns of Englishmen under the government of Master Kiligree, who very well discharged their duties, notwithstanding the Artillery that played in Courtine did greatly molest them: for upon the day of the great assault, the defendants did thereby lose above four hundred Soldiers, which was a great number. There was also a fierce assault given without any order, but at the third it was won. I have heard that the Duke of Guise commanded their leaders that albeit they forced the Rampire, they should not nevertheless run scattered here and there wheresoever the spoil of so rich a town might draw them, but to march in sundry troops of two or three hundred men a piece strait to the Market place: which if they found abandoned then the Soldier to seek his adventure: for he doubted that those men who had fought so courageously, would there yet work their last spite, which nevertheless they did not, albeit it was a wise foresight. For it hath been seen in other Towns, that when the assailants have pierced even to the Market place, they have been driven back beyond the Rampire with great slaughter of those that were scattered abroad about pillage. It is also said, that the spoil lasted but three days, which is such an order as aught to be taken with whatsoever towns a man list to preserve: namely, one day to gather the booty, an other to transport it, and the third to compound. Howbeit, in these affairs the superiors do lengthen or shorten the term as they please, or as they know that they may procure obedience: and this obedience doth much sooner appear in poor and small holds, then in great and rich towns. This was one of the principal acts of our first tragedies, and so much the more notable in that there was a King slain, four thousand men on both sides either slain or wounded, and the second City in France for wealth, abandoned to the spoil of the Soldier. This was heavy news to the Prince of Condé, namely, in respect of his brother, as also he was greatly grieved at the hanging of three persons famous in arms, Law and divinity, viz. Decroze, Mandreville and Marlorate: which reproach so provoked the Protestants likewise, that they endeavoured to be revenged upon other prisoners whom they had taken, of whom one was a Counsellor in the Court of Parliament of Paris, and the other an Abbot. The King, said the Catholics, may hang his rebellious subjects: whereto the Protestants replied, that his name shrouded other men's malice: wherefore according to the proverb, they would make such bread such brewis. Albeit in the mean time we ought to be sorry, yea even ashamed of such rigorous revenges: and much more shameful is it for the satisfying of particular wrath. to make an entry to new cruelty. But ours were no civil wars, if they should not bring forth such fruits. Shortly after the Prince of Condé heard of the overthrow of Of the overthrow of the Lord of Duras troops. a small army of Gascoignes which the Lord of Duras was bringing unto him, containing at the least five thousand persons, defeated by the Lord of Mouluc, which increased his care, notwithstanding in all these adversities he quailed not either in courage or countenance. This mishap, as I have heard, light upon the Lord of Duras, through two especial reasons. The one, that to the end to bring with his troops two Canons he marched heavily: the other, that upon the commodity of this ordinance he stayed by the way to beat certain Castles replenished with great booties. Thus had his enemy's opportunity to overtake him, whose strength consisting in horse did by and by overthrow him: for such as are to bring any succour must always free themselves from cumbersome carriage, and crown their expeditions with diligence. During these affairs I remember I once heard the Lord Admiral, The execution of the Prince of Condes purposes stayed through the succour that the Lord of Andelot brought in. talking of these matters, say unto the Prince of Condé, That one mischief followeth an other: howbeit that he must yet expect the third adventure, meaning his brother's passage, which would either lift them up again or quite cast them down. As in deed if it had miscarried they looked to have been besieged, which so happening, they were very secretly resolved that one of them should have gone into Germany to have endeavoured there to have yet raised some power, being of opinion that the Prince of Condé, in respect of the greatness of his family, should be the best able to persuade the Protestant Princes of Germany to assist him in a cause wherein themselves did partly participate. Howbeit, all the difficulty consisted in the conveying of him thither safely: whereupon some gentlemen there present did evidently declare that going from one of his partakers houses to another, and always marching by night, and resting all day, he might easily pass with twenty horse and no more. But he was not put to that plunge: for within ten or twelve days after they had news that the Lord of Andelot having passed the chiefest difficulties of his journey, was come within thirty leagues of Orleans: which was also supplied with a second comfort, viz. that the Earl of Rochefou●ault accompanied with three hundred gentlemen, and the remainder of the Lord of Duras army would very shortly join with him. Whereupon the Prince of Condé said: Our enemies have given us two shrewd checks in taking our rooks (meaning R●an and Bourges) but I hope that now we may catch their knights, if they take the field. Neither is it to be demanded whether every man rejoiced or was glad at Orleans: for commonly the Soldier the more opportunity that he hath to hurt and molest his enemy that iniureth him, the gladder he is, such sway do wrath bear among them. And how should not their affections be sometimes a little spotted with blood, when many Clergy mens are so red with the dye of revenge, in whose hearts should nothing but charity be harboured. Of the Prince of Condées purposes when he saw his foreign succour approach, and how he came before Paris, from whence after he had there sojourned eleven days & done nothing, he departed toward Normandy. IN as much as good counsels are the fountains The Prince's army marched toward Paris. of good exploits, and increase of force the instruments to attain thereto, the Lords Prince of Condé and Admiral finding their succour to be at hand, devised with themselves upon the choice of some good purpose: Finally, with their most trustiest they resolved to march toward Paris, not meaning to force it (for they doubted that the enemies would immediately thrust in their army thereinto) but only to terrify the Parisians whom they accounted the bellows of the wars and kitchen that fed the same, as imagining that they seeing their country houses forayed and burnt and so many insolent Soldiers lodged even within their town, would either urge the King and Queen to hearken unto peace, or else so quarrel with those that should be so enclosed within their walls, that they should even force them into the field, where they might find opportunity to fight with them, and so recover that advantage that they lost at the skirmish of Tally: and that in the mean time they would send into Normandy, to make ready the hundred and fifty thousand crowns which (as the voice went) were borrowed of certain English Merchants, and upon good pawns: for thereupon did their only hope to wage the foreign army wholly depend: as also because necessity constrained them to cause it to live out of their Thus did spite & shame resolve them to attempt a difficult matter, which before upon ripe deliberation, when it was more easy, they A Camisado enterprised against the suburbs of Paris, also the retreat of the Prince's army. accounted unprofitable: and the like have I seen happen many times, even among many good men of war. At night therefore order being given out, every man armed himself and marched by by ways toward the side of the Suburbs of S. Germain, where they understood that the trenches were small and the guard weak, which was true. Now the Lord of Guise had some inkling of this enterprise, that it should be performed at midnight: whereupon he kept all his horsemen and footmen in arms all the night long in the trenches every one in his quarter appointed: But when the clock had struck four in the morning and that they perceived no noise from our camp, they all said that it was but some false alarum, and that the Protestants hearts would not serve to set upon them, also that it was to no purpose (considering the extreme cold) to freeze them up a whole night's space upon a simple suspicion, peradventure without any ground. To be brief, one after an other they all returned each one to his lodging, so as there remained no more but the ordinary guard. The Protestants in the mean time fetthing a great compass for fear of descrying, lost themselves, so as they could not come near the place that they should assail before broad day: whereupon perceiving themselves discovered and the alarm great, they retired: but had they come three quarters of an hour sooner, it was likely they might in that place have forced the trenches. In this enterprise we may see how some men's impatiency had like to have put them to a great foil, also how the small foresight of the others in the conduct of their men made them lose the occasion that they had undertaken, and so remain a scorn to their enemies. I have heard that the Lords of Guise and Constable did fear the forcing of those Suburbs rather for the shame then for the hurt, as affirming that the same would have been the destruction of the Protestants if they had taken them. For whiles they had been dispersed about the spoil, they made account to have sent forth at sundry ga●es and other places four or five thousand Harquebuziers, and two thousand Corcelets to fall upon them, who surprising them would have slain a great part and put the rest to flight. We did so far overshoot ourselves as three days after to purpose the like again, and I believe we should have been well beaten. But at the change of our watch one of our chief Captains retired to the Catholics, which stayed the execution thereof. The first day he was much made of: The second they laughed him to scorn: and the third he repented that he had forsaken his friends. The Prince of Condé fearing lest he should bewray the wants in his army, departed the next morning, wherein he did wisely, for the Lord of Guise (whose Spaniards and Gascoignes were now come) was determined with his whole power the next morning by break of day to have set upon him if he had stayed but one day longer: And considering of the manner of his purposed proceeding (as I have been informed) I suppose he would have brought us into a bad case by reason that we were lodged too scatteringly being so near to them: which is one bad custom engendered by these civil wars. The Prince thus departed, directed his course toward Normandy for the purposes afore mentioned, and within two days after the King's army followed, still coasting of him until they came to the plains of Dreux where both the armies met. Of six notable occurrences in the battle of Dreux. AMong all the battles fought during our civil A notable battle. wars in France, was there none more notable than the battle of Dreux, in respect as well of the experimented Captains there present, as for the obstinacy in fight. Howbeit to say the truth it was an accident worthy lamentation, through the pouring forth of the blood of above five hundred gentlemen of both sides into the bosom of the sea▪ together with the loss of sundry Princes, Lords and sufficient Captains: but sith things are so fallen out, we are not forbidden to apply them to our instructions, albeit it were better never to return to the like folly, that cost so dear. Now, many things there happened, which every man did not peradventure note, and that is it that hath caused me to set them down, to the end that such as over slightly do pass over the notable feats of arms without consideration of whatsoever may profit them, may be more diligent hereafter: for that is the way to learn to be a Captain. The first thing that happened, albeit it were not of any great 1 The countenance of both the armies. importance, may yet be noted as an extraordinary matter. That is, that although both armies were above two long hours within a Canon shot each of other, as well to put themselves in array, as to comtemplate their adversaries, yet was there not any skirmish small or great before the general battle, albeit in many other battles that have been fought the same have been the for 〈…〉 mers, as at Cerisolles, Sienne & graveling. Nevertheless, she may not say that the battles must of necessity begin by such actions, but for the most part men are led thereto by the quality of the place, either when they find themselves strong in shot, either to try their enemies, either upon some other consideration. There every man stood fast, imagining in himself that they that came against him were no Spaniards, Englishmen, or Italians, but Frenchmen, and those of the bravest: among whom were their companions, friends and kinsfolks, as also that within one hour they were to s●ay each other. This bred some horror, nevertheless without quailing in courage they thus stayed until that the armies moved to join. The second notable matter was the generosity of the Suitzers, 2 The Generosity of the Suit●ers. whom we may say to have there made a worthy proof of their valour: for the great body of that battle wherein they were, being at the first onset overthrown, and their troup shrewdly endamaged by the Prince of Condées squadron, yet stood they fast in the place where they had been arranged, albeit they were alone and that their horsemen had forsaken them. Yea a pretty way from the vanguard, three or four hundred of the Protestants Harque●uziers seeing them so fit, set upon them and flew many, and yet could not make them give place: A battle of Launceknights likewise did assault them, whom they overthrew and followed beating upon them above two hundred paces. They were afterward also beset with two Cornets of Reistres, whom they withstood, and lastly with one of Reistres & Frenchmen together, who made them to retire, albeit with small disorder, toward their men that had been beholders of their valour. And notwithstanding their Colonel and almost all their Captains were left dead in the place, yet did they by such resistance purchase great glory. The third act was the Lord of Guizes long patience, whereby 3 The Lord of Guizes patience. cause of his victory. he attained to the victory: for after the body of the battle which the Lord Constable led was wholly overthrown except the Suitzers, and himself taken, the said Lord stood fast, waiting whether they would roam to set upon him: for as yet the Prince of Condées footmen had not fought, whereto also part of his horsemen still gathered into array besides those that yet hovered: but this avantgard thus setting a good face on the matter, the Protestants durst not bite: In the mean time some of them stayed to charge the Suitzers, as is aforesaid: others to pursue those that fled, and many to spoil the carriages, wherein they spent an hour and a half. Sundry even of the Lord of Guizes part seeing him stand still so long while they that were overthrown were pursued, witted not what to think of him, as if he had been beside himself: and I believe some accused him of cowardliness, as the Romans did Fabius Maximus almost in the like case: even some of his adversaries began already to cry that the victory was theirs: but I remember that I heard the late Lord Admiral answer: We are deceived, for by and by we shall see this great cloud dissolve upon us: And it so happened soon after, whereupon ensued the change of fortune. Hereby did the Lord of Guise well show that he did but watch for opportunity: and could patiently behold the disordering of the Prince of Condées great troops (which at the beginning being joined again might have troubled him shrewdly) about these small actions afore rehearsed: But after he did see them so scattered, he marched with such a bold countenance that he found but small resistance. We are not therefore suddenly to judge of the intents of these great Captains: for the effects do afterward discover their considerations to be otherwise then many would imagine. The fourth thing worthy memory was the long continuance of 4 The long continuance of the battle. the battle: for ordinarily in battles in one hour we see all won and lost, yea that of Montcontour lasted not so long: but this beginning about one of the clock after noon lasted until five: yet must we not imagine that they fought all this while, for they had many pauses, and sometimes gave small onsets, and sometime great, which carried away the best men, and this continued until dark night. Truly the courage on both sides was wonderful, as the great number of the dead did sufficiently testify, which as many men say, amounted to above seven thousand men, of whom the most were slain rather in fight then in flight. But the chief cause of the prolonging of it was as I think because the King's army was strong in footmen, and the Prince of Condées in horsemen. For the one could not break the great battles, neither the other drive away the horses. If we do well consider all battles that have been fought since the Swissers' battle, which fought again the next day, we shall find none comparable to this, yea the battle of S. Laurence was ended in half an hour. The fifth accident was the taking of the two generals of the 5 The taking of the two generals of the armies. armies, a rare matter, because that they ordinarily do never fight but in the end and upon extremity: and many times a battle is almost won before they came to this point. But these stayed not so long, for in the beginning each of them endeavoured to set his men an example not to dally. The Lord Constable was first taken and sore wounded, having likewise been wounded in seven battles that he had been in, which is testimony sufficient of his courage: and the Lord Prince was likewise taken toward the end and wounded also. Hereupon may grow a question, whether a General ought to adventure so far? Whereto it may be answered, that this is not to be termed adventuring, when the main battle marcheth to the charge, and so he depart not out of his place: Besides that these having good seconds, did the less fear the danger of their persons: for the one had the Lord of Guise, and the other the Admiral, who both also were far enough in the conflict. The six● was the manner how both the armies parted, which many 6 The retreat of both the armies. times happeneth otherwise then there it did. We lightly see that the end of a battle is the flight of the party overcome, which is withal pursued two or three leagues, and sometimes farther. But here we may say was no pursuit, but the Protestants retired an easy pace and in order, having yet two battles of Reistres and one of French horsemen, in all amounting unto about 1200. horse. But the Lord of Guise, who was weak in horse, not willing to abandon his footmen, was content to have followed five or six hundred paces after them. Thus as well the one as the other being weary, the night coming on parted them. He took his lodging in the field where the battle was fought, and the Admiral went to a village a long league of, whether his footmen with all his carriages were retired. Some hold opinion that the battle was not lost because the losers were not quite disordered, but therein they are deceived. For he that getteth the field, winneth the Artillery and taketh the footman's Ensigns, hath tokens enough of the victory: albeit it may be said that it was not at the full, as if plain flight had ensued. If any man should reply that often times they had seen the two armies retire each from other in good order, as at Roche-abeille, also the friday before the battle of Moncontour: It is true, but then had they not had any main fight as here, but only great skirmishes, wherein either part kept their advantage of the ground. There are yet living many Gentlemen & Captains able to remember what was there done, & still to deliver some observations thereupon. Finally, I thought good to set down yet one thing above my How the Lord of Guyze entreated the Lord Prince of Conde. number, as also it happened after the battle, which was the courtesy and honesty that the Lord of Guise being the conqueror used toward the Lord Prince of Condie his prisoner, which most men of each part did not think that he would have done: for it is well enough known how odious in civil waters the chief of either faction is, as also what things are imputed unto them, so as if they fall into their enemies hands, after many reproaches which they are forced to bear, their lives also are in danger. Howbeit here it fell out contrary: for being brought before him, he spoke reverently unto him, and with very modest speeches, wherein he could not gather that he meant to gird or checks him. Also so long as he sojourned in the camp, he oftentimes did eat with him: likewise because upon this day of battle they could have but few beds brought, the rather for that the carriages were half rifled and scattered, be offered him his bed, which the said Lord Prince would not accept, but for the one half. Thus did these two mighty Princes being as it were capital enemies, both in one bed, the one triumphing, the other a prisoner, take their rests together. It may be said that the Lord Martial of Anuill● having him in custody (for to him he yielded himself) would not suffer him to have any injury offered, because his father was also a prisoner: I confess he would have done what in him had lain, but surely if the Lord of Guise would have hurt him, his credit and reputation was then such as no man could have letted him. Such brave actions are not, in my mind, to be buried in oblivion, because that all that profess arms ought to study to imitate them, and to abondon all cruelty and unworthy dame a●●res whereinto in these civil wars so many do fall for that they either cannot or will not bridle their malice. To the enemy that resisteth we are to show ourselves haughty: but being overcome honesty willeth that we show him courtesy. Some man might yet cross me and say that he might well enough show him this courtesy, considering what he had before procured at Orleans against the said Prince: To whom I will answer that hear I mean to commend the beautiful actions of virtue when by chance I mèete with any; but not to speak of other's which are not to my purposes: so that when I see them shine in what man so lower, I will honour them. Of the 〈…〉 Lord of Guizes laid to O●leance: also of the 〈…〉 admirals journey 〈◊〉 Normandy. GRem hope had the Duke of Guise now The foundation of the Duke of Guizes hope. 