THE FRENCH academy, wherein is discoursed the institution of manners, and whatsoever else concerneth the good and happy life of all estates and callings, by precepts of doctrine, and examples of the lives of ancient Sages and famous men: By PETER de la Primaudaye Esquire, Lord of the said place, and of Barree, one of the ordinary Gentlemen of the King's Chamber: dedicated To the Most Christian King Henry the third, and newly translated into English by T. B. Imprinted at London, by Edmund Bollifant for G. Bishop and Ralph Newberry. 1586 TO THE RIGHT virtuous AND worshipful GENTLEMAN, AND HIS SINgular good friend Master John barn Esquire, T. B. C. wisheth grace and peace in this life, and everlasting happiness in the life to come. SIR, having at length finished the Translation of this French Treatise of moral Philosophy, I presume the rather to recommend it to your worship's favour, because yourself did first commend it unto me for the variety of excellent sayings and examples wherewith it is replenished. And surely I persuade myself, that howsoever for want of a skilful Translator it hath lost much of that grace, which otherwise it might have had, yet by reason of the matter itself, & good disposition observed throughout the whole book, it will be of some account with so many as prefer the soundness of substance before the swelling froth of curious phrases. True it is, that many words used by the Author, and retained by me, are almost the same with the original tongues from whence they were derived, and peradventure will sound harsh at the first in their ears that never heard them before; but if they will have patience a while, and let them pass to and fro upon the file of their teeth, no doubt but in short time they will be as smooth as other Greek and Latin words which now are taken for mere English. I might here allege reasons to prove the necessity of retaining such words in translating: namely, that many of them are proper names and words of art, that as all occupations and handicrafts have their several names of instruments belonging to their science, so is it with Philosophy, and with every part thereof: but I make no doubt of finding the Reader favourable in this point, considering that it tendeth to the enriching of our own language, and hath been practised by the learned of all nations that have gone before us, as is evident to such as are skilful in the tongues. Concerning the profit of this book, I refer the Reader either to the title thereof, which promiseth no more (in my opinion) than is performed with advantage in the body of the same, or else to the author's Epistle to the Reader, wherein he setteth down a summary of that doctrine, which is afterward handled more at large. Wherein howsoever he hath very excellently behaved himself, and (as I am persuaded) gone far beyond those that have handled the same matter before him, yet considering each man's infirmity to be such, that he attaineth not to perfection in any work, neither speaketh all things that are to be spoken of the same thing, nor yet is free from error in those things which he speaketh or writeth, I exhort all that shall peruse this Treatise following, so far only to approve every sentence and example of life, as it may be proved out of the records of holy Scripture. Moreover, as many as are desirous to be bettered by the reading of this book, they must think seriously upon that end unto which this Author had regard when he penned it, which was the same that Aristotle had Arist. lib. 2. Eth. cap. 2. in writing his ethics or book of Manners: namely, the practice of virtue in life, and not the bare knowledge and contemplation thereof in brain. And, lest any man should have that opinion of these moral precepts, which all men have of Plato's commonwealth, or of Aristotle's felicity, of Tully's Orator, or of More's Utopia, that they contain in them rather an idea of good life, than such a platform as may be drawn from contemplation into action, he hath joined works with words, practise with precept, and the fruits of rare examples with the fair flowers of philosophical instructions. But many are so far from conceiving any such excellency in them, that so soon as they hear the name of Philosophy, they think they have sufficient cause to condemn as hurtful, all the writings of Philosophers, alleging that sentence of S. Paul: Beware lest there be any man that spoil you through Philosophy: not considering that the Apostle doth in the very next words expound himself, and showeth that he meaneth nothing else but the deceitful conclusions of man's reason, disagreeing from the doctrine of Christ revealed unto us in his word. I grant that the word of God is only perfect, and containeth in it an absolute rule both of piety towards God, and humanity towards men, but it followeth not therefore, that we may not use the benefit of human precepts, or tread in the steps of heathen men, so far forth as their learning and lives descent not from the truth of holy Scriptures. Will any man refuse pearls because they are offered him in base vessels? Or not use a light because it is not put into a silver candlestick? And shall we pass over without profit, so many good precepts and worthy examples of learned men, because they proceed from the twilight of natural knowledge, and not from the clear sunshine of the word of God? Let us rather hearken to S. Augustine in his second book of Christian doctrine, where he hath these words agreeing very fitly to this matter. As for those (saith he) that are called Philosophers, if they Aug. lib. 2. de doct. chr. cap. 40. have uttered any truth agreeable to our faith & doctrine (especially the Platonists) we are not only not to fear it, but rather to challenge it from them as from unjust possessors thereof. For as the Egyptians had not only idols and heavy burdens, which the people of Israel were to detest and fly from, but also vessels and ornaments of gold, silver and raiment, which that people at their departure out of Egypt challenged covertly to themselves for better uses, although not of their own authority, but by the commandment of God, etc. So the doctrine of the Gentiles hath not only counterfeit and superstitious forgeries and heavy packs of needless labour, which every one of us departing from their society under our captain Christ, aught to detest and shun: but also liberal Arts meet to set forth the truth by, and certain profitable precepts of manners, yea some true points concerning the worship of one only God. What their knowledge was concerning themselves, and their duty one towards another, the whole Treatise following expresseth at large, unto which I had rather refer you, than use any needless repetition in this place. And as for that other point concerning the knowledge of one only God, it is most certain, that from the light of Nature helped with industry, study, and education, (according to the wisdom and dispensation of God) many notable conclusions proceeded from sundry of them, as Augustine himself showeth by a long discourse in his eight book De civitate Aug. lib. 8. de civit. Dei, cap. 6. 7. 8. etc. Dei, where among other he allegeth these out of Plato: That God is a spirit, and of a far more excellent nature than the soul of man, or any other spirit whatsoever: that God is one and the same, and always like unto himself: that God is the light of our minds, whereby we attain to all our knowledge and understanding: that no man is therefore blessed and happy, because he hath abundance of wealth, honour, strength beauty, or of any external thing, nor yet for any gift of the mind, but because he enjoyeth God the sovereign Good. How divinely doth Aristotle write of God, and of his fatherly providence, in his tractate De Mundo dedicated to Alexander? I know that many with force of reason carrying them thereunto, have vehemently suspected, that this piece of work came never out of his shop. Which although it be granted for true, yet the book itself doth evidently declare, that the Author thereof was a mere heathen man, and directed only by his pure Naturals when he wrote it: which being sufficient to show how far the darkness of nature doth comprehend the light and knowledge of heavenly things, is as much as I Aristotle de Mundo. require. This treatise being wholly occupied in these two principal points: namely, in the description of the universal frame of the world, and in the declaration of the nature of God the workmaster thereof, I will briefly set before you the sum of the last part, which the Philosopher painteth out unto us very notably in lively and orient colours. First he acknowledgeth, that all things are of God, that they consist and have their being by his power, that no nature whatsoever is able to continue, if it be not maintained and preserved by him. And in setting out the manner of working whereby this mighty power of God is forcible in the government of all things, he goeth beyond the common reach of natural men, affirming, that although God be present every where, yet not by any bodily or local presence, as the common received opinion than was, That all things whatsoever we perceive by sight, hearing, or any other sense, were full of Gods, and as servetus blasphemously taught of late years, That God was an essential part of every creature, but that he governeth all things by his power and virtue, whereby he effecteth whatsoever pleaseth him. Again, as he subscribeth to the almighty power and providence of God in the being and rule of all things, so he laboureth to make known the great wisdom of God by the contemplation of the excellent course of nature, which is certain without inconstancy, beautiful without blemish, & divers without disorder. For what can be more certain than the ordinary course of the sun, moon, & stars, which have continued in their appointed race from time to time, and from one age unto another? What greater certainty than that which to our comfort appeareth in the mutual turns and returns of times and seasons, of summer and Winter, Spring and autumn, day & night? In regard of which constant continuance of the irrevocable order appointed by God in this whole frame, the world is called by the Hebrews gnolam: and in the Epistle to that people, it is expressed by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (which many times signifieth perpetuity) Heb. 1. 2. & 11. 3. Concerning the beauty and glorious show thereof, what thing more beautiful than the glittering face of the heavens, decked and adorned with stars both great and small, as it were with jewels and precious stones of all sorts? And for this self same cause it received that name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Grecians, and of Mundus from the Latins. Lastly, if we look either to the variable motions of the Spheres in the ethereal region, or to the contrary qualities of the elements in the airy and lower part of the world, or to the variety of fowls, fishes, beasts, plants, grain, stones, metals, etc. and consider withal what a sweet harmony ariseth from all these, as it were from a well tuned instrument that hath strings of all sorts, or like to a lively picture that hath all kinds of colours mingled in it, or to a well ordered city compounded of sundry occupations, callings, & conditions, of poor and rich, young and old, bond and free, we may see if we have but half an eye, and feel if we be blind, that in this rare piece of work and frame of the world, there is most excellent conveyance without confusion, great variety concurring in unity, and diversity of all kinds without disorder. All this and much more is attributed by the Author of that book De Mundo, (be he Aristotle, or some other heathen Philosopher) to the only working of the power of the invisible God, of whom (saith he) we must thus conceive, that for his power he is most mighty, for his beauty most excellent, for his life immortal, and for his virtue most absolute: and therefore he cannot be seen of any mortal creature, but is notwithstanding known by his works. For all accidents in the air, in the earth, and in the water, may truly be called the works of God, who containeth and preserveth this world, of whom (as Empedocles saith) proceeded, All things that were, that are, and shall be here, Plants, Men, Beasts, Birds, and fish in waters clear. But this Philosopher not contenting himself with this consideration and view of God in his works, entereth into a deeper meditation of his nature, by setting down a very good exposition, and as it were a commentary upon those names and titles, which usually were attributed in his time unto God, thereby to make his powerful government over all the world more known unto men. Although (saith he) that God be but one, yet we call him by many names, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because we live by him: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he is of an immutable nature: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because nothing is done by chance, but according to his most certain decree: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because no man can possibly avoid him, or fly from him: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he abideth for ever. And as for that fable (faith he) of the three sisters of destiny, I mean of Clotho that spinneth of Leachesis that draweth out to a just length, and of Atropos that cutteth off the thread of man's life, it is to be understood of God only, who (as it was said in old time) is the beginning, midst, and end of all things. To conclude, there is a justice that is never separated from God, which is the revenger of all transgressions committed against the law of God, wherein every one must be well instructed that would be partaker of human felicity and happiness. Now judge, I pray you, whether a Christian may not with profit enter into this school of nature, and reap commodity by this little light of natural knowledge, which as it served to make them without excuse that were endued therewith, because they knowing God, did not glorify him as god, neither were thankful, but became vain in their imaginations: so it is to be feared, that those self same men shall rise up in judgement against us that profess Christianity, and condemn us in that great and terrible day. For how many of us want that knowledge of the eternal power, divinity, & providence of God, which was in Parmenides, Plato, Aristotle, & others, endued only with the light of nature, whereby they were led from the view of the creatures, to the consideration of the invisible things of God? And if we look into the lives of men in these days, & consider what neglect there is of those mutual duties which God commandeth us to exhibit one to another, we shall soon see, that many a million of carnal gospelers come far short even of those civil apparent and half virtues of the Heathen, & Lib. 6. Strommat. may therefore be sent back to learn holiness of Socrates, justice and innocency of Aristides, charity of Cymon, upright dealing of Photion, fidelity in performing promises of Regulus, moderation of Camillus, parsimony of Curius, gravity of Cato, & what not of Heathen men, whose sight in these things was better at midnight, than ours is at midday. But my meaning is not to approve that apocryphal tradition of Clemens Alexandrinus, who saith, that as the law was a schoolmaster to the Jews to lead them to Christ: so Philosophy was to the Grecians to bring them to salvation. Now, although this erroneous doctrine be as contrary to truth, as darkness is to light, and as hell is to heaven, yet did Andradius defend it in a book set forth by him at their instigation (as himself protesteth) who were of greatest authority in the late Tridentine council. Doth not the Lord by the mouth of Esay tell us, that there is no light in them that have not recourse to the law and to the testimony, and speak not according to his word? Esay 8. 20. Doth not our saviour Christ send us to the Scriptures for everlasting life? John 5. 39 How then dare any professing christianity, affirm, that Philosophers by the light of nature, and knowledge of philosophy, without the direction of the written word of God were made partakers of the righteousness that cometh by faith, and so consequently of eternal happiness? But to let this blasphemous mouth pass, let us make that account of the writings of men which they deserve, and reap that commodity by them, which we may without prejudice to the written word. For my meaning is not in commending philosophy, to give greater credit unto it, or further to allow the use thereof, than may stand with the majesty of the holy and sacred Scripture, which being the mistress of all human arts and disciplines, useth them as her handmaids to serve and obey her. Therefore as it is unseemly for a maidservant to go before her Mistress, to speak before she be spoken unto, or to use three words for her one, especially in company where service and modesty is most required: so it beseemeth not the ambassadors of God's word (unto whom indeed the knowledge of tongues and human arts is a singular help) to use these gifts otherwise than as handmaids in their studies and meditations to setue the Scripture to the more plain and pure exposition of it, seeing they are sent to edify others, and not to set our themselves. Now when they stuff a great part of their speech with poetical philosophical sayings and examples (as also they are wont to allege Hebrew, Greek, and Latin sentences to draw men into admiration of their great learning) they set the mistress behind, and give the first and chiefest place unto the handmaidens. Is not this To make the cross of Christ of none effect? I. Cor. I. 17. To use that kind of preaching that standeth in the enticing speech of man's wisdom; and not in plain evidence and power, is it not to build faith upon the wisdom of men, and not upon the power of God? I. Cor. 2. 4. 5. If disagreement of matter and form be unseemly, how undecent is it in spiritual doctrine to use a carnal and human kind of teaching, I. Cor. 2. 13? to allay the strength of the word of Christ with the waterish sayings & fables of men? to put upon the naked and glorious face of God the beggarly cloaks of Poets & Philosophers? When the Lord hath sanctified, not the corruptible seed of the sayings of men, but the incorruptible seed of his own most holy word to the begetting of faith, are not these new begetters ashamed to bring in another way of regeneration? When Gods will is to have his children nourished with the sincere and unmingled milk of his word, dare man use the infusion of water, to the weakening of them whom he ought to confirm? When the King hath appointed for his sons and daughters the purest and finest wheat, shall the Steward, as if they were swine, provide acorns for them? But I detain you too long from entering into the pleasant walks of this Platonical academy & school of Moral Philosophy, which being hewn out of the choicest timber of all Countries, was raised up, and set together in France, and is newly rough-cast (as you see) by an English workman: whose earnest desire is to have this small labour of his known to other, and received of you as a monument of his grateful mind towards your Worship, for the manifold benefits which he hath from a child received at your hands. In consideration whereof I am bold or rather bound, to offer myself together with these my first fruits unto your good liking, beseeching him that turned your bountiful heart towards me, to knit it so near unto himself, that he may be your chief riches in this life, & your only happiness in the world to come. Thus commending you and that good Gentlewoman your wife with all yours, to the grace of God, I take my leave of you this 17. of October. Your Worships ever bounden in the Lord, T. B. C. FIDELI SVO AMICO, T. B. C. GALLICAE Academiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. SIquis in nativo solo collocatus, honestis quibusuis circumfluens voluptatibus, nec ulla necessitate eò impulsus, se tamen amicorum hortatu in turbulentissimas maris tempestates conijceret, ut pretiosam margaritam à suis multum desideratam comparareticertè & laudanda foret eius in tantis laboribus subeundis alacritas, & postquam secundo vento usus sit, summa cum laetitia excipiendus illius reditus. Peregre, ut mihi visum est profectus es aliquantisper (charissime amice) & licet ea fuit vitae tuae conditio, ut bonis literis te oblectans, in ijs tanquam in tua patria consistere potuisses: voluisti tamen amicorum rogatu fluctibus te obijcere, & per aliquos scopulos velut in Gallicam regionem navigare, ut hanc splendidissimam gemmam, Academiam nempè florentissimam, nobis etiam amicis tuis communicare posses. Appulisti tandem ad portum, syrtes omnes praeteruectus es, exoptatam margaritam tuo opere assecuti sumus: non possumus ergo quin & tuam in istis laboribus suscipiendis voluntatem libenter agnoscamus, et in ijsdem exantlandis foelicitatem liberè praedicemus. Quamuis verò multorum in oculis vilescere coepit Philosophia, cuius abditos the sauros in lucem protulisti●eiusmodi tamen sunt, quorum autoritas propter hominum levitatem nullius est momenti, & quos verè perstringit illud sermone tritum proverbium, Scientia non habet inimicum nisi ignorantem. Quis in Maronem Bathyllo atrocior? Quis in Vlyssem Thersite acerbior? Quis Dialecticis arg●tijs Epicuro infestior? Et quales, quaeso▪ sunt, qui canino latratu impetunt philosophian, nisiqui huius Reginae aedes ne à limine salutarunt? Siergo apud istos forsitan sordescant tuae vigiliae, ne demittas tamen animum. Neque enim tam acre est eorum judicium, ut iam pertimescas, nec lingua adeò virulenta, ut vel minimam labeculam tuo nomini aspergere possit. Ne solis quidem lumen caeco jucundum est: saluberrima pharmaca ab imperitis conculcantur: pretiosissimae gemmae à gallo Aesopico spernuntur: & ipsa philosophia, vitae lucerna, ment is medicina, gemma lucidissima, à caecis, stolidis, brutis contemnitur. Si aut cum Neoptolemo apud Ennium philosophandum saltem putassent, licet paucis; aut cum divo Paulo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duntaxat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reiecissent; nos minimè repugnantes habuissent: Quum vero unà cum Apollonio philosophiam ludibrio habeant, eámque ab omni vetustate constitutam cum Arcesila penitùs labefactent, nullo modo audiendi, aut ferendi sunt. At sicut Dicaearchus & Aristoxenus, quia difficilis erat animi quid aut qualis esset intelligentia, nullum omnino animum esse dixerunt: Ita isti, quorum obtusa acies philosophiae insignes fructus aspicere nequit, nullum esse omnino philosophiae usum clamitant. Verum enimuerò, habeat philosophia suam laudem, sit vitae dux, morum magistra, virtutis columna, & ei tanquam reginae solium suum tribuatur. Tuae tamen laudes nullae erunt, nulla te manebit laurea, nullum hic est tuum inventum, nullum tui acuminis specimen, nisi velis tanquam ignauus miles de spolijs aliorum sudore partis gloriari, & latronum more aliorum bona, alijs impressis notis, tanquam tua venditare. Siccine vero? quid ita tandem? Novi ego (mi amice) animi tui indolem, nullámque (ut ingenuè dicam, quod long a me docuit experientia) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in te contemplari potui: & quamuis nulla benefacta lucem reformident, ea tamen semper laudabiliora duxisti, quae sine venditatione & populo teste facta sunt, nullúmque theatrum virtuti conscientia maius indicasti. Cuius rei vel hoc unicum satis est argumenti, quod non (sicut illi philosophi de contemnendâ gloriâ scribentes sua nomina libris apposuerunt) voluisti hoc tuum opus tuum in fronte nomen gerere▪ sed publicum potiùs commodum quàm privatam gloriam respiciens, incerto maluisti librum prodire authore, quàm nos certâ carere utilitate. Gloria autem individua virtutis comes, vide, ut te quamuis fugientem sequatur. Neque enim nihili est tua industria aestimanda, quamuis alterius vestigijs institisti, nec parvi ducendae sunt tuae vigiliae, licet alterius opere prius elucubrata fuit ista Academia. Aurum & argentum alunt ipsa terrae viscera: illis tamen nonnihildebemus, quorum sudore ista metalla effodiuntur. Omne ferè genus mercaturae aliquibus in locis suâ sponte nascitur; suo tamen honore minimè spoliandi sunt mercatores, quorum cum periculo vitaeque crebrâ iacturâ, tanta nobis bona comportata sunt. Sit itaque Primaudayi aurea ista Academia, illius sit pretiosissima haec supellex; tibi tamen aliquid interea laudis relinquâtur, cuius industria nisi sese opportunè interposuisset, Anglis nostris nihil inde emolumenti redundasset. Neque est quòd quispiam agrè ferat, siphilosophia Graecâ ac Romanâ vest ut plurimum induta, iàm incipiat Britannico quoque vestitu incedere. Bonum enim (ut pulchrè philosophus) quò communius, eò melius: & philosophiaipsa, soli haud dissimilis, in omnes terrarum orbes radios suos disseminare cupit. Argivorumres gestae celebres factae sunt primòab Homero: neque tamen lusit suam operam Virgilius, cùm easdem suo carmine celebravit. Philosophia diu Graeciae regionibus & septis inclusa mansit; nunquam tamen consenescet Ciceronis laus, qui eam ipsam Latinis literis illustravit. Et grata (uti spero) memoria tuos labores prosequentur omnes, quibus factum est, ut Academia ista, Gallicis antea circumscripta terminis, Anglis iamtandem innotescat. Macte igitur virtute (charissime amice) & maiores tibi addant spiritus istae primitiae ad maiora, si justa se offerat occasio, suscipienda. Spero etenim aliquando eventurum, ut, sicut in philosophico certamine vires tuae se exeruerint, ita etiam in Theologico pulvere pari saltem felicitate exspatientur. Interim bene vale. 13. Octobr. Tui studiosissimus, G. I. TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN KING OF FRANCE AND POLONIA, Henry the third of that name. SIR, if we credit the saying of Plato, Commonwealths begin then to be happy, when Kings exercise philosophy, and Philosophers reign. The wise man speaking more divinely, exhorteth kings to love and to seek after wisdom, that they may reign upon earth rightcously, and in heaven eternally. And truly from wisdom and philosophy, as from a lively fountain, floweth the gift of governing by good laws and good example, of defending by prowess, and of nourishing by wisdom and providence, which are the bands of all perfection requisite in an excellent and absolute prince, that desireth to govern his kingdom according to piety and justice. These three great and excellent gifts depending of God, as every other grace doth, one of those means whereby he useth most commonly to enrich them that have the rains of worldly government in their hand, is to imprint in their hearts a love and desire of learning and sciences. But because they cannot so perfectly understand them, by reason of their great and burden some charge, as private men may, who quietly enjoying the fruit and benefit of their King's labours, addict themselves to no other profession, their majesties are so much the more pricked forward to love, to inquire after, and to honour such their subjects, as are best able to set before their eyes those virtuous and learned instructions that are drawn out of the fountains of arts and disciplines. This moved Antigonus king of Macedonia to write thus to Zeno the philosopher: I am assured that I excel thee in the goods and favour of fortune, and in the renown of such things, but I know withal, that thou art far above me, and goest beyond me in that true felicity, which consisteth in the knowledge and discipline of studies. Therefore I desire earnestly that thou wouldst come unto me: wherein I pray thee deny me not, that I may enjoy thy conversation and company, as well for mine own profit, as for the profit of all the Macedonians my subjects. For he that instructeth a prince, doth also profit as many as are under his charge. This self-same love of knowledge was the cause, that all the festival ornaments of that great lover of virtue Ptolemy Philadelphus' king of Egypt, were grave questions as well of pietic as of phlosophic, which he propounded to be handled and concluded by those learned men, whom he ordinarily maintained in his train. Sir, the example of these two noble kings shining wholly in you, who greatly love and favour learning, and the professors thereof, and open the gate of that holy and virtuous discipline, which was so much cherished by ancient men, that they might daily be instructed the better in the duty of their