〈…〉 what a go●dly victory he had obtained, albeit 〈◊〉 cost him dear: as having taken the General of his adverse party, and did remain without companion, having the whole government in himself. Neither was he slack in publishing it abroad, as also he took good order to refresh his army, whereto he said himself constrained. In the mean time all his imaginations tende● to the preparing of all sorts of engines and provision to assail the town of Orleans, giving out that the den whereinto Foxes retired being once taken; they might afterward hunt them all over France. Neither had the Lord Admiral less need to rest his people, who grieving that they were beaten did many times find cause of mutiny. Wherefore he passed over the river of Loire, as well to refresh them as to furnish them a new at the charges of diverse the enemies small towns, but meanly defended, and a good quarter pay, where the soldier had the ●rdle somewhat at will, to the end in part to recover his losses. This increase of liberty encouraged them a fresh & put them in better hope. Hereto he condescended, partly by counsel, and partly upon necess●ite, so to avoid mutu●ie, even of the Reisters, whom the Catholics did with great promises under hand labour to retire: as also he feared the retreat of some of his French soldiers, who in adversities were ready enough to turn their coats. After this he came and pitched at jargeau, a town standing upon The Lord Admiral's resolution, the Siege of Orleans and the notablest particularities of the same. the river of Loire, having a bridge, to the end so to have a free passage over, and thence resolved to march into Normandy, there to receive the money that was already come out of England: for his Reisters threathed to take him prisoner. His carriages were left at Orleans, to the end to make the more speed, where his brother the Lord Andelot was left to govern. The Duke of Guise perceiving this departure, came & pitched his camp before the town & his first attempt was to win the suburbs at the foot of the bridge, commonly called Portereau, so to stop all saylies on that side. The Lord of Feuquiers had entrenched it, as meaning there to have safely lodged the Germans and French footmen that escaped from the battle of Dreux, until they had been forced away, & it might have been kept four or five days against all handy blows, so as there had come no ordinance. In the mean time while it was assaulted there felt such a hap that the town had like to have been taken (so wonderful are the events of war) but especially through the default of the Lancek nights. The Duke of Guise minded not that day to force it, but rather to mark the countenance of those that were within: Howbeit as a wary Captain he came furnished both with needle and thread as we say, not only to be provided for every occasion, but also to frame occasions whereby to prevail. Wherefore he committed to the Lord of Cipiere an excellent Captain one thousand and two hundred French arquebusiers, two light culverins, and six Cornets of horse, and marched after himself with another small troup. At their coming (which was upon the Gascognes' quarter) they found them abroad at the skirmish, and their trenches and barriers well furnished: but while they held them play there, certain stragglers abroad certified them that the Lanceknights quarter set no great countenance on the matter, whereupon they sent four or five hundred arquebusiers together with s●me horse to 〈…〉 e that corner. As the same instant the Lord of Cipiere discharged his artillery into the barriers of the French: The lanceknights at the moving and sound thereof were astonished and giving over their guard fled, at which time the Catholic soldiers entered the suburbs, & so came behind the French men who defended themselves bravely: by this means went all to wrack, neither is it possible to imagine greater disorder than was there: for the bridge being pestered with the stuff that they were conveying into the town, they that fled could not get by; Neither could they shut the turn pike gates, or lift up the draw bridge, whereupon the most part fell to swimming over the river. Thus through iron, fire, and water above eight hundred men were lost: But the fear that was brought into the town was greater than the hurt, and it was openly said that the Isles which they had fortified were won, yea, that they fought at the chief gate, which daunted even the boldest. The Lord of Andelot (who was a knight without fear) seeing such a confusion and fear said: All that be Gentlemen follow me: for we must either drive back the enemy or die for it. They can but one way come to us, and there but ten men in front: with one hundred of ours we may beat a thousand of theirs. Be of good cheer and let us go. As he went he beheld the fear, slight and disorder, he heard a thousand lamentable cries, & had as many advices given him: In the mean time without any fear he passed the bridges and came to the turn● pike very glad that the enemy was no farther forward: but likewise it was time for him to come, for they were at the draw bridge ready to enter amain, which nevertheless was drawn, and the gate shut with shall loss. Now it is to be noted that it was a long half hour from the enterprise against the suburbs and the coming of the Lord of Andelot thither, all which time the gate stood open and no man to keep it, which not withstanding the Catholics entered not, whether it were that they stayed to spoil and kill, either else that they wanted some valiant Captain to guide & lead them. But undoubtedly if in the beginning they had made a general head against the town, they had won it, so great was the fear and so small the remedies: At the least they had been sure of the Isles, which had been as much as to have had the town within fifteen days after. I have since demanded of some good Captains of the Catholics how it chanced that they perceived our astonishment no sooner: But they told me that themselves were also amazed to see that they had so suddenly conquered so much people. But that they thought that a certain bruit raised among them that we had purposely forsaken the turn pike, which was filled with powder wherewith when a great number of them had been passed, to have made them to leap, did state them. Thus did the Catholics lose a brave occasion, and the Protestants escape as great a danger. These extraordinary events ought to quicken up the foresight of the defendants, & to provoke the assaylaunts to diligence, to the end the first put not off that which ought to be done this day until to morrow, and the other remember to accompany their troops that give the onset with such Captains as can readily perceive, and speedily take advantage when it is offered. Of so good success did not only the Duke of Guise, but also his whole army, which exceeded twenty thousand, conceive great hope. Whereas contrariwise many of them that were within were shaken with as sh●●ude an attaint, and would gladly have been content that the Lord Admiral could have flown back unto them: but by little and little the Lord of Andelot cured the feebleness of such apprehensions with haughty and persuasive speeches. Long time was afterward spent in assaulting the turn pikes, The wounding and death of the Duke of Guise whereof ensued the pacification of the first troubles also what the Lord Admiral did in Normandy. (which since were surprised through the negligence of some of those that were within, and in playing upon the defences of the Iles. The Duke of Guise determined with twenty Canons to pla●e two days upon them and to give a fierce assault, and in respect of their weakness in my opinion, he would have won them. But in the mean time there fell out a chance unlooked for, no less strange and rare than the former, which troubled the whole feast: which was the wounding of the said Duke by a Gentleman named Poltrot, and his death within a few days after. This quailed their o●rages and hope of all the soldiers in his army, to see themselves deprived of so notable a General. Insomuch that the Queen being weary of so many miseries and notable slaughters, undertook the treaty of peace: and thence forth was there nothing but patleyes on either side, until it was concluded wherein the Lord Prince of Condie and the Lord Constable were the chief instruments and dealers. Now let us speak of the 〈◊〉 admirals expedition, who fearing the forcing of Orleance ●e solved wholly upon diligence, as also in six days he marched 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ie leagues with his power of horsemen, who consisted of two thousand Reisters, five hundred French horse, and one thousand ●●arq●ebuziers on horseback, as also they had only one thousand and two hundred horses, but no cart for their carria 〈…〉 In this sort we used such diligence that sometimes we prevented the fame of our coming in diverse places where we arrived. The said Lord Admiral being come to Cane, assaulted it with the help of certain English men, whom the Earl of Warwick & Beavois la Nocle, who were in Newhaven, had sent him. The Castle being furiously beaten did yield upon composition. Therein was the Marquez of Elboeuf, to whom we used all courtesy. Our Reisters also received their pay, which they liked better than the Normandy Cidre: and as we prepared to return to secure Orleans, the Prince of Condie writ to the Admiral that the peace was concluded, which news converted his desire to fight into another desire, namely to visit his house. This was the end of the first civil war, which had continued a whole year: A term that seemed rather long than short to the natural impatiency of our nation, which in some places overflowed in cruelties more mee●e for barbarous people than Frenchmen: whereof the Protestants did endure the most part. And this peace did many good men like of a great deal the better, because it ended all these inhumanities. The second troubles. Of the causes of the taking of arms in the second troubles. Also how the purposes where upon the Protestants had built themselves proved vain. MAny are the writings that have been published in justification of the levy of The causes of the taking of arms in the second trouble. arms in the year 1507. as also others contrariwise to condemn them, whereof such histories as entreat of things passed have at large discoursed, to the which all such as gladly would exactly search the particularities of all these public actions are to ha●e recourse. For my part I am content briefly upon this point to touch some such as are as true as the same that have ben published, which I have learned of those that on the one side had in part the conduct of the affairs. The edict of pacification concluded before Orleans had greatly satisfied almost all France, as well in appearance as in effect, because thereby all miseries ceasing, every man enjoyed rest with safety of body & liberty of mind. Howbeit the hatred & envy of some, as also the mistrust of others was not quite extinguished, but lay hidden and unperceived. But as time doth commonly bring all things to perfection, so these seeds together with many worse, brought forth such fruit as returned us into our former discords: the chief of the religion who looked to the safety as well of themselves as of other made a general collection of all that was wrought & still practised against them, affirming that undoubtedly their enemies endeavoured by little and little to undermine them, & then even at once to give them their death's wound. Of the causes that they alleged some were manifest, and some secret. Concerning the first, they consisted in the razing of sundry towns, and the building of Citadels in the places were they had their public exercise: also in murders in sundry places committed, & the slaughter of diverse notable Gentlemen, whereof they could have no justice. In the ordinary threats that shortly they should not lift their heads so high: & especially in the coming of Suitzers, albeit the Duke of Alva was already passed into Flanders, under a cloaked fear of whose passage they were levied. And for the secret they propounded certain intercepted letters coming from Rome & Spain, wherein the purposes that should be put in execution were more plainly discovered: The resolution concluded with the Duke of Alva at Bayon to root out all the Huguenots in France, and the Rogues in Flaunders, whereof they were advertised by such as were not doubted of. All these things with many more that I omit did greatly waken those that were loath to be taken sleeping: and I remember that the chief of the religion met thrice at valery & Chastillon, whether came 10 or 12. of the notablest Gentlemen to determine upon these present wars, also to seek some lawful & honest means of safety among so many terrors without proceeding to the uttermost extremities. Howbeit rather by the counsel of the L. Admiral than of any other, every one was desired a while to have patience, for that in so weighty affairs as these, which brought with them many mischiefs, men ought rather to be drawn by necessity, than to run headlong upon will: withal that in short time they should see more. But at third meeting which was within a month, their brains were better heat as well upon the considerations aforesaid, as through new advices given them, namely one which the Prince and Lord Admiral did affirm to proceed from a Courtier greatly affected to the Protestants, who assured them that there had been a secret counsel holden, wherein it was determined to seize upon them two, the one to be put to death, the other to be kept prisoner: at the same time to place 2000 Suitzers at Paris, two thousand at Orleans, & the rest to be sent to Poitiers: Then to disannul the Edict of pacification, and to make an other utterly contrary thereto: and not to doubt thereof. This was easy to be believed, and the rather for that already they see the Zuitzers, who they had been so of●en promised should be sent back, march toward Paris. Whereupon some more sensitive and impatient than the rest grew into these speeches▪ What? shall we tarry until they come and bind us hand and foot and so draw us unto their scaffolds at Paris, there by our shameful deaths to glut others cruelty? What advice shall we yet expect? Do we not already see the foreign enemy march armed toward us, and threaten to be revenged on us, as well for so many injuries done to them at Dreux, as also for those harms which in our defences we have done to the Catholics? Have we forgotten that above three thousand of our religion have since the peace endured violent deaths, for whom (whatsoever our complaints) we can have no redress but frivolous answers and fraudulent delays? Yet if it were our Kings will we should be thus injuried and contemned, we might peradventure the better bear it: But sith we know that all this is wrought by those who shrouding themselves under his name do purpose to debar us all access unto his person, and to alienate his good will from us, to the end that being destitute of all aid and support we may remain their bond men, and be a pray unto them: shall we bear such insolences? Our Fathers did patiently for the space of forty years and more suffer, upon whom they made proof of all sorts of punishments for the name of jesus, which cause ourselves do also defend. And now that non only families and boroughs, but also whole towns have under the authority and benefit of two royal edicts manefestly declared their faith, we shall make ourselves unworthy these two goodly titles Christian and Gentleman, which we esteem to be most honourable ornaments, if through our negligence and cowardliness in losing ourselves▪ we suffer such a multitude of people to perish. Wherefore we beseech you that have taken upon you the common defence to enter some speedy resolution, for the matter will hear no longer delays. Other assistants at this counsel were moved, not so much at the vehemency, as truth of this speech. But as there are always some full of consideration, the same did reply that they perceived the eminent danger, howbeit that the safeguard was from them hidden. For if we will (said they) fly to complaints & supplications, it is most evident that the same do rather provoke those to whom they be exhibited, than procure any remedy. If likewise we take arms with how many reproaches, slanders, & curses shall we be overwhelmed by those who imputing unto us the blame of the miseries ensuing, when they cannot discharge their rage upon us, will ease their choler upon our poor families dispersed in diverse places? howbeit in as much as among many mischiefs we must always choose the least, it seemeth there is less inconvenience in suffering the first violences of our enemies, than in beginning with them & so become guilty of a public & general commotion. Then spoke the Lord of Andelot and said: Your opinion my masters that spoke last is grounded upon some discretion and apparent equity: But the principal physical drugs, meet to purge this exceeding humour which now aboundeth in the universal body of France, namely Fortitude and Magnanimity do therein want. I would therefore weet of you, if you carry until we be banished into foreign Countries, lie bound in prisons, lurk in forests, overrun by the people, contemned by the soldiers, and condemned by the authority of the mightiest, (all which we are not far fro) what will all our passed patience and humility stand us in stead? What profit can we reap in our innocency? To whom shall we complain? Or who will vouchsafe to hear us? It is time to see that we be no longer deceived, and to have recourse to our defence which is as just as necessary, neither to care though they term us the authors of the war: for themselves are they that in so many sorts have infringed the public agreements and covenants, and that have brought even into our bowels six thousand foreign soldiers, who in effect have already proclaimed it against us, so as if we give them such advantage as to strike us first, our mischief will be past remedy. Small speech was there afterward, other than an approbation The resolution to take arms, also the difficulties in the beginning. to take force in hand, so to prevent the imminent destructition. Howbeit if there were any difficulties in the rosolution hereof, so was there no less in learning how to proceed in this new approach. Some wished the Captains to seize upon Orleans, & confederate town, and then to certify their majesties that perceiving the approach of the Suitzers, they were thither withdrewen with their friends for their safeties: also that by returuing them home, they would likewise departed every man to his own house. Hereto it was answered, that these men had forgotten how that at Orleans there was a great gate fortified and kept by a sufficient number of Catholics, whereby they might always let in men of war into the town: also that now it was time to defend themselves with iron and steel, and not with words or writing. Others thought it good abroad in the Provinces to seize upon as many towns as they might, and then to stand upon the defensive, whose advice was not admitted neither, because that: (as it was said) in the first troubles of a hundred that the Protestants held, within eight months they had not twelve left, for want of power to secure them. Finally, they concluded to take arms, & in the beginning of this war to observe four things. First to seize upon few towns, but the same to be of importance: secondly, to frame a lusty army: thirdly, to cut in pieces the Suitzers, under whose favour the Catholics would always be the masters of the field: lastly, to endeavour to banish the Cardinal of Lorraine from the Court, as him whom many did imagine to be a continua salliciour of the King to root out the Protestants. Great difficulties were there propounded concerning the two last points. For, said some, the Cardinal and the Suitzers did continually march with the King's person, so as assailing the one, and endeavouring to terrify the other, every man would affirm their enterprise to be directly against the royal majesty and no other: but they were decided by this answer: That the event should discover their intentes, even as they gave testimony of King Charles the seventh, who being but Dolphin took arms, but neither against his Father nor the Realm. Moreover, that it was well known that the French in body had never attempted against their Prince's person: Finally, that if this their first success fell out favourable, it might cut off the course of a long and ruinous war, in that they should have opportunity to open unto the King the truth of matters, which yet was concealed from him, whereof might ensue a new confirmation of the ediots, namely, when they that purposed to prevent should find themselves prevented. This was the resolution taken among those men that were then present, who albeit they were endued with great knowledge, experience, valour, and discretion, yet all that they had so diligently forecast and examined, when it came to effect, was wonderful wide from their expectation, & other things almost unthought of, as accounted either to sure or difficult, redounded to their greatest benefit. Whereof it followeth that we may hereby perceive that good success doth not always follow good deliberatious. Howbeit all this have I not here spoken to the end to control those that I have named, of whose virtue I have evermore greatly admired, neither to cause men in their affairs to neglect discretion or diligence, but only to advertise them that the accomplishment of any our works consisteth not in the purposes of man, but in God's disposition. Now let us mark the success of these enterprises. For the first Of the success of the Prince's attempts. points which concerned the towns it was determined to surprise only three, viz. Lions, Tholouse, and Troy, and that for the commodity in diverse respects ensuing of the same. But the purposes of those that undertook the charge of seizing upon them fell out to be in vain. Concerning strength of the field, the Protestants were in the beginning stronger than the Catholics, but within a month and a half after the taking of arms the Catholics were the mightier, whereby they forced them to have recourse to strangers whom they had called to their succour. The execution of the Suitzers had as bad success, as well for that this purpose was discovered, as through want of power. Now rested no more but the fourth point, which being of smallest importance was brought to pass, and that was the parting of the Cardinal of Lorraine from the Court, who notwithstanding was of as great authority there as before time. But thereof grew another inconvenience to the Protestants. Which was, that they stirred up the King's hatred and indignation against them, in that by their occasion he was forced with fear and speed to retire to Paris, so as ever after he bore them a grudge. This had been but an unhappy beginning of the war unto them if other effects had not recompensed the first defaults: which nevertheless happened rather by the motions of diverse particular Gentlemen, together with the disposition of sundry the inhabitants of towns, than through any the great deliberations afore mentioned, whereof ensued the seizure of sundry both good & had, of which the nearest were Orleans, Auxerre & Soisson. True it is that secretly they were warned to shirre upon one prefixed day, albeit there was no great account made of other than the afore rehearsed. That the Prince of Conde's attempt of three things for a proud face upon the beginning of his enterprise, whereat the Catholics at the first were astonished. Man's courage urged by necessity doth increase, The first. A general taking of arms upon one self day. as also his former apprehensions being some what quailed, he standeth in the less fear to hazard himself unto whatsoever difficult and dangerous attempts, as it then happened to the Protestants. For they seeing the naked sword threatening of them, resolved to save themselves rather with the arm than the leg and therefore winking at sundry respects thought it best valiantly to begin. Their first and principal act was a general taking of arms upon one self day, which bred great astonishment even to some of their own part, who were ignorant of the matter, & much terror to the catholics, who peradventure 〈◊〉 if they had begun first, have dealt more rigorously than the Protestant's did: nevertheless in the mean time it grieved them to see so many towns taken, which they dissembled: albeit some of them said, The brethren have now taken us tardy, but the day will come that we shall have our revenge, wherein they showed themselves as good as their words: For before the year was over, they gave them to weet that they had, said but the truth. Some held opinion that so many advertisements as were to be given to the Provinces, would breed the discovery of the enterprise, howbeit that happened in few places, nevertheless in those of most importance: much more unpossible is it in these days so to proceed in respect of man's indiscretion, the which is such as it can conceal nothing. We may note in ancient time examples in manner much like unto this (except that the one did ●ende to offend, the other to defend, as when Mithridates within his dominions upon a like day procured the slaughter of forty thousand Romans. Likewise when three score towns of Greece were by a certain day appointed by the Roman Consul seized & sacked by his legions without any fore knowledge or perseverance of one or other until the very time of the execution thereof. But such actions happen but seldom, by reason that they which have once been caught and scaped again, do grow so vigilant and suspicious that even the wagging of every leaf doth waken them, and each shadow make them to start. The second notable action consisted in that with less than five The second. hundred horse, they durst adventure upon six thousand Suitzers, and make them to retire. True it is that according to their platform Their courage in setting upon 6000. Suitzers. they should have been more, viz. a certain number of arquebusiers on horseback, who failed them, not in coming into the field, but of coming in time to the place appointed, so as in respect of their small power the Captains of the Protestants stayed and duist not adventure upon a general charge against this great troup which seemed a forest. Moreover, their great race that they had run, had almost tired all their horses, and yet have I heard them affirm that had their troup of Picardy which consisted of an hundred and fifty horse come in time they would have hazarded the field, in making their arquebusiers to alight, and charging with their squadrons on three sides. Howbeit although they had so done, yet had the event been doubtful. All passed in skirmishes, wherein some of each part were slain and wounded. I have heard that this great battle set a countenance worthy Suitzers: for without any fear they stood fast a while, and then retired close still turning their head as doth the wild Boar whom the hunters do pursue, until that seeing no likelihood to force them, they gave them over. The third deed was the occupying of the town of Saint Denis, and two other small villages at hand which the Prince of Condie The third. The taking of Saint Dennis. caused to be entrenched, where he planted himself with all his power to lay siege to that side of Paris. All these effects coming into consideration even of the best Captains of the Catholics, they grew astonished, as imagining that the Prince did speedily expect some great force, and had very good intelligences as well in Paris as in the Court. Otherwise (said they) being so weak, he never durst come so boldly to lodge so near us, neither would the Admiral (being a most wary and good warrior) without some hidden grounds have counseled it. This made them to forbear until they had assembled their power. diverse there were that thought it hard (considering that their strength was good as consisting of almost ten thousand men) to suffer this small handful of people by their daily and continual skirmishes to face them even to their gates, thinking it a great shame that an Ant should besiege an Elephant. But in my opinion the others considerations were the wiser, who affirmed it to be a manifest token of folly, by a battle which is uncertain against fools (for so they termed us) who now have no counsel but despair, or treasure, but their horse and armour, to hazard the whole body of the state, which is as it were enclosed within the walls of Paris: also that having in their hands so sacred a matter as the king's person, they must do all things surely: and that shortly they should perceive most honourable fruits proceed of this advice. Thus between the wisdom of some and the rashness of others, there was as it were a discordant concord between them for a few days, yea, even until the great game was played, which was so rude, that the Protestants were forced to forsake their lodgings: He therefore that upon this example should go about to build avie great or adventurous purposes might peradventure commit an incurable error: For the matters which we would compare do not always in every part resemble: besides that these accidents are such as it is much if a whole age bringeth forth two or three. Of the most notable occurrences happened at the departure from Saint Denis. IT doth many times fall out that 〈◊〉 mighty Captain The Prince of Conde's first intent to force his adversaries to hearken to accord. albeit he cannot attain to his purposed intents, doth nevertheless in his proceed show forth such valour, that men cannot but commend him as they did the Prince of Condie for his brave exploits during his abode at S. Denis. Due of his purposes tended to bring the Parisians into such want of victuals, & other wise so to mo●est than that as well themselves as such others as were thither retired, should he forced to hear●en to peace, Here of grew the enterprises of Charenton bridge, S. claud & Poyssy, whereby to bridle the river, which nevertheless were to small purpose, & was like to have bred the destruction of the Protestants. Some would metuaile how such excellent Captains, who could not be ignorant what great armies had afore time (which 〈…〉ning to perform the like attempt) lost their labour, as did that of Duke Charles of Burgundy, which I think they had not quite forgotten, would undertake such an enterprise. But they did it, as finding themselves in place where occasion invited them to attempt that which the common voice cried upon them to do. Moreover, they supposed that to lie still & enterprise nothing would be a great diminishing of their credit: besides that, seeing their people so well disposed; they accounted most difficult enterprises, easy to be compassed. The Prince of Conde's second intent was to draw the army that The second and third cotent. layin closed in Paris to battle, in hope that the same being won the war would be at end, which his purpose sped no better than the former. As for the third, he made account that albeit he were forced to abandon S. Denis, yet the towns which should be seized as well upon the river of Marne as of Seine, might faour & support him in the placing of his power until the coming of his Germans whom he had sent for for to assist him. But this purpose also in respect they could surprise but two, viz. Lagny & Montereau, as the rest vavished in smoke. The L. Constable's attempts were brought to better effect. His first purpose was after the refreshing of his power to force the Protestants to battle thinking that he must needs overcome them in respect of the advantages he had them at, which he had almost done. He also made account to disappoint them of their lodgings, and to send them farther from the Parisians, who had no great onlight that such good husbands & so diligent to clear them should look to their accounts: But death debarred him that benefit: and to say ●roth if he had lived and had his health, he would have made them to have made more haste than they did. Truly as well the one as the other bare themselves as great Captains but tending to diverse ends, viz. to defend and offend, their actitions likewise were in part different. It well be seemed the Protestants to be oft on horseback, to The Lord Constable's purposes. enterprise sometimes to some purpose, sometimes desperately, him that their hearts or hope were not yet daunted: and therefore bringing their small army well resolved into the field, they showed themselves before the suburbs of the city, burning a village and some windmills within view of the town, so to testify them that all the Protestants were not all dead: also that there was yet some exercise provided: but no man issued by reason (as it is to be presumed) of the loss of the Lord Constable. This the Protestants brag preserved their credit: how be it perceiving that their sojourning there would be their overthrow, the next morrow they raised their camp and marched toward Montereau, whither they sent for the rest of their power that jay at Estampes & Orleans, to come to them, which greatly increased their army. Of the voyages of both the armies toward Lorraine, but to several intents. SO soon as the French power which the P. of Condie expected were joined The means that were practised to overthrow the Prince and his army. with him the contrary army whereof the D. of Anjou was general, daily increasing, followed him at the heels. divers catholics my good friends have assured me that upon any fit occasion he meant to have fought: for the old Captains that counseled him thereto, very well foreseeing that if the Protestants should join with their Reisters (who were already setting forward) the war would grow long, or else they must fight an uncertain battle, were upon these considerations earnestly princked thereto. But withal when they beheld the importance of their generals person who rested under their weapons, also the despair of their adversaries, the same did somewhat stay them. They used two cunning policies as well to stay them as to surprise them: for in war such subtleties are allowed, at the lest they are practised: The first was a parley of peace, wherein the most notable of the Ptotestants (as the Car. of Chastillon) were employed: which still cooled the heat of the battle. The other was two abstinences from wars each for 2 or 3. days, to the end, as it was said, the better to confer of the articles propounded. The one was near to Montereau, the other by chaalon's: but the last had like to have been very prejudicial unto the Protestants, by reason the P. of Condy stayed in a very bad lodging & sore scattered while the catholics army did approach, & had it not been for the County Brissacks enterprise against certain cornets of arquebusiers on horseback whom he overthrew, the said Prince had still sojourned there 2. days, where undoubtedly he had been fought withal, & peradventure surprised by his adversaries who were very strong, the rather through the arrival of 1500. Burguignion spears, who under the conduct of the Earl of Arembergue, one of the famousest Captains of the low countries, were joined unto him. But when during the abstinence he see such slaughter, he thought it no great safety to trust to words, & therefore in 3. days space marched above 20. leagues through the rain, & so bad ways, that it was to be wondered how the carriages and artillery could follow, for there was nothing lost either in the one or the other, so good was the order & so great the diligence. Monsieur his army seeing this departure pursued no farther: yea, some of them boasted that they had driven the Protestants out of the realm: others having better foresight perceiving that they could no longer be stopped from joining with their Germains thought it best to let them go & then to seek how to keep them from coming in again. But there were some likewise, & they no small number that laid great fault in diverse of Monsieurs counsellors for suffering them so to escape with out battle, saying that the Admiral had secret intelligence with them, which was a very false imagination, whereat himself used to scorn, & many times he assured me there was no such matter, nevertheless he would endeavour still to maintain than in the suspicion. Now will I rehearse some stirs & follies of the Protestants during their small abode in Lorraine: as also the voluntary liberality The behaviours of the Prince's army in Lorraine. whereof they made demonstration in the midst of all their poverty that there environed them: an action which I take in these days to be unpractiseable. Many were persuaded (as also the voice so went) that they could not set foot in Lorraine but they should hear the reisters' cocks sing: but having there sojourned 4. or 5. days they had no more speech of them than when they were before Paris, which bred sundry mutinies, even among some of the nobility, who in their ordinary speeches did somewhat rudclie gird at their Generals: so great is the impatiency of our nation: But they understanding hereof endeavoured to remedy it. Likewise as men can hardly abandon their natural inclinations, so the persuasions which their heads used were different: for the P. of Condie being of a pleasant disposition did so conveniently gird these choleric and busy persons that he made even those that most exceeded either in the one or the other to laugh. On the other side the Admiral with his grave speeches did so shame them that in the end they were forced to appease and quiet themselves. At the same time myself asked him of his best counsel in case Monsieur should follow us? We would march, said he, toward Bacchara, where the Reisters should make their assembly: also that it were not for us to fight without them, and that after the enemies first heat was somewhat quailed: But, what if the Reisters were not there, would some man say, what could the Protestants then do? I think they could have blown their fingers, for the weather was very cold. Now was all the Town soon converted into mirth when as they understood certainly that Duke john Casimire, (a Prince endued with all Christian virtues, and one to whom the Protestants are highly bound) did march and was at hand. Then was there nothing but singing and leaping, yea, they that had most cried out did leap highest. These their behaviours did very well verify the saying of Titus Livius, that the gaul's are soon angry, and so consequently soon merry again, which passions if they be not, after the imitation of the sages, moderated by reason do easily exceed. The Prince of Condie understanding by his agents in Germany that the Reisters looked upon their joining with him to A notable history. finger at the least 100000. crowns, was in greater care than before he had been for his men's mutinies, because he had not 2000 There was it expedient for him to make of necessity virtue: and as well himself as the L. Admiral being in great credice with the Protestants, employed all their cunning, credit, and eloquence to persuade every man to departed with whatsoever his ability would bear toward this so necessary contribution, whereupon depended the contentation of those whom so diligently they had waited for. Hereof themselves gave the first example in giving their own silver vessel: The ministers in their Sermons exhorted hereto, and the most zealous Captains prepared their men: for in so extraordinary a matter they had need to use all kinds of instruments. There did sundry of the Gentry show a great readiness to discharge themselves loyally: But the chief brunt of this battle appeared when they came to urge the scholars of Lady Picoree, whose property it was to be ready to take, and slackly to forego: howbeit partly by love & partly by fear they quit themselves better than men looked for: yea, this liberality was so general, that even the soldiers lackeys and boys gave every one somewhat, so as in the end it was accounted a dishonour to have given but little. Some such of these there were as made the Gently ashamed in parting more voluntarily with their gold, than they had done with their silver. To be brief, the whole being gathered together there was in money, in plate, and in chains of gold above four score thousand franks: which came in so good season, that without it they could hardly have appeased their Reisters. I know that many of them were urged to give by example, shame, and persuasions, but certainly a great part did it upon zeal and affection, as appeared in that they offered more than was required of them. Was it not a deed worthy wonder to see an army unpaid, and unprovided of all means, who thought it a marvel to part with their small commodities for their own wants, now not to spare to furnish others therewith, who peradventure did give them no thanks? Now would it be unpossible to do the like, for that all Gentlemanlike actions are almost out of use. Of the return of the two armies toward Orleans and Paris: also of the course that the P. of Condie took in victualling, marching, and lodgiug of his men. AFter the joining of the Reisters there needed A mean to attain to peace. no long consultation to know what were best to be done. For the general voice imported to transport the war to Paris. This did some desire peradventure the rather to the end to see their own houses, but the most part knew it to be the best way to attain to peace: neither were the generals ignorant that to continue the war, their armies could not miss artillery, powder, money, and other commodities that are to be wrested from the merchant and the artificer, whereof unless they drew toward Orleans (which was their nurse mother) they should be deprived, which made them to yield to the common desire. In this good mind did the Protestants return, being of opinion that the enemies army would coast them, as well to debar them from dismantelling diverse small and weak Towns, as also to spy occasion to entrap some one of their troops. Then did France abound in all sorts of virtualles, and yet were they to use great art and diligence to feed an unpaid army of above twenty thousand men, whom the Country favoured not as they did the other, being but meanly furnished with munition. The Lord Admiral had an especial care above all things to have expert commissaries, and to cause them to have carriage according to the Protestant want, and was wont when so ever there was any question of forming the body of an army, to say: Let us begin the shaping of this monster by the belly. Now because our horsemen did commonly lodge scattering The Lord Admiral's care for the entertainment of the army. abroad in the good villages, the said commissaries besides their ordinary carriages kept still in every cornet a baker and two horse of burden, which came no sooner to their quarter but they fell to making of bread, and so sent it to the footmen. All these small helps proceeding from forty cornets (for there about we then were) being gathered together, amounted unto a great deal: yea, and thence sometimes they sent both flesh and wine, whereto the Gentry were so affectionate that from their lodgings they would not spare their carriages for conduct of whatsoever was requisite. The small Towns that were taken were reserved for the munitionaries, and they threatened the rest that kept no garrisons to fire all a league round about if they sent in no provision: whereby our footmen who lodged close were ordinarily well provided. I do not here speak of the booties which as well the footmen as horsemen won from the adversaries, neither is it any doubt but this denouring animal passing through so many Provinces, could still find soul pasture where with was sometimes mixed the poor man's garment, yea, and the friends to, so sore did necessity and desire to catch incite those that wanted no excuses to colour their spoil. Of these fruits were many provided of those things which besides food the soldier is to buy, as garments & weapons which are most necessary things. Now must I speak of the lodging of the army which they were Of the lodging of the army. forced to scatter abroad, and that for two principal reasons. The one for the commodity of virtual, the other that it might be under covert, whereby to be defended from the injury of the winter: for without this help it could not consist. I know this to be a very bad kind of lodging: also that in imperial & royal wars men would beware of committing such over sights, lest they might be strait ways surprised: But in civil wars both parts were forced and accustomed so to do, at the least in France. The footmen were lodged in two bodies, viz. in a main battle and an vanguard, and the horsemen in the villages next to hand. Upon any earnest alarum the horsemen drew to their quarters: likewise if one several lodging were assailed, the others went strait to the rescue. Among the Cornets there were many arquebusiers on horseback, and when they were come to their quarter, all the ways were very well fortified: and many times they provided themselves in the Churches and Castles, so to hold out two good hours until they might have succour. I have sometimes seen one of the General's march with five or six hundred men and beat back the enemy that had assailed some lodging. Howbeit notwithstanding whatsoever watch on all sides, yet there happened many surprises, albeit the ways were beaten both night and day. Many times we had our best advice from the Picorers, who buzzing abroad like flies did ordinarily meet with the enemy, and so some one brought in word, for these men to fly are as swift as hares, and when they go about some booty they even fly. The head toward the enemy who had light horsemen did commonly consist of five hundred good horse, and as many arquebusiers on horseback, with small store of carriage, except horse of burden, which was done to the end to keep the enemies busy, that they should make no enterprise, also that the army might always have warning. Concerning the order of the march, all the troops had their meeting nominated at a certain hour in place convenient, for the The march. division of the lodgings: and thence they repaired each to his quarter, as also they used great speed when they were to travail sundry ways. One inconvenience there was in marching thus scatteringly, namely, that oftentimes they did use many false alarums. Nevertheless it was never noted that the Prince of Condie had ever any notable surprise. Neither would I that any man should build any rule upon these examples which necessity engendered, unless upon the like reason as then bare sway: for so may they be used in accommodating them to time, place, and persons. But the surest way were to reform our customs by the ancient military rules, wherein is more perfection than in those which we now a days do practise. Yet must we not say that these great Captains ought to have done otherwise than they did, for they never failed in aught that either could or should be done. As also their most notable actions are since their deaths vanished away. Of the new forces out of sundry Provinces that met at Orleans, which invitéd the Prince of Condy to undertake the voyage to Chartres. IN the first civil wars most of the Into what Difficulties the Protestants were reduced during the civil wars. Protestants, namely their heads, took this for a principle: That it was hard without an army in the field to make any honourable war or profitable peace. In consideration hereof they exhorted their partakers to help to make a brave power, the benefit where of should redound to the whole body, which was the reason that made so many ready to come in. But they found an inconvenience in abandoning to this effect such good places as before they held in the provinces, for afterward they had no place of retreat, as also they have sometimes failed in the other point, viz. by keeping over many. Wherein we may learn to avoid all extremities. Which notwithstanding, yet were not the provinces free from war as well in the first troubles as in these. Yea, who so list well to consider the dealings of the Baron of Adrets, and other the brave exploits of sundry Captains both Catholics and Protestants, recorded in the histories, shall see miserable matters valiantly and wisely