charges, doth promise to your good subjects and vassals, that by the grace of God they shall see under your reign, the evil of those sinister effects defaced, which have issued from these long troubles and civil wars. Whereof all men have conceived a more certain hope, because they see, that you labour with a holy zeal and good affection, to restore piety and justice to their former strength and beauty, which were in a manner buried in France: and that you have gloriously crowned that work, which that great king Francis your grandfather did happily begin, to the end that arts and sciences might flourish in this kingdom. The dinner of that prince of famous memory, was a second table of Solomon, unto which resorted from every nation such as were best learned, that they might reap profit and instruction. Yours, Sir, being compassed about with those, who in your presence daily discourse of, and hear discoursed many grave and goodly matters, seemeth to be a school erected to teach men that are born to virtue. And for myself, having so good hap during the assembly of your Estates at Blois, as to be made partaker of the fruit gathered thereof, it came in my mind to offer unto your majesty a dish of divers fruits, which I gathered in a Platonical garden or orchard, otherwise called an academy, where I was not long since with certain young Gentlemen of Anjou my companions, discoursing together of the institution in good manners, and of the means how all estates and conditions may live well and happily. And although a thousand thoughts came then into my mind to hinder my purpose, as the small authority, which youth may or aught to have in counsel amongst ancient men: the greatness of the matter subject, propounded to be handled by years of so small experience: the forgetfulness of the best foundations of their discourses, which for want of a rich and happy memory might be in me: my judgement not sound enough, and my profession unfit to set them down in good order: briefly, the consideration of your natural disposition and rare virtue, and of the learning which you receive both by reading good authors, and by your familiar communication with learned and great personages that are near about your majesty (whereby I seemed to oppose the light of an obscure day, full of clouds and darkness, to the bright beams of a very clear shining sun, and to take in hand, as we say, to teach Minerva) I say all these reasons being but of too great weight to make me change my opinion, yet calling to mind many goodly and grave sentences taken out of sundry Greek and Latin Philosophers, as also the worthy examples of the lives of ancient Sages and famous men, wherewith these discourses were enriched, which might in delighting your noble mind renew your memory with those notable sayings in the praise of virtue and dispraise of vice, which you always loved to heave: and considering also that the bounty of Artaxerxes that great monarch of the Persians was revived in you, who received with a cheerful countenance a present of water of a poor labourer, when he had no need of it, thinking it to be as great an act of magnanimity to take in good part, and to receive cheerfully small presents offered with a hearty and good affection, as to give great things liberally, I overcame whatsoever would have stayed me in mine enterprise. For I assured myself thus much of your bountiful & royal greatness (which I crave in most humble manner) that you would measure the gift and offer of this my small labour, not according to the desert thereof, or by the person of one of your basest servants and subjects, who presenteth in unto you, but according to the excellency of those things, which you shall see handled in this academy, and according to the serviceable and most affectionate desire, wherewith I dedicate and consecrate both goods and life to your service. I beseeth God, Sir, to preserve your majesty in great prosperity, increase of honour, and continuance of a long and happy life. At bar in the month of February, 1577. Your most humble and most obedient servant and subject, Peter de la primauday. THE author TO THE READER. THE PHILOSOPHERS teach us by their writings, and experience doth better show it unto us, that to covet and desire is proper to the soul, and that from thence all the affections and desires of men proceed, which draw them hither and thither diversly, that they may attain to that thing, which they think is able to lead them to the enjoying of some good, whereby they may line a contented and happy life. Which felicity, the most part of men, through a false opinion, or ignorance rather of that which is good, and by following the inclination of their corrupted nature, do seek and labour to find in human and earthly things, as in riches, glory, honour, and pleasure. But for a smuch as the enjoying of these things doth not bring with it sufficient cause of contentation, they perceive themselves always deprived of the end of their desires, and are constrained to wander all their life time beyond all bounds and measure, according to the rashness and inconstancy of their lusts. And although they rejoice for a little while at every new change, yet presently they loathe the self-same thing, which not long before they earnestly desired. Their own estate always seemeth unto them to be worst, and every present condition of life, to be burdensome. From one estate they seek after another, so that now they withdraw themselves from the service of princes, and mislike public charges, and by and by they blame the private life, labouring that they may be employed. They forsake one country to go and dwell in another, and suddenly they desire to return again into their former ways. They that have neither wives nor children, seek and wish for them, and when they have them, they desire oftentimes nothing more than to be rid of them: and soon after ye shall see them married again. Have they heaped up great store of wealth, and increased their revenues by half so much more? they desire notwithstanding to make it altogether as much. The soldier seeketh to be a captain: from a captain to be master of the camp: from master of the camp to be lieutenant to the king: then he would gladly make himself king. The seely Priest would be a Curate: from a Curate, Bishop: from a Bishop, Cardinal: from a Cardinal, Pope: and then would command Kings and sovereign Princes. King's are not contented to reign over their own subjects, but bend themselves always to enlarge their limits, to make themselves (if they can) the only monarches. Briefly, all men whose hearts are set upon worldly goods, when they are come to this estate of life, they would attain to that: and being come thereunto, some other neae desire carrieth them farther, so that this mischief of continual, uncertain, and unsatiable lusts and desires doth more and more kindle in them, until in the end death cut off the thread of their inconstant, and never contented life. This cometh to pass, because the alteration of an Estate and condition of life plucketh not out of the mind that, which presseth and troubleth it: namely, the ignorance of things, and imperfection of reason. But they, who through the study of wisdom are furnished with skill and understanding, and know that all human and earthly things are uncertain, deceitful, slippery, and so many allurements unto men to draw them into a downfall and destruction, they I say, do lay a far better and more certain foundation of their chief Good, contentation, and felicity. For they are so far off from being carried away, as worldlings are, with the desire of greatness, riches, and pleasure, that they rather desire less than they have, contemn them, and so use them as though they had them not. And delivering their souls by the grace of God, from all those perturbations, which besiege them in the prison of their bodies, they lift up their wishes and desires, yea they refer all the endsof their intents & actions to this only mark, to be united and joined to the last end of their sovereign Good, which is the full & whole fruition of the essence of God, that their holy affections might be at once fulfilled and satisfied, by enjoying that divine light, through a most happy & immortal life, when they shall be unclothed of this body of death, & of all concupiscences & passions, & rejoice in such a felicity, as neither eye hath seen, nor ear heard, nor ever entered into the heart of man. moreover we ought to know, if we have never so little judgement & reason, that in all worldly things how great & goodly soever they seem to our carnal eyes & senses, there is such a mixture of bitterness & dislike joined with the fruition of them, that if we could divide the evil from that which of the ignorant sort is called good, & weigh them one against another, there is no doubt but the bad part would easily weigh down what goodness soever could be found amongst them. But how shall we call that good, which is so mingled with evil, which oftentimes hurteth more than it profiteth, and which being possessed abundantly, cannot yet keep the possessor thereof from being wretched and miserable? What contentation can a man find therein, seeing that such a Good commonly slippeth away as soon as it is received, and always worketh an unsatiable desire thereof? What felicity shall we expect and look for in the fruition of that thing, which waxeth old and perisheth, and which men are always afraid to lose? Now I pray you, who can doubt justly, but that the quality and nature of riches, of glory, of honour and pleasure is such? Whereupon we must conclude, that man can find no goodness, contentation or happiness, in any thing that is earthly and mortal. Besides, who knoweth not sufficiently the poor estate of man's life, which in the fairest of his race cometh to nothing in the twinkling of an eye, so that all his bodily show and brightness turneth suddenly into putrefaction? Who doth not try more than he would, how full his life is of sharp griefs, and pricking miseries, and how it is assaulted with continual troubles? With how many piercing cares doth it abound, and what griping griefs do pursue it? Briefly, as a wise Grecian said, having but the bare name of life, it is in effect and truth a continual pain. And truly that thing hath no being in deed, which changeth without ceasing, as the nature of man doth, which never continueth in the same estate, no not the least moment that is. I would gladly ask of thee who readest this, or dost mean to read it, what day, or what hour thou hast passed, or now passest over, since thou hadst any judgement or knowledge, wherein thy body hath not felt some grief, or thy heart some passion? As there is no sea without tempest, war without danger, or journey without travel: so there is no life without grief, nor calling without envy or care: neither did I ever see or know that man, who hath had no cause to be grieved, or to complain. Doth not experience daily teach us, that no man living can make choice of any estate void of all trouble, or fly one inconvenience, but that he is in danger to fall into another? Is it not also most certain, that a sudden joy or prosperity, is but a forewarning or sign of some grief & heavy calamity at hand? But what? Shall we for all this think man so miserable, that sailing all his life time in storms and tempests, he cannot possibly attain to any safe haven against the rage of them? Shall we in such sort deprive him, (during the time of his being in this world) of all Good, contentation and happiness, as if there were no means to avoid, or at leastwise to mollify the mishaps and miseries of mankind, that he faint not under the heavy burden of them? Wherefore then do wise men by so many learned writings invite us diligently to seek after, and with a burning zeal to embrace holy virtue, saying, that by her alone a man may live happily and contentedly in every calling, and may enjoy therein the sovereign Good, through the tranquillity and rest of his soul, purged of perturbations by Philosophy? Was it in vain and fruitless, that an infinite number of famous personages, whom Histories, the mother of antiquity set before our eyes, employed so great travel, passed infinite watchings, forsook and contemned riches, pleasures, honours, and worldly commodities, to get and treasure up virtue only? And why do we, after their example, despise all these things, and spend that which we account most precious, I mean time, that we may be adorned and clothed with virtue, if it cannot make us hit that mark, which every one so much desireth and seeketh after with such great pain and labour, namely, that they may enjoy some chief Good in this world, and lead thereby a contented and happy life? Be not overtaken (friendly Reader) with this small difficulty, which perhaps might cause a gross and feeble head not well instructed in wisdom, to stagger and departed out of the right way. Now, although the heavenly word only hath the perfect and sound knowledge of wisdom, because he is that eternal wisdom itself, yet man being his workmanship, & aided with his grace must not leave of to seek for, & to require earnestly of him that gift of the knowledge & participation of the secrets of that incomprehensible truth, (so far forth as he may and shall be necessary for him) that his soul thereby may obtain her permanent and lasting happiness. Moreover, albeit our sovereign & chief Good, our perfect contentation and absolute felicity be only in heaven in the enjoying of that divine light, yet we must not in the mean while, (albeit we cannot fully possess that) leave of to seek without ceasing, or give over in any sort to keep and follow that good and infallible way of virtue, which causing us to pass over quietly, and to sustain with joy of spirit the miseries of mankind, and appeasing the perturbations of our souls, from whence proceed all the evils that torment us, and making them void of all damnable effects, will teach us to lead a pleasant, peaceable & quiet life, & to effect all things worthy & beseeming this certain hope, that we shall one day (by the grace of God) be framed a new in that eternal, most happy, & contented life. Let us therefore account this world, and all the riches thereof, as a thing belonging to an other, as a stranger and nothing appertaining to those men, who being regenerated by the spirit of grace have profited well in the school of wisdom. Let us not seek for friendship upon earth: let us not covet after riches, glory, honour and pleasure, which none but fools do extol, desire and wonder at. We are not of this world, but strangers only therein, and therefore let us set all worldly things behind us, and account them unworthy the care of our immortal souls, if we mean not to perish with the world by joining ourselves there-unto. Let us forsake it, I say forsake it boldly how precious soever it be, that we may abundantly treasure up that great, This commendation of virtue is chief to be understood of faith the root of all good virtues. sweet and durable wealth, I mean virtue, which is honoured, loved, and desired for itself only, which is the true and wholesome medicine for diseased souls, the rest of the mind oppressed with care, the cause (by the will of GOD) of that chief Good wherein the principal end of the soul consisteth, and the only assured guide which leadeth to the haven so much desired of every one, namely, the contentation of mind. Which thing this present academy doth not only set before our eyes, but also doth save and keep us being already entered into this haven of safety, against all tempests, if we will ourselves, and not spare our labour to reap profit of those learned and wise instructions that are here given unto us by the precepts of doctrine, and examples of the lives of ancient, virtuous, and famous men. For first of all we shall learn hereby to know ourselves, and the end of our being. Secondly, we shall be instructed in good manners, and taught how we may live well and happily in every estate and condition of life whatsoever. Yea we shall find in the basest and lowest estate, which of the ignorant and common sort of people is oftentimes called miserable, as much joy and happiness, as a Monarch can be partaker of in the fruition of his greatness, yea much more than he, if he be wicked: because vice in all Estates maketh the possessor thereof wretched, and contrariwise, virtue maketh every condition of life happy. Moreover we shall see in this academy, that every one loving and fearing GOD may obtain this inestimable Good of virtue, and thereby remain a conqueror over the perturbations of his soul, which breed all his misery, remembering this point always, so far forth as the frail nature of man, aided by the Author of all goodness can attain to this perfection. We shall learn here how we ought to govern ourselves wisely and dutifully in all human actions and affairs, and in all charges and places whatsoever, either public or private whereunto we shall be called. We may note here cause of the subversion and ruin of many Empires, Estates and commonwealths, and of the glittering show and glory of infinite others: as also the cause of the wretchedness and destruction of a great number of men, and what hath lift up others, and crowned them with honour and immortal praise. We shall be taught here the government of a house and family, the manner of the education and instruction of children, the mutual duty of married couples, of brethren, of masters and servants, how to command, and how to obey. We shall see here the order and establishment of policies and superiorities: what is the duty of the Heads of them, of Princes and governors of nations, as also what the duty of their subjects is. Briefly, both great and small may draw out from hence the doctrine and knowledge of those things which are most necessary for the government of a house, and of a commonwealth, with sufficient instruction how to frame their life and manners in the mould and pattern of true and holy virtue, and how by means thereof, (the grace of GOD working in them) they may run the race of their days in joy, happiness, rest and tranquillity of spirit, and that in the midst of greatest adversities, which the uncertainty and continual change of human things may bring upon them. Now because the sequel compounded of the sundry treatises and discourses of this Academy, will sufficiently instruct thee in all things above mentioned, as it promiseth in the forefront and title thereof, I will not dilate this matter any farther, but only desire of thee (Reader) patiently to hear these academical students, from the first of their discourses unto the last. Their intent was only (as thou Mayest understand more at large in the entrance of their assembly) to teach themselves, and next every one according to their ability, the institution of good manners, and rule of good lining, for all ordinary and common estates and conditions of life in our French monarchy, to the end that every member of this politic body (brought thus low with evils, and beaten with tempestuous storms) might somewhat help and profit it by their counsels and instructions. And this thou mayest do (friendly Reader) if thou takest pains to read well, to understand better, and (which is best of all) to follow the precepts, instructions and examples, which thou shalt find here: as also, if thou bringest hither a good will and cheerful disposition, void of all malicious envy, which at this day is commonly practised by most men of this our age (who like to malicious Censorers) busy themselves rather in seeking out what to bite at, and to reprehend in other men's works, than to draw out, and to commend that which is good, or to assay to make them better. Besides, thou shalt have somewhat to commend in the order of these discourses, and in the manner of teaching which is in them. For after the handling of that knowledge which is especially necessary for man, all those virtues follow which he ought to embrace, and those vices which he is to shun. Next, he is instructed in that which concerneth housekeeping: then in that which hath respect to estates and policies, & last of all how he may die well, after he hath lived well. As for the manner of teaching, which is diligently observed by these Academikes, thou shalt see that first they praise that virtue, or dispraise that vice which they propound to themselves to discourse upon, that they may move and frame men's minds as well to hate the one as to desire the other. Then they define that whereof they discourse, that the end of the present subject may be better known. Afterward, they give precepts to find out the means whereby to attain to that which is Good, and to eschew the evil. Lastly, they add examples, which are lively reasons, and of great weight to move men with delight to embrace virtue and to fly vice. Now if thou thinkest that too little is spoken, considering the goodly and large matter here propounded, it is not because they knew not that the excellency of every thing put forth here is so great, and the reasons so abundant that a man might well make a book therofby itself, as many learned men have done, but the chief scope and drift of these Inter-speakers, was to discourse briefly of such things as are necessarily required in the institution of manners, and of a happy life. Nevertheless it may well be, that that which thou findest not sufficiently followed in one place may be learned in another, if thou lookest unto the end. Moreover they who are here named, and who mind to retain always the name of disciples, never purposed or presumed to set down resolutions, or to appoint laws which are necessarily to be kept, and may not be changed in any wise by those that are clear-sighted, according to the occurrence & benefit of the estate of this monarchy, but grounding their counsels and instructions upon the soundest and most approved opinion of the writings of learned men, both of ancient and late times, and upon such as drew nearest to the infallible rule of the holy scriptures according to the small measure of graces given them from above, they have left to every one (following therein the ancient school of the academics) liberty to compare the motives of the one side, with the reasons on the other, that the truth of all things might be diligently searched out and inquired after, that none through any headstrong conceit should be wedded to private opinions: and that afterward choice might be made of the best, and of such as are most certain, thereby to order and rule all intents and actions, and to refer them to the perpetual glory of that great Lord of Hierarchies, who is the only cause and chief fountain of all Good, contentation, and happiness. Spe certa quid melius? The Contents of the several chapters of this book. Chap. 1 Of man.. Page. 10 2 Of the body and soul. 19 3 Of the diseases and passions of the body and soul, and of the tranquillity thereof. 27 4 Of philosophy. 38 5 Of virtue. 51 6 Of Vice. 63 7 Of Sciences, of the study of Letters, and of Histories. 72 8 Of the Spirit, and of memory. 83 9 Of duty and honesty. 92 10 Of Prudence. 103 11 Of want of Prudence and of Ignorance, of Malice and subtlety. 115 12 Of Speech and Speaking. 126 13 Of Friendship and of a Friend. 136 14 Of Reprehension and Admonition. 148 15 Of curiosity and Noucitie. 159 16 Of Nature and Education. 170 17 Of Temperance. 179 18 Of Intemperance, and of stupidity or blockishness. 189 19 Of sobriety and frugality. 198 20 Of superfluity, sumptuousness, gluttony, and Wallowing in delights. 209 21 Of Ambition. 223 22 Of voluptuousness and looseness of life. 234 23 Of Glory, Praise, Honour, and of Pride. 245 24 Of Shame, shamefastness, and of dishonour. 256 25 Of Fortitude. 265 26 Of timorousness, fear, and cowardliness: and of rashness. 277 27 Of magnanimity and generosity. 288 28 Of Hope. 298 29 Of Patience and of impatiency: of Choler and Wrath. 308 30 Of meekness, clemency, mildness, gentleness and humanity. 319 31 Of good and ill Hap. 328 32 Of prosperity and adversity. 338 33 Of Riches. 350 34 Of poverty. 358. 35 Of idleness, Sloth and Gaming. 367 36 Of an enemy, of injury and of revenge. 378 37 Of justice. 390 38 Of injustice, and of severity. 402 39 Of fidelity, Forswearing, and of Treason. 413 40 Of Ingratitude. 424 41 Of liberality, and of the use of Riches. 434 42 Of covetousness, and of prodigality. 444 43 Of envy, Hatred, and Backbiting. 457 44 Of Fortune. 467 45 Of marriage. 478 46 Of a House and family, and of the kinds of marriage: of certain ancient customs observed in marriage. 484 47 Of the particular duty of a Husband towards his wife. 500 48 Of the duty of a Wife towards her Husband. 513 49 Of the duty of the Head of a family in other parts of the house, namely, in the parental, Masterly, and possessory part. 523 50 Of the duty of children towards their Parents: of the mutual love that ought to be among brethré: of the duty of servants towards their masters. 536 51 Of the Education and instruction of Children. 549 52 Of the division of the ages of Man, and of the offices and duties that are to be observed in them. 561 53 Of policy, and of sundry sorts of governments. 573 54 Of the sovereign Magistrate, and of his authority and office. 584 55 Of the law. 593 56 Of the People, and of their obedience due to the Magistrate, and to the law. 603 57 Of a monarchy, or a regal power. 615 58 Of divers kinds of Monarchies, and of a tyranny. 627 59 Of the Education of a Prince in good manners and conditions. 640 60 Of the office and duty of a King. 652 61 Of a council, and of counsellors of Estate. 675 62 Of judgements and of judges. 689 63 Of Seditions. 703 64 Of the causes that breed the change, corruption, etc. of Monarchies and Policies. 716 65 Of the preservations of Estates and Monarchies, and of remedies to keep them from sedition. 730 66 Of the harmony and agreement that ought to be in the dissimilitude or unlike callings of subjects, by reason of the duty and office of every estate. 743 67 Of Peace and of war. 754 68 Of the ancient Discipline and order of war. 764 69 Of the office and duty of a general. 772 70 Of the choice of soldiers, of the manner how to exhort them to fight, and how victory is to be used. 783 71 Of a happy Life. 794 72 Of Death. 