executed. But because I have tied myself to speak of no more than I have either seen or learned in good places, I have abstained from entering the carrier of unknown Countries for fear of stumbling. Now the Prince of Condie being informed that his forces out of Gascoigne and Dauphin amounting near to six thousand men were arrived at Orleans thought it good to employ them, & therefore sent them word to be ready, as also to provide powder and shot with three or four bad pieces of artillery that were left: for albeit the catholics accounted the Protestants fiery people, yet were they always but meanly provided of such instruments, neither have they, as themselves, any Saint Anthony, whom men say to be precedent of this element. His intent was before his enemies knew his purpose to have environed the town that he meant to besiege, whereof he thought none so commodious for his affairs as Chartres, which being taken he purposed to fortify, so to keep a continual thorn in the Parisians foot, and under the favour thereof somewhat to preserve his Countries which were behind. To The beginning of the siege of Chartres. this effect being above twenty leagues of he sent three thousand horse to enclose it, which diligence turned to no great profit, for a regiment of footmen which lay but four leagues off did nevertheless enter thereinto, which was the safeguard of the town. The L. of Ligniers did command therein, who had in all two and twenty companies, neither did any man spare for all remedies for fortification, which are usual in such low places as are prevented. The assailants also for their parts noted those places that seemed most assaultable, which on every side were so bad, that it was hard to say which was worst, and having discovered a mountain which commanded upon the flank of a Courtine, without farther consideration they took it, and at the first blush it promised much, howbeit the remedies there against were easy: For the Prince having but five field pieces and four light culverins, what were they able to do against so many men of defence and labour as were therein. And in two days and two nights it was so crossed and entrenched, that they durst not enter upon them. The French man is so sudden, that he will immediately discover that which cannot be found without long search. And through this readiness I have seen the discoverers of places commit so many over sights, that I think it a most profitable rule to look twice, yea thrice upon a thing before we resolve or settle our judgement thereof. After the breach was made, we knew that to give the assault on that side was to lose our men wilfully: and as we were preparing for a new battery in some weaker place the peace was concluded, which overthrew all military actions. True is the Proverb, that there is no well to the good men, for the place must be very bad wherein they cannot find means to accommodate themselves. Men should never keep any long siege against such places, in deed to let an army lie before it 3. weeks or a month it may be done, whiles another is levied in favour of the besieged. During our abode there the Lord Admiral attempted a brave A counter enterprise of the Lord Admirales during the siege. enterprise, which was determined in manner ensuing: The contrary army being beyond the river of Sein, durst not (I wots not why) approach the Prince's main power, yet would it not omit any opportunity to favour the besieged. And to the same effect was the Lord of Vallet a famous Captain, sent with eighteen cornets of horsemen to surprise one of our troops in their lodgings, to hinder our forage, to break off our victuals, and to keep us in often alarums. He approached within four leagues of the camp, and lodged very close, from whence he began greatly to molest us: The Lord Of Chartres. Admiral here of advertised, took upon him to provide remedy thereto. And using commonly to march strong, for fear said he, of want of game, he took 3500. horse, & departed so early, that by the Sun rising he was in these horseman's quarters, of whom many, notwithstanding their good watch kept in the field, were overtaken, so as there were four clouts taken but few men slain. The Lord of Vallet who lodged in Oudan gathered together four or five hundred horse, with whom albeit a thousand of ours did follow, he retired in good order, often making head against us, as indeed he had both skill and experience. Hereby we see that it is not good sojourning long in the face of a strong power of horse unless a man be as strongly lodged. For before he be aware he may be surprised as it were with a sudden storm: and the same may be upon him in manner as soon as his sentinels, scouts, or discoverers: for it marcheth assured, seareth nothing, and still saith to the foremost, On, charge and follow all that thou findest. In such affairs the wisest and most circumspect are sometimes overtaken. The second peace concluded at Loniumeau. THroughout the whole troubles in France we The second peace, cause of more mischief than the war itself. have still seen it fall out that they have spoken of peace in the midst of all the war, so willing was every man to show himself to like of so health some a matter: as also there have ben diverse concluded, but none worse to the Protestants than this. The treaty hereof was again begun while the Prince lay before Chartres, who sent the Cardinal of Chastillon with other Gentlemen, to meet with the king's deputies at Loniumeau, where they so followed it, that the articles were agreed upon which were sent some to Paris & others to Chartres, there to decide the chief difficulties arising therein. Now as a good peace was not only greatly desired, but also as necessary, so were there few that stayed to consider what manner of one this was: but as if the very name had also brought the effect, most of the Protestants were fully resolved, that it must be accepted: And to speak plainly that was it that forced the P. & Admiral, who saw such readiness even in the nobility, to condescend thereto & to accept of it. It was as a whirl wind which they could not resist, but that it carried them away. True it is that the P. was of himself somewhat inclined unto it, but the Admiral still doubted of the observation thereof: for he almost perceived that they meant to be revenged of the Protestants for the injury received at the journey of Meaux. Yea, even than some such of the catholics as could conceal nothing, gave out openly that shortly they would have a day. One of our agents also for the peace, sending word that he had oft heard such speeches, & perceived great indignation hidden in some of their hearts with whom they did confer, wished it might be looked unto, as noting some singular event. Some likewise even of the court, who sometime stole speeches out of the closet, sent their friends & kinsmen word that undoubtedly they would be deceived unless they wrought surely: which might have sufficed to waken those that slept so sound upon the sweet pillow of peace: but notwithstanding all advice, the brook which already overflowed could not be restrained. It may be marveled that these Captains being of such credit with their partakers, could not persuade them to that which was so profitable: howbeit if we consider what these voluntary persons were, also the violent desire to visit a man's home, we shall perceive that the anchor of apparent necessity being broken, the ship that is driven with such vehement winds cannot be stayed. Sundry whole Cornets and diverse particular persons even before the raising of the siege from before Chartres were departed Part of the Protestants causers of their own mischief. without ask leave toward Xantoigne and Poictou. This humour also took place among the footmen, even those that dwelt farthest off. Many also said that sith the King offered the last Edict of pacification, it might not be refused: Other of the Gentry gave out that they would retire into their own Provinces for the preservation of their families whom the enemies cruelties oftentimes murdered: The footmen complained of the want of pay, and that ordinarily their victuals failed them. Thus might not the Generals of the Protestants cleave to such advertisements as they received, and so reject the peace, lest they should have remained over weak. hereupon they sometimes discoursed in this manner. That the most of their French forces abandoning them, they should be driven to stand upon their defence: but it would be a great disgrace unto them, in that it now was the time of year that armies used to take the field. To part with their Reisters whom they should distribute in their towns they would not do it, for so they should devour themselves: likewise to lodge them in a fortified camp, that remedy would last but a while. To be brief, that they must try the hazard of a peace. Then could they have wished to have had some towns for the assurance thereof: but when they requested any other pledge than the edicts, oaths & promises, they were dismissed as men that did despise or contemn the authority royal, which caused them to accept that which was usually offered. Thus did the Protestants dismiss their strangers, retire into their houses, and every man particularly lay away their weapons: weening (at the least the common sort, that the catholics would have done the like: who were content only to promise it, but in effect to perform nothing: but remaining still armed, kept the towns & passages over the river, so as within two months after they had the Protestants as it were at their discretions. Yea, some of them that insisted most upon peace were forced to say: We have committed folly, and therefore must not think much to taste thereof, albeit this drink be like to be very bitter. The third troubles. Of the Protestants diligent retreat in the last troubles: also of the Lord of Martigues brave resolution when he came to Saumure. human affairs are subject to many alterations, The notable revolution of these wars: also of the Prince's retreat. for the better representing of the inconstancy whereof, the ethnics have figured a turning wheel whereon things are sometime up and sometime down: and who so list well to note the dissimilitude of the ground of this war with the former, shall perceive the same. For in the former the Protestants did prevent and proudly assail, where in this they were prevented, and retired upon shameful necessity, abandoning those Provinces and Towns which before had served for their preservation. When they see ten companies of footmen brought unto Orleleance, they well knew that their business went amiss: but most of all were they moved to depart the Provinces about Paris because the Prince had like to have been beset in his own house by sundry companies of men of arms and footmen that easily approached toward him. Himself also having given advice hereof to the Admiral and other his nearest neighbours, did together with them and their families retire to Rochel by wading through the river of Loire at an unaccustomed food. Likewise he warned the Protestants farther off to take arms, and saving themselves so well as they might to draw toward him, seeking passage over the river by ford or boat: The Catholics scoffingly told him that he needed not have taken so hot an alarum, also that they had practised nothing against them, whereto he answered, that he had rather leave them the nests than they should have caught the birds: also that if he had well remembered their promise to be revenged for Meaux, like wise that they would make the brethren ru 〈…〉 e when their turn came, he would have departed sooner that he might have gone an easier pace. These were their common speeches: for the graver matters on either 〈◊〉 are written in the histories: I know that war is miserable and with all bringeth many mischiefs: but this vile small peace that lasted but six months was far worse for the Protestants, who being murdered in their houses, durst not defend themselves. These and other matters provoked and disposed them to seek their safety in assembling together. The Lord of Andelot being in Britain was advised to assemble all the power that he might, and to march into Poictou: whereupon he gave them order to meet him in Anieow, which was The Lord of Martigues brave resolution to get to Saumure. done: and when all were come together, his troup consisted of no less than a thousand good horse and two thousand arquebusiers, wherewith he turned his head to the river of Loire, to the end to seek some commodious passage. But the same day that be came to the shore thereof, there fell out an unlooked for adventure wherefrom the Catholics escaped with honour. He was lodged very scatteringly, as having no great alarum of enemies, and had given the Captains of his troops charge, after they were arrived in their quarters, to seek for some ford or wadeable place, but two hours after they were lodged the Lord of Martigues who was going to the Duke of Montpensier at Saumure, was advertised that a number of Protestants (without naming of any) were come to lodge in his way. Now he having already passed a small river called Sorgne by boat, thought it to late to retire, & therefore that it was requisite he make way with the sword whatsoever ma〈…〉 l happen, his carriages he had sent away on the other side of Loire and his troop consisted of three hundred spears, and five hundred harquebuzieres. Also in as much as he was driven to march a long a bank of earth which kept in the river, where there could but ten men or six horses pass in front, he placed at his head an hundred Gascogne arquebusiers of his guard, and two bundred others: his horsemen in the the midst, than the rest of his footmen behind, and fifty spears for scourers. This done he said unto them: Companions and friends, the Protestants are upon our way: we must either go over them or be lost: for fly we cannot: Let every man therefore prepare to fight well with his arm and march gallantly with his feet to win Sanmure, we have but eight small leagues thither, and shall not be in safety before we come there. This said, they all promised not to fail in their duties, and in this resolution they marched on. The two first troops that he met were two companies of horsemen that were taking their lodgings, whom he easily scattered, and Captain Boisuert was slain in the fight: There he heard that the Lord of Andelot was at hand, whereupon he hasted the more to prevent him: But not withstanding whatsoever his diligence, he found him horsed with a few men, as having had the alarum by some runaways. There was given a brave charge, wherein the Lord of Martignes' lieutenant was slain, and the Lord of Andelot forced to permit him free passage. He suffered not his soldiers to spoil the carryages that stood in the ways, but made them to march on. Within one league of the same place he met a company of Captain Cognees horse marching, whom with arqebus shot he sent back a pace: again a quarter of a league from Rosiers there met him two hundred arquebusiers whom the Lord of la None sent toward the alarum to secure the rest: but the Lord of Martigues footmen being all old soldiers and the others new, did so disorder them as they were forced to abandon the village, and leave him free passage. Finally, within two leagues of Saumure he found yet another company of footmen lodged in a Church, whom he forced and took their Ensign, and so at the shutting in of the evening came safe with his men well wearied with fight and marching, having lost but twenty of them, but slain four times as many of his enemies, and scared above a thousand. This exploit did I think good to set down, as seeming to be replenished with a brave determination: albeit it was ●o marvel that the Lord of andelot's troops entered not within them: for they were suddenly surprised, being all scattered a sunder, besides that the horsemen were in too strait a room to fight well, and although they had been gathered again together▪ yet were the enemies already in safety. Thus do we see how much it standeth a body in hand both to march in order and to be well determined: and this is it that causeth those small troops that are willing in valour to supply their weakness, ordinarily to overcome. Notwithstanding this check, yet was not the Lord of Andelot past hope of passage over the river: having therefore closed his men in two bodies, he caused them to try every where: In the end they found a ford as it were miraculously, where no man had in man's memory passed: and the next morning both he and all his being very glad that they had met that which they hoped not of, he passed over unto the other side. Remaining in these uncerteynties, I could him that it were good for us to consider what we had to do if our passage were stopped: whereupon he answered. What can we el● do but take some extreme party, either to die as Soldiers, or to save ourselves as Soldiers? My opinion is, said he, that we all join and so retire seven or eight leagues hence into the open country, and thence to advertise the Lords of Montpensier and Martigues that we be fled & are scattered, every man seeking to escape the danger, which they will soon believe. In the mean time we will encourage and prepare our men to overcome: Then if they approach near unto us, as undoubtedly they will (rather to spoil than to fight) let us valiantly set upon them, so shall we b●eake them, and afterward will no troup for one months space be so bold as to come before us, thus may we easily get into Germany, or up the rivers. This ready and courageous counsel of so gallant a knight, is no more (in my opinion) to be concealed than the brave determination of the Lord of Martigues, two personages undoubtedly worthy the best military offices. The last worn far greater honour in his passage, and the first much more profit, as getting him and his into safety: For within eight days after he joined with the Prince of Condie, which was a great strengthening unto him. This the Protestants so bad a beginning and entry into the war by such headelong retreats was a foretoken, that they would use these remedies in the continuation thereof, which also came to pass, albeit in the former they had but very seldom had any such hap, whereof if there be any that desire to know the causes, I will set them down. It proceeded of the contempt of discipline, and the multiplication of vice, the which doth breed great disorder, and engendereth boldness in many (not in all) who under colour of necessity do take upon them too much liberty. That the respite which his Majesty gave to the Prince of Conde, without sending any army against him, was a means for him to prevail of a great Province, without the support whereof he could not have continued the war. THE Protestants whole refuge in these last What help the town of Rochel was to the Prince and his, who thereby became masters of a large country. troubles consisted in retiring to Rochel, which having embraced the Gospel and rejected the doctrine of the Pope, rested already at their devotion. The town is reasonable large and well seated upon the sea coast in a soil abounding with victuals, full of rich Merchants and good artificers: which was very profitable for the preservation of sundry families, & the reaping of all commodities necessary for the Soldiers and whole army, both by sea & by land. Now, after the Lord of andelot's arrival, the Captains were advised to lose no time: so as having taken some artillery out of Rochel, they assailed the towns of Poictow and Xantoigne, which then were but weak and meanly provided of garrisons, and so became masters of as many as they might: as Nyort, Fontenay, S. Maixant, saints, S. john d'Angely, Ponts, and Coignac. Afterward they took also Blay and Angolesme, some being won easily, others with battery and assault. To be brief, in less than two months, of poor vagabonds, as at the first they were, they had gotten into their hands means sufficient to continued a long war. In all these places they lodged about thirty companies of footmen, and seven or eight cornets of horse, which was a great ease to the country, and so formed a brave politic and military order as well for the Frenchmen as for the guiding of the army. Herein do I consider how necessity being followed by occasion the Protestants could help themselves with both. Being oppressed with the first, they laid open all inventions of the mind and strength of body to eschew destruction. And when the second came in place they found themselves ready to embrace it. I sometime heard the Lord Admiral apply the goodly saying of Themistocles to the state of the affairs of that time, viz. We were lost, if we had not been lost: thereby meaning that had we not fled, we could not have recovered that good spring, which was far better than the same that we had before. I know not how it fell out that the Catholics did no sooner know that they whom they had driven from about them did settle themselves a far of, and so send remedies there against, for undoubtedly if they had it might have cut off half our conquests: but I think that at Paris they were so glad to see those Provinces and Towns which before had made them so sharp war abandoned, that many of their hearts were so puffed up, that afterward they disdained the Protestants effects who thought Rochel only able to resist them, wherein in three months they might be shut up. These be the forecasts of man after some favourable accident. The Queen of Navarre perceiving these stirs, was very diligent The arrival of the Queen of Navarre and her children in the army: also of the troops of Dauphin. to draw to those quarters, bringing with her her children and some good power, which served as well to authorize the cause as to strengthen the army. She feared least staying in her own countries she should be forced as well by the commotions of her subjects as by other power to let her son go to the Court, where undoubtedly at the least in outward show he should be driven to change his religion. In consideration whereof she made no difficulty, for the keeping of their consciences unspotted, to leave her country for a pray. A most rare example in this world wherein wealth and honour are in such account, that unto many they be even a domestical God whom they serve. Now likewise, a marvelous increase unto the Protestants army were the troops which the Lord of Acier brought out of Dauphin, Provence, and Languedoc. The Prince had before written as well to him, as to others the most notable in the said Provinces to send him some good power to secure him and to withstand the army Royal which came upon him, lest so many Princes and excellent Captains should incur so great disadvantage as to see themselves besieged in the towns: Whereof so far were they from fa●●ing, that it seemed they had dispeopled the places; they came from: so many men did they bring: for they were not less than eighteen thousand bearing arms, who under the conduct of the Lord of Acier marched. But as the same was one way the 〈…〉 owl support of the army, so on the other, it was the loss of sundry places which the Catholics after their departure seized upon. And many times I have heard divers Colonels report their departure in such numbers as if they should have gone to seek new habitations: for had the half only come yet had they been too many. These could not nevertheless join with the Prince of Condé The overthrow of the Colonel's Mouuans and Pierre-gourd without a great inconvenience that befell them: for two of their regiments were overthrown by the Duke of Montpensier: the cause arising (as I have understood) of that the Lords of Mowans and Pierregoord finding some discommodity in lodging so close as until then they had been forced, would needs scatter, weening that having two thousand arquebusiers no less than an army could serve to offend them. The said Mowans was as brave a soldier as any in the Realm, but his great valour & experience brought him to attempt that which turned to his destruction: which is it also that many times breedeth the loss of both Captains and troops: He taught valiantly, and both he and his fellow with two thousand of their men died in the field. The Catholics have reported unto me one course that they then took, which I like well of: That was, that fearing least the Lord of Acier, who lodged but two leagues of, should come to the rescue, they did at the same time that they charged upon the said mowan's quarter with their whole footmen, send into the Lord of Aciers quarter eight or nine hundred spears and many arquebusiers on horseback, with a great sound of Trumpets crying Battle battle: which they did, to the end to make him think that their drift was against himself. Thus did they linger him while they performed their enterprise, wherefrom they carried seventeen flags. This loss grieved the Price and his partakers: howbeit, the coming in of so many other regiments did soon blot out his sorrow. For the man of war even during his action against the enemy, endeavoureth to abolish the memory of all sorrowful accidents, lest the same should diminish this first fury which being in him doth sometimes make him terrible. Of the first progress of both the armies, when being in their prime they sought with like desire to fight. AFter the overthrow of Mouuans the Catholic Of the power of both the armies, which albeit they desired it could never have opportunity to join. army retired to Chastellerault, fearing lest the Protestants being so mighty would come upon them in some bad ground. There was also the Duke of Anieow who brought other power very resolute in that their Captain to whom they bore great honour and reverence was such a Prince. And in my opinion there had not of long time been seen so many Frenchmen in both the armies. The Prince of Condé his places furnished, had in his eighteen thousand Harquebuziers and three thousand good horse: and I take that in Monsiers were at the least eighteen thousand Soldiers and four thousand Spears, besides the Suitzers: so as on both sides might have been found above five and thirty thousand Frenchmen, all trained, and peradventure as bold Soldiers as any in Christendom. The Protestants finding themselves strong would have sought to join, and came within two leagues of Chastellerault: But the Prince having advice that the other camp was planted upon a strong ground almost environed with a small marish, whereto was in some places adjoined a slight Trench, meant not rashly to attempt any thing, but sought means to draw them forth to battle. Hereto was he invited by the heat that he perceived in his soldiers: likewise by his great number, for he doubted that such an army wanting pay would not long continue great, as also that the sharpness of winter would soon diminish it. It may be that in the Catholic army some of these considerations might likewise take place. But there was a good uniformity in this, that both the generals were touched with equal desire to join and like purpose each to go live upon his enemy's land, so to preserve his own from the extreme spoil which whole armies do make. Thus they both raised their camps and took their way to Lusignan, The Duke of Animous army lost a brave opportunity to overthrow the Lord Admiral an d 〈…〉 Andelot. near whereto was a small quarter of land, good in all perfection, where each intended to lodge: and albeit they were both near together, yet could neither hear news of other, which is not very strange, for we see it many times come so to pass. Both parties therefore having appointed their general meeting at a great borrow named Pamprow, plentiful in victuals, the Marshals of both the camps came thither much about one time with their troops, from whence they beat each other forward and backward twice or thrice, so desirous was every man to catch that bone to gnaw upon, which in the end was given over. Howbeit, either of them knowing very well that they should have support, stood stiff, and would not flee but retired a quarter of a league of, where they set themselves in battle array: Afterward came the Lord Admiral and d'Andelot with five Cornets of horse only, and on the behalf of the Catholics came seven or eight hundred Spears. It is now, said the Lord Admiral, no speaking of lodging but of fight: and with all speed advertised the Prince, who was a long league of, to set forward, in the mean time he would set a good face on the matter. He commanded them to stand in array upon a small rising, so to take from the enemies the view of a valley lest they should discover him: and this did he to the end to make them think that we had some great power both of horsemen & footmen hidden therein. Being thus in array within a Canon shot each of other, he willed a Captain of arquebusiers on horseback to set forward five hundred paces, and to stay near to a hedge, which he did: But as these people albeit they can discharge running are not nevertheless skilful soldiers, so had they not stayed there six paternosters while but half of them moved to skirmish, and after marched their whole Cornet to support them: The enemies seeing this, imagined they would have comen to them, which made them to close themselves & with three or four great troops of Spears begin to set forward. Truly at that time I saw these two Captains very sorry that they had not foreseen the folly of that fool, but more because they witted not what counsel to take, seeing their enemies much stronger than themselves: Howbeit, when they came to conclude, each of them concluded otherwise then his nature or custom did import. The Lord of Andelot who never found any thing too hot, said that they ought to retire the pace: that the enemy being the stronger would give us the foil: and that we should not respect the shame, considering that he that scapeth the peril, besides the profit that he reapeth doth also enjoy the honour. The Lord Admiral, a man of great consideration, was obstinately bend to abide, saying that it was necessary with a good countenance to hide our weakness, and immediately sent to revoke the arquebusiers, whereupon the enemy stayed. Now, albeit this counsel was profitable, yet was the Lord of Andelot's the surer and to be preferred; at the least in my opinion, Advice upon the aforesaid adventure. who thought it good to rehearse this small action somewhat at large, to the end that such as would be instructed in deeds of arms may reap this fruit, viz. When any action of importance cometh in question to remove the Argolets out of the front, and in their place to commit some wary Captain accompanied with good Spears: For he that hath this place is a guide to the rest; and upon his advice they all do move, and who doth otherwise doth err as he who marching in an unknown country do commit the conduct to such a guide as knoweth not the way. Herein we may also note that albeit there be no jealousy between Captains, yet, even in a very evident, matter we shall see contrariety of opinions. But herein my most wonder is that each of them contraried his natural disposition and usual manner of proceed. For the one being as active as a Marcellus determined very wisely: and the other slawe and very considerative as a Fabius did give a very adventurous opinion. To report the cause hereof I cannot, except that upon sudden motions men do not always observe the order accustomed in their actions. We may also see how boldness sometime standeth us in stead: But according to the proverb, These things may well be done once, but it is not good to use them often in respect of the danger. I did since ask the Lord of Martigues, who commanded over this troup of spears, whether be knew that the lords Admiral and Andelot were among these five Cornets▪ He told me no, for had he known it it should have cost them all their lives but they would have had them quick or dead: and that they took them to have been the Marshals of the lodgings troops, which also they would have charged, had it not been for a doubt lest they had been supported by a main power of harquebuzerie, which to their seeming appeared in a village behind, who in deed were but varlets that attended the coming of their footman. Within one hour after each part looked for a greater game: The Prince lost the occasion to overthrow the enemy's avantguard. for on all sides they might discern the Footman's Ensigns come in●arthing on with the squadrons of horsemen, and it was late before all were come, so as there was nothing done but a great skirmish; which the night broke of. There was but the Catholics 〈…〉 ntguard who seeing the match but evil made of them only against the Protestants whole camp used a proper policy wherewith to make us suppose that their main battle had been there: for they caused the drams of their French Regiments to strike up after the Suitzers manner: which confirmed our opinion that their whole power was present, neither was there any speech but of battle in the morning. As also they charged that none of their bands should straggle forth: likewise that they should in fight stand only upon the defensive, least by the taking of any prisoner the truth might be revealed: all this if we had known they had been set upon the same night. They struck up the watch and caused to make great fires, but having taken their repaist with small noise they departed, some to jasnueil where Monsiere was lodged with the battle, and the rest to the Borrow of Sansay which is but a league of. At three of the clock after midnight was the Prince advertised of their departure, and at fine followed upon their tail with his whole power, doubting that all theirs was not come thither. Thus do we in one day see two brave occasions lost, the first by the Catholics, the second by the Protestants, albeit neither of them are greatly to be blamed, as being hard to be discovered at the instant, and in two or three hours they were passed. True it is that some advice would have bewrayed them at the full, but this is a benefit of good hap which dependeth not upon the sufficiency of the Captains. All that I have reported of the former day is yet but a small Of the journey of jasnueil. matter in respect of that which happened the next day at jasnueil, and it seemeth that the guider of all things purposed for certain days to laugh to scorn so many excellent Captains there present: for many things which then happened and fell out were rather by chance and in a manner unlookedfor, then through any counsel. The Protestants were determined to follow the enemy even into the body of his army, also to fight with him wheresoever they might find him. Hereupon the L. Admiral followed their steps which were evident enough, and the Prince marched after. But where as there were two ways, the one leading to the borrow of Sansay, the other to jasnueil, the Prince through a mist that arose afore break of day, strayed and took the way to jasnueil. The forefront which being strong, the Lord Admiral had set before him, about eight of the clock in the morning came upon the borrow of Sansay, where five or six hundred horse were lodged, who were forced to retire more than the pace, lost all their carriages, and were pursued very far. In the mean time the Prince continuing the way that he had taken, after he had marched two leagues lighted upon the forefront of Monsiers army, not hearing any news of his advant-guard. Then seeing himself beset, he thought it best to set a good countenance, and seeing the country was strong, he placed his Harquebuziers, who were above twelve thousand, foremost and began the skirmish: he also sent word to the Admiral (albeit he wi●● not where he was) that he had been forced to make as if he would fight, seeing himself so near the enemy, willing him with all diligence to return to him. Before the messenger was in the mid way, the Lord Admiral heard the Canon roar, whereupon he doubted of that which was happened, and marched toward the noise with all that he could gather: but when he came to the place the Sun was going down, whereby they could have no time to consult, discover, or enterprise any matter in gross: But all went away in great skirmishes as brave as any that had been seen of long time, which somewhat amazed Monsiers army by reason it stood upon a very discommodious ground, which notwithstanding it still set a good face on the matter. They see not one an other, as being hidden with hedges and small valleys, neither was there any but the lose Shot perceived. I could well note that our men were full of courage, but the conduct was not alike: for they discharged as it had been for salutation and remained too close together, yea a whole regiment assailed at once, where contrariwise Monsiers came scattered shooting slowly and marching in small troops, so as two hundred arquebusiers could keep a whole regiment of Protestants occupied. Howbeit, they could not keep some of ours from entering even into the first tents, which their heat cost them dear: for the Lord of lafoy Valette twice charged them with three hundred Spears, and slew some hundred and fifty. Now may some man ask, if the Prince's whole army had come with him what would have ensued? I am of opinion that the other would have been shrewdly shaken, for their battle ground was so strait that they had not enough to have set them in array: when they should have come to fight we might have cast upon their flanks (which was all upon a strong ground) ten thousand arquebusiers, supported with one thousand horse: Then with the rest of the footmen and above one thousand & five hundred horse have charged upon their front, who could hardly have borne it. The Catholic Captains there present, if they list to say the truth cannot greatly gainsay this, for they never were so, pestered as then, as myself have heard even of the best, who have not concealed it from me. The night coming on the Prince went to take his lodging at Sansay, which was but a league and a half of. One thing worthy laughter which then happened I will not A pleasant chance which troubled many. suppress: and it was this. While we hovered, all our footman's carriage came and stayed along a woods side not far from the tail of our men of war, and there provided themselves, weening they should have pitched in that place, & making above 4000 fires they perceived not the retiring of the army by reason of the night, whereby many masters had but had suppers. Some of the Catholics watch have confessed unto me, that seeing so many fires and hearing such noise they took it certainly to be our army and expected the battle in the morning: whereupon they were the more diligent in fortifying all the ways. The late Captain Garies also could me that himself offered to go and discover what it might be: but they would venture nothing against those brave Soldiers. About midnight the Prince was advertised that all the carriages were as it were enclosed and it was accounted lost, nevertheless, he sent four or five Cornets to get it away, and an hour after commanded one thousand horse and two thousand arquebusiers to go to the rescue if the enemy followed. The first comers found our masters the ●arlets and lackeys camped very orderly, warming themselves, singing and making good cheer, yea a far of men would have thought them to have been 10000 men, neither were they any more afeard than if they had been in some strong town: They began to laugh at this rascaldrie, which for the most part is as fearful as a Hare even in place of assurance: and yet there in the midst not of great danger only but even of death, was nothing but mirth: for they had very well supped with their masters victuals. They came to the head of this brave camp where the valiantest lackeys and boys had set their watch and sentinels, who from as far as they could perceive any, albeit a hundred began to play into the squadrons which sometimes it ●●●●maged. There might a man see above 40000. men (the most French) in array and not far asunder, their courages as fierce as their countenances brave, and many of them did but wait for the token of battle. Now must ye understand that vetweene the two armies there The extreme could kept the 2. armies from executing their pretences. was but a plain field without any advantage, which may make some man marvel why they joined not: But on the other side ye must weet that there had not been so sharp a winter seen in 20. years before, neither was it only a hard frost but withal there fell so terrible a sleet that a footman could scarce march without falling, much less the horse, for it was so slippery that a horse could not pass a bank of three or four foot high. And whereas between the two armies there were many such made for partition of lands, the same were as good as trenches: so as who so had attempted to assail must of force have been wholly disordered. This caused them to stand fast each looking who would first begin this hazard or rather folly. No man would try the passage, only there was some small skirmish, and one hour before night they retired each into his quarter. The next morning they set themselves again in battle array discharging their artillery as the day before: some also that went to skirmish, either brake or put their legs or arms out of joint, and more there were hurt by this inconvenience then by any arqebus shot. The third day they showed the like countenance, but could find no means to join without falling into great disadvantage. But the fourth day monsieur retired a league of, not to refresh his men (as we use to say) but to warm them under covert against the injury of time, for they were no longer able to bear the cold which killed divers as well of the one as of the other. It is a manifest abuse obstinately to labour to overcome the sharpness of the weather: for sith even the hardest things are thereby broken, much more must man who is sensible give place: as also that which followed teacheth that we ought not, but upon great necessity, to make the soldier bear more than he may. For within a few days such violent and lanquishing diseases seized upon them, that in one month I am assured there died above three thousand of ours, besides those that retired home: and I have heard that on the other part there were as many or more that took the same course. Every man's desire to fight, together with the presence of their generals, made them to bear even to extremity: howbeit, if I should not lie, Monsiers part endured most through want of the covert and victuals that we had. Some Cornets of horse of both camps were lodged within half a league or three quarters of a league each of other: howbeit when they returned to their lodgings they were all so starved with cold that they had no minds to molest their enemies, not so much as to give one alarm, as if there had been some perfect truce between them. On the morrow after the departure of Monsiers army there The Lord Admiral's enterprise void of his pretended effect. fell out a brave occasion, which the Lord Admiral had before foreseen, and was reasonably hotly pursued, which nevertheless had not the hoped success. He guessed that the Catholics, who the days before were lodged half along the hedges, would (being gotten a little aloof) scatter into the good villages, which in deed they did, so as in the body of the army there remained none but Monsiers own person, the artillery, the Suitzers, three or four hundred horse, and about twelve hundred arquebusiers. The rest were some one league, some two leagues of. Now, about nine of the clock in the morning, so soon as the Prince's horse were arrived, they sent forth twelve or foreteene thousand arquebusiers with four small pieces, determining to set full upon the body of the enemy's army, which was but a small league and a half of. They knew well enough that there was a small brook with divers fords over it, which by the report of their guides they took not to be very difficult: also having over night discovered and tasted the guards thereof they found them forcible. Thus they marched making a brave head: and when they came to the passage which was within a quarter of a league of their camp, they found it kept by some footmen, who doubted no such matter. The same did they charge very lively, but could not force it, & so stayed there upon the skirmish. Their camp having hereof taken a very hot alarm, began to shoot of Canon after Canon to call in their scattered people, and very certain it is that at the beginning they were greatly astonished: then their Captains provided for the reenforcing of the guard of this passage: howbeit, within a good quarter of an hour after the Lord Admiral set upon an other passage which was also as well defended: but could they have been won there was some likelihood that their army might have been overtaken: For before they could have had the succour of a thousand men, we should at the first coming have set in their faces 1500. horse and 6000. arquebusiers, which would have shaken them shrewdly. About two hours after, being increased they planted some pieces upon a rising: and after some shot on each side the cold caused every man to retire. As well the gentry as common Soldiers on both sides did The retract of both the armies through the extremity of the cold. much murmur against their Captains, in that without any profit they were made a prey unto the frosts and cold, as also they complained that famine assaulted them, so as if they would not provide for them in safe & fortified places, they being no loger able to endure such extremities, would place themselves. Hereto was there no contradiction, for their captains intents did concur with their desires. The Catholics went to lodge beyond Loire, about Saumure: The Protestants returned to Montrevill-bellay and Tovars. In this last action I consider that many good occasions do fall out when the armies are lodged scatteringly, which should dispose their leaders to watch diligently for fear of trying one unfortunate hour. At the least ought they to labour to be able with Alexander to say: I have slept sound, for Antipater hath watched for me. Some there are that think that the readers can gather but small instruction in the view of things not performed, which they term unperfect works: but I am not of their mind. For whensoever any action together with the circumstances thereof is truly set down, albeit it reacheth but half the way, yet may there still be some fruit gathered thereof: even as men may take some examples by such as live but to the third or fourth part of the common course of man's life: for virtue will somewhat appear in all parts of man's age or actions, and this shall cause me yet to set down here one bold attempt, which albeit it came not to effect, is nevertheless worthy to be known. The County of Brissack was the dealer and attempter thereof The Earl of Brissackes bold enterprise and what came of it. during the abode of both armies. He was bold, and for his age very wise: but his excessive desire of glory did even ravish him to high and difficult attempts. The Lord's Admiral and Andelot were lodged in the town of Montrevill-belay with their cornets which were great. In one of the suburbs at hand was there also two companies of footmen in the rou 〈…〉 e of a simple watch, as well before their lodgings as at the gates. The gentlemen did only keep the rounds every hour about the walls, and this seemed to suffice. For by reason that upon the way from Saumure there were in a great suburb beyond the river six or seven