804 THE FIRST days work of this academy, with the cause of their assembly. WHen GOD by his infinite and unspeakable goodness, beholding with a fatherly, bountiful, and pitiful eye our poor France (which most cruel against itself, seemed to run amain most furiously to throw itself headlong into the centre of some bottomless gulf) had sent from heaven the wished-for news of peace in the midst of civil and domestical armies, (which a man might say were of purpose prepared for the final overthrow of this French monarchy, that hath flourished so long time) sparing by his heavenly grace and favour, and that in despite of them, the blood of those men, who held forth their right hand to cut off the left, among many, who touched with the love of their country, and with true zeal to piety, rejoiced at this so well liking and healthful news, four young gentlemen of Anjou, who came together to serve their Prince, and to sacrifice their lives, if need required, for the welfare and safety of the Common wealth, were none of the last that sought out one another, and met together to testify each to other (as their mutual kindred and sworn friendship did invite them) the joy, which filled their souls, arising of so happy and unlooked for success and alteration of affairs: to the end also that they might give glory and praise to him, who for the benefit of his, knoweth well how to take order even in those things, which according to the judgement of men are desperate and past recovery. And that which gave them greater occasion to rejoice for this peace, and so diligently to seek out one another was this, because contrary to hope, they saw the means offered them to return home, and to continue an exercise that greatly pleased them, which not long before the last fall of France into troubles they had happily begun. Now to let you (readers) understand what this exercise was, these four gentlemen being of kin, and near neighbours, and in a manner of one age, were by the care and prudence of their fathers brought up and nourished together from their young years in the study of good letters, in the house of an ancient wise gentleman of great calling, who was the principal stock and root of these fruitful buds. This man by reason of his manifold experience, and long abode in strange countries, knew that the common corruption of French youth, of itself inclined to pleasure, proceeded chief from the over great licence, and excessive liberty granted unto them in the universities of this realm, as well through the fault and negligence of the governors and tutors in them, as also because of the evil government of the towns at this day. He knew also that they were no less abused, who thinking to avoid this dangerous downfall at home, did send their children to study abroad amongst strangers, where the traffic and merchandise of mischiefs is more common and easy to be made, because they fear not that news will presently, or so speedily be carried to their parents, as if they were near unto them. Oh how well worthy of eternal praise is the prudence of this gentleman, bringing to my remembrance Eteocles one of the most noble Ephories of Lacedemonia, who freely answered Antipater ask fifty pledges, that he would not give him children, lest if they were brought up far from their fathers, they should change the ancient custom of living used in their own country, and become vicious: but of old men and women, he would give him double the number, if he would have them. Whereupon being threatened by this king, if he speedily sent him not of the youth: we care not (quoth he) for threatenings. For if thou command us to do things that are more grievous than death, we will rather choose death: so careful were the men of old time, that the dressing and trimming of these young plants should not be out of their presence. But let us go on with our matter. This good and notable old man having spent the greater part of his years in the service of two kings, and of his country, and for many good causes withdrawn himself to his house, thought that to content his mind, which always delighted in honest and virtuous things, he could not bring greater profit to the monarchy of France, than to lay open a way and mean to preserve and keep youth from such a pernicious and cankered corruption, by offering himself for example to all fathers, and showing them the way to have a more careful eye in the instruction of their children, and not so lightly to commit them to the discipline of vices, by the hands of mercenary and hired strangers. And this was begun upon these four young gentlemen, whom he took to his own house, by the consent of their parents, offering himself to the uttermost of his power, to help their gentle nature, which appeared in them worthy their ancestors, by training it up, first in the fear of God, as being the beginning of all wisdom: secondly, in human learning and knowledge, which are necessary helps to live well and happily, to the benefit of the society of men. To this end, after that he himself had showed them the first grounds of true wisdom, and of all things necessary for their salvation, according to the measure of grace given him from above, and as their age could conceive them, he laboured earnestly to have in his house some man of great learning, and well reported of for his good life and conversation, unto whom he committed the instruction of this young nobility. Who behaved himself so well in his charge, that not greatly staying himself in the long degrees of learning, which being ordinary, and usual in our French colleges, are often more tedious (besides loss of time) than profitable to youth, after he had indifferently taught his scholars the Latin tongue, and some smackering of the Greek, he propounded for the chief part and portion of their studies the moral philosophy of aucient Sages and wise men, together with the understanding, & searching out of histories, which are the light of life: therein following the intent and will both of him that set him on work, and also of the parents of this nobility, who desired to see their children, not great Orators, subtle logicians, learned lawyers, or curious Mathematicians, but only sufficiently taught in the doctrine of good living, following the traces and steps of virtue, by the knowledge of things passed from the first ages until this present: that they might refer all to the glory of the divine majesty, and to the profit and utility as well of themselves as of their country. And yet in the mean while these noble & toward youths were not deprived of other exercises meet for them, which (as the divine Plato saith) are very profitable for this age, and help much to quicken the spirits of young men, and to make their bodies which are weak by nature, more strong and apt to sustain travel: as namely, to ride horses, to run at the ring, to fight at barriers, to apply themselves to all kind of weapons, and to follow the chase of beasts. All which exercises this wise and ancient Knight did intermingle with their earnest studies by way of recreation, himself standing them in stead of a master. For in such exercises he was as fully furnished as is to be wished in a man of valour and activity, insomuch that he was more expert than many of our time, who make no other profession. Now this school having been continued for the space of six or seven years, to the great profit of this nobility of Anjou, the four fathers on a day took their journey to visit this good old man, and to see their children. And after the usual welcome, which is between kinsfolks and friends, they discoursed together of the corruption, which then was in all estates of France, whereupon they foresaw (as they said) some great storm at hand, if every one did not put to his helping hand for the correction and reformation of them, but chief the secular power authorized of God for this purpose. They alleged for witness of their saying many examples of ancient estates, commonwealths and kingdoms, which were fallen from the height of glory and excellency into a general subversion and overthrow, by reason of vices reigning in them unpunished. And thus continuing their speech from one thing to another, they fell in talk of the corrupt manners that might particularly be noted in all, and those maintained by authority and with commendation, insomuch that both great and small endeavoured to disguise vice with the name of virtue. In fine they were of opinion to hear their children discourse hereupon, that they might know and judge, whether they had profited so well in the institution of good manners (the rule of good life) by following of virtue, and by the knowledge of histories (the pattern of the time passed for the better ordering of the time present) as their master, who was present at the discourses of these ancient gentlemen, did assure them, by intermingling the praises of his scholars in the midst of their grave talk, and vaunting that they were well armed to resist the corruption of this age. For truly virtue purchased and gotten by practice, is of no less power against all contagion of wickedness, than preservatives well compounded are of force in a plague time to preserve in good health the inhabitants of a country, and as heretofore that famous physician Hypocrates preserved his city of Coos from a mortality that was general throughout all Grecia, by counseling his countrymen to kindle many fires in all public places, to the end thereby to purify the air: even so whosoever hath his soul possessed, and his heart well armed with the brightness and power of virtue, he shall escape the dangers of corruption, and eschew all contagion of evil manners. But returning to the intent and desire of our good old men, because they had small skill in the Latin tongue, they determined to have their children discourse in their own natural tongue, of all matters that might serve for the instruction and reformation of every estate and calling, in such order and method, as themselves with their foresaid master should think best. For this purpose they had two hours in the morning granted unto them, wherein they should be heard, and as much after dinner, which was to each of them one hour in a day to speak in. You may guess (gentle readers) whether this lively youth did not bestow the rest of the day, yea oftentimes the whole night upon the well studying of that which they purposed to handle, and with what cheerfulness of heart, and willingness of mind they presented themselves before the honourable presence of their fathers, who were so greatly delighted in hearing them, that for the most part in stead of four hours a day before mentioned, they bestowed six or eight. For after they had heard the two first discourse one morning, they had not the patience to refer the rest of that matter unto the afternoon, when the other twain of their children should be heard, but commonly commanded them presently to enter the lists, and to proceed, as being jealous over their glory in regard of their companions. In this commendable manner of passing their time they continued certain days. But the sudden and sorrowful news of the last frantic return of France into civil war broke up their happy assembly, to the end that these noble youths, betaking themselves to the service due to their prince, and to the welfare and safety of their country, might make trial of their first feats of arms, wherein they wanted neither readiness, nor valour of heart, which being naturally in them was also increased by the knowledge of philosophy. The study whereof resembling (as Plato saith) to a separation of the soul from the body, standeth wise men in stead of an exercise to die without fear, when duty requireth it, and causeth them to esteem of death, as of the cause of the true and perfect good of the soul. For which reason, Socrates, Xenophon, Architas, Thucydides, Thales, Epaminondas, and a million of other famous men, learned philosophers, and historiographers having charge of armies, never doubted, or feared in any sort to offer themselves cheerfully unto all perils and dangers, when the question and contention was for public benefit and safety, and in a just war, without which a wise man never ought to fight. Yea I dare boldly say, that the greatest, and most famous exploits of warfare, were achieved for the most part by them and their like. Which served well for a spur to our young angevins to cause them to undertake this journey with joy and cheerfulness of spirit, being resolved to follow with all their might the examples of such great and notable personages, as histories, the treasury of time, did call to their remembrance. When they were in the camp, each of them according to his particular affection ranged himself under sundry cornets of great Lords and good captains. But, as we said in the beginning, after news of the peace proclaimed, which was so greatly looked for, and desired of all good men, they laboured forthwith to meet together, knowing that their joint-returne would be acceptable to their friends, especially to that good olde-man by whom they were brought up. Moreover they deliberated with themselves as soon as they were arrived at the old man's house, to give their fathers to understand thereof, to the end they might be certified from them, whether it were their pleasures to have them reiterate and continue in their presence the moral discourses begun by them, as we learned before, that they might be refreshed with the remembrance of their studies, and thereby also keep fast for ever those good instructions, which by the daily travel of so many years they had drawn out of the fountain of learning and knowledge. As it was devised by them, the execution thereof followed, so that all these good old-men being assembled together, taking up their first order, and conferring anew of the same matters, daily met in a walking place covered over in the midst with a goodly green Arbour, alloting for this exercise from eight to ten in the morning, and from two to four in the afternoon. Thus they continued this exercise for the space of three whole weeks, which make eighteen days works, besides the three Saboth days, set apart by them, that they might rest and cease from their studies, and attend the better to the chief point of that holy days institution, which is to the contemplation, and consideration of the works of God, of his law, and of his praises. During which time it was my good hap to be one of the company when they began their discourses, at which I so greatly wondered, that I thought them worthy to be published abroad, as well to enrich our French tongue with an infinite number of grave sentences, and speeches worthy to be remembered, being drawn out of the fountain of Greek and Latin arts and disciplines, through the incredible labour of these youths, lovers of virtue, as also to awake and stir up by their example all the nobility with a jealousy and emulation of glory, gotten by the same virtue. For only virtue is able to guide and conduct gentlemen to honour, for the obtaining whereof (as they say) they contend and fight so often, and can also restore them to the fruition of their first rights of authority, and goodly privileges, whereby (as we read of the ancient Romans) such as were most worthy amongst the nobility were chosen to attend unto these three things: namely, to the service of God, which is to govern, as the scripture speaketh: secondly to the administration of laws and justice, which is the pillar of kingdoms: and lastly to the tuition and defence of the commonwealth by arms, which is the assurance thereof against all practices and assaults of the enemy. Of which three excellent administrations, necessary for the establishing and maintenance of all estates and commonwealths, the most part of our nobility retaineth the last only, which likewise they seem to despise in a manner, submitting to their great shame, by reason of their ignorance and weltering in delights and pleasure, their conscience, honour, goods, and life, to the opinion and judgement of those whom nature and right had subjecteth to them. But mark how we devised to proceed in our discourses: to wit, that three of us one after another should utter some sentence or memorable saying, in the praise of that virtue, or dispraise of that vice, whereof we were resolved to speak, and that the fourth should make a whole discourse of that matter. Which being ended, he should begin the first proposition of the second treatise, and two others should follow him therein: then the last should make the second whole discourse for that morning. Likewise in the afternoon, the same party was to lay open that matter, which was to be entreated of, and two others continuing it, one of those, who in the morning did only propound, should discourse in his turn: and then giving unto his companions new matter subject, he which as yet had not discoursed at all, was to handle it, and so to make an end for that day. And thus all four of us followed the same order daily, until every one in his course had entreated according to appointment, both by the precepts of doctrine, as also by the examples of the lives of ancient Sages and famous men, of all things necessary for the institution of manners, and happy life of all estates and callings in this French monarchy. But because I know not whether, in naming my companions by their proper names, supposing thereby to honour them, as in deed they deserve it, I should displease them, (which thing I would not so much as think) I have determined to do as they that play on a theatre, who under borrowed masks and disguised apparel, do represent the true personages of those whom they have undertaken to bring on the stage. I will therefore call them by names very agreeable to their skill and nature: the first, ASER, which signifieth Felicity: the second, AMANA, which is as much to say as Truth: the third, ARAM, which noteth unto us highness: and to agree with them as well in name, as in education and behaviour, I will name myself ACHITOB, which is all one with Brother of goodness. Further more I will call and honour the proceeding and finishing of our sundry treatises and discourses with this goodly and excellent title of academy, which was the ancient & renowned school amongst the Greek Philosophers, who were the first that were esteemed, and that place where Plato, Xenophon, Polemon, Xenocrates, and many other excellent personages, afterward called Academiks, did propound & discourse of all things meet for the instruction and teaching of wisdom: wherein we purposed to follow them to our power, as the sequel of our discourses shall make good proof. Begin then (gentle readers) to hear that which we spoke concerning Man in the first days work, using these or the like speeches. Aser, felicity: Amana, Truth: Aram, highness: Achitob, Brother of goodness. Of man.. Chap. 1. WHen I direct my flight now and then (my companions) even unto the heavens, and with the wings of contemplation behold their wonderful greatness, their terrible motions, being contrary and without ceasing, the lively brightness, rare beauty, and incomparable force of the sun and moon, their unchangeable course, one while cause of light, and by and by after of darkness, the infinite number of goodly stars, and of so many other celestial signs: and from this excellent and constant order of all these things, as one ravished and amazed, when I withdraw my spirit lower into the elementary region, to admire and wonder at the situation and spreading of the earth amidst the waters, both of them making one round mass or lump, which in the midst of this great firmament occupieth the room but of a prick or tittle in respect thereof: beside, when I acknowledge in this earth and water as many sundry and most beautiful plants, and kinds of earthy and watery creatures, as there are grains of sand on the sea banks: and when I delight myself in the variety of minerals & precious stones, considering the form, quality, and virtue of each of these things: briefly, when I admire the diversity of times and seasons, the continual spring of fountains, the certain course of rivers, and generally, so many wonderful works under the cope of heaven, I cannot marvel enough at the excellency of Man, for whom all these things were created, & are maintained and preserved in their being and moving, by one and the same divine providence always like unto itself. AMANA. There is nothing more certain than this, that all things whatsoever either the eye can behold, or the ear hear, were created for the benefit, profit, and use of man, and that he was made excellent above all things to rule over them: yea the very Angels are sent to minister for their sakes, which shall receive the inheritance of Hebr. 1. salvation. ARAM. Oh unspeakable and heavenly goodness, which hast created man little lower than thyself, and crowned him with glory and worship. But tell us I pray Psalm. 8. thee (ACHITOB) more particularly, what this great and principal work of nature, Man, is, to what end his being was given him, and how he hath showed forth the fruits thereof. For it must needs be, that there is something All things were created for man. in him greatly to be wondered at, seeing all things were created to serve and obey him. ACHITOB. To knowo ourselves is true wisdom. truly ye have reason (companions) to begin our happy assembly with that knowledge, which we ought to have of ourselves, as being the storehouse of all wisdom, and beginning of salvation: whereof we may have an assured testimony from that father of philosophy Socrates, who beholding the first precept written at Delphos in that temple of Apollo, which was so renowned throughout Graecia, namely, Know thyself, was forthwith driven into a very deep cogitation, and being rapt with contemplation of spirit, he began from that time forward to doubt and to inquire of himself. Whereupon contemning that way, which all the Philosophers of his time, who busied themselves about nothing, but only in finding out the causes of natural things, and in disputing curiously of them, he gave himself wholly to the The soul is truly man. knowledge of himself, I mean of his soul, which he maintained to be in deed man, and by disputuation to entreat of the sovereign good thereof, and of virtue. By which means the gate of wisdom was opened unto him, wherein he profited in such sort, that according to Socrates was called the father of philosophy. the oracle at Delphos, he was called of all men the wise, the just, the prince of Philosophers, and father of philosophy. And surely out of his sayings, which being more divine than human, were written by his disciples, all other Philosophers have drawn their knowledge. Heraclitus another excellent man, minding to give out in speech that he had done some notable act, worthy of himself, said: I have sought myself. Which beginning truly is very necassarie for man, as being a guide to lead him to the true knowledge of God, which is a heavenly gift of God, and peculiar to his. And this is learnedly taught us by the same Socrates, where he saith, that the duty of a wise man is to seek out the reasons of things, that in the end he may find that divine reason whereby they were made: and having found it, may worship and serve it, that afterward he may enjoy it, and Socrates said that the knowledge of God and of ourselves must be joined together. reap profit thereby. Moreover he addeth, that the perfect knowledge of ones self, which consisteth in the soul, is in such sort joined with the knowledge of God, that the one without the other cannot be sincere and perfect. And for the same reason, Plato, his disciple, who for the excellency of his writings was Wherein the dutio of man consisteth. surnamed the divines, saith, that the perfect duty of man is, first to know his own nature: then to contemplate the divine nature: and last of all to bestow his labour in those things, which may be most beneficial to all men. Ignorance of a man's self (saith Ignorance of ourselves the cause of much evil. Lactantius) and the want of knowledge wherefore and to what end he is borne, is the cause of error, of evil, of leaving the right way to follow the crooked, of wandering out of the plain way to walk in the ragged and uneven way, or upon a dangerous and slippery mountain: and lastly, of forsaking the light to walk in darkness. Now if we account it a shameful thing to be ignorant of those things which belong to the life of man, surely the not knowing of ourselves is much more dishonest. Let us then consider what man is, according to that mean knowledge, which by the grace of God we are endued withal, not staying in those curious definitions, which the Philosophers have made. Man is a creature made of God What man is. Gen. 1. Col. 3. after his own image, just, holy, good and right by nature, and compounded of soul and body. I say of soul, which was inspired of God with spirit and life, and of a perfect natural body, framed of the earth by the same power of God. In this sort man had his being of the eternal workmaster of the whole world, of whom he was created by his incomprehensible goodness, to be made partaker of his immortality and permanent felicity, for this only end to set forth the glory of his Creator, and to speak The end of man's being. and do those things that are agreeable unto him, through the acknowledgement of his benefits. From which end man being fallen of his own free will through ingratitude and disobedience, was bereaved of all those ornaments, which he had received before of God, and in steed of righteousness and holiness, all iniquity, filthiness and uncleanness entered into him: whereby he was made the slave of sin and of death, from whence all those miseries had their beginning, wherewith the life of man is overwhelmed. His soul also, was wrapped with infinite hurtful passions, and perturbations, which work in it a continual disquietness, and his body became subject to innumerable travails, and violent untowardness. Of which corruption the ancient Philosophers had great and assured knowledge, but the first and true cause thereof, which was sin, and the voluntary fall of man, with his restoring unto grace by the unspeakable goodness and mercy of his Creator, from whence he was fallen, were always hidden from them, (as we shall see anon) as also from an infinite number of men, who living holily according to the world never had the perfect knowledge of God in his eternal son. As for any good thing whatsoever they uttered, or found out, it came through earnestness of study, by discoursing and considering in the reasonable part of their soul, of those things which offered themselves to their mind. But forasmuch as they were not wholly overwhelmed in every part of reason, and yet had no knowledge of the heavenly word Jesus Christ, they uttered many things contrary one to another: and in the midst of their great and wonderful skill (according to that saying of the Scripture, who hideth his secrets from the prudent and revealeth them to babes) they had a continual troubled spirit, wandering here and there aswell in the seeking out of themselves and of the causes of natural things, as of those things which are above nature. And truly, the reason of man, naturally engraffed in his heart, which so far forth as he is man, and according to his ability and There is a double reason in man. manner of life he imitateth and followeth, is divers from that which by special grace from above cometh to the elect, accompanieth them, and helpeth them in all their actions. This is full of faith, and of undeceivable assurance of eternal promises: the other, weak, troubled and wonderfully hindered, wherein a man can never have any certain resolution. This is that which caused Aristotle, who was Plato's disciple, and prince of the peripatetic school, to say, that the more knowledge a man hath, the greater occasion of doubting was offered. Neither can we Heraclitus wept continually. judge otherwise but that the same reason of trouble and doubting moved the above named Heraclitus that great Philosopher, to spend his life in continual weeping, howsoever he allegeth wisely, that it was for the compassion he had of man's nature, both for that the life of men consisted in nothing but in miseries, as also because all the labours wherein they exercised themselves, seemed unto him to be worthy of great commiseration and pity: namely, seeing that they being far wide of justice, did yet through too greedy desire make themselves slaves Democritus always laughed. unto all covetousness and vainglory. This also was an argument of inconstancy and wavering in Democritus, who never came abroad amongst men, but he laughed unmeasurably at all their works and deeds. Howbeit herein he said truly, that the life of man was vanity and folly, and that all their lusts and desires were fond, and worthy to be laughed at. But such extremities of laughter and weeping are not seemly in him, who is well instructed in the study of philosophy, and in the certain knowledge The judgement of Philosophers concerning the nature of man. of himself: which thing these Philosophers so earnestly laboured to attain unto, as we shall see anon, after we have learned what other ancient men have thought of the nature and state of man. What other thing (saith Pindarus) Pindarus. is man, than the shadow of a dream in ones sleep? Whereby he showeth the vanity of man by an excellent manner of speaking, very significantly uttering his meaning. For what thing is less than a dream, yea than the shadow of a dream? Homer having compared mortal Homer. creatures together, both in respect of their continuance, as of the maintenance of their life, crieth out, that of all those which walk on the earth and draw breath, there is not one more miserable than man. Timon the Athenian Timon. detesting much more than all these the imbecility of man's nature, used and employed all his skill to persuade his countrymen to abridge and shorten the course of their so miserable life, and to hasten their end, by hanging themselves upon gibbets, which he had caused to be set up in great number, in a field that he bought for the same purpose, unto whose persuasions many gave place. Pliny rehearsing Pliny. the great miseries wherewith man cometh into this world, and the manifold labours wherein he liveth, said, that it were good for a man not to be borne at all, or else so soon as he is borne, to die. It was a custom amongst The custom of the Scythians. the Scythians to weep at the birth of their children, and to rejoice, and make a solemn feast at the death of their parents. Now as the opinions of these philosophers here named by