regiments of footmen, the town was covered on that side: On the other side there were great marshes a league about, which could not be passed but in certain places, also nine or ten Cornets of horsemen lodged in the villages on the hither side, who beat the ways both night and day. All this so assured the town as there was small likelihood that it could fall into any danger. Now as in these civil wars men have always had good advertisements, by reason that the secret enemies are still hidden in the party's bowels, so the said County was first advertised of the small watch kept in the town: secondly that by going two leagues about out of the high way he might come, without the danger of our horsemen's watch. Howbeit he would not trust hereto: but for his better assurance requested a French Captain and an Italian by night to go and discover the truth. One of them did assure me that they came to the foot of the wall, and with a long pike and a cord with an iron hook upon it, they got up (for it was but low) and about nine of the clock at night came even to the Lord Admiral's lodging, and returned again undescried. He understanding of this facility was very glad thereof, and thereupon laid his purpose aforesaid in manner following. Himself would with a thousand chosen and nimble arquebusiers & five hundred horse departed in such time that he might come to Montrevill-bellay by three of the clock in the morning, so to have at the least two hours of night to favour his retreat if he should fail of his purpose: but in case he did compass it he should have made great fires about the Castle, so to advertise the Catholic army which was at Saumure to march with all speed to his succour, as assuring himself not to be forced without the Canon, neither is it to be doubted but in six hours they might have been there. So doing he should take two notable Captains in the midst of their assurance, and 100 gentlemen of name: moreover he should disperse this advantguard there lodged, which would never have abidden the coming of the Catholics succour, so sore would they have been astonished, yea & peradventure other inconveniences might have ensued. I for my part who was then there & have well viewed both the inside & the outside, also the state of the affairs do not think the execution thereof to have been unpossible: But as it is requisite that God should watch over them that sleep & upon the preservation of cities: so when the County was upon his way to perform his enterprise, he light upon an unlooked for mishap which overthrew all his intent. For having to that effect see forward with 12. ladders & his men well resolved, being within two good leagues of the town, by chance he met with two hundred Protestants horsemen that were going to beat about who seeing this great troup of horsemen and footmen in the field, did suddenly return and give the alarm both to the town and to the other quarters of the horsemen, whereby the County was forced to retire. Afterward the Lord Admiral caused greater watch upon the ways and to beat the fields oftener, albeit he never knew of this enterprise nor myself neither, until after the peace concluded. Truly I do greatly commend this valiant enterprise of this young noble gentleman, to whom the only daring to attempt it was an honour. Howbeit, I marvel not that the Lord Admiral never doubted any such matter, for he must, as a man should say, have foreseen it by inspiration. Nevertheless, it is good for a man when he is near a great power and such resolute Captains to have a double care, and to think that the desire of honour will furnish them of wings. Of the death of the Prince of Condé at Bassac. THE Protestants having in the former What happened before the battle of Bassac. days endured much, found the more sweetness in their abode in Poictow, whether they were retired: where they were advertised that Monsiers army was in the field, marching toward Angolesme. There were newly come to him two thousand Reistres, and as I suppose to the end the sooner to end the war he purposed to force his enemies either to fight, or else to shut up themselves in the towns. In the one he had the advantage: in the other he diminished their reputation. The Prince and Admiral upon this advice caused their men to close, determining to keep themselves along the banks of the river of Charente, so to behold their countenances, but to hazard nothing: as also to favour their Holds for the furnishing whereof with men they must diminish there army. There was nothing done worthy remembrance until the catholics came to Chasteaunueuf, which standeth upon the same river, where at their first coming they took the Castle which had but a bad keeper: And because the bridge was broken in two places, the Admiral himself to the end to discover their countenance and the passage would needs come thither with 7. or 800. horse & as many, having the river still between them, where he began a skirmish with some people whom they had sent over either by bôate or upon some planks suddenly laid, which lasted not long: In the mean time it might be easily perceived that they would labour to pass over there. The Lord Admiral desiring as much as he might to preserve The evil keeping of the passage and their small diligence to join together cause of the overthrow shortly ensuing. his credit, and to give his enemies to understand that he would not give them ground: foot by foot that he purposed to stop their passage yet for one day: & in the same place appointed two regiments of footmen to lodge within a quarter of a league of the bridge, and eight hundred horse a little behind. This done, with the rest of the auan●gard he retired to Bassac, which was a league of, and the Prince came to jarnae which is one league farther, but his commandment was not performed: for both horsemen and footmen seeing that in the places appointed there were few houses and no virtuals or forage, having quite forgotten the custom of the camp and wanting of provision at home, took their quarters else where. Thus most of the troop departed to take their lodgings, so as there remained but few upon the place who settled themselves half a league from the passage: whereof it ensued that the guard was very weak, neither could it approach near enough to hear or give alarum to the enemies guard from time to time according as was devised, so to have made them believe that our whole avantgard had been there lodged. The Catholics who were resolved, albeit our whole camp would have letted them, to seize upon this passage, through the diligence of the Lord of Byron not only repaired the old bridge, but also made a new of such beats as are ordinarily transported in armies royal, which was also finished before midnight: and then they began to pass over without any noise both horsemen and footmen. The Protestants that watched there did scarce perceive their passage before break of day, whereof immediately they certified the L. Admiral, who understanding that most of his men were lodged scatteringly, even on the same side that the enemies came, sent them word of their passage, warning them to draw to him withal speed so to retire together, in the mean time that he would hover at Bassac: he also commanded the carriages and footmen to retire which was performed. Now if then, yea an hour after his whole troops had been come together, they might easily have departed, even a soft pace. But the delay of time being at the least three hours, while he stayed for them, was the chief cause of our mishap: neither would he lose such troops containing eight or nine corners of horsemen, and some ensigns of footmen, whose captains were the County of Montgomery, the Lord of Acier, and Colonel Plwiault. In the end being all joined with him except Colonel Acier The battle of Bassac with the taking and cause of the Prince of Condees death. who took the way to Angolesme, the enemies that still passed over wear waren so mighty, and come so near unto us, also the skirmish so hot, that it appeared that needs we must fight. Hereupon the Prince of Condee, who was already a good half league upon his retreat, understanding that they should be forced to buckle, having the stonracke of a Lion would needs have a share. When to the end to retire we forsook, a small brook, which could not be passed but in two or three places, the Catholics set forward the flower of their horsemen under the conduct of the Lords of Guise, Martigues and Brissac, who overthrew four cornets of Protestants, being upon the retreat, where myself was taken prisoner: then did they set upon the Lord of Andelot in a village, who bore their brunt well enough: having overpassed him they perceived two great battles of horse, among whom were the Prince and Admiral, who seeing themselves beset prepared to charge. The Lord Admiral gave the first onset, and the Prince the second, which was fiercer than the first: at the beginning they forced all that came to turn their backs, & truly it was well fought on every side. Howbeit in as much as the whole army of the Catholics, still came on the Protestants were forced to flee after they had lost in the field, about a hundred Gentlemen, but especially the Princes own person, who being borne down could have no succour, and having yielded himself to the Lord of Argences, there came a Gascoigne Gentleman named Montesquion and discharged a pistol through his head whereof he died. His death bred wonderful sorrow among the Protestants, and as great joy to some of his adversaries, who supposed they should soon overcome the whole body, now that they had cut of so good a head, howbeit, as some did greatly blame him, so others there were that commended his valour. As also this commendation The praise of the Prince of Conde: also what happened after his death. may justly be given him that in boldness or courtesy no man of his time excelled him. Of speech he was eloquent rather by nature than art: he was liberal and affable unto all men, and withal an excellent Captain, although he loved peace. He bore himself better in adversity then in prosperity. His greatest commendation of all was his steadfastness in religion. My best is, to hold my peace for fear of saying to little, albeit I thought good to speak somewhat, least I should be accounted ingrateful to the memory, of so valiant a Prince. Many a worthy person both Catholic and Protestant, whom our civil storms have carried away, are to be lamented: for they honoured our France and might well have helped to increase it, had not discord provoked the valour of the one to the destruction of the valour of the other. After this blow the Protestants army was wonderfully astonished, and it fell out well for them, that the country whereinto they were withdrawn was all full of water: for thereby were the Catholics restrained, and they had time to recover themselves▪ Having achieved such a victory the Catholics imagined, that such of our towns as were not very strong would be amazed: But the Admiral had placed in them the most part of his footmen, thereby break this first fury: so as when they set forward to assault Coignac they well found that such cats were not caught without mittens: for therein were four regiments of footmen, but as when they had sent three or four hundred shot unto the parkeside to dissever that part, they that were within sent forth 10, or 1200, who sent them so quickly away that they came no more: as also they had in their army but sour Canons, and as many culverins. Monsieur contenting himself with his victory, and perceiving that he could not perform any great matter, in his tender youth triumphing over most excellent captains, as also he had good counsel and assistance of other worthy Captains that accompanied him, retired to refresh his men. In this action we are to gather that in whatsoever weighty and dangerous attempt, it must not be followed to halves: for we must either quite leave it off, or else employ whatsoever our senses and force. Moreover, this is to be noted, that when armies are lodged scatteringly, they incur viverse inconveniences which the sufficiency of the best Captains is not able withstand. Of the notable passage of the Duke of Aipont from the borders of Rhine, even into Aquitaine. MAny that shall here see it set down as it were for a marvel that a foreign enemies army could pierce so very far into the realm of France, will not peradventure think it strange: because that considering other examples, namely that of the Emperor Charles the fifth, when he came to besiege Saint Desire, they will not take such expeditions to be so extraordinary as we would make them believe for. Howbeit if they list well to weigh the length of the journey, also the mighty and continual lets and hindrances that this had, I doubt they will be of another opinion. Yet will I confess that civil wars do greatly favour the entry of our neighbours, who otherwise without the support of one of the factions never durst have enterprised the same. But when on the one side the favour is small, and on the other side the resistance great, we are the more to admire the deeds of those that have so adventured. Touching that which is alleged of the Emperor Charles, I will answer in few words. First, for his person he was the mightiest Captain in Christendom: then for his camp it consisted of fifty thousand men: lastly, that at such time as he came in the King of England had already taken bolein, which caused King Frances, who would not adventure any thing rashly, to leave the passage more free. Now the Duke of Biponts case is far otherwise: for notwithstanding he were a valiant valiant Prince, yet did he not any thing near approach the military sufficiency of the other: and a great help and ease it was for him that he was accompanied with the Prince of Orange, County Lodowicke, & County Wolrad of Mansfield, besides other brave French Captains, and two thousand footmen and horsemen of the same nation that joined with him. His number of Germans was five thousand Lance knights and six thousand Reisters. With this small army did he pass forward in purpose to join with the Prince's power. The King understanding that he prepared for their succour, did The lets to keep the Duke of Biponts army from joining with the Princes. immediately appoint a small army under the leading of the Duke of Aumale to withstand him: and doubting of the weakness thereof, he also joined thereto another under the government of the D. of Nemours. These two bodies united did in footmen exceed the Duke of Bipont, but in horse were inferior unto him. They determined not to state his coming into the realm to molest them, and therefore marched even into the borders of Germany, and toward Sauerne overthrew the regiment of one named Le Coche, composed of certain strays gathered together who meant to have joined with him. Nevertheless he entered into France on the side of Burgundy, whether they came to coast him, and until he came to the river of Loire which was little less than four score leagues they never gave him over, but still were either on his flanks or tail, yea, many times the armies were in sight each of other, and had great skirmishes. I have oft heard the Prince of Orange report that he marveled in so long and difficult a way that the Catholics could never find any fit occasion to their advantage, for sometimes they had fair offers by reason of the pestering with store of carriages. Neither can I omit this, that besides the brave forces of the King's army, they had other advantages which were not small, as the favour of the towns, Countries, and rivers, yea, and one point more was to be noted, that is, their notice of the enemy's purposes which consisted in making of way and winning by power or policy some passage over Loire. For albeit both the Dukes of Nemours and Aumale were brave Captains, yet notwithstanding all their policies and endeavours this army gate to the said river. Some Catholics report that the discord that fell between them hindered diverse brave enterprises which they might have executed if they had still agreed. I wots not how it was, but if that were true it was no marvel that they fought no●, or rather that they were not fought with all▪ but thus 〈◊〉 I have learned, that the enemies had small notice of their brawls. This great bar, the river of Loire might also have been a second & very great difficulty to stay this Dutch army, in that so low it was not wadeable, besides that all the towns standing thereupon were enemies: but the passage over was in necessary for them, that it so doubled the diligence, rashness, and inventions of the French Protestants that they assailed the town of charity which had a goodly bridge, and finding it but badly furnished with men, they pressed so sore upon it, that what with countenance and threats, before any succour came they had carried it away, which was unto them a wonderful joy. For had not that ben, they were in a very b●● case & must have been forced to have sought the head of the fai●riuer, which would have lengthened their way 60 leagues, and which was worse, taking that course they should have pestered themselves in a hilly and would Country where their horsemen could have stood them but in small stead. I have sometimes heard the Lord Admiral discoursing hereof among his familiars, account this passage of the strangers almost impossible For (said he) we cannot help them by reason of Monsiers army which lieth in our way, and as for them they have another upon their arm; also so difficult a river to stop their course, that it is to be feared that they shall not well void this inconvenience without shame or loss. Again albeit they had passed it yet the 2. armies joined together will have overthrown them before we can come near by 20 leagues to secure them: but when we hard of the success of La charity, also that they were determined to try all dangers to join with him, he grew into better hope and said: This is a Princes good prognostication, les us by diligence and resolution perfect it. This caused the Lords, Princes of Navarre & Conde the same, who had allowed and received leave for generals of the Protestants to march toward the marches of Limosin, so to draw near the army of Monsieur, and to keep it still occupied: and to say the truth we were daily as it were in a four waiting when we should hear that two such mighty armies had oppressed our Reisters: but it fell out otherwise: for they watched their opportunity so fitly and speedily, that being guided by their French troops, wherein the Lord of Auy bare Of the joining of the Germans with the Princes. himself most valiantly, they out went them and drew to the place where the Lord Admiral had sent them word that he would meet them with ten thousand arquebusiers, and two thousand and five hundred horse. Thus did these two armies join with great ●●a●ulation. I will not here ●axe the Generals and brave Captains of the Catholics for suffering them to pass, because I 〈◊〉 not what reasons they had to divert them, neither will I extremely command those that passed, but rather must think it to have been a great good hap for them, the like whereof do sometimes appear in military action: where in great Captains in their war are to learn in their greatest extremities not to abandon all hope: for one only favourable accident which commonly followeth the diligent and shunneth the slothful, may suffice to free them. Both the armies being then very mighty (for there were in the King's camp above thirty thousand men, and in the Prince's full 25000.) were forced for their better commodity of virtualles to sever themselves (for the country of Limosin is but barren) but they drew together ward again about Yries Lafoy Perch. The Lord Admiral perceiving that the barrenness of the The occurrences between both the armies at Rochel. Country forced them to lodge sc●●teringlie also that being craggy and full of wood, the places for the armies were oftentimes very discommodious, determined rather to prevent then to be prevented. Wherefore he counseled the Princes to go and surprise the Catholic army which was not far of at a place called Roch-labelle. They set forward before break of day, in purpose to give battle, and came so fitly that before any alarum taken, they were within a quarter of a league of the enemy's front, who were lodged strongly, and the Lord of Stossy at the noise coming in with five hundred arquebusiers to support three hundred of his men who kept watch at the chief entry, found the skirmish very hot. And we may well say that he bore himself very valiantly: for he held four thousand Protestant arquebusiers play a long hour, which time stood the Catholic army in good stead to set themselves in order. The Lord Admiral marveling that they could not force the passage, sent thither Captain Bruel a skilful man. He by and by perceived that our shot endeavoured to overcome the others rather by multitude than by art, wherefore to make short work, he spoke to the Captains, and having ordered the troops, assailed their flanks, and withal setting forward four Cornets to sustain them, he began a sharp onset wherein our men having broken certain casemates that covered the enemies did so disorder them that soon after they fled, leaving diverse of their men● dead with 22. of their officers: also their Colonel prisoner, who that day had done Monsieur good service: for had it not been his resistance the Protestants had come without le●te to their ordinance: But because it rained all the day, and the Catholic army was placed upon the advantage, they could not work any great effect and therefore retired, having showed themselves too rigorous in their execution, for they took very few prisoners, wherea● the Catholics were ●ore provoked, and revenged themselves intime and place. It is a commendation to fight well, but it deserveth no less praise to b● genele and courteous to those whom the first fur●e of our weapons have pardoned, and into whose hands ourselves may another time fall, unless there be great cause to the contrary. And in skirmishes skill and policy is in my opinion as necessary as violence, which experience doth 〈◊〉 coufirme. For if the land be somewhat covered, a man may use sundry advantages, which the Spaniards and Italians can very well practise, as being ingenious people: but it is always most profitable to order their men in small troops, to assail on the flanks ere they be aware, to place the troup that beareth the brunt very well, and finally to come resosolutely to the sword. The siege of Poitiers. MAny enterprises do men attempt in the The purpose of the Prince's army before the siege of Poitiers: also the taking of Lusignan. wars, which were never premeditated, as also they give over others long before thought upon, which proceedeth of the alterations which time bringeth forth: and as it is a sign of valiant●e well to execute, so is it also a token of wisdom well to deliberate, both which parts are necessary in a Captain: albeit there be none so perfect in this art, but that sometime they err and stumble, especially in civil wars: which may the rather excuse the error that the Protestants are said to have committed in besieging Poitiers. Thus stood the case. After the departure from Roch-labelle either army both needed and were alike desirous to refresh themselves in some fatter Country than Limof●n, to which general disposition their Captains were forced to yield (for in civil wars some time the cart goeth before the horse) and therefore recoiled drawing toward those quarters that had not been ea●ē. The lords Princes and Admiral considering that in their absence the County of Lude had assailed Nyort (which through the diligence of the Lord of Thelignie, who