us, who being destitute of the light of God, and of true religion had no other foundation but their own human and weak discourses, are to be rejected for enclosing all mankind in such a vile and abject estate, so on the other side we must take heed, that we enter not into that presumptuous opinion of many others, who endeavour to lead man to the consideration of his dignity and excellency, as being endued with infinite graces. For they persuade him, that through the quickness of his understanding, he may mount up to the perfect knowledge of the greatest secrets of God and nature, and that by the only study of philosophy, he may of himself, following his own nature become master of all evil passions and perturbations, and attain to a rare and supreme kind of virtue, which is void of those affections: that being thus exempted and freed from all vice, he may lead a most happy and perfect life. This did the Stoic philosophers The presumptuous opinion of the Stoics. with one consent maintain and teach, saying: whosoever received their doctrine, if in the morning he were very wicked, in the evening he should become a very good man: & if he laid himself down to sleep, being ignorant, vicious & poor, the next morning he should arise wise, virtuous, rich, happy and just. Zeno, Seneca, Diogenes▪ Chrysippus, and infinite more, otherwise endued with most fruitful doctrine, as we shall understand hereafter, were of this opinion. Insomuch that Chrysippus said, that Dion the chiefest man for knowledge in Syracuse, was no less virtuous than his god Jupiter, to whom they attributed perfect divinity. Seneca also boasted that he had received life by the benefit of God, but to live well, from himself. Thus whilst they granted to man's power such an excellent and divine disposition, they lift him up in a vain presumption, in pride and trust in himself, and in his own virtue, which in the end cannot but be the cause of his utter undoing. We therefore holding the mean between these two contrary opinions (as the perfection and goodness of all things consisteth in mediocrity) and continuing to speak of man as we have already begun, do say, that the knowledge of himself is very necessary for him, and that The end of the knowledge of ourselves. having perfectly attained thereunto, he hath cause both to be humbled greatly, as also to glory and rejoice. First to humble himself through the sense and feeling of his vanity, perverseness & corruption, in which respect he ought to hate and be displeased with himself, because he beholdeth his destruction and condemnation engraven in his conscience. Secondly, he is to glory in the knowledge of God, which inseparably followeth the other, after he hath learned this, that in the mercy of God he may recover that which is wanting in himself, having once been made and fashioned of God, who is altogether pure, wise, true, good and almighty, to the end he might be partaker of his glory. For the obtaining hereof, he had given unto him from the beginning (as trusty guides) godliness, holiness, and religion: godliness, to the end he might know thereby, that he had God for his father: holiness, to yield unto him continual glory and praise: and religion, to keep him in a continual meditation of his grace and benefits, and to serve him for an indissoluble bond to knit him to his Creator, who threatened him with death, if he did the contrary. But our first father through ingratitude The wilful fall of man. and disobedience, forsaking those heavenly guides to follow his own free-will, deprived himself and all his posterity of that promise of eternal life, that was made unto him. Whereupon being dead to his first life, which was most happy and innocent, through his offence and perverseness of his sin, he began from that time forward to live a mortal life, so that his body and soul became subject to infinite miseries and damnable infirmities, which draw upon them the condemnation of eternal death. Notwithstanding God, whose goodness and mercy are endless, re-established and assured the succession of his immortal inheritance unto those, whom it pleased him by The restoring of man. grace to make dead to sin and alive to himself, through the satisfaction of his wrath made by the innocency of his eternal son, purging them in his blood, and opening unto them by him the gates of heaven, after he hath renewed them in righteousness, holiness and innocency, that they may follow after godliness and religion. And knowing that man so frail and weak, might easily fall down under the heavy burden of those miseries and calamities, whereunto the corruption of his nature made him subject, and wherein by reason of hereditary sin he should remain during this mortal life, as also that those furious and continual passions, which are mingled together in his soul, being joined to the common infirmities of his body, would be of too great force to throw him again headlong into destruction, this infinite mercy of God appointed, that from the beginning there should remain All men naturally have some love and liking of the truth. in the spirit of man a little spark of light, which driveth him to a natural love of the truth, and to a desire to inquire after it, yea which pricketh and provoketh him not to sleep altogether in his vices. This weak instinct being awaked stirred up, helped and disposed by the pure grace, virtue and power of the author of all goodness, Effects of Christian regeneration. draweth and moveth a Christian, regenerated by the holy Ghost (after knowledge of himself, and hatred of that which is in him) to seek after and to covet with a special hearty desire, that goodness and righteousness whereof he is void, and that glorious liberty of which he deprived himself. Furthermore, the same heavenly grace blessing this holy desire of the man regenerate, causeth him to draw out of the doctrine of holy scriptures that wherewithal he may, if not heal perfectly his wicked inclinations, yet at the least contain and repress them in such sort, that they break not out into any damnable execution. He teacheth him also to receive the infirmities of his flesh as fatherly chastisements for his sin, and as necessary means to exercise him, and to keep him in awe. And lastly, for the upshot and perfection of all happiness and felicity in this world, he instructeth him how he may lead a quiet and peaceable life in beholding the wonderful works of the divinity, which he is to adore and honour, and in the amendment and correction of his manners naturally corrupted, by squaring them after the pattern of virtue, that so he may be made worthy and fit to govern human affairs, for the profit of many: and at length attain The perfection of a wise man's life. to the perfection of a wise man, by joining together the active life with the contemplative in the certain hope and expectation of a second, immortal and most blessed life. Whereunto also the precepts and discourses of learned and ancient philosophers, may serve forour instruction and pricking forward: as also the examples (which are lively reasons) of the lives of so many notable men, as histories, the mother of antiquity, do as it were represent alive before our eyes. And this in my judgement is sufficient generally to understand of Man, seeing we are hereafter to discourse more particularly of both his principal parts, the body and the soul. Of the body and soul. ACHITOB. THe body and soul are so knit and conjoined together, that nothing can separate them but death the destroyer of all, which through sin, and for the just punishment thereof entered into the world. And this is no sooner done, but that whatsoever we see of man vanisheth from before our eyes: the earthy part returning into the mass of earth from whence it came, according to that saying of Aristotle, that All things are resolved into those things whereof they are compounded: likewise, that which is spiritual and invisible goeth into an eternal immortality from whence the being thereof proceeded. ASER. Truly this knitting together, and conjunction of the body and soul is a most wonderful thing in nature, yea, as many of the philosophers say, against nature: seeing the soul, which is light, is contained within the The wonderful conjunction of the body and soul. body being heavy: that which is of celestial fire, within that which is cold and earthy: that which is invisible within that which is palpable: that which is immortal, within that which is mortal. But what? Where is the sense of man, which is able to comprehend the reason of the doings of that great Maister-builder of the universal frame? Yea there is more. For during this conjunction, as all things that move within this general globe are maintained by agreeing discords, even so of necessity All things are preserved by agreeing discords. there must be such a harmony between the body and the soul, that by the help of the one, the other subsisteth and abideth, and that through their continual striving sometimes the one, and then the other be in the end obeyed. AMANA, Thou tellest us here of a wonderful strange thing, that that which is spiritual and immortal sometime obeyeth that which is mortal, and made of a corruptible lump. But I understand thee well. This proceedeth of the imperfection and imbecility of our nature. For (as Socrates said) if we were perfect philosophers we would never agree with ourselves, but resist continually. Now following this matter, make us to understand more particularly (ARAM) what the body and soul are, what properties they have, and what is the excellency both of the one and the other. ARAM. With a good will my companions, and first I The definition of a body. will begin at the definition of a body. A body (as the Philosophers say, speaking generally of all things that have bodies) is that which may be divided and measured after three sorts, in length, in breadth, and in depth. Or according to others, a body is a mass or lump, which, as much as lieth in it, resisteth touching, and occupieth a place. A body (saith Plato) is that which being in his proper place is neither heavy nor light, but being in a strange place first inclineth somewhat, then is driven and carried forward either with heaviness or lightness. Hereupon, both he and other philosopher's discourse, learnedly and profoundly of the particular nature of all bodies, of the earth, of the fire, of the air, of the water, and of all other both simple and compound bodies, and of their contrary motions. But seeing all those discourses are at this present without the compass of our Academy, let us simply with more profit, and that according to the scripture, define the body, which we have undertaken to handle. We say Gen. 6. Rom. 8. Gal. 5. The works of the flesh. then, that the body is flesh, that every affection of the flesh is deadly, and that the works thereof are uncleanness, pride, fornication, enmity, debate, wrath, contention, envy, murder, gluttony and such like: and therefore that the body is made of mortal matter, of as small continuance as a vessel of earth, sinning without ceasing, and endeavouring that that which is shut up within it, should please it. Notwithstanding we ought not to neglect and contemn the wonderful frame of this heavenly plant, as Plato calleth it, saying, that the root thereof is in the head drawing towards heaven: seeing, as in a little world, we may behold Man is a little world. therein the excellency of the wonderful works of God, and that in so great measure, that the wisest and most eloquent men could never set them forth sufficiently. And if we call to mind how by his almighty power he framed him at the first of a piece of earth, we shall not need to Gen. 3. stand long here to inquire and search out, how he could be engendered and fashioned in his mother's womb, how he received nourishment and life, and lastly, how he came into the light. As for example, how the six first days after Of the conception and fashioning of man. his conception, he is nothing but milk: the nine following, blood: twelve days after, flesh: and how in the eighteen next ensuing, he is fashioned, at what time the fruit beginneth to live, and to have sense, which is the five and fortieth day after he was conceived. These are secrets of nature, which may seem as incomprehensible, and beyond the capacity of man, as his first creation. For what greater marvel can there be, than that of a little drop of man's seed there should be engendered bones, sinews, veins, arteries, similar and instrumental parts, skin and flesh, and that all these should be framed in that kind, figure, and similitude, which we daily see in men, who are all created after that manner? What need we then to make an anatomy of all the chiefest parts of the body of man, when as the consideration of the least of them, which peradventure may be found to be most necessary, will suffice to ravish us with admiration? What Of the excellency of the body, and of all the parts thereof. superfluous thing can be noted in the body? What small parcel is there, which the noblest part may want conveniently, and which is not partaker of every evil disposition thereof? What thing is there in the whole nature thereof, which doth not satisfy that duty very profitably, whereunto it is borne and appointed, which moveth not of itself, which either doth, suffereth or disposeth of itself otherwise than is most expedient and meet for it own benefit, and for the rest of the frame of man? The progress and growth thereof from day to day, from hour to hour, and that of all the parts together of this principal work at one instant, even from the first hour of his being until his whole perfection, are they not more heavenly than human things? What is more wonderful under the cope of heaven, than the conjunction and subjection of the natural senses unto the body, I mean, of the sight, smelling, hearing, taste and touching, whereby (saith Plato) the common sense, which is as it were a general receptacle, conceiveth all outward things? What an excellent property in man is it, to void from him a profitable superfluity of his nourishment, from whence the cause of the preservation of mankind proceedeth? Great secrets of nature. The articulate and distinct voice, proper to him only, is it not worthy of great marvel? What greater secret of nature could ravish the mind of man more with admiration than amongst the infinite multitude of men in the world, to consider the variety of their gestures, and diversity of their countenances, that having all but one and the same form, yet not one almost resembleth another? And when in so great variety, two are found resembling in all points one another, as we read of some, even of sundry nations, who have been taken indifferently one for the other, is it not a stranger matter? How marvelous is it, that all men having a tongue wherewith they speak and sing, yet we seldom see that the speaking and singing of The diversity of men's voices and writings. one resembleth the speech and tune of another, whereupon it cometh to pass, that friends and familiars oftentimes acknowledge and understand one another by their speech and voice before they see each other? Who will not admire this great secret in the hand of man, that a hundred thousand writers may write the same thing, with the same ink and like pen, and that with three and twenty letters, which have each his own figure and shape, and yet the writings shall not resemble one another so, but that every writing may be known by his hand that wrote it? Briefly, what is there in the whole body of man, that is not full of rare beauty? This is sufficient for the matter in hand, now let us come to the soul, which is much The soul is infused not traduced. more noble, and infused into the body by God the Creator, without any virtue of the generative seed, when as the parts of the body are already framed and fashioned. This alone can lead us to the knowledge of God and of ourselves, or rather as Socrates said, we shall never understand perfectly what the soul is, except we first know God, and behold it in him, as in a true glass, who only can represent it unto us. Let us then see what the soul is, according to the sayings of the ancient Philosophers. Thales Milesius, one of the sages of Graecia, who flourished in Athens in the time of Achab king of Juda, was the first The definition of the soul. that defined the soul, affirming it to be a nature always moving itself. Pythagoras (the light of his time, and the first that took unto himself the name of a Philosopher, Pythagoras was the first that was called a Philosopher. because all those, who before him were addicted to the contemplation of the divinity, & of the secrets of nature, caused themselves to be called by the name of Mages and wisemen, which he would not have spoken of himself, saying, that this divine and lofty title of Wise, was proper to God only, and that it far passed all human ability) I say this excellent man Pythagoras affirmed that the soul was a number moving itself. Plato saith, that it is a spiritual substance moving itself by harmonical number. Aristotle saith, that the soul is the continual act or moving of a natural and instrumental body, that may have life. Or else, according to others, it is the light of the substance, and in perpetual motion. They divide it likewise diversely, and make many parts thereof. The soul (as The division of the soul. Pythagoras said) is compounded of understanding, knowledge, opinion and sense, from which things all knowledge and Arts proceed, and of which man is called reasonable, that is, apt to discourse by reason. Plato saith, that Plato maketh six parts of the soul. there are three virtues in the soul belonging to knowledge and understanding, which for this cause are called cognitive or knowing virtues: namely, reason, understanding and fantasy. Unto which three others are answerable appertaining to appetite: namely Will, whose office is to desire that which understanding and reason propound unto it: Choler or Anger, which followeth that, that reason and fantasy offer unto it: and Concupiscence, which apprehendeth whatsoever fantasy and Aristotle divideth it in two parts. sense object unto it. Aristotle maketh another distinction of the soul, saying, that one part of it is void of reason in itself, and yet may be guided by reason: and that the other part is of itself partaker of reason. And in another place this Philosopher saith, that there are three things from whence human actions proceed, namely sense, understanding and appetite. Many others both ancient and late writers make four parts of the soul: understanding, Four parts of the soul. reason, anger & desire. The understanding lifteth the soul up to heaven to the contemplation of divine & intellectual things. Reason guideth the soul by prudence in all her functions. Anger is ruled and moderated by the virtue of magnanimitic: and desire is governed by temperance. Of these a very harmonical justice is framed, which giveth to every part of the soul that which belongeth unto it. But the most sensible, common and true opinion, which the wisest amongst the Philosophers had The best division of the soul. of the soul, is that which divideth it into two parts only, under which all the rest are comprised: the one being spiritual and intelligible, where the discourse of reason is: the other brutish, which is the sensual will, of itself wandering and disordered, where all motions contrary to reason▪ and all evil desires have their dwelling. Amongst all the philosophical discourses of the soul, written by these great personages, this error is very great, when they attribute such a strength and power to reason (which they say is resident in the soul as a lamp to guide the understanding, and as a Queen to moderate the will) as that by it alone a man may well and justly govern himself. Now although we know that this reason of man is of itself, wholly depraved & corrupted, yet we may say well enough, that the soul, which is spirit and life cannot be divided, being immortal: because whatsoever is divided, dissolveth and parteth a sunder, and whatsoever is dissolved, perisheth. Nevertheless it may be said to be compounded and made subject (during the conjunction thereof with The soul cannot be divided but is made subject to two parts. the body) to these two principal parts, of understanding and will. The understanding serveth to conceive and comprehend all things propounded unto us, and to discern and judge what we ought, either to approve and allow, or what to refuse and reject. The will is that which executeth and bringeth to effect, whatsoever the understanding judgeth to be good, and contrariwise flieth from that, which it reproveth and condemneth. And herein we agree with the Philosophers, that the understanding, under which we comprehend the sense, is as the governor and captain of the soul, and that the will dependeth of it. But withal we say, that both the one and the other are so corrupted and altered from their nature, (the understanding being obscured and dimmed with the clouds of darkness, by reason of the first man's sin descended upon Both parts of the soul are corrupted. all his posterity through hereditary and natural filthiness, and the will in such sort corrupted by this disobedience, and so weakened and made feeble to all goodness) that if there be none other guide coming from above to teach the understanding, and to direct and lead the will, I mean, regeneration by the spirit of God, both of them cannot but do evil, drawing the soul with them to utter ruin and perdition, by causing her to consent to the law of her members, which are the body and flesh, full Rom. 7. 23. of ignorance, of obscure darkness, of frowardness, misery, calamity, ignominy, shame, death, and condemnation. Notwithstanding, if in the corruptible, heavy and gross lump of the body, within which the soul is contained, we found matter of praise and of the contemplation of heavenly things, what shall we say of that which is immortal, The properties of the soul. which in a moment in her discourses and cogitations, goeth through the whole heaven, compasseth the earth about, saileth all over the sea, without which the body moveth not at all, and all the beauty thereof turneth suddenly into putrefaction? This only can make a man happy both in this and in the other life, by reason of the treasures of wisdom, the understanding whereof is proper unto it: yea this is the only instrument whereby a man may behold the divine nature. This is invisible, and cannot be perceived by any natural sense: this is contemplative and active at one and the same time: this beholdeth universal things, and practiseth particulars, The actions of the soul. understanding the one, and feeling the other. This hath for the actions and operations of her essence and nature, Will, judgement, Sense, conceiving, Thought, spirit, Imagination, memory, understanding and Reason: and The beauty of the soul. for her incomparable beauty, she hath Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude and justice, without which the excellent order of all human things would be changed into disorder and confusion. This is that moreover, which being illuminated Gal. 5. 22. 23. with wisdom, bringeth forth the fruits of love, joy, peace, long suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith, meekness, temperancy. Briefly, to conclude our present speech, we may well say that the soul is so great and divine a thing, that it is a very hard matter to comprehend it by reason, but altogether incomprehensible by the outward sense: and that all man's felicity, as well present as to come, dependeth of the soul, when, being regenerated (as hath been said) and made free and void of all wicked perturbations (as near as the nature of man can approach The true delight of the sense. to perfection) her human contentation and delight is only in virtue, and in the hope and certain expectation of a more sound and perfect virtue, by the renewing and changing of this mortal life into that which is Phil. 4. 4. immortal and most blessed: as S. Paul exhorteth us hereunto, saying, Let us rejoice in the Lord: both because Luke. 10. 20. our names are written in heaven (as Christ saith) and that our modesty, meekness and goodness may be known to all men. Moreover let us learn that in the wonderful composition, conjunction and disposition of the soul & body, there is matter whereby to draw man greatly to the consideration of the chief end, for which he was first placed in the world, namely to glorify his Creator in godliness, holiness and religion. He ought therefore both to serve him with all the parts of his body, not abusing How a man ought to use both body and soul. them in any sort, but keeping them pure and clean, to be made members of the glorious body of his eternal son in the resurrection, and also to praise and glorify him with all the gifts and graces of his soul, not defiling it with uncleanness and vice, that she may, by the same divine grace, return unto the full fruition of that most happy essence and nature from whence she had her being. In the mean while let us learn that as the body useth many instruments whereof it is compounded, and which are proper unto it, so the soul, being much more noble, excellent and divine aught to use the body and all the parts thereof: and that the soul is the organ and instrument of God whereby he worketh in us, and lifteth us up to the contemplation of his divine nature. Of the diseases and passions of the body and soul, and of the tranquillity thereof. Chap. 3. ARAM. Nothing worse to man than man himself. ONe of the ancient philosophers used to say, that no living creature was worse to man than man himself, because, albeit he hath dominion over all things, yet he cannot rule himself, nor his desires. Experience causeth us but too much to know the truth of this saying. For who can doubt in any sort hereof, seeing blessed S. Paul himself confesseth, Rom. 7. 18. 19 that he did not the good thing which he would, but the evil, which he would not, and that in his flesh there dwelled no goodness? So undoubtedly we have both body and There is no good thing in the flesh of man. soul compassed about with so many pernicious passions, that it is very hard, yea altogether unpossible, that what good thing soever is in us should not faint and sink under their heavy weight without a special and divine grace. ACHITOB. Truly this is no vain speculation, nor unprofitable to man: as also for a man to know, that he is as it were tied in this world to all uncertain things, which he, being mortal by nature, cannot any way shun and avoid, without the help of God. He which is in health expecteth sickness: he that is sick, health. Doth any one desire in his mind any thing? Before he enjoyeth it, his desire is often changed into another. In a word, no man abideth still in one and the same estate. And therefore Plato Man is a mutable creature. calleth man a mutable creature, as if he meant to say, that he is easily altered and changed. ASER. The change which this divine philosopher meant (if I be not deceived) hath relation principally to the conditions of the soul, which, being filled with infinite Pleasure and grief the cause of passions. perturbations, fastened in the midst of it with the nail of pleasure and grief, is carried away with inconstancy and uncertainty into a stream of troublesome passions, which if they be not cut off and mastered by reason, draw a man into utter destruction. But give us to understand (AMANA) more at large of these passions of the soul, and of the way to remedy them: and if you think good, you may speak somewhat of those of the body. AMANA. Amongst the innumerable evils, which the desire of pleasure and fear of grief, engraven in the most secret parts of our soul by our first corruption, bring to man, this is the greatest and most pernicious, that they make sensible things more evident and plain unto him than things intelligible, and constrain the understanding to judge more by passion than by reason. For using, through the sense of pleasure or travel, to attend to the erroneous, uncertain, and mutable nature of the body, as to that which is subsisting and subject to sight, he remaineth blind, and looseth all knowledge of that which truly is and subsisteth, namely, of the light of the soul, which is divine and immortal. Moreover, applying himself wholly to the sensual and unreasonable will, which is that part of the soul that proceedeth of the corruption thereof, he laboureth with all his might to quench and choke that weak instinct of the soul, which aspireth unto the true Good, from whence she perceiveth herself to have fallen. And this he doth with such force and power, that if God strengthen not the soul, and reason the divine guide, accompany her not, without doubt she yieldeth to such mighty enemies: and then (as we have said) staying himself wholly in things subject to sight, he appeareth too careful and curious in seeking to deck that, Manis more careful of his body then of his soul. which belongeth to the body: but as for the soul (whereof all human felicity dependeth) because she is invisible, and not seen of him, it is the lest of his cares to furnish her with that which she seeketh and desireth, and which is necessary for her. Whereupon in the end it cometh to pass that the least overthwarts and discommodities of his flesh seem very grievous and burdensome to a man, but as for the incurable diseases, which overwhelm his soul, he doth not so much as feel them. Now to the end we may understand more particularly that which is here propounded unto us, we will handle in order, and as briefly as we may (this matter being very large) the diseases and passions of the body and soul, with the remedy which we are to desire and seek after. And first we will speak a word of the diseases of the body, next of the natural and necessary passions thereof, albeit we will entreat of the passions of the soul, as of our chief matter subject. Concerning the maladies and evil dispositions of the body, one Hypocrates, one Galen, nay infinite others skilful in physic, are not able to describe them exactly, much less prescribe certain and sure remedies. But seeing it is not my purpose or profession to stay long here, neither yet necessarily belonging to the cause of our assembly, I will content myself to speak these few words by the way, The end, cause, and remedy of bodily diseases. that we ought to take every bodily infirmity as a fatherly chastisement of our sins, and as a necessary mean to awaken us, to warn us of our duty, and to keep us in awe. Besides, one principal cause of all bodily diseases proceedeth ordinarily from vices, which are the proper inheritance of man, and with which we defile ourselves continually. Therefore if we heal our souls, we may cure ourselves of the most of them: and as for others, which come by defect of nature, or by some other hidden cause, we have the counsel and help of physicians, whom willingly Natural passions. and diligently we seek after. There are beside these, certain natural and necessary passions in the body, properly belonging unto it, even from the first creation thereof, which are not to be condemned, neither can be taken away, but with the abolishing of man's nature: as the desire of drinking, eating, sleeping, & such like, which only by the direction of reason are to be freed from all superfluity. But it standeth otherwise with the diseases and passions of the soul, derived from our first corruption, and driven forward by sin, being plentiful and rich, which without comparison are far more dangerous than those of the body, more hard to be perceived & known, more headstrong and uneasy to cure, and which is worse, man is very slothful in seeking out a remedy for them. And for the most part thinking that he hath found some remedy, through want of skill and ignorance he falleth into a worse estate than he was in before, and as we commonly say, from a gentle ague into a pestilent and burning The definition of passion. fever. But first we will generally define this word, Passion, according to the opinion of those philosophers, who were endued with greatest light. Passion is every natural and actual motion in the soul. This motion is of two sorts: the one weak, good and holy, aspiring and rejoicing in that which is truly good: the other very strong, evil and pernicious, coveting with a disordered desire, and delighting with an immoderate joy in a good falsely so imagined. The matter of these motions are opinions, affections, and inclinations, which being considered in their own nature, are through sin wicked and corrupt throughout the soul, yea the blossom and root of them proceed from our own substance, to the end (as Plato saith) that no man should think God to be the cause of evil. Now albeit these passions thus defined by the philosophers are many in number, yet drawing nearer to the truth we may comprehend and divide them all into two principal kinds. The first kind shall be that which The division of passions. we believe by faith: the other according to our opinions and affections. Under the first we comprehend that which every one believeth, thinketh, and desireth concerning divine and heavenly things, as of true righteousness, of the immortality of the second life, and of the judgement to come. Under opinions and affections is comprehended whatsoever respecteth and concerneth earthly things, this life, manners, government of a household, of a common wealth, and generally all human inclinations and actions. As touching that which we believe by faith, we are led thereunto, and stirred by the weak instinct and feeling of All men have naturally a desire of happiness. the divine nature imprinted in every soul, which after a sort moveth man to aspire unto, and to desire the true and sovereign good, and which, being more powerful, and of greater efficacy in some than in others, causeth the better sort to delight also in the same good. Nevertheless it is proper to every man's understanding, not to hold a No man by nature can find out the right way that leadeth to happiness. steadfast and sure way in seeking out the truth, but to wander aside into divers errors (as a blind man that walketh in darkness) and to fill itself rather with lies, and with a continual desire and curiosity of new, unprofitable, and superfluous things, than to content itself simply with the truth, insomuch that finally it misseth of all. But to the The word of God showeth us the right way to happiness. end we be not of this number, we ought to hold fast the infallible rule of the holy scriptures: which gift we are to ask, hope, wait, and seek for in the only grace and mercy of that Spirit which indighteth them, and to look for the full opening of these treasures in the second and eternal life. As for the second kind of our passions, properly called perturbations according to the philosophers from whence all the evils and miseries of mankind proceed, and whereof we mind chiefly to speak, they are but affections and inclinations, which come from our will, corrupted by the provocations and allurements of Of the perturbations of the soul. the flesh, and which wholly resist the divine nature of the reasonable part of the soul, fastening it to the body (as Plato saith) with the nail of pleasure. Which passions the mind of man commonly beholdeth clearly enough, when it apply itself thereunto, if it be not altogether perverted and depraved: yea by the grace and help of God, the mind is able to confirm itself against any passion through the discourse of reason before it be in force, and during the vehemency thereof, to fortify itself against The scope of our passions. it. And although the passion be contrary to reason, and have (for her only scope) pleasure, and the fear of grief, which can prevail greatly with man, yet reason by the means of God's grace, can both easily constrain, master and compel all passions in such sort, that they shall take no effect, and also bring to pass, that whatsoever is rashly desired, shall be overcome by the discourse of prudent counsel. And for this cause we say, that the first motions are not in our power, but that the event and issue of them is in some sort. Likewise reason doth not wholly quench and extinguish all passions, which cannot possibly be performed in the nature of man, but repelleth and hath the upper hand of them, as the precepts of doctrine, and infinite examples of the lives of ancient heathen and pagan The ancient heathen may rise up in judgement against many Christians in these days. philosophers do learnedly teach us. Which thing as it ought to cause many at this day to be ashamed, who vaunt themselves of the name of Christians, so it condemneth them in a fault not to be excused before the just judgement of God, because those men, being destitute of the perfect knowledge of God, which they say they have, far excelled and surpassed them in the bridling, overcoming and killing of so many pestiferous passions as compass the soul about, as we may handle elsewhere, and see examples thereof worthy of eternal remembrance, when we shall discourse particularly of virtues and vices. In the mean while we may learn of Cicero (the father of Latin eloquence, whose skill in joining philosophy with the art of rhetoric, was excellent, and who, in my judgement, handleth this our present matter more profitably than any other of the ancients) that all the above named evil passions are perturbations, which if they be not mastered by reason, deprive man of the sovereign good of the The original, nature and effects of perturbations. soul, which consisteth in the tranquillity thereof. moreover he saith, that through ignorance & baseness of mind, they proceed only of the opinion of good or evil, either present or to come, which we imagine to be in the unperfect and transitory things of the world, and which are accompanied unseparably either with good or evil. In respect of good things, we are carried away with a vehement desire or coveting of them, besides an immoderate joy in them: in regard of evil things, we are oppressed with fear and sorrow. And these are the four springs of all vices & All perturbations are contained under these four heads, Desire, joy, fear, grief. sins wherein men plunge themselves during this life, and under which all perturbations are comprehended, which fill the soul with endless trouble and disquietness, causing man to live always uncontented, and to find every present kind of life burdensome, and so to seek after and to desire another. But as fearful men, (saith Plutark, An excellent comparison. that excellent philosopher, & schoolmaster to that good trajan) and they that are at sea, subject to casting, thinking they shallbe better in one place than in another, go from the stern to the stem, then to the bottom of the ship, afterward to the highest part, from thence go into the skiph, and in the end return into the ship, without any amendment of their evil, because they carry always about with them both fear & grief: so the alteration of life, & of worldly conditions and estates into others, doth not purge, but rather increase the perturbations & diseases of the soul, if first the cause of them, I mean ignorance of The cause of the diseases of the soul. things, & the imperfection of reason, be not taken out of it. These are the mischiefs, which trouble both rich and poor: these are the miseries, which wait upon great and final, bond and free, young & old. Thus is the spirit of sick persons vexed, and that continually. One while the wife is troublesome, the physician unskilful, the bed uneasy, the friend that visiteth importunate, he which visiteth not, proud: but being once healed, they find that whatsoever was irksome unto them before, now pleaseth them. But that which health doth to the diseased body, the Reason is the medicine of the soul. same thing reason worketh in the soul of a prudent man, by curing the passions and perturbations thereof, and by causing him to rest joyful and contented, in what estate and condition soever he be. Let us note moreover, (which we touched in the beginning of this present discourse) that all these passions of the soul are much more dangerous than those of the body, because the most hurtful passions of the body, are first engendered of those in the soul. For the body yieldeth itself ready to serve the desires, appetites, and pleasures of the soul, which being overcome and in the power of fleshly provocations, procureth in the end destruction to them both. But contrariwise, the soul being ruled by reason, resisteth mightily all corporal passions, and is nothing at all, or very little made partaker of their evil dispositions: whereas on the other side the body is constrained to alter and change with every infirmity of the soul. If the mind be troubled, what cheerfulness can be seen in the face? The diseases of the body hinder not the soul from effecting all good & virtuous actions: yea many have brought forth the fruits of wise philosophers and great captains, when they were vexed with diseases, which they could never do, at least very few of them, that were corrupted and defiled A sound soul correcteth the naughtiness of the body. in soul. And therefore Democritus said very well, that it was much more convenient and meet for a man to have care of his soul, than of his body. For if the soul be perfect, she correcteth the naughtiness of the body, whereas the strength & disposition of the body without the use of reason, hurteth both the soul and itself. Moreover, that the passions of the soul are harder to be perceived and known, and consequently more uneasy to be cured, who doth not easily feel it, being grieved but in the least part of his body? yea what grief doth not of itself sufficiently appear, either by some inflammation, or by the colour of the visage, or by some other outward show? But how many do we fee, whose souls are extremely sick, spoiled and corrupted with vice, and yet being deprived of all feeling they think themselves to be the soundest men in the world? And that they are headstrong and uneasy to The passions of the soul are headstrong and hard to be cured. be cured, we may know by this, that the body is in the end so farforth obedient, that if reason be urgent upon it, she forceth even the natural passions of hunger, thirst and sleep, & findeth out besides a thousand remedies to help itself. But when the passions of the soul have once been grounded and rooted within it, without resistance they have such piercing pricks, that oftentimes they press & overwhelm all reason, which is their only medicine and preservative. And yet to fill up the measure of all misery, such is the froward nature of man, that he is much more slothful to seek out this remedy of the soul, than that of the body, as we touched in the beginning of this present discourse. Moreover, the judgement of reason being oftentimes diseased within him, is the cause, that when he thinketh to find health, he increaseth his evil, and falleth into those inconveniences, which he desired most of all to eschew. Example hereof we have in those, who, being The passions of men commonly bring forth effects contrary to their purposes. led only with a desire of glory and honour, obtain nothing by their doings, if we consider them well, but shame and dishonour. The like may be said of all the other diseases of the soul, which commonly are accompanied and followed with effects contrary to their ends and desires. What remaineth then, seeing we perceive the dangers to be great, which follow all the perturbations of the soul, but that, knowing it to be more easy not to receive them, than to drive them out being received, we prevent them, and hinder them from taking lively root within our souls, by making reason (which, as Hesiodus saith, is Reason, is wisdom inspired from heaven. a divine guide, and wisdom inspired from above) so strong and powerful, that it may be able, by the grace of God, to resist all the assaults of unbridled desires, and the froward affections of this flesh? But behold yet a better A remedy against passions. and more certain remedy: namely, that being assured, that all perturbations are but opinions drawn from our will, through a judgement corrupted with the affections of this flesh, we labour by good and sound reasons to overthrow and confound these false and erroneous opinions, persuading ourselves that whatsoever we imagine to be good or evil in the world (which is the cause that our minds are deprived of their rest and quietness) is indeed neither good nor evil, and so consequently, that it ought not in any sort to breed passions within us. Hereof the sequel of our discourses shall (by the help of God) give us to understand more at large, and furnish us with examples of pernicious effects, which proceed from all the passions of the soul. We will here by the way note their force, having learned out of Histories, that they have oftentimes set upon the hearts of men in such violent manner, that some through desire, some for joy: those by fear, others by Examples of death by overgreat joy. grief have ended their lives. Diagoras the Rhodian, and Chilon hearing that their children had won the price at the games of Olympus, felt such a motion in them of the Herennus died for fear. spleen, that they were stifled with laughter. Herennus the Sicilian, as he was led prisoner, for being a copartner in Plautius' through grief. the conspiracy of Caius Gracchus, was so astonished, & oppressed with the fear of his judgement to come, that he fell down strke dead at the entry of the prison. Plautius' the Numidian looking upon his dead wife took it so to heart; that casting himself upon the dead body, he arose no more, but was there stifled with sorrow. As for extreme desire or coveting, there is nothing that so greatly moveth or carrieth away the minds of men, or that cometh nearer to their destruction, than this foolish passion The effects of desire. endangereth their life. Galeace of Mantua saying oftentimes to a damsel of Pavia whom he courted and made love to, that he would suffer a thousand deaths for her service, if it were possible, was in jest commanded by her to cast himself into the river: which he presently performed, & was drowned. But we shall allege more fitly such testimonies of the fond effects of desire, and of all the perturbations of the soul, when we discourse more particularly of every vice that proceedeth from them. In the mean time I would gladly ask this question of him, that is most ignorant, vicious, and carnal, whether he will not grant virtue to be a good of the soul. There is none so impudent whose conscience would not compel him to confess the same. And yet no man is carried away with too Virtue is always without excessive passion. great a desire of virtue, neither doth any rejoice therein too excessively, after he hath obtained it. Likewise there is none that feareth so vehemently, lest he cannot obtain her, as that the fear thereof driveth the soul out of his place and rest. For no man can fall into this fear, lest he should not become virtuous, except he be very desirous to be so indeed: and none can have this desire, except reason, guided with heavenly light, and doing her duty in him, had wrought the same: but reason thus qualified must needs be an enemy to all perturbations. Thus we see that no man, through fear of not being virtuous, is overtaken with perturbations. The like may be said of sorrow. For albeit a man be grieved because he is not virtuous, yet his mind is not excessively disquieted, seeing this desire is never in him, but when reason commandeth according to her divine nature, by causing us to know ourselves. Whereby we perceive that perturbations never arise in us for that which is the true good of the soul, but only for that which fools do falsely call good, and which the philosophers call the goods of the body and of fortune. But these being naturally subject The nature of worldly goods. to corruption, and, as we have already said, inseparably accompanied with vehement desire, unbridled joy, fear and grief, (as we shall see more at large when we handle them hereafter) are unworthy to be cared for by the immortal soul neither may or ought they to be called goods because they are possessed, much less evils, when they are wanting. If we be thus persuaded, we shall be masters over all perturbations, not esteeming that which is mortal and frail, worthy to be either wished for, or delighted in. Hereof it will come to pass, that our soul and spirit shall be quiet, and reason, which knoweth how discern good from evil, will deal with us as a good husbandman, and vine dresser dealeth with his tree and vine, when he cutteth off the dead branches and unprofitable twigs, to the end that all noisome sap and moisture may be taken away. And thus shall we be taught to desire and do that, which we ought, and every contrary inclination shall be weakened, not taking effects, and the soul shall fulfil her duty, in commanding absolutely over all the provocations of the flesh, and in quenching them so foone as they do appear. For as they that have healthful A wise soul governeth the affections. bodies, (saith Epictetus') easily endure both cold and heat: so they that have a stayed and settled soul, have the dominion over anger, grief, joy, and all their other affections. What it is to live happily. Then shall we live happily, not being terrified with any fear, nor vexing our spirits with any longing or tedious desires, nor being tormented with any lusts and disordered affections, and lastly, not suffering ourselves (being drunken with sugared poison) to be over come and bound under the yoke of pleasure. This shall we learn by the study of philosophy, which is a certain remedy, and a sound medicine for every vice and passion, and is able to enrich and clothe us with reason, which is such a beautiful, perfect and profitable ornament. Of philosophy. Chap. 4. AMANA. THe life of man (said Pythagoras) is like to that general assembly of Graecia at the Olimpyan games, where many carried with glory and ambition, presented themselves at those exercises, that they might bear away the crown and prize: otehrs' led with covetousness, came thither to traffic, selling and buying merchandise: and a third sort of men, more praise worthy and noble came thither also, who sought not after vainglory, or covetousness, but carefully marked whatsoever was done in that assembly, that they might reap profit and commodity thereby. So men coming The common drife of men. into this world, as into a fair or mart, some give themselves to ambition and vainglory, others to covetousness, and to heap up treasure. But they that are of a more divine nature, sequestering themselves from worldly affairs, meditate upon heavenly things, and thereupon fasten the scope of their intents, desires and wills. Divine Plato, joining action with contemplation in a happy and perfect life, saith, that next to the glory of God we must What men ought chief to level at. have regard to do that which is profitable for the commonwealth. Which excellent opinions of these two philosophers are comprehended under this only word of practising philosophy, and that art, which giveth us the precepts thereof, is called philosophy, whose work and effect (as Seneca, Nero's schoolmaster said very well) is to find out, and to know the truth both of divine and human The work of philosophy. things. Justice, piety, religion, yea the whole company of virtues never departed from her. She teacheth us to adore and serve God, and to love men. ARAM. Surely philosophy is the mother and continual spring of all good knowledge. For she teacheth us to know good and evil: she provoketh us by the uprightness of reason to fly this thing, & to do that, causing us to live as wise and prudent men, joyful and contented in every estate, whereupon ariseth the sound rest of the spirit. Moreover, the excellency of this knowledge (as Plato saith) is so great, that it is but one and the same thing to be a king, a governor of a commonwealth and a philosopher: because the royal, civil, and philosophical arts are compounded of the same matter, namely, of justice and prudence. ACHITOB. Philosophy cannot sufficiently be praised, seeing that whosoever obeyeth her may pass his days without tediousness. For the true scope thereof is to seek The proper end and scope of philosophy. to glorify God in his wonderful works, and to teach a man how to live well, and to help his neighbour. Which perfection cannot be attained unto without a special and heavenly grace, and that after the knowledge of the sountaine from whence all goodness cometh. And this hath been the cause, as I think, why so many great philosophers, knowing certainly wherein the true and perfect felicity of man living in this world consisted, namely, in the tranquillity of the soul, and labouring continually to root out, or at least to weaken all the perturbations thereof by the uprightness of reason, and to engraft virtue therein, yet could never perfectly enjoy this soverigne Why the philosophers could never attain to the sovereign good in this life. good, which they so much desired, because they were ignorant of the fountain from whence it proceeded, which is, the grace and mercy of our God in his beloved son. And albeit their life was marvelously quiet, and void of many vices, yet it standeth us in hand (if we be Christians in deed) to lead, without comparison, a more happy, contented and excellent life, and to exercise philosophy according to that true wisdom, which our Lord Jesus Christ teacheth us. But I think ASER is prepared to speak of this matter, and to discourse thereof more at large unto us. Let us hearken then what he will say. ASER. That which presently offereth itself to be handled, requireth truly a far better spirit than mine. Notwithstanding, that I seem not to shun those lists, into which we entered willingly, I purpose according to my weak judgement, to tell you first what philosophy is, what good cometh unto us by it, the means to learn it, and to profit thereby, how a man may know he hath it, and how he must show forth the fruits thereof: and lastly how we ought to contemn all things that we may obtain it, after the example of some ancient Sages, whom The definition of philosophy. we will allege. Philosophy is a love or desire of wisdom. Or otherwise, it is a profession, study, and exercise of that wisdom, which is the knowledge of divine and human things, and which properly belongeth to him, who only is sufficient of himself, and is wisdom itself, namely, to God. Pythagoras was the first that gave the name to philosophy, which being divided as well by him, as by other The division of philosophy. ancient philosophers into divers and sundry arts and sciences, we may distinguish into two general parts only: into the Contemplative part, and into the moral, which some call active. We will make two kinds of the contemplative, Of divine philosophy. divine, and natural. As touching the divine part, it is that highest and most unchangeable knowledge, whereunto we must wholly refer the end of our being, and the scope of all our purposes, studies, and actions, namely, to be able to know and to glorify the Creator and preserver of the whole world. Of this eternal knowledge, which Socrates called wisdom, we say with Justin, who was both a philosopher and a martyr, that all lovers of Christian faith ought to endeavour not to be ignorant, no not of any point How we must behave out selves in searching our the secrets of God. belonging to the knowledge and perfect keeping of God his commandments, but especially they must have in singular recommendation his service and true worship. As touching the absolute and perfect knowledge of heavenly mysteries, they ought to desire the understanding of them so far forth as they are able, and according to the gift and measure of graces, which shall be given them from above. But if the eye of their soul dazzle in the consideration of them, it shall be sufficient to honour and admire them with due reverence, and to believe them steadfastly, knowing that man's understanding is not able to attain to the exquisite knowledge of so high mysteries. Natural philosophy consisteth chief in the mathematics, Of natural philosophy. which are divided into many parts and particular sciences, of which the most of them seem to many not greatly necessary, as that which entreateth of the nature of the heavens, of the sun, of the moon, of their motions, measures, & of the natural causes of all things. Which oftentimes serveth rather to content the curiosity of haughty spirits, than to make them better, insomuch that sometimes, by speculations, and by vain and frivolous questions, they seek out the natural causes of things so curiously, that in the end they strive to find out another beginning of all things than God: whereby at length they remain deceived and confounded in their knowledge, as both the writings of so many ancient philosophers, and also the life of many in our time do prove unto us. nevertheless, there are some parts of the Mathematiks necessary to be known for the great profit that may come unto us by them, as physic, Atithmetike, geometry, and others. But the subject of our academy will not suffer us to handle all these sciences at this present. I will say thus much only by the way, that we ought so to rule and direct the profession of all natural philosophy, that A●ule to be kept in natural philosophy. we use it not before we have been well and sufficiently instructed in the fear and knowledge of God, and of all things that concern a good and happy life, and that vainglory should not be the end of that study, but that it should ravish us more and more in the contemplation of the works of that great maister-builder of the whole frame, to the end to glorify him in greater measure. And yet we must above all things beware, that we fall not into that curse of the prophet, which he denounceth against those, who being destitute of God's grace by reason of their sins, give themselves to soothsaying, and to seek Against sorcerers, magicians and birth-gazers. after sorcerers, magicians, and calculators of nativities, which things we see are too common amongst us: insomuch that he is judged as it were miserable, that knoweth not his Horoscope, from whence so many abuses, invocations, and cursed charms have proceeded by little and little. Let us shun such vain knowledge, proper to infidels The issue of all things is to be referred to the providence of God. and Atheists, and refer our events and issues (which albeit we knew before, yet could we not assure ourselves that we should avoid them) to the only providence and direction of God. It remaineth now to entreat of the other part of philosophy, called moral. Of this, I think Of moral philosophy. Socrates the wise man meant to speak, when he said, that philosophy consisted not in learning many things, or in meddling with many arts, but in the perfect knowledge of justice, prudence, and of all other moral virtues. He addeth further, that this philosophy worketh two things in our mind, the one in purging it as well of perturbations, as of false opinions, and the other, in causing it to return into the right way by reasons and exhortations drawn from earthly and sensible forms to such as are spiritual, which are enclosed within our souls, that by them we God the Idea of all good. may be led to God, the Idea and pattern of all good. This is that moral philosophy, which we have undertaken to handle in all our discourses, and which is so necessary for the life of man. For as the untamed horse by reason of his overgreat wildness is not profitable for any thing: so he that is drawn away by his affections (which philosophy only can moderate) is unprofitable and unworthy of all company, and of all government either public or private. It is philosophy that teacheth us the doctrine of The benefit that cometh by philosophy. good life, and causeth us to know our miseries, and the means whereby we may be delivered from them. She it is that frameth in our understanding the judgement of reason, and learneth us to lead a life agreeable to doctrine: showing unto us what true honesty is, what perfect beauty, and what in truth and in deed is profitable. She represseth all evil passions and perturbations of the soul, appeaseth the unsatiable desires thereof, delivereth it from all fear, and from all earthly carefulness, filling it with tranquillity, constancy, assurance, magnanimity, and sufficiency. She purgeth pride, presumption, ambition, choler, revenge, covetousness, injustice, and in a word, she it is, that (by the means of reason guided by the heavenly spirit, which teacheth us reason, and giveth it unto us for a law) frameth all the manners and behaviour of man according to the pattern of virtue, by engraffing it in his settled soul, as his only permanent good, and by causing him to do that willingly, which others (as Xenocrates said) do by compulsion, and for fear of laws. We are by philosophy instructed at large in that duty and obedience, which we own to our parents, superiors, and laws: and taught how much we ought to love and honour one another, our wives, our children, our brethren, yea all those that are not of our blood. She it is (saith Cicero) that containeth the discipline of virtue, of duty, and of good life: she is also Philosophy is the art of life. the art and mistress of life. Briefly, by philosophy we are taught that perfection, which concerneth all the actions and dealings of men, even from those who are placed in the government of monarchies, kingdoms, commonwealths, cities, and nations, unto the lest that liveth under them. For she teacheth the one sort how to command well, and the other to obey well, and to maintain themselves upright in every estate and condition of life, in the alteration either of prosperity or of adversity, yea even to show themselves constant in contrary things, by shunning pleasure & sustaining grief, by despising glory and enduring contempt. And to this effect, one of the wise Hebrew interpreters, being demanded by Ptolemie Philadelphus' What it is to play the philosopher. king of Egypt, what it was to exercise philosophy, answered, that it was to reason well and directly, to reap great profit by all things that happen, not to be carried away by lust, to contemn all vanities proceeding of worldly pleasures, and to be guided in every action by a certain mediocrity. Now seeing it is out of question that the fruit and commodity of moral philosophy is such and so great, let us in the next place consider where and Where and how philosophy is learned. how we may learn it, that we may put it in practice. There is nothing more true than this, that it dependeth in such sort of the former, which we called contemplative and divine, or rather is so joined unto it, that without this, it can never but be unperfect in man, seeing the fear and knowledge of God is the beginning and perfection of all wisdom. True philosophy is to be found in the word of God. moreover, it is so well and perfectly taught us in the word of God, that nothing more may be added or desired. Nevertheless the doctrine joined with examples, which we may draw out of histories, and from the lives of wise men, by things that have been done in deed, is of great force and efficacy in the soul to draw and move it with delight to seek to resemble them. For when as man, naturally desirous of glory and immortality, shall see, that philosophers and virtuous men, who were so much commended and renowned, are as it were revived again in these days, after so many ages past, he will be thereby awakened and pricked forward by this jealousy of glory, which by nature is in him, to desire and bring to pass all great matters worthy to be remembered, to the end he may deserve the like praise and commendation. Therefore we shall reap no small profit hereby, yea it will be unto us as an entry to a happy and holy life, and as a guide to sacred contemplations, if we earnestly embrace and exercise ourselves in the reading and study of good authors, who teach us the precepts of good life: to whom (as Alexander the great said, speaking of his Master Aristotle) we How much we own to good authors. find ourselves no less bound & beholding, if we thoroughly taste their doctrine, than to our own fathers (without offence unto them be it spoken) of whom we have only our life and being. But because the excellency & highness of this part of philosophy, called moral (which is for the correction of life and manners) is such and so great, that the sound and perfect knowledge thereof is very hard, and seeing that good beginnings in all great matters are always the difficultest part of them, we must lay a good ground of our enterprise, if we mean to attain thereunto, and then ascend upward from one degree to another. The The chief foundation of all philosophy. chiefest and most necessary foundation must be a perpetual and fervent love of the truth, and of eternal things, joined with the separation of lies, and of the desire of temporal things far from us. Secondly, these particulars are Necessary points for a philosopher. (as Plato saith) very necessary for us: a lively and sharp wit, a nature apt to contemplation, likewise grave, prompt, hardy to execute, and provident of public commodity. But above all things the knowledge of the true God is infinitely necessary for him that will be a philosopher, because that, as all things without the enjoying of their use and goodness, are possessed without profit: so to have knowledge of arts and sciences without the understanding of the true God, is frivolous and unprofitable. Yea no man can do any thing that good is, whether it be in private or public affairs, if by reason he knoweth not what that is, which ought to be called good. But in this thing we shall be well instructed (God willing) by the sequel of our discourses. Thirdly, we must continue without ceasing the study of this moral knowledge, as Cicero the father of eloquence doth familiarly teach us, saying, We must learn always. that in our studies we are to use some intermission only, for the recreation both of body and mind in all honest sort, but we must never leave and forsake them altogether. Neither ought these intermissions to be of any long continuance, because vice always watcheth to overrun us so soon as we let ourselves lose unto idleness, to the end to stir us up through the enticements of the flesh, to follow Against presumption and self liking. our natural imperfections. Much less ought we, through presumption of ourselves, and confidence in our own virtue and sufficiency, altogether to forsake the profession of this study, as they do, who think themselves such great doctors, that nothing may be added to their knowledge. Of these men we may truly say, that they never had the true knowledge of this moral philosophy, wherein the more we profit, the more we shall desire to learn: and whether we be young or old (as Socrates said) we shall always find what to learn, and be occasioned to diminish all vain opinion of ourselves, seeing this is one of the most notable effects thereof, to purge all pride and presumption. A fit comparison. For as those vessels (saith Plutarch) wherein we put liquor, do let out the void air according to the measure of that which goeth in: so when the soul filleth itself with certain and true goods, vanity voideth and giveth place. This is that which Plato saith in these words: The more reason a man getteth by philosophy, the more pride and Antisthenes', an example of great love to knowledge. arrogancy he looseth. We have a notable testimony hereof in Antisthenes, who after he had heard Socrates dispute, took so great pleasure, and found such deep skill therein, that albeit he was very learned, and had a great number of scholars, yet he willed them to seek another master, because he purposed to learn himself. And by reason of the distance of place where he dwelled, he came twice a day above three miles on foot to hear Socrates. Plato. Likewise Plato showed well how smally he presumed of his exceeding great knowledge, when not contenting himself therewith, after the death of his master Socrates he made a voyage through Egypt, and after into Italy, to hear and confer with the best learned of those countries, and to learn that which he knew not before. Which zeal of his and burning desire unto wisdom being so laudable, God so recompensed, that none of the Ethniks (except Socrates) ever came near unto his divine knowledge of eternal things. We see then how we must be the disciples of philosophy all our life time. Now as there is nothing, wherein a master builder rejoiceth so much, after he hath laid a good foundation of some great work, as to see the progress and proceeding thereof: so after we have laid our first happy resolution (as is said) of attaining to the knowledge of philosophy, and have tasted of the first principles of her wholesome fruits, it will turn to our great contentation, and occasion of proceeding, when we see and perceive that we profit and amend by this study. This will appear unto us by the consideration How we may know whether we profit in philosophy. of our present works and actions, being compared with the former, and by the diminishing and qualifiying of our wicked passions and natural inclinations, which the profession of this science will undoubtedly work in us. For as we take it for a good sign when a disease removeth into some parts of least account: so when our vices are changed into more meek and soft passions, it putteth us in hope that we shall wholly deface them afterward. The right and perfect way hereunto is to enter deeply into ourselves, and to take a perfect and sound knowledge of our natural, hurtful and most vehement inclinations by comparing one with another. Next, as a good and expert physician before he dealeth with dangerous diseases, beginneth A good way to overcome great faults. with gentle preparatives, we are first to correct lesser faults, that after we may the easier overcome the greatest. For it is certain, that by such an exercise and custom of keeping ourselves from things that are after a sort excusable, yea that are permitted and lawful, it will be far more easy for us afterward to amend & abstain from unlawful things. After we have thus reform ourselves, we shall wholly forsake small imperfections (which will be easy for us to do) and make no more reckoning of little offences, as those which we shall avoid altogether. From thence we shall come to consider and to discover better the nature and cause of our greater and more hurtful passions, together with their ugliness and deformity. Then labouring to diminish their force by eschewing prudently the causes of them, and by cutting oft one branch now, and then another, we shall in the end wonder to see how reason perfecteth in us her office of commanding absolutely over all the perturbations of our soul, I mean so far forth as human frailty aided by God, can (as I When we may be called Philosophers. said before) attain to perfection. Then may we truly call ourselves Philosophers, when by our own example we make it known, that the life of man at all times, in all places, in all passions, and generally in all affairs receiveth the use of philosophy. Now after we have well profited through so great diligence & watchfulness, through such industry of mind and continual study, I mean after we are become better than we were before, by reason of the tranquillity of our souls purged from perturbations, we must be careful that this our commodity redound also to others, as the commandment of God and natural duty bind us thereunto. Then (I say) we shall have attained The perfection of philosophy. to the perfection of this goodly knowledge, when we are serviceable to our neighbours, brethren and countrymen, not of vain glory, or for terrestrial riches, but for the love of virtue only, which of itself is a goodly recompense for itself, being joined with a happy expectation of heaven. But let us note farther for the last point of our discourse, (whereof I have already briefly spoken) that one of the surest means, which we can take to come to a true knowledge of philosophy, is, not to esteem at all, but rather to contemn whatsoever is subject to corruption, and is in the power of variable fortune, as the Philosophers use to speak: namely, vainglory, worldly wealth, and other earthly goods, forasmuch as the desire of getting, keeping and increasing them is that which carrieth us away most, and which hindereth every other good and The contempt of worldly goods necessary in a Philosopher. virtuous inclination. Therefore let us freely forsake all such things, let us withdraw our minds from all by-thoughts, and despise all earthly discommodities: yea let us patiently sustain all grief, that we may yield ourselves wholly to the study of philosophy, which is the Crates. cause of so many good things. Crates the Theban forsook his patrimony of eight talents (which according to the common computation amounteth to four thousand, eight hundred crowns) that being delivered from the Notable examples of love to philosophy. care of housekeeping, and of guiding his goods, he might follow the study of philosophy with greater liberty. Anaxagoras. Anaxagoras for the same cause suffered his lands to lie waste, and after long study returning to his house, and finding it altogether fallen into ruin and desolation, he said, if these things had not perished, I had perished: as if he had said, that he should never have gotten the treasure of knowledge, which was the ornament of his mind, if he had given himself to gain and to gather goods. Democritus Democritus. Abderita, being very rich (as may be gathered by the feast which his father made to that innumerable army of Xerxes who came into Graecia, which consisted, as Herodotus writeth, of more than two millions of fight men) gave all his patrimony to his country, reserving to himself but a little some of money to live withal, that he might have the more leisure to study philosophy, for Euclid. which cause he went to dwell at Athens. Euclid, of the town of Megara, being very desirous to hear Socrates dwelling at Athens, between which two cities the war was so cruel, that no Citizen of the one city durst be seen in the other, without inevitable danger of death if he were known, had notwithstanding so great love to wisdom, that although he were an ethnic, and doubted of a second life, yet he preferred the desire of knowledge before the care of his life, and being appareled like a woman, went once in two days to Athens and abode there all night to hear Socrates, who commonly spent the most part thereof in discoursing of wisdom, and then returned again about the break of the day. Now to conclude our present treatise, we will hold this, that only philosophy can give us certain knowledge, & teach us how we Philosophy only teacheth us to know our chief good. may enjoy in this life our only & sovereign good, which is the rest and tranquillity of our souls. Yea she is unto us in stead of a guide to lead us to the eternal fruition of our supreme and everabiding good, which is promised, and purchased by the blood of the immaculate Lamb in that second and most happy life. And, as Plato said, speaking by the mouth of Socrates, that they only shall attain to the kingdom of heaven with God, who end their days in this life purged by philosophy, so shall it be by the unspeakable love of this eternal wisdom, that we shall be purged, cleansed and saved. Yea through the expectation of this blessed felicity we may a great deal more perfectly than did all those great and ancient philosophers, lead a contented, joyful and quiet life, void of all perturbations and fear, for as much as they knew the justice of God only, and not his mercy, which is assured unto us in his beloved son. Moreover they were ignorant (notwithstanding their philosophy) of the chief point of his justice, namely of the beginning of all things and of their The true cause of joy and tranquillity in a Christian soul. end, which the word of God teacheth us together with the truth of that permanent happiness of the soul, whereof they had but a shadow in their life. Hereof our Lord Jesus Christ himself hath left good and sure pledges in the depth of our hearts, saying that he gave and left his peace with us, his peace (I say) in our souls, and not with the world. Therefore it appeareth sufficiently, that nothing is so much to be desired, whether we regard profit to ourselves, or service to the whole body and society of our brethren and countrymen, as the study of philosophy, which is the knowledge of life, and the true medicine and tillage of the soul whereby all virtue is taught us. The end of the first days work. THE SECOND days work. Of virtue. Chap. 5. ASER. AMongst the infinite number of them that were honoured with this fair name and excellent title of Philosopher, What this word Philosopher meaneth. which is as much to say, as a lover of wisdom, there were three principal sects, that contended together by general rules; but especially about the sovereign good and felicity of man: namely, the Academiks, the Peripatetiks, and There were three chief sects of philosophers. the Stoics. The best of them all, and they which came nearest to the knowledge of the truth were the Academiks, whose first authors were Socrates & Plato, who, as we heard yesterday, always taught, that our true good consisted in the tranquillity of the soul, void of all perturbations, & in stead of them adorned and enriched with all virtue, which is the proper substance and matter of philosophy, & therefore called the only permanent good of the soul. AMANA. I can not but greatly commend this paradox of the Stoics, that There is no good but virtue, nor evil but vice, which is the contrary unto it. And to go a little further, following their opinion and the opinion of many ancient wise men, I say, that The virtuous man only is free and happy, Who are happy and who unhappy. yea although he were in Phalaris bull: and that The vicious man only is a bondman and unhappy, albeit he had the riches of Croesus, the empire of Cyrus, and the glory of Alexander. For great callings are nothing where the mind is not content, and where the heart pricked with desire troubleth the tranquillity of the soul. ARAM. Riches (saith Pythagoras) are no sure pillars, and glory is less certain. Likewise beauty, and the disposition of the body, magistracies and honours are all of Worldly goods are of no force. no force: but Prudence, magnanimity, and justice are anchors of greatest stay, which cannot be plucked up by any tempest. For it is the will and law of God, that virtue only should be mighty and firm, all other things being but toys and fooleries. But we must now learn of thee ACHITOB, that which is necessary for us to know concerning this excellent disposition of the soul. ACHITOB. The disputation concerning the good of man hath indeed always been great amongst the learned, so that as well their divers opinions, as their arguments would stay us here with too long a discourse, especially seeing they are unnecessary for us, who seek only to be instructed in the truth. Now that we may attain hereunto, and to the perfect understanding of that matter, which is here propounded unto us, we will here set down this maxim, or principle, confessed of all the greatest and most ancient philosophers, and agreeable to that truth, which is taught us in the holy scriptures, that There Two sorts of goods. are two sorts of goods, the one which is the last end, the other is the means to attain thereunto. The first is the sovereign, supreme, most perfect, and eternal good, which we expect and hope for in the immortality of the second life, when we shall enjoy that true and absolute felicity, which neither eye hath ever seen, nor ear heard, neither hath entered Virtue is the effect of regeneration. at any time into the heart of man. That which we call the means whereby we come to the first is virtue only, whereof we are now to speak, and which is the proper effect of our regeneration by the spirit of God dwelling in us. First then let us consider what virtue is, also the division, sountaine, incomparable excellency, and invincible force thereof, with those wonderful effects which it worketh in him that possesseth her: wherein also we will see some notable examples of ancient men. Virtue (as the The definition of virtue. philosophers say) is a disposition and power of the reasonable part of the soul, which bringeth into order and decency the unreasonable part, by causing it to propound a convenient end to it own affections and passions, whereby the soul abideth in a comely and decent habit, executing that which ought to be done, according to reason. But to speak more briefly, virtue is a proportion and uprightness of life in all points agreeable to reason. The division thereof is altogether like to that of philosophy. For they are so linked together, that it is all one to be virtuous, and to be a philosopher, the one being the matter and substance of the other. Virtue therefore is divided into contemplative and into moral. The eternal wisdom by the operation of his spirit, guideth and lifteth up the contemplative virtue to her proper end, which is that happy and immutable knowledge, that concerneth the majesty of God. This did Socrates call Religion, and the greatest virtue, saying further, that the contempt thereof brought upon men a cursed ignorance, and that no man ought to persuade himself, that he could find amongst Socrates' called religion the greatest virtue. the race of men any greater virtue than religion and piety towards God, whose honour is the foundation of every good work, which if it be overthrown, the other parts are as soon dispersed as the pieces of a ruinous building. Yea religion is not only the head of justice and virtue, but also is as it were the soul to give vigour and strength unto it. From this supreme science floweth prudence, The duty of prudence. which is a work thereof, appointed to govern, rule, and moderate by the means of moral virtue, the passions and affections of the unreasonable part of the soul in all mediocrity, by cutting off all excess and defect of those passions, and by moderating them between too little and too much, thereby to keep men from erring. As for example, she holdeth a man within the limits of prows and valour, lest he should cast away himself through rashness or cowardliness: she causeth him wisely to use liberality, because he should not be spoiled by covetousness, or fall into prodigality. And that he should not be cast down too much in adversity, nor lift up beyond measure in prosperity, she keepeth him upright and constant both in the one and in the other. Thus doth virtue generally teach a man, by following the reason of true prudence, to rule all his inclinations and actions as well for his own private good, as for the profit and utility of human society. Whereby it appeareth sufficiently unto us, that the foundation The foundation and spring of all virtue. of all virtue is that divine reason, which floweth into our souls from the free goodness of our God, and which taketh lively root by care, study, and diligence, when the self-same grace blesseth our labour. For without this we can do nothing, so that all our meditations and purposes to live uprightly, continently, and temperately become vain and frivolous before his majesty. In this manner, of that excellent reason and wisdom, wherewith the eternal wisdom enricheth us, that we might know good and evil, prudence is engendered, which is most necessary for the government of earthly things (whereof we will entreat hereafter) and whereby man is enriched with moral virtue, as with an infallible rule of all his works and actions, to the end that fully enjoying Wherein human happiness consisteth. human felicity, which consisteth in good manners, qualities and conditions of the soul, he may bring forth the fruits and effects thereof to the profit of many. We say then, that all virtue consisteth in mediocrity, as vice doth in excess or in defect, in regard whereof she is in the midst, albeit in respect of herself, I mean of her perfect and absolute excellency she is extreme, and standeth not in need of any increase or diminution. Now as all the imperfections of the soul are called vices and passions, so all their contraries, which serve for remedies unto them, are named virtues. And although virtue be always one, so that he which heartily embraceth one part of it is desirous of them all, yet may she be called by divers names, even by so many, as there is always in every good action some particular virtue, that maketh it eminent, and to be seen above others. Moreover, according to the divers subjects wherein she is, she bringeth forth divers effects, conforming herself in some sort to the manners, conditions, and natural inclinations of those which possess her. Hereof it cometh, that some are more apt and constant in some The gifts and graces of God are divers in men. one virtue than others are (for all can not do all things) and that one practiseth it after one fashion, and an other otherwise. Now it followeth, that I handle hereafter distinctly and in