transported his forces thither, was rescued) and being grieved that any man should come to molest their Province from whence they had all their commodities, which was to them of as great importance as to dry up their milk cow, did determine to purge it and seize upon Saint Maixant, Lusignen, and Mirebeau (making as then no mention of Poitiers) to the end the said Province might monthly yield them 60000. franks, all garrisons paid, besides the profits of the sea, which also amounted to a great deal: the same to serve for the strangers who cried continually for money. This performed they went to take Saumur, which standeth upon the river of Loire and is very weak. The same did they purpose to fortify to the end still to have one passage assured, and the rest of Summer and Autumn to transport the war toward Paris which they supposed would never incline to peace until she felt the scourge even at her gates. Being returned into their Country they thought that Lusignen which was but a castle would not so long withstand them as Saint Maixant, wherein was an old regiment under the conduct of Onoux: besides their desire to have six Canons which the Lord of Lude had left in the said Castle, did the rather invite them to assault it, as they did, and in few days carried it away. The town of Poitiers, hearing the ordinance walk so near, furnished itself with men: yea, the Lords of Guise and Maine came in with five or six hundred horse, rather as it was said, to molest the Protestants army, then thinking to be besieged. The Protestants about the same time chanced to surprise the The cause of the siege of Poitiers. town of Chastelleraut, which cheered their hearts and caused many to incline to the siege of Poitiers, for that on the most dangerous side, the same covered those that should besiege it. Two meetings were there for resolution, & sundry misliked that assailing thereof, namely the L. Admiral who wished them to prosecute his first platform: alleging that it was too well furnished with men of calling, that ordinarily such great cities are but sepulchres to their armies: and that it were best to return to Saint Maixant, which might be forced in eight days. But the chief Lords and Gentlemen of Poictou laboured them earnestly as well in the counsels as else where, not to lose so brave an occasion, affirming the town to be very weak: that the more people therein, the more booty: that they should not want artillery: that taking it, they should fully obtain all that rich Province, and put the Catholic Gentry, which by continual roads troubled all that we possessed there, from their place of retreat. To this opinion did the chief of she counsel condescend, who peradventure had not sufficiently considered that every man is not only affectionate, but also passioned to set his own Country free: as also it was added that the taking of the Lords of Guise and his brother, two great Princes, and readiest to molest us, would be a brave prize. To be brief, in this deliberation were at large set down whatsoever the fruits redounding of such a conquest: but of the inconveniences which, ensuing hereof, we should encur there was no mention, as in deed that string is s●arch touch when men will not be diverted from their purposes. afterward they sent with all speed to Rochel for powder and shot, and so departed to close up Poitiers. This siege being at large described by other historiographers, I will not stand upon to recite: only I will note a few particularities which peradventure shall not be superfluous. The first touching the s●ituation wherein we see one thing that The notablest particularities of the siege of Poicters. greatly annoyeth the town, and another that benefiteth it as much. The annoyance are the mountains which in many places do environ it, and are so near that a man can scarce be in covert, but that he shall be descried and hurt, as well in head as courtine, not only by the artillery, but even by arqebus shot: for in some places they lie not above four hundred paces of. The benefit are other mountains within it which serve for large platforms, also the rivers that environ the walls: so as still they have that great ditch to pass, which is a very sore let, & were it not for that, I had rather be without with 4000 men to assault it, than within with as many to defend it. In sum, it is a very bad place and worthy to honour the defender. The Protestants destruction was their small draft of artillery, munition, & pioneers, for when they assailed it in one place, they were not able thereby to prosecute the battery or other affairs, but giving the Catholics two or three days respite, they prepared fit remedies: and then they must begin new batteries in other places, where they had the like success. In my opinion it were the P. of Parma's part to assail forts & the Protestants to defend them: for so do they oftentimes perform their parts most valiantly. I wots not whether I shall be believed if I report a kind of assault and defence propounded by the besiegers and besieged when they beat upon the Abbess meadow side. The protestāns had won the breach in the wall, and the Catholics had a very small trench within 300 paces of it, and behind them a great void space of one thousand paces long and five hundred paces broad, all under the command of a mountain. Our Captains meant having with 400. Gentlemen and eight hundred arquebusiers, who might easily have forced the ordinary guard, driven the Catholics from that trench to have sent after them two hundred horse under the Lord of Moüy to take the field, which they must needs pass before they came to the houses: then should also their main power led by the Lord of Briguemaud, Martial of the camp have followed. This counsel was taken upon a certain advice which they had that the Lord of Guise had appointed 200. spears to that place there to fight: and already in the former alarum, we had seen diverse spears there: But this camisado was not performed by reason the day came upon us, and so we were discovered. Howbeit howsoever the matter had fallen out, had it not been wonderful in an assault to see the horsemen fight among the footmen on either part? There also happened another matter contrary to that which ordinarily chanceth in towns not forced: that is, that they within lost more than they that were without: nevertheless such as were lost it was with great commendation, for we might plainly see them come boldly, and assuredly present themselves with the Canon and arqebus shot. In the end Monsieurs army did the Protestants great honour, Upon what occasions the siege was raised from before Poicters. in coming to assail Chastellerault. For the same was to them a lawful occasion to raise the siege, with nevertheless they would have raised, because they witted no longer of what wood to make their bolts, and I believe that the besieged were no less busied. Concerning the siege of this town, thus much I will say, that the captains do easily yield to any high attempts, for having great stomachs they aim at objects of the same nature: howbeit the surest way is to rely upon the proverb, He that gripeth too much, straineth but little. The D. of Guise & his brother purchased great fame in keeping so weak a hold, considering their youth. Some made no less account of this act than of that of Mets Others said that the Admiral he stayed there purposely to catch those▪ Princes whom they presumed to be particularly his enemies: but himself hath often told me that if the town had been taken, so far would he have been from suffering them to be any way misused that contrariwise, he would have caused them to have been honourably entreated according to their dignities, as he had done their uncle the Marquis of Elbeufe when he fell into his hands at the taking of the Castle of Cane, and myself do remember that at the capitulation he sent me, because I knew him, into the Castle to assure him from having any harm, which was observed. Monsieur seeing our army, fraught with spite, rise to come toward him, having in vain attempted one assault against Chatellerault where the Popes Italians, who were nothing slack in their duties, were received according to that good affection that the Protestants do bear to their master, did retire. We followed weening to have constrained him to buckle, but still he kept a river in our faces to cool our heat. When an action tending to diversion faileth in the accessaries, and is executed in the principal, it is not to be complained of: for the great fruit of the one doth sufficiently recompense the small loss of the other: as also we are to note that we ought to study thrice or four times before we undertake to besiege any great town once. Of the battle of Montcontour. SOme will say that this battle was a consequence of the siege of Poitiers, because the divers causes of the overthrow of the Prince's army at Montcontour. protestāns power was much weakened before: which in troth happened rather through sickness and the retiring both of Gentlemen and soldiers then by any violent death. Indeed this was one of the causes of our mishap, but there were others, as our seiourning at the borough of Fay La Vineuse, while the army of Monsieur grew strong at Chinon. Whereto we were all forced, because then all our draft horse for our ordinance were sent away to carry to Lusignan part of that artillery which had been employed at the siege of Poitiers, & had ever since remained in a Castle, which returned so just, that had they stayed but one day longer, we should have been driven to have forsaken ours by reason of the approach of Monsieurs army to London, which was within three leagues of us. Also because we were in a devoured soil and but badly seated, the Lord Admiral thought it better to go lodge at Montcontour, where the lodgings were commodious and victuals more plentiful: and I believe that as well he as many other were deceived, in that no man supposed that they whom we had forced to so long a retreat & that in the night, from before Chastelleraud, could so soon have been ready to seek us. Thus on the friday he departed, sending his carriage one way while himself with the army went another. Now near to a village called Saint Clere, the one hearing in The charge & skirmishes about Saint Cler. manner no noise of the other, the head of the Catholics army led by the Lord of Byron met with ours as we marched, almost upon our flank: he seeing opportunity with one thousand spears gave a charge upon the Lord of Mouie, who was upon the retreat with 300. horse and two hundred arquebusiers on foot. These he overthrew and put to flight, and there were lost the most part of the said shot, and about forty or fifty horse: This happening suddenly and at once with the sound of four Canons that were discharged, bred such a terror among our men, that without telling who had won or who had lost, every man at the only noise they heard behind them fled as half afraid. One thing I will advow (not that I will speak it to our reproach, but rather to show prevention to be a cause of great disorder, also that the hazards of war are dangerous) that is, that had it not been for a passage which was found in time, where there could but twenty horse pass in front, and so stayed the Catholics, our whole army had been overthrown at this first encounter. The Lord Admiral seeing this, showed himself to his men & gathered together his troops, so as at this passage, there were given two or three great assaults & repulses of 1500. or 2000 horse at a time: and whosoever passed over, was soon driven back: there did County lodovic & County Wolrad of Mansfield behave themselves very well. The two armies planted themselves in battle array, the one on the one side, and the other on the other, within a good musket shot together, where ours was somewhat in covert, neither did I ever see any so near together, and not to fight a main battle. No man durst adventure any more over the passage, in respect of the danger thereof, for sundry squadrous would have oppressed that which should have adventured. But the Catholics having their ordinance there, and ours being already at Mon●contour, they used it and therewith slew about 100 men in the squadrons, who nevertheless set a good countenance, and had not the night come on under the favour whereof every man retired, we had had more hurt. That at S. Denis, & this came well for us. In the morning Monsieur caused to discover the lodgings at Montcontour, and to taste the Protestants, but he found them very well fortested in the suburbs, having no other coming thereto, where was a skirmish both of horsemen and footmen. The same time it happened that two Catholic Gentlemen straggling came and spoke to some Protestants in place where there A notable advertisement given before the battle but not followed. was a ditch between: My masters, said they, we wear the badges of enemies, albeit we hate neither you nor your party. Warn my L Admiral to beware that he fight not: for our army through new supplies is wonderful mighty and very resolute, wherefore let him forbear but one month only, for all the nobility hath sworn and told Monsieur that they will tarry no longer, howbeit if he employ them in that time they will do their endeavours. Let him remember how dangerous it is to justle against the French fury which nevertheless will suddenly be over: Thus if they have not speedy victory now, they shall upon diverse considerations be driven to peace, & the same to your advantage. Tell him that this we have leanred in place of credit, & were desirous to advertise him thereof. Thus they departed, & the others immedlatly came & made report hereof to the L. Admiral who liked it. They also told it to others of the principal of whom some thought it not to be rejected but wished it to be followed: but the most part took it to be a policy to astonish us, saying moreover that albeit it had some appearance of goodness, yet in that proceeded from suspected persons, accustomed to use guile & deceit, it was not to be esteemed of. This was another cause of our mischief, in that we to much neglected the thing which ought to have been noted. Then did they meet to learn what were best to be done: some propounded to go & win Eruaux, & so to put the river between us & the enemy, also to departed about 9 of the clock all night, & so to march all night to get safe thither, because we were so near them: but others replied, that these night retreats do print a certain fear in those that mark them, diminish their credit, and embolden the enemy, The Counsels and difficulties in the Prince's army whereof ensued the means to the adversaries army to assail them. so as it were better to departed at break of day, whose opinion was followed. Now was the Lord Admiral sore troubled, as fearing lest the Reisters should raise any mutiny for want of pay, also the 2. or 4. regiments of his own dwelling far off, who already had asked leave, should forsake him: he knew also that sundry gentlemen of the countries in our possession were already gone home: wherefore to the end to contain the army in duty, as also to refresh it, he had requested the Lords Princes, who lay at Partenay, to come to them, which they did & brought with them about 100 & 50 good horses. In the morning we were on horseback by break of day, to march strait to Exuaux, every man with a white shirt, the better to be known if we should be forced to fight: But our Launceknights said they would not march without money: a quarter of an hour after five cornets of Reisters said as much, so as it was above an hour and a half before this tumult was appeased, whereof followed that we could not reach into a place of advantage which had been discovered near unto Exuaux where we might have sold our skins dearer, neither was this any of the least causes of our loss. Having gone about a quarter of a league we perceived the enemy coming toward us, so as we had no more leisure but to order ourselves and get into a little close under covert from the Canon. another inconvenience also chanced us in that when the L. Admiral perceived The battle fought and won by Monsiers army the Catholics avantgard make strait toward him, which was so strong (for it contained nineteen cornets of Reisters in two squadrons) he sent to County lodovic, who led our battle to secure him with three Cornets, he did so: but himself brought them and at the same instant began the fight where he remained fast tied: for hereof it came to pass that the said body wanting a leader, witted not how to behave itself, and it is thought that if he had been there, he would have done more, considering that being without both captain & order it had nevertheless almost shaken Mounsiers. The fight lasted somewhat more than half an hour, and all the Protestants army was put to flight, the Princes being yet young, were retired a little before. Almost all our footmen were cut in pieces, the artillery and ensigns taken and County Lodovic chased almost a league, who made a brave retreat with 3000 horse in one body, neither was the L. Admiral there, for he was wounded in the beginning. The slaughter was great, for the Catholics were fore fleshed through the cruelties used, said they, at Roch-labelle, but especially for the death of Saint Columbe, & others slain in Bearn. Many also of our prisoners did they dispatch for satisfaction. Myself likewise in the heat had like to have gone the same way, had it not been for the humanity of Monsieur, who was an instrument of God's blessing for the preservation of my life, which in my opinion I ought not to conceal. By this exploit we may see that the same royal army which we caused so swiftly to retire from before Chatelleraud, and that in the night, was able nevertheless within three weeks after to overcome us, because we made some difficulty to retire by day: also through staying upon the maitainance of our reputation in show, we lost it in deed, which is one point sometime to be thought upon by all soldiers as well young as old. That the siege of Saint john d'Angelie was the springing again of the Protestants. AS the siege of Poitiers was the beginning of the Protestants mishaps, so was that of S. Over sight of Monsieurs army after their victory. john d'Angelie the stay of the Catholics good fortune. And had they not stayed thereupon, but pursued the relics of the broken army, they had brought it to nought, considering the astonishment thereof and difficulties falling out. The Princes and Admiral retired with all that they could gather together over the river of Charent, & in the mean time took order in haste for the keeping of the towns in Poicton, which lay next to the battery: But five of them were at the first abandoned, viz. Parthenay, Nyort, Fontenay, Saint Maixant, and Chatelleraud, and the sixth which was Lusignan at the sight of the Canon yielded. This so puffed up the hope of the conquerors, that they imagined in short space to get all those Provinces, except the capital town which they took to be Rochel. Whereupon they still marched forward, imagining that all other towns after the example of these would have yielded. They directed their course toward Saint john d'Angelie which was not much stronger than Nyort, but being summoned would not yield: for the Lord of Pills being entered thereinto with part of his regiment was desired to fight. I have heard that at that time the chief Captains that accompanied Monsieur were called to know what was to be done. Some A notable counsel holden by the chief Captains of this army, and so their resolution. said: Sith that all the Prince's footmen were cut in pieces, and so they had none but horse & most of them Reisters, who also were discontent and half marred for loss of their carriages, their advice was to pursue them hotly, so should they come to one of these two points: either quite to overthrow them or else to force them to parley for their return into Germany, which might easily be compassed by giving them two months pay. We also (said they) know the Admiral to be one of the most politic Captains in the world, & most skilful in winding himself out of adversity if he may have any leisure: He will repair his power, and thereto adjoin more out of Gascogne & Languedoc, so as in the spring we shall see him appear with a new army wherewith he will harry our Princes, molest us, and burn even to the gates of Paris. Moreover the Princes of Navarre and Condie coming among these conquered people will by their presence by little and little cheer them up again, and waken many other flomackes as yet daunted in diverse places, unless with diligence we take from them all meanes to prevail of the time. They concluded that Monsieur with the two thirds of his army should follow them, for so he might undoubtedly in short space force the Captains for their refuge to enter some weak hold, which might finish the war. Others being of another opinion, said that they now reaped one of the principal fruits of their achieved victory, in the conquest of these towns, whereof they had already won six in ten days: that now they should set upon & get the rest considering in what fear they now were, that the Protestants would never be quiet so long as they had any places of retreat, which being taken from them they would have no great desire to stir: that there rested no more but a few towns in Xantoigne & Angonlucis in that quarter which could not above two months hold out against the force of their victorious army and Monsieurs good hap: that afterward Rochel seeing itself naked of all coverture would quake. As for the remainder of the conquered army wherewith the Princes and Admiral had saved themselves, the same did fly & would scatter of itself howbeit to hasten it thereto they might send after it a thousand horse and two thousand Two leagues within the sea there lie certain Isles which favour her: the inhabitants given as much to war as traffic: the magistrates discreet and all well affected to the reformed religion: as for the fortifications experience hath taught what they are, & therefore I shall not need to say any more of them. Well, I will confess that Orleans to him that is strong in the field is a place more proper to assail: but if it be for defence Rochel is far more profitable: some there are that note the inhabitants of rudeness, but how ever it be, they be loyal: the same may be spoken of the people of Namure, who are with their rudeness loyal. And when the imperfections of a man or city are much less than the good qualities, they may be borne well enough. The succour which the Princes had thence in this third war, do sufficiently testify it to be a good shop and well furnished: neither What help Rochel hath ministered to the Princes and their warlike affairs. do I allege this to the end great towns should be puffed up with pride, but rather to provoke them to praise God for those plentiful commodities that he hath bestowed upon them. (For he that exalteth himself shall be brought low either early or late.) Among all others that they had thence this is to be noted, that she furnished and armed a certain number of vessels which fetched them in sundry rich prizes yielding great treasure to the general cause: for albeit they then took but the tenth for the admiralty, yet did the profit thereof amount unto above 500000. franks. Afterward in the next wars which began in the year 1574. necessity constrained them take the fifth, & it was thought that this would have restrained sea faring men from seeking their adventures in such hazard: howbeit this exercise was so pleasant unto them, that notwithstanding this excessive tribute, they could not desist therefrom: albeit oftentimes it happened that in those booties which their talents had