order, the plurality of virtues, with their several properties. But in the mean while, to speak generally of this precious and inestimable riches, I mean of virtue, and of the great, worthy, and wonderful effects, which she bringeth forth in men, first, she is the The excellency and property of virtue. only proper and true good of the soul, that can not by any accident be violently taken and carried away. She alone maketh her possessor happy, causing him to find every kind of life that is sweet, pleasant, and acceptable, contained in her. Virtue alone, is the only matter of rest and tranquillity in the mind, being by reason purged of fear, of trouble, of worldly desire and joy. Of this lively fountain spoke Democritus, when he said that joy was engendered in men's hearts, of the mediocrity of pleasure, and of a moderate and temperate harmony of life. Virtue (said Thales) is the profitablest thing in the world, because Every thing is made profitable through virtue. it maketh all other things profitable, by causing men to use them well. Yea we may say further, that all other gifts and riches remain unprofitable and hurtful, without the ornament of virtue. Cicero proveth by many goodly reasons, that only virtue is of itself sufficient to cause men to live well and happily. And surely every good and virtuous man of what calling soever he be, is so happy, if he have grace to know it, that he need not to wish for any thing with passion or travel in this life, but rather is content of himself in regard of men, and contemneth the care of worldly things, not judging any thing evil, which necessity of nature, or rather the ordinance of God bringeth upon him. And where miseries are doubled, there virtue showeth her effects most wonderfully, giving us thereby to understand, that she consisteth in such things as are most rare and difficult. For which cause her strength Virtue compared to a palm tree. is compared to the date tree, which the more it is pulled down, the more it returneth upward: so when virtue is most oppressed of her enemies she shineth most gloriously. Only virtue appeareth wonderful to the mind that is clothed therewith, and keepeth it from coveting that which others commonly worship, namely, great callings, riches, pleasures and glory. She despiseth the praise & flattery of men, whereunto so many others make themselves The reward of virtue in the life to come is of the free mercy of God. slaves, & remaineth always free in herself, & free to every one, without any other hope of reward, then to be accepted of God, & to effect things meet to be rewarded eternally in the next life by the liberality of God. If we compare worldly goods with virtue (calling that good which usurpeth that name, & is subject to corruption) first, as touching those which the philosophers call the goods of fortune, & namely nobility, wherein at this men stay so much, what is it but a good of our ancestors? Riches are easily lost, yea causeth the possessor of them to be sooner lost: & as for the glory of the greatest, yea of all principality, it is Comparison of worldly goods with virtue. no less uncertain. Concerning the goods of the body, beauty & comeliness is but a flower of small continuance: health, which is so precious, soon changeth: strength is lost by infinite inconveniences. All bodily pleasure is unperfect, & followed of perturbations. But virtue is that only divine & immortal quality in us, which, (as Hesiodus saith) Nothing hath power over virtue. is a stable & sure possession both to the living and to the dead: over which neither fortune, slander, sickness, old-age nor adversity have any power: and as for length of time, which diminisheth all things, it always addeth somewhat to virtue, & increaseth it. All the other goods above rehearsed, are from without a man, working oftentimes destruction to their possessors, & commonly coming to those that are least worthy of them. Only virtue is the proper inheritance of the soul, worketh the happiness thereof, and maketh a man always worthy of true glory & praise, causing him to be honoured & esteemed even of his enemies. In a word it cannot (as Cicero saith) be uttered how much Virtue cannot be valued. virtue surmounteth all other things in glory & excellency. And if all other goods of men (saith Socrates) were laid by themselves they would amount in value but to one mote in respect of the price of virtue. Plato his disciple saith, that the difference of virtue compared with other goods, is so great, that if they were put into one scale of the balance, & virtue into the other, this would ascend up to heaven, and the other would touch the earth. Moreover, he wrote four & fifty books or dialogues, which did all entreat of virtue, out of which men may reap infinite profit, especially out of those that entreat of a commonwealth, or of laws. In these books that he might not seem ungrateful Why Plato in his works bringeth in Socrates speaking. toward his master Socrates, who would never write any thing, he bringeth him in rehearsing that, which at other times he had heard him speak. Stilpo the philosopher, being in his city of Megara when it was taken & spoiled by Demetrius king of Macedonia, who favouring him, asked if he had lost any thing that was his, made this answer: No sir (quoth he) for war cannot spoil virtue. And indeed this is that riches wherewith we ought to furnish ourselves which can swim with us in a shipwreck, and which caused Wherein the happiness and greatness of a king consisteth. Socrates to answer thus to one, who asked him what his opinion was of the great king, whether he did not think him very happy; I cannot tell (quoth he) how he is provided of knowledge & virtue. Who may justly doubt whether virtue alone is able to make a man happy, seeing it doth not only make him wise, prudent, just & good, both in his doings & sayings, but also commonly procureth unto him honour, glory and authority? It was through her What it was that procured to Alexander the surname of Great. means, that Alexander deserved the surname of Great, by that experience which she gave him in war, by his liberality in riches, by his temperance in all his sumptuous magnificence, by his hardiness and constancy in fight, by his continency in affections, by his bounty and clemency in victory, and by all other virtues, wherein he surpassed all that lived in his time. Yea the fame and renown of his virtues procured a greater number of cities, countries and men to submit themselves willingly unto him without blowestriking, than did the power of his army. Wherein this sentence of Socrates is found true, that whole troops of soldiers, and heaps of riches, are constrained oftentimes to obey virtue. What said Darius, monarch of the Persians, when he understood both what continency Alexander his enemy had used towards his wife, who being exceeding beautiful was taken prisoner by him, and what humanity he showed afterward in her funerals when she was dead? The Persians (quoth he) need not be discouraged, neither think themselves cowards and effeminate because they were vanquished of such an adversary. Neither do I demand any victory of the gods, but to surmount Alexander in bountifulness. And if it be so that I must fall, I beseech them to suffer none but him to sit in the royal throne and seat of Cyrus. Will we have testimonies of the invincible force of virtue, and of her powerful and praisewoorthy effects in most sinister and untoward matters? Histories declare unto us, that amongst all the virtuous acts, which procured praise and renown to the men of old time, those were the notablest & most commended, which they showed forth Examples of the force and effects of virtue, in adversity. at such time as fortune seemed to have wholly beaten them down. Pelopidas, general captain of the Thebans, who delivered them from the bondage of the Lacedæmonians, Pelopidas. is more praised and esteemed for the great and notable virtue, which he showed being prisoner in the hands of Alexander the tyrannous king of the Phereans, then for all his victories gotten before. For at that time his virtue was so far from yielding any jot to his calamity, that contrariwise with an unspeakable constancy he recomforted the inhabitants of the town, that came to visit him, exhorting them to be of good courage, seeing the hour was come, wherein the tyrant should be at once punished for his wickedness. And one day he sent him word, that he was destitute of all judgement and reason, in that he vexed his poor citizens, & caused them to die in torments who never offended him, and in the mean time suffered him to live in rest, of whom he could not be ignorant, that escaping his hands he would be revenged of him. The tyrant marveling at his great courage, asked why he made such great haste to die. To this end (quoth he) that thou being yet more hated of God and men than Philocles. thou art, mightest the sooner be destroyed. Philocles, one of the most famous Athenian captains of his time (who caused this law to be made, that the right thumb of all prisoners taken in war from that time forward should be cut off, that they might not handle a pike any more, but yet might serve to row with an oar) being taken prisoner with three thousand athenians in one battle, which Lysander admiral of the Lacedæmonians obtained against him, and all of them being condemned to die, was demanded of Lysander what pain he judged himself worthy of for counseling his countrymen to so wicked and cruel a thing. To whom he made this only answer with an unmovable virtue, Accuse not those who have no judge to hear & A most constant death. know their cause. But seeing the gods have showed thee this favour to be conqueror, deal with us as we would have done with thee, if we had overcome thee. Which being said, he went to wash and bathe himself, and then putting on a rich cloak as if he should have gone to some feast, he offered himself first to the slaughter, showing the way of true constancy to his fellow citizens. Anaxarchus the philosopher, Anaxarchus. being taken prisoner by the commandment of Nero, that he might know of him, who were the authors of a conspiracy that was made against his estate, and being led towards him for the same cause, he bitten his tongue in A wonderful magnanimity. sunder with his teeth, and did spit it in his face, knowing well that otherwise the tyrant would have compelled him by all sorts of tortures and torments to reveal & disclose them. Zeno missing his purpose, which was to have killed the tyrant Demylus, did as much to him. But what is more terrible than death? Notwithstanding when did virtue better show her greatness and power, then when death laboured most to overthrow her, as being resolved of that saying of Cicero, that all wise men die willingly, and without care, A wise man dieth willingly. but that the unwise & ignorant are at their wits end for fear of death? If many, who have not known the true and perfect immortality of the soul, and some, only led with a desire of praise & worldly glory, others touched with duty and kindled with a love towards their country, have showed the increase of their virtue in the horrors and pangs of death, what ought they to do, who expect certainly an everlasting life? Photion, after he had been chosen general captain of the Athenians four and forty times, and done infinite services to the commonwealth, being at length through certain partakings and divisions overcome with the weakest side which he had maintained, and being condemned to drink poison, was demanded before he drank, whether he had no more to say. Whereupon speaking to his son, he said, I command thee to bear the Athenians no rancour and malice for my death. And a little before this speech, beholding one of those that were condemned to die with him, to vex himself through impatiency, what meanest thou poor man, The fear of death doth not astonish the virtuous. (quoth he to him) dost thou not think thyself happy that thou Mayst die with Photion? The fear and appreheusion of death doth astonish, as we commonly say, the stoutest, but not the most virtuous. For they know (as Plautus Callicratides. saith) that he dieth not, who for virtues sake is put to death. Callicratides, general of the Lacedæmonians, being ready to give battle to his enemies, the soothsayer, after sacrifice done to the gods said unto him, that the entrails of the sacrifices promised victory to the army, but death to the captain. Whereunto he answered as one without all fear; although he believed it as an oracle from heaven, Sparta consisteth not in one man. For when I shall be dead my country shall be nothing lessened, but if I recoil now and draw back, the reputation thereof will be diminished. Whereupon substituting in his place Cleander, as successor in his office, he gave battle, wherein it happened unto him as the soothsayer had told him. If we desire infinite such examples, histories are full of them, even of those who loved rather to kill themselves (which a Christian never ought to do, but only to suffer death patiently, if it be offered unto him) than to commit any thing unworthy their virtue. Themistocles being unjustly banished Themistocles love to his country. from Athens, retired to the king of Persia, whose great favour and benefits received, caused to say to his children, We had been undone, if we had not been undone: as also to promise, that he would employ himself in his service. Notwithstanding when he saw the war begun again between this king and the Athenians, wherein he was offered a great charge, he chose rather to hasten his death by a poison which he took, than to seem to be pricked or provoked with malice against his ungrateful countrymen, lest thereby he should obscure and blot the glory of so many goodly exploits, triumphs, and victories, which he had obtained. Now if death can not stop the course of virtue, how much less can any other weaker. accident do it? Old-age, which diminisheth Age hath no power over virtue. Agesilaus. and consumeth all the strength of the body, could not weaken the great virtue of Agesilaus king of Lacedemonia, who being fower-score years of age, and seeing the glory of his country brought to nothing by that victory, which the Thebans had obtained against him, withdrew himself into the service of a king of Egypt, and took the charge of a captain under him, that through the good service he should do him, he might deserve (whereof he assured himself) to have succour of him for his own country affairs. Envy (saith Thucydides) is heard to be overcome, and followeth great estates and potentates. Honour, glory and riches, are but firebrands to kindle it. Notwithstanding the excellency of virtue oftentimes triumpheth over it, so that the envious are constrained to speak well of virtuous men. We see then clearly, and have better experience thereof in ourselves if we be decked with virtue, that she is of an invincible force, and that all things are tamed by her. For who can doubt that through her, great empires, monarchies, commonwealths, estates and cities have much more flourished, than through force and might of arms? The Virtue causeth kingdoms to flourish. sequel of our discourses shall furnish us with examples hereof. Now to conclude our present matter, knowing that virtue deserveth so great praise in regard of her fruits, and of her wonderful great effects, we say, that Virtue is the only honest, profitable, and pleasant good. she is the only good both for honesty, profit and pleasure, between which there is such a conjunction, that they cannot be separated one from another, (as hereafter we may entreat more at large) so that the severing of these three things to attribute them to other earthly and perishing goods, is the fountain of all vice, deceit, and mischief. If then, trouble, loss, hazard or danger are to be found in the practice and exercise of this holy and sacred virtue (as even the greatest worldly happiness is counterpoised with evil and difficulty) ought we not to despise all such things, yea death itself for that happy recompense, which is assured unto us, not only of immortal glory and praise (which the men of old time promised to themselves) but also of life everlasting, whereof the most of them were ignorant? Let us not be like to a little child (for he that is a child in mind differeth nothing from a child in age) who seeing a trifle wherewith he playeth taken out of his hand, casteth away for anger that which he holdeth in his other hand, although it be some dainty thing and good to eat. But let us with fervent zeal and burning affection, always embrace this so precious and chaste beauty, I mean virtue, which alone filleth the life of man, with true, sound and perfect contentation. Let all things come behind virtue, after the example of so many excellent and ancient personages, who ought to make us blush for shame, when we consider, that the care of Anacharsis forsook a kingdom that he might the better obtain virtue. earthly goods hath the first place amongst us. Anacharsis a Barbarian, being led with the only love of virtue, left the kingdom of Scythia to his younger brother, & went into Graecia, where he profited so well with Solon, that he deserved to be placed in the number of the seven Sages. Three things necessary for the obtaining of virtue. Now if three things (after we have asked them of him who only can and will give them unto us) meet together in us, namely, Nature, Reason, and use, we may by them being directed, illuminated, and guided by the spirit of God, attain to the top of human perfection in this rich virtue, which being thus grounded (like to a strong and lively plant) will take sure footing and root within us. If she meet with a good and well disposed nature, that is able to endure labour, & that is tilled by reason with the precepts of philosophy, whereby it is made firm, mighty, and fruitful, then use and exercise will bring forth the fruits thereof, as well for our own, as for the common profit of men. Of Vice. Chap. 6. ACHITOB. The knowledge of goodness must go before the love of it. AS he that is ignorant of goodness cannot love it, or boast (except it be falsely) that he seeketh after it, and if he should find it, yet he could not acknowledge it, or reap any profit thereby: so he that knoweth not evil, can never hate it sufficiently, much less shun it, or keep himself from falling into the snares and ambushes thereof, where it lieth in continual watch to surprise and overtake men. Ye shall have very few, but say, that they are enemies to evil, and that they labour to drive it as far from them as they can. But what? As they never knew what goodness meant, so they know as little of the contrary. Now having by our last speech declared sufficiently, that virtue is the only true good of the soul, it is out of question, that vice, which is altogether Vice is the only evil of the soul. contrary unto it, is the only evil thereof, and the fountain of all the miseries of man, as well earthly as eternal. Which, that we may more surely avoid, and mark better the excellency and beauty of virtue, by the loathsomeness and deformity of vice (because contraries set one by another, as black near to white, show themselves a great deal better) I think it will not be to wander beside the matter, if we bestow the rest of our morning's work in the handling thereof. ASER. There is no evil in man (as the philosophers say) but vice, if we take that for evil which is offensive. Neither What we ought to call evil. doth any thing offend and make a man worse, but that which endammageth his soul. And in this manner vice only and sin is hurtful unto him, yea (as Plutarch saith) is sufficient of itself to make a man miserable. AMANA. As virtue (saith Plato) is the health and Virtue is the health, and vice the sickness of the soul. forcible vigour of the soul, so vice is the sickness and imbecility thereof, which having gotten a habit, maketh a man vicious and corrupt. For it is certain that if men had sufficient force and constancy to resist vice (which we have by inheritance) they would follow after virtue. But being overcome by the looseness of their sensuality they are led captives, as it were in a triumph, under the yoke of sin. Let us then hearken to ARAM, who, I think, will not forget to paint out unto us this pernicious Hydra with all her colours, that she may be so much the more odious unto us. ARAM. I have always learned of wise men, that this saying of an ancient man is most true, That there is a hundred times more pain in doing evil, than in well doing: Vice is like a dropsy. and that vice hath the same effect in the soul, which the dropsy hath in the body. For both of them do plant in man a continual desire of that which breedeth his greatest bane. Whereupon most miserably he seeketh after his own perdition and ruin with pain and travel, whereas he might pass through felicity in this life, into that life which is eternal and most happy. One chief occasion hereof, as I think, may be attributed to the ignorance of evil. For what wicked man is so dull of understanding, that, if he knew certainly what vice were, would not with all his might separate himself as far from it, as for the time he drew near unto it? By a stronger reason it followeth, that he which truly knoweth it, before it be grown When we begin to hate vice. to a habit within him, will shun it more diligently: because we begin then to hate vices (as Plutarch saith) when by reason we understand what shame and harm cometh of them. Therefore it must needs be very profitable for us to utter herein that, which we have learned by the study of philosophy, and that briefly for this present, hoping hereafter to entreat more particularly of the principal parts of vice. First we will define it, then consider the pernicious effects thereof in the soul, and the fruits which it bringeth with it: thirdly, declare how it never escapeth unpunished: and lastly, show how we must fortify our selves against the privy watchings and snares of such a dangerous and mighty enemy. Vice is an inequality and The definition of vice. jarring of manners, proceeding from man's natural inclination to pleasures and naughty desires. This inclination not being reined with the bit of reason, guided by the spirit of grace, nor ruled by the wise declarations thereof, causeth a man by little and little to give over himself to all wicked passions (the end of one being the beginning of another) whereby he becometh most unhappy, yea more wild and savage than any brute beast. Chrysippus a Stoic philosopher, called vice the proper essence of unhappiness. And surely it is a very perfect workmaster of wretchedness, disposing and framing men to all kind of mischief and misery. For after it hath once taken hold of the soul, it will never forsake it until it hath wholly bruised, overwhelmed, and destroyed it, filling it daily with The effects of vice. perturbations and new passions, with voluptuousness, rancour, enmities, revenge, murders, anguish, fear, fruitless repentance, ambition, covetousness, and with all other lusts, which are incurable diseases of the soul, after they have once taken root therein. For the more they wax, the more they will grow, vice being (as Plato saith) of an Vice is of an endless stock. infinite and endless race. And therefore the above named Chrysippus said not without reason, that to avoid so dangerous an enemy, and one that ought to be so odious unto Although we are to hate vice with a perfect hatred, yet we must not kill ourselves to be 〈◊〉 of it. us, it were better for us to cast ourselves headlong into the sea, than to suffer it to reign over us. Plato also writeth, that it is far better for a man not to live at all, than to live wickedly, or in ignorance. For such a life can have no fit name, than to be called a true shadow of death, I mean of eternal death, which followeth the wicked even at the heels. Bias, one of the Sages said, That no man could justly be termed a captive, although he were laden The vicious man only is a captive. with irons, except also he were compassed about with vices. Moreover, we see that neither sword nor fire doth carry away a man so violently as vice doth. Many have suffered a thousand outrages and punishments with such constancy, that tyrants were sooner weary of persecuting them, than they of suffering. Besides, they had so great power over themselves, that in the midst of torments they were able to stay their voice altogether: insomuch that one would have either judged them to be senseless, or else think that in seeing them he did not see them. But vice always discovereth itself, and every where appeareth Nothing more hurtful than vice. shameful, infamous, and hurtful. Thales called vice the hurtfullest thing in the world, because that where it is, it marreth and destroyeth all. Moreover, it maketh those things, which otherwise seem honourable and magnifical, loathsome and unpleasant, when it is mingled with them: yea it appeareth so much the more infamons, as the nobility Vice joined with authority is more hurtful. and authority whereunto it is joined is greater, because than it discovereth better what pernicious and damnable effects it hath. For taking a swift course by the high way of power, and driving forward every wicked affection to execution, it causeth choler to be turned presently into murder, love into adultery, covetousness into confiscation, and so in other passions. But as the vices of the greater sort are more dangerous, so no doubt, shame and dishonour are likewise doubled upon them, because they are better seen and noted, whereby they become more odious and contemptible to every one. Besides, their reward lieth at their gate in great measure, which will not be long from them. For to whom more is given, of him more shall A good lesson for great men. be required. And I pray you what greater cause of shame and blushing can that man have, who being borne to command men of all estates and conditions, doth himself obey such vile and abject things, as are sensuality, ignorance, concupiscence, & other like passions wrought by vice, which being without reason, are made to obey and to be ruled by reason? Neither are we more to be excused than the greater sort when we follow after such things, because we are but of mean and small calling. For every one is borne to command himself, whereunto our chief study and labour ought to tend. We have further to note diligently, that vice is not only hurtful to him that is infected therewith, but also that it useth him as a minister and instrument to corrupt and spoil others. For The property of the wicked. you shall never see any wicked man, that laboureth not to make others like himself: which if he cannot do, yet he will so think of them, and seek to persuade all others, that they are such, or rather worse than himself. Whereby it is easy enough to judge, that this is that, which undoth and destroyeth commonalties and Commonwealths, towns and cities, when the governors and magistrates of them are ministers of vices. The change of monarchies, estates, and kingdoms proceeded always of vice. Roboam The alteration of kingdoms cometh of vice. through want of prudence, Sardanapalus through intemperancy and luxuriousness, the last French king of the race of Clovis through recklessness, Perses of Macedonia through rashness, with infinite others, whose examples we shall see hereafter, lost their kingdoms through vices. But that we may yet have greater occasion to hate and shun this horrible monster of nature, let us know that vice chasticeth itself. Which is not done only by man's law, out of which the mightier sort (as Anacharsis said) escape as great flies that break through the spider's web, the punishment Offences are never without pain. also of which may oftentimes be avoided for a time, but even the pain followeth the offence so near, that it is equal unto it both for age and time. For from that very instant wherein wickedness is committed, she frameth for and of herself her own torment, and beginneth to suffer the pain of her mischievous deed through the remorse thereof. This is that worm that continually gnaweth the conscience of a malefactor, and accompanieth his miserable life with shame and confusion, with frights, perturbations, anguish, and continual disquietness, even to his very dreams, so that all his life time he is destitute of all tranquillity and rest of spirit, wherein only human felicity consisteth. And therefore one of the Hebrew interpreters well and truly answered king Ptolemie, who asked him how he might be in rest when he dreamt: Let piety (quoth this wise man unto him) be the How a man may have continual quietness. scope of all thy sayings and doings. For by applying all thy discourses and works to excellent things, whether thou sleepest or wakest, thou shalt have quiet rest in regard of thyself. Truly that man feareth nothing, whose soul being free from all notorious crimes, followeth the will of God, who directeth all counsels to good. But (as Plato saith) there is nothing that maketh a man so fearful, as the remembrance of his life passed in shame. Yea presently The force of conscience in the wicked. after the offence (saith justin Martyr) the conscience of a wicked man is unto him in stead of an accuser, a witness, a judge, and a hangman. This is that, which the scripture levit. 