gripped, the nails of the land Picoree or prouling gave terrible pinches whereby we may see what wealth the sea war doth minister to any Country. Now if the land war be just, so ought this also to be: howbeit when we come to examine diverse the particular actions thereof, Commodities of wars by sea: also the abuses therein committed. we shall therein find wonderful abuses at the least among us: for most of these adventurers do make small difference between friends and foes: and many times the poor enemy hath had favour when the rich friend hath been rob and committed to the streams by them that presumed through cruelty to conceal their covetousness. But heaven having both eyes and mouth seeing these secret inhumanities, revealeth them openly, and with all more justly casteth some of the committers thereof headlong into the gulfs wherein they had unjustly buried the innocent merchant. But be this spoken without injury to those that do behave themselves lawfully in their vocation: for my speech I direct only to such as are disordinately affected to rob the whole world. I have heard of the Spaniards who were at the overthrow of the Lord of Strossie that half his army consisted of pirates and rovers, who forsook him at his most need, suffering him even in their view to perish, together with such brave persons as accompanied him to the battle: also that they marveled that of forty sail that went with him there fought not above six or seven, but as they commended the valour of these, so did they blame the cowardliness of the rest, notwithstanding it redounded to their profit. This teacheth us that the affections to spoil, and the affections to fight do work contrary effects. For my part I shall still bewail this valiant Captain, my very good friend, who both in his life and death was an honour to our France. That in nine months the Prince's army marched almost three hundred leagues compassing in manner the whole Realm of France: also what success they had in this voyage. FOrce it was for the Lords, Princes, and Admiral after their overthrow to go By what means the Prince's army was restored. far enough from the victorious army, as well for their own safeties as upon sundry other respects afore, as it were by the way, mentioned, which counsel redounded to their profit through the folly of the Catholics, who suffered this small snowball without let to roll so long, that in short time it grew as great as a house: for the authority of the Princes stirred up & gathered many: the L. admirals foresight and invention compassed profitable things, & the body of the Reisters which amounted to 3000. gave credit to the army. they endured much until they came into Gascogne where they strengthened themselves with shot, whereof they stood in great need, especially for the warranting of their horsemen from surprises by night which in those quarters through the neighbourhood of both towns and castles are very common. They dispersed them among the cornets of Reisters & other French troops, so as as well in the open as close Country they were still ready to defend themselves. He that giveth a notable Captain respite to bring forth that which his imagination hath conceived, he doth not only heal up his old wounds, but also ministereth strength to his languishing members, & therefore he should rather endeavour still to divert & combet him, so to break the course of his purposes: The longest abode that this half army made in any place was about the quarters of Again & Montauban, where it spent almost all the winter, & through the good entertainment that it there had, it was restored as it were with new men's bodies. Hereto ought all such as have any military offices to have regard, and not to do as the covetous labourers, who granting no release to their lands do make them barren: for when for the increase of their own glory they do even tire their soldiers for lack of refreshing, they do utterly overthrow them. Also if the North wind together with the moisture of the Moon, do even wear the stones, how much sooner will the delicate body of a man be worn out with such labours & rigorous toils▪ Wherefore the best rule is infayre weather to employ themselves well, and in foul to take some rest, except extreme necessity constraineth to the contrary. In this voyage they very well followed the rule of Hannibal in Italy, which was to give the enemy's Country to be a pray to their own men, so often as occasion required that they should be contented: for who so list to adventure wanted no commodities: such plenty reigned in those Provinces. The first power that joined with the Princes was the County of Montgomery's, who returned victorious out of Bearne, which Of the forces that joined with the Princes. truly was a brave exploit and is at large set down in the histories: for through his diligence he prevented the power of the L. of ●erid who besieged Navarrins which already was tired with his long abo●de thereabout, neither is it to be demanded whether he was well welcomed at his coming. About the end of Winter they marched toward Tholouze, where began a kind of most violent war in respect of the fires permitted, howbeit only against the houses of those that belonged to the Court of Parliament. The cause hereof was said to be for that they had evermore been most sharp in burning the Lutherans and huguenots, as also for the beheading Captain of Rapine a gentleman Protestant who brought them from the king the edice of peace. They found this revenge to be very hard, howbeit it was said that it might be a warning for them to be more moderate afterward, as in deed they have so showed themselves. This company is one of the most notable in the realm, & many learned men therein, albeit they might have used more clemency. The L. Martial d. Anuil was then in the said town with a good power, & was bitten by slanderers who reported that he had intelligence with his cousin the L. Admiral, & yet throughout all that voyage no man warred so sore upon the Prince's army as he, for he overthrew four or five companies of their horse. This report was undoubtedly false, and that I well know, notwithstanding whatsoever may since have fallen out. The army The voyage of the Prince's army. went on even into the County of Roussillon, where albeit it belonged to the Spaniard it used some some sacking. Thence it marched along Languedocke, and coming near to Rhosne County Lodowicke went over with part of the army to assail some holds: But the chief intent of these Captains tended to get some footmen out of Dauphin to the increase of their body, as also they thought to have done out of Gascogne & Languedoc, which desire could not be brought to any good effect: for when the soldiers understood that it was to march toward Paris and into the heart of France, withal that they considered the miseries which themselves▪ & their companions that had bidden by it had endured the last winter, every man fled from it as from a deadly downfall, desiring rather without comparison to stay & follow the war in their own countries, nevertheless they gathered together above 3000. shot determined to pass any whether: which were distributed among the regiments, but they were all on horseback. Necessity forced them so to do in respect of the tediousness of their journey & sharpness of the winter: & albeit it sometimes bred pesturing, yet came there profit of it, in that as occasion fell out their footmen were always lusty & fresh, neither was there much sickness among them in respect that they were ever well lodged & entertained. The L. Admiral a man of great experience in such affairs well perceived, albeit there were some treaty of peace, that yet it was hard to purchase any good unless they did approach to Paris, and therewithal knowing that beyond the river of Loire, he should find great favour and help, did hasten the voyage: but the difficulty of passing the mountains of Savenes and Viuarets were some stay, but more his sickness that took him at S. Steuens in Forest, & was like to have carried him away: which if it had fallen out, peradventure there would have ensued change of counsel: for having lost the hinge where upon the whole gate was turned, they could hardly have found such another. True it is that County Lodovicke was a brave Captain and well thought of among the French, howbeit he was not yet come to the authority & experience of the other, neither dare I affirm, if he had died, whether they would have proceeded in their carrier or not. In the end God sent him health to the great contentation of all men: after the which the army marched so swiftly that it arrived at Rhine le Duc in Burgundy. There had like to have been given a terrible sentence for the peace, which nevertheless was but good for the setting of it forward. The L. of Marshal of Coss governor of the king's army was The meeting of both armies at Rhine le Duc. expressly charged to keep the Prince's army from coming near to Paris, yea to fight if he see the game fair, whereupon he coasted it in full deliberation so to do: Finding it placed in a reasonable strong seat, he thought with his artillery, which the other wanted, to take away the advantages thereof, also by skirmishes of shot to make them forsake certain passages that they had. Only one ditch did they at the first abandon, where happened great charges & recharges of the horsemen, wherein either part when their turn came were pursued. The Captains which on the catholics part gave the first onset, where the Lords of La Vallette, Strossie, and Chastre who bore themselves well, & on the Protestants side those that bore the first brunt were the Lord of Bricquemaud Martial of the field, the County Montgommerie and Genlis: and in this action did the Princes (albeit as yet very young) in their countenances, show their desires to fight, whereby it was thought that in time they would prove most excellent Captains. In the end the Catholics seeing how hard it was to force their enemies, withdrew to their lodgings, as also did the Princes who having considered that their stay might be hurtful, as also that they wanted powder, marched by great ionrneiss unto La charity and other Of the third peace. towns their partakers there to furnish themselves anew with all commodities necessary. Shortly after there was a truce taken between both armies, which grew to a peace, whereupon every man laid down his weapons. It had been very noisome lying so long in the field, in heat, in cold, in bad ways, and almost always in the enemy's land, where the very peasant made them as sharp war as the soldier, which inconveniences many times troubled that great Captain Hannibal when he was in Italy. It is therefore a brave school point to mark how men can fit their counsels to necessity: such labours are in the beginning so odious, that they make the sculdiours to murmur against their own Captains: but being a little accustomed & hardened in these painful exercises, they begin to grow into a good opinion of themselves; when they see that they have as it were overcome that which terrefieth so many, & chiefly the delicate. These be the brave galleries & beautiful walks of the soldiers, & then their bed of honour is the grave wherinto a arqebus shot may have overthrown them. But in truth all this is worthy reward & commendation, namely when they that tread these paths, and endure these labours, do maintain an honest cause, and in their proceed show themselves replenished with valour and monestie. Of the behaviours of the Lord Admiral during the three first civil waries. Now if any man in this woeful war laboured sore both in body & mind, we may say that it was the Admiral: for the weightiest part of the burden of the affairs and military labours did he with great constancy and facility bear, as also he bore himself as reverently among the Princes his superiors, as modesty with his inferiors. Godliness he always held in great estimation, and bare great love to justice, which made him to be esteemed & honoured of all that part which he had taken: he never ambitiously sought offices or honours, but in eschewing them was in respect of his sufficiency and honesty forced to take them. When he dealt with weapons he showed himself as skilful in them as any Captain of his time, and always courageously hazarded himself to all dangers. In adversities he was noted to be endued with magnanimity and invention to get out, and showed himself always free from glozing and dissimulation. In sum, he was a man worthy to restore any weak and corrupt estate. Thus much I thought good by the way to say of him, as having known and kept his company, yea, and profited in his school, and so should do him injury if I should not make true and honest mention of him. The causes of the third peace. The comparison thereof with the former: also whether the same were necessary. NOne of the three civil wars lasted so long as this, which continued two whole Sundry causes of this mention of him: this third peace, as well on the one side as on the other. years, where the first was ended in one year & the second in six months, and many doyet think that had not the Protestant's drawn toward Paris it would not have been done so soon: of which experience they have gathered this rule, that to purchase peace war must be brought beer this mighty City: which I also take to have been one of the chief causes to help it forward, for the stripes which threaten the head do greatly terrify: the Catholic strangers having also wasted innumerable coin, had left such want that they knew not how to furnish pay. Ruin and robbery was rife everywhere. Moreover, good hap seemed to begin to raise up those that had been wearied. For the Prince's army had made a brave head against the Kings at Rene le Duc. Gascogne, Languedoc & Dauphin held sorer than war before: Bearne was recovered: & in Poictou & Xantoigne the Protestants had speed well in overthrowing the two old regiments and taking sundry towns. All these things gathered together, which other secret & particular oceasions disposed the King and Queen to grant to the peace which was published in August. The Protestants also desired & stood in great need of it: for having never a crown wherewith to satisfy their Reisters, their necessity would have driven them to abandon the Princes, as by the County of Mansfield they gave them to understand. Likewise seeing them near their own Country, it was to be feared lest they would have resolved so to do, which falling out would have been the overthrow of their affairs. Many other discommodities which I omit urged hereunto: among the rest the misrule of our soldiers was such as it could not be remedied: Insomuch that the Admiral who loved good order and hated vi●e, did many times since say that he had rather die than fall into the like confusions again, and to see so many mischiefs committed before his face. To be brief, the peace was accepted upon tolerable conditions, also for the assurance thereof was added, that which in the former they neither durst demand, nor could obtain: namely four towns. The beginning of this communication was after the siege of S. When they begin to break of peace, also what is to be noted therein. john d'Angelie, wherein were employed the Lords of Thelignie & Beaunois la Nocle, gentlemen endued with diverse virtues, who faithfully discharged their duties: and if before when the Protestants affairs were at a latter hand, the catholics had offered smaller conditions, I think they would have been taken. But when they saw that they would not grant them any exercise of religion, but only a simple liberty of conscience, it brought them into such despair, that they made of necessity virtue. And as time breedeth alterations, so those that ensued turned so far to their favour that their courages were raised and their hope corroborated. The best time then to treat of peace is when we have the advantage in war. But that doth ordinarily so puff up men that they will not hear thereof, howbeit either early or late the king did wiser to grant it: for the continuation of war deprived him of his pleasure, supplanted the love and obedience due unto him, for●aied the Countries, sacked the treasury, & consumed his power. But may some man say, the king of Spain hath not done so in Flanders. Truly may another answer, he hath not won much, and per adventure in the end, for the ceasing of these troublesome tragedies he will follow the same counsel that his neighbours have done. Now albeit peace was necessary for the Protestants, yet have Consideration upon these th' 〈…〉 pacifications of the civil wars. this mishap almost ever ensued, that the same have not continued, neither so much as been established according to the covenant. I will speak first of that which was framed before Orleans, & lasted four years and a half, & was nothing near so profitable for them as the edict of januarie: howbeit it followeth not but that it was at that time acceptable: for their affairs were not in state to refuse it, and time discovered the fruit that it yielded. Concord, good manners, and obedience to the laws were already in so good forwardness throughout France, that it seemed to be wholly restored, but discord with her secret drifts troubled all. Concerning the second it was a peace, but no peace: neither had it any more than the name, for in effect it was secret war: It may be termed The reward of the Protestants folly, because that not withstanding all advertisements that it would be very bad, they would nevertheless receive it. The third was much desired in respect of the ruins past, the necessity present, and that every man was weary of labour and trouble: for as the Frenchman is unpatient, so doth he fit the war to his own humours. And in as much as the conditions were equal, or rather better than the former, it ought in my mind to be tolerable to the Protestants, considering withal that there was no means to have any better. Like wise for the two years that it lasted few can complain, except at the very breach thereof, which was in such horrible sort as it deserveth to be quite buried up. Now who so ever shall consider all these pieces in their just observation, he will as I suppose, judge them to have been a profitable and necessary remedy unto all: but if he have respect but only to their ends, he cannot choose but name them dissembling pieces. And this hath made some so time rous that they believe that still there is some poison hidden under the fair gloss of this gold. In France we have already had six general, like as we had in the civil wars of Burgundy and Orleans, and as well the one as the other were infringed: but the seventh which was concluded at Arras was durable and holp to restore France: by which example it may be inferred that our seventh should be good: albeit it were to be wished we never came to those terms: for to wish to be sick that we might recover health may seem impertinent. I beseech God to provide therefore according to his good pleasure: Truly every man seeing the Realm flaming in wars ought to set before his eyes God's wrath and displeasure, and the same against himself rather than against his enemies: where now some do say These be the Protestants who through their heresies do strrre up God's wrath against them: Others do reply: They be the Catholics who with their Idolatries do provoke the same. And thus in these discourses no man accuseth himself. In the mean time the first thing that we ought to do is in these universal calamities to examine and accuse our own imperfections to the end to amend them, & then to look upon others men's faults. Likewise when we see a short & counterfeit peace, we should say that we deserve no better, because that, according to the proverb, when we are over the bridge we mock the saint, & most of us return to our vanities and accustomed ingratitude. Howbeit it is a commendable affection which desireth peace, I mean a good peace (for the bad are very cut throats) because thereby The divers affections of those that long after war and how they have been provided for. piety and virtue doth seem to revive: whereas contrariwise civil wars are the shops of all wickedness, which good men do abhor. The time hath been that of both parts their have been diverse that took no great delight in hearing peace spoken of; of whom some said, That it was an unworthy and unjust deed to make peace with rebols and heretics who deserved grievous punishment: yea, they persisted in their speeches until their disease were cured on this sort. If they were warriors they were enjoined to march foremost at an assault or in a skirmish, so to kill up these wretched Protestants: of which punishment by that time they had twice tasted, they soon changed opinion. As for the rest which were either clergy men or of the long rob, by telling them that they must part with half their rents to pay the soldier they consented to the peace. To be brief, whatsoever their pretence were, whether piety or justice, sure their passions were cruel. Other there were even among the Protestants which did no less reject the peace as terming it to be nothing but treason, but had it been never so good they would have said as much, because the war was their nursemother and rising. One good way to reduce them to reason were to propound (in respect of necessity thereof) the cutting off of their pays, or the leaviing of some lones of them, so would they long after some good end: For take from many of these people their profits and honour, then will they judge more sincerely of matters. Also for counsel in weighty matters we ought to choose those that serve God and are endued with greatest discretion, for they still prefer the common wealth before their own commodities and affections. I will likewise speak of another sort of people who indifferently Against such as like of every peace and mislike every war. do like of all kinds of peace, and mislike of every kind of war: who if they might be assured in quiet to eat their wortes and lay up their crops, could well enough let every time slide, yea albeit at every of the four quarters of the year, they should have half a dozen good bastonadoes. These have in my opinion, locked up & hidden their honours and consciences in the bottom of some coffer. The good Citizen ought always to bear a zeal to the common wealth, also to look farther than to live in shameful bondage. To conclude, in these affairs reason ought to be our guide, which doth admonish us never to enter wars unless a just cause and great necessity constraineth us, for war is a most violent and extraordinary remedy, which in healing one wound maketh more, and therefore is not to be used but extraordinarily: whereas contrariwise we are always to wish for peace: I mean not such peace as may be presumed to be steadfast & not unjust: for the false on's do not deserve the title but rather to be termed traps & snares, as was the same of the second troubles. The rest, may some men say, were not much better, because they lasted not long, but I am not of that mind, for A do think that until they were broken they were most pros●table; & so doth experience give us to understand, neither is that any better argument then to say: This man was nought, because he linen but fifteen years: but I will argue and plead to the contrary: saying, they were good, because men would not suffer them to last any longer: for had they been noisome to the Protestants, they would have ●et them have had their course. God grant so good a one to France, now torn with ruins, and destitute of good manners. that she may renew in beauty, and be no longer the fable of all nations, but an exemplary of virtue. IMPRINTED AT LONdon by Thomas Orwin for Thomas Cadman and Edward Aggas. 1588.