26. 36. teacheth us in leviticus, saying, that the wicked shall tremble at the fall of the leaf of a tree, & that they shall be as if their life hung by a thread. We ought to be persuaded that this violence of man's conscience cometh from God, who causeth his enemies to feel his judgement and fury in such sort, that they cannot abide it, but are constrained to condemn themselves. And if our heart condemn us, God is greater than our heart. Now although the word should wholly fail in this, yet we have the testimony of nature imprinted with such characters in our hearts, that it did even compel the ancient poets to find out and to feign Furies, as revengers of our sins, which are nothing else but the torments of evil consciences. This is that Esay. 66. 24. worm whereof isaiah speaketh, which dieth not, but gnaweth Examples of tormented consciences in the wicked. and devoureth them without ceasing. Caligula, a most cruel Emperor, never had secure and quiet rest, but being terrified and in fear, awoke often, as one that was vexed and carried headlong with wonderful passions. Nero, after he had killed his mother, confessed that whilst he slept, he was troubled by her, and tormented with Furies, that burned him with flaming torches. Let us not then suppose A wise man is ashamed to attend before himself. that, although a wicked act may be hidden and kept close from men, therefore the torment is the less, (which a wise man never thinketh of, knowing that he ought to be in more reverence of himself than of others) but rather more grievous within us, not for the only fear of worldly shame or punishment, but for the apprehension of the just judgement of God, from whom nothing is hid. He pursueth the wicked hard at the heels for the most part, and knoweth how to take vengeance of their iniquity in due time. And if he defer the punishment, it serveth but to Why God deferreth his vengeance upon the wicked. aggravate their condemnation so much the more upon their heads, and to make the punishment more horrible, whereof we ought to stand in greater fear, than of any bodily pain, because the dolour thereof abideth for ever. He that would go about to repeat here severally all those vices wherewith men may be infected, and wherein we see them commonly wallow, should find their number very great, yea infinite. But (as Democritus said) let us only lay open that which is within us, and we shall find there a heap and conserve of many, divers, and different evils, which have their original beginning from thence. For as shadows follow bodies, so passions and vices follow souls. Hereafter we may discourse more particularly of the greater part of them, and of their proper and peculiar effects, with that just punishment, which commonly followed them. In the mean time we may learn this, that if custom be of so great force, that (as we say) it overcometh nature, it is chief to be seen in vice and dissoluteness, which is a gulf wherein a man may very easily cast himself Custom in sinning is dangerous. headlong, but it is a very difficult matter, yea unpossible to withdraw himself again. And (as a wise Roman said) most horrible and execrable offences through use and custom are made small faults, and are commonly practised. For it is the property of vice to be headstrong and contentious, seeking to defend itself by reasons, which, although they be altogether vain and frivolous, yet of great weight in regard of the weak flesh of man, which easily suffereth itself to be bound under the yoke of sin. Therefore we are to take good heed, that we suffer not ourselves to be surprised by so dangerous an enemy, nor give him any access or entrance into us: I mean that he should not dwell in us (for otherwise we know that perfect righteousness is in God only) but rather let us exercise How we should fortify ourselves against vice. all those things that are contrary to vice, accustoming ourselves in such sort to master our common and small imperfections (which are but too abundant in the justest men) that they take no effect, howsoever of themselves they may seem excusable. By this means we shall labour evermore to make choice of the best in all indifferent things: which will stand us in stead of a sure rampire against the tyrannical reign of this enemy to virtue. We read of Pythagoras, that he accustomed himself to abstain from cruelty and injustice even towards brute beasts, by The humanity of Pythagoras even towards brute beasts. requesting fowlers, after they had taken birds to let them fly again. And when he came amongst fishermen he bought their draughts, and after caused all the fish to be cast again into the sea. Moreover, he forbade all his disciples to kill a tame beast at any time. After his example let us abstain from all things that may procure vice, and never suffer such speeches as these to pass from us: What good will this do if that be wanting? Now I will deal in this manner, another time I will do better. Oh how slippery are such ways, how easily doth vice glide away like a stream under An excellent comparison teaching us not to suffer any unlawful thing. such pretences? For as a wedge maketh but a small cleft in the beginning, yet afterward the rift being greater sundereth all in pieces: so the sufferance of unlawful things how small soever it be, leadeth men by little & little to an unmeasurable licentiousness. Moreover, who can assure himself of tomorrow, yea of a quarter of an hour? The oracle of Apollo answered those of Cyrrha, that if they would live in peace among themselves, they should make continual war with their neighbours strangers. So, that we may pass the course of our short days in peace, rest and tranquillity of spirit, and that we fall not into the cruel paw of this adversary to all goodness, we must daily fight against We must never hearken to the heralds of vice. him, and never give ear to his heralds and ambassadors of peace, which are pleasures, neglect of duty, and such other baits, which he presenteth to us, to deceive and beguile us withal. It is most certain, that vice putteth How vice deceiveth men. on a vizard, and goeth disguised and covered with goodly shows that belong only to virtue, and challengeth falsely unto itself those goods, which indeed and truth man ought to desire. And being thus clothed, with the help of corruptible pleasures that lightly pass away, it yoketh base minded men, whose care is only set upon the desire of earthly things, which it setteth before their eyes as their felicity, impudently imputing to virtue all those evils that are in itself. But they that have sufficiently profited in philosophy through the knowledge of that which is good, and of such things as are truly fair and beautiful, never hearken to such hurtful allurements, but rather do The prudence of the serpent. as the serpent doth, that stoppeth her ears with her tail, to the end she may not hear the charms and sorceries of the enchanter. But if through the neglect of all good admonition, we give place amongst us never so little to the baits of vice, they may easily in the end (as thorns and thistles growing near to good seed, do oftentimes choke it) darken all that good instinct of nature that shall be in us. Diogenes the cynic, walking one day through that Why Diogenes asked his alms of images. street in Athens, wherein there were many images of such ancient men, as had best deserved of the commonwealth, asked his alms of them all one after another. Whereat some marveling and demanding of him the cause why: I learn (quoth he to them) to take denial patiently: even so when we can so far command ourselves, as to shun all vain & unprofitable business, wherein this age delighteth, and which serve but for allurements and baits to niceness and pleasures, let us not be ashamed not to follow them, but rather let us say, that we learn to contemn that which is contemptible, and to make choice (according to that ancient precept of Pythagoras) of the best kind of life that is, to the end, that custom may by little and little make it easy and pleasant unto us. To conclude therefore our present matter, we say that vice, being inseparably accompanied with a thousand miseries, and with unspeakable and exceeding mischiefs, which draw man into utter ruin and eternal perdition, may be truly called the only evil of the soul, as that which of itself is able and sufficient to make him unhappy, who receiveth it for a guest. And as such a hurtful thing, we ought to hate and to fly from it, by the means of virtue that is contrary unto it, labouring by all means to have our souls pure and clean from all wicked deeds, wills, and counsels, and our manners undefiled, not being troubled or infected with any evil perturbation, wherewith vice always aboundeth and is rich. Of Sciences, of the study of Letters, and of Histories. Chap. 7. ARAM. IT is a usual speech in the mouths of men altogether ignorant of the beauty and profit of Sciences, That the study of Letters is a bottomless The speeches of ignorant men touching the study of sciences. gulf, and so long and uneasy a journey, that they which think to finish it, oftentimes stay in the midway, and many being come to the end thereof find their minds so confused with their profound and curious skill, that in stead of tranquillity of soul, which they thought to find, they have increased the trouble of their spirit. Under this goodly pretence, the most part say, that it is better not to know much, yea nothing at all: attributing the cause of man's imperfection, unto science. Being thus persuaded, if they have already any beginning and entering in learning, they draw back, and seek to hinder and to turn Why many fathers set not their children to school. others aside from following them. For this cause many fathers set not their children to learning, or else because they find this way of preferment too long and costly, & have other more short and profitable means now a days whereby to enrich them. But both the one and the other are greatly to be condemned, because we are to spare no labour and travel, that we may get the treasures of the soul endued with reason, which are sciences, wherein all human felicity consisteth, and which never breed vexation of spirit. But all wits are not fit and apt to comprehend and conceive them. Neither doth the corruption of our nature better appear, than in this, that we love rather to enrich ourselves and our children with wicked and perishing goods, than with true certain and immortal goods, the happy knowledge whereof sciences and arts do bring unto us. Now having through the grace of God received this benefit by your liberality (most honourable fathers) as to have been instructed in the best and most necessary points of knowledge, we thought it would not be tedious unto you to hear us discourse, that we might stir up the memory of our studies, and that the beauty and commodity of sciences might work in our affections a liking and desire to continue and to finish them. ACHITOB. Man (saith Aristotle) was created to understand Man was created to understand and to do. and to do. For it is necessary that instruction go before working. Knowledge begetteth judgement, and by judgement men execute all good and virtuous actions. Whereupon it followeth, that the study of letters is rich, and undoubtedly giveth us the knowledge of things. Moreover nothing may be compared to sciences, which comfort us in our life time and cause us to live after death. ASER. O science (saith Plato) how would men love thee if thou wert known? Fire and air are not more necessary for life, than is the art and rule of good living, which is showed unto us by learning. And as health is the conservation of the body, so is doctrine the safeguard of the soul. But we are to understand more amply of thee (AMANA) what is the greatness and beauty of sciences. AMANA. Whatsoever is profitable, not only for a house and family, for a city and nation, but generally for all mankind, may well be accounted dear, precious and wonderful, & as so excellent a thing ought to be bought with all that a man hath: especially if it be the true substance of all happiness and felicity, and the efficient cause of prudence, which is an excellent guide for men's actions to make them worthy of an immortality. What can one desire more than profit, pleasure and honour, which are those things wherewith all men are commonly led? The treasure of Arabia and India may well bring some pleasure to man, but yet always unperfect: seeing all riches is of itself blind, & bringeth no light to the soul, but receiveth her brightness from the soul when it is framed according to virtue. Great and proud armies may by notable victories procure to themselves renown and glory, but blame worthy: a title of honour, but forced and unjust, if their enterprises are not grounded upon equity & justice. The merchant sailing on large and terrible seas, may reap profit by his traffic, but bought with the peril of his life, and hazard of his certain patrimony. Neither can this be done, except he have first laid a good ground of his voyage upon a sure discourse of reason, and upon the direction of a good and wise pilot. Now of all these things, thus poor of themselves, and begging all their ornaments else where, what certain joy, true honour, or great profit may a man challenge to himself and not rather look for a sudden change of them into a worse estate than they were in before, through the inconstancy and uncertainty of man's nature? Where then shall we seek for these great and rare properties, to find that which of itself will be unto us profitable, pleasant, and The benefits which come by knowledge. honourable altogether, and that not for an instant, but for ever? Truly in science or knowledge, which first is able to mollify man's nature, being before savage and wild, and to make it capable of reason: secondly, frameth and settleth his judgement, that he may pass the course of his days in all tranquillity of mind to the profit of many: lastly, causeth him to die in honour, with certain assurance of eternal life and happiness. It is knowledge that maketh man prudent, (for doctrine bringeth forth prudence) The proper work of the spirit of man. and worketh unspeakable pleasure in his soul. For the searching out of the truth is the proper work and perfection of the spirit, neither doth any delight come near to that which a man taketh in learning. It is science which guideth men's judgements, whereby their chiefest deliberations and counsels are executed, aswell in feats of war, as in the establishment and preservation of laws, kingdoms, monarchies, commonwealths, cities and peoples: likewise in the regiment and government of all worldly affairs, either general or particular, which are well or ill guided, according as he that manageth or governeth them is instructed. To this purpose Seneca said, that they, who being destitute of knowledge, did learn It is long ere men without knowledge become good magistrates. only by experience to govern public affairs, although they were borne with a divine and happy spirit, yet both late, and to the detriment of their commonwealth, they would in the end become good governors of the people. As contrariwise, they that should come thereunto being guarded with the precepts of knowledge, (so they carried a good mind) would quickly and without pain become worthy of their charge. O wisdom (saith Cicero) The praise of wisdom. the guide of our life, the only cause of virtue, and enemy tovice, what should, not we only, but even all the life of men be without thee? Thou hast builded towns: thou hast gathered together dispersed and wandering men that they might live in a society of life, and in common friendship. Thou compelest them to come together, first by keeping all in a house and by marriage: then by the common use of words and speech. Thou hast been the inventresse of laws, and the mistress of manners and discipline. We have no recourse but to thee in our afflictions: we crave aid and secure of thee: we put ourselves wholly into thine arms. Truly one day well and justly spent according to thy holy precepts, is to be preferred before an immortality of time consumed in wickedness and vice. With what riches shall we furnish ourselves rather than with thine, which hast liberally given us the means to obtain tranquillity in this life, and hast taken from us all fear and terror of death? Briefly, we may be assured, that science is the only divine and immortal quality in us, and that infallible rule, which bringeth both peace and war to their perfect proportion: without which whosoever goeth about to frame any glorious or happy building, doth as much as if he should undertake to sarle in the midst of the sea without a rudder, or walk through unknown places without a guide. Now the ancients knowing the greatness & difficulty of knowledge, and that it cannot be obtained (as it falleth out in all great matters) without great pain and travel, that their labour might become profitable unto us, they I say, who had spent their life even with sweeting, in seeking out the secrets of nature, and were desirous to ease man's study, who otherwise is inclined from his youth to pleasure & rest, have divided science for us into divers parts. Which they did to this end, that step by step, according to the niceness of our spirits (even as our bodies are first nourished with milk and then with stronger meats) we might find therein apt and conceivable food, and in the end be made partakers of the secrets of perfect wisdom, every one according to his capacity and need, expecting the full understanding thereof in the immortality of that second and most happy life. First then all arts and The division of sciences. sciences handled by reason, were divided into three principal kinds: into philosophy, rhetoric and mathematic. Afterwards, each of these sciences was divided into three other parts and kinds, philosophy into Moral, logical and physical or natural. Rhetoric, into demonstrative, deliberative & judicial. Mathematic, into arithmetic, music and Geometry. Since that, for greater facility, and that it might be more easy to learn, all human philosophy hath been reduced into art, as we have it at this day, from whence the name of liberal arts came, because they are worthy & beseeming a free man. Grammar. Rhetoric. Their names are these: grammar, which is the entrance and beginning of all knowledge: rhetoric, which is the art of fine speaking, and of persuading: dialectic or Logic. logic, which is to learn the truth of all things by disputation: Physic. physic, which is the study of natural things: Metaphysic. Mathematic and the parts thereof, as, arithmetic. metaphysic, which is of supernatural things: mathematic, which hath many members, whereof arithmetic is the first, which is the science of numbers, and the foundation of all the other parts of mathematic, without which science of arithmetic, Plato denied that any Geometry. man could be either a philosopher or captain general. Next to that is Geometry, that is to say, the art of measuring the ground, very necessary likewise for a captain, and for many other martial affairs. Then followeth cosmography and Geography, to know the situation Cosmography. of the whole world, even from the tower of the highest heaven, called the first mover, unto the centre of the Geography. earth, and likewise of the divers regions thereof with their particular temperatures. After that is astronomy, the Astronomy. science that teacheth us to know the course of the stars and planets, which thing practise only might teach us, I mean so much as is necessary for us, as our first fathers were a long time content therewith, until the curiosity of men invented these names of Saturn, Mars, & others, attributing natures unto them according to their imaginations, and also power over our bodies: yea those things that shall perish and are without life, are said to have power over our immortal souls. And from thence proceeded judicial Astronomy, wherewith so many good wits are deceived, and of which so many abuses have their beginning. Next, music is set down also for a member of Music. the mathematics, as being a science drawn from numbers, because that by them harmonical proportion was found. Lastly followeth Poetry, which is attributed to music. In this short discourse the wonderful greatness Poetry. ofscience appeareth sufficiently, as also how hard, yea unpossible it is, to attain to the perfection thereof through the sound knowledge of all the parts thereof. Wherefore Those sciences are first to be learned, that are most necessary. we are first to seek after those that are most necessary, and then to desire a mean understanding of them all according to the gifts and graces of God bestowed on our souls. But above all things we must shun that idleness and recklessness which is in many, who by reason of the difficulty, which they hear say is in sciences, and distrusting themselves for ever coming near the skill of so many good wits, as have gone before them, remain as buried in ignorance, and unprofitable amongst men. The greatness of Alexander stayed not his successors from trying the issue and event of all sorts of noble enterpises. And the wonderful knowledge of Plato could not keep Aristotle from handling philosophy as he thought good. He that distrusteth his wit and the invention thereof, showeth himself too ungrateful. For it seemeth he will condemn nature the mother of all things, as though she had put all her gifts and graces in some men, and ever after purposed to be idle and barren, having no more strength to bring forth any thing worthy commendation. We must not therefore in this sort be discouraged in the searching out of every good discipline, knowing that those things also, which draw near to perfection are great. But yet for the chief part of all our studies, let us take moral philosophy, whereof we have already discoursed, that we may frame our manners according to virtue, and lead and direct ourselves to that end, which we desire, even to live well and happily. So let us practise that What kind of knowledge is especially required in a philosopher. divine saying of Plato speaking by the mouth of Socrates, That more virtue and piety is required in a philosopher than knowledge: and that all science, which is to be required in him, is, that above all things he worship and reverence God the only true master of wisdom, and author of whatsoever may be known: and that he endeavour to separate his soul from his body, as much as may be, by contemning pleasures, ambition, vainglory and riches, that so he may lay hold of the treasures of immortal life. This we may learn by reading books & writings, which are the instruments of wisdom, and are left unto us by learned men for a rule and for instruction. By the study hereof we shall attain to that knowledge of the true and perfect good of man, which consisteth in virtue and verity, the only nourishment, rest and tranquillity of the mind. But will we know further what profit we may receive by the doctrine of ancient men? Let us only read Anacharsis letter to Croesus' touching the studies of Graecia. that which Anacharsis wrote to Croesus' king of Lydia. Know (quoth he to him) that in the studies of Graecia we learn, not to command, but first to obey: not to speak, but to keep silence: not to resist, but to humble ourselves: not to get much, but to content ourselves with a little: not to revenge our harms, but to pardon injuries: not to take from others, but to give our own: not to take care to be honoured, but to labour to be virtuous. Lastly, we learn to despise that which others love, and to love that which others despise, that is poverty. Behold the fair fruits of science, and of the study of these ancient Sages, to which no treasures of worldly riches are in any sort comparable, and which we ought to desire above The praise and profit of 〈◊〉. all things. Moreover, by this study of letters, we shall be taught to search out diligently the understanding of histories, which are the treasury of things past, the pattern of those that are to come, the picture of man's life, the tuchstone of our doings, the workmaster of our honour, and as Cicero calleth them, the witness of times, the light of truth, the life of memory, the mistress of life and the messenger of antiquity. Histories cause us to behold that without danger, which so many millions of men have tried with the loss of their lives, honour and goods, that we may be made wise by their peril, and stirred up to follow the virtue of others, which hath brought them to the top of all felicity and glory. Now if we think to learn by our own experience these excellent instructions which we may draw out of histories, in stead of so rare treasures we shall know but few things, and those with loss & peril amongst a thousand adversities, from which the understanding of that which is past, saveth & delivereth us. Prudence gotten by experience is too perilous, and so long a coming, that very often a man dieth before he have obtained it, so that he had need of a second life to employ about it. But we must hasten it forward by the searching out of things, which have come to pass both before and since our time, in the study both of philosophy, which is rich and plentiful in worthy examples, and also of histories, which are a singular gift of God, whereby he would have his wonderful works continued in the How a man may become happy. memory of men. For this cause Zeno, being demanded how a man might become happy, answered, if he drew near unto and haunted the dead: meaning thereby, if he read histories, and endeavoured to learn their good instructions that have gone before us. Ptolemie also ask one of the wise interpreters, wherein a king ought to exercise himself, In the knowledge (quoth he) of things which have been done, and in reading books of things which Wherein kings ought most to exercise themselves. daily offer themselves, or which are fit for present affairs, and lastly in searching out whatsoever is written for the preservation of kingdoms and correction of manners. And truly they that are exercised in the understanding of histories, although they be but young, yet in knowledge of worldly matters they become like to the aged and gray-headed: as contrariwise they that are ignorant of things done and passed before their being, remain always children, and even within their own country where they were borne, they are in the same estate in respect of knowledge that foreigners are. If we yet desire more testimonies from amongst the ancients, of the honour, love, zeal, and ardent affection, which they bore towards the study of good letters, and how the chiefé glory of all their heroical and noble acts doth of duty belong to science, we The saving of Philip at the birth of Alexander. read of Philip king of Macedonia, that when Alexander was borne to him, he gave thanks to God, not so much because he had this son, as because he was borne in the time of so wise a philosopher as Aristotle was, whom he made his schoolmaster. Of him Alexander learned many goodly sciences, as well in philosophy as in physic, and namely, those acroamatical sciences, that is, speculative, and such as could not be learned but by hearing a teacher. Of which Sciences this great monarch was jealous, and taken with so greedy a desire, that hearing how Aristotle had published certain books, he wrote a letter unto Alexander's letter to Aristotle. him in this manner: Alexander sendeth greeting to Aristotle. Thou hast not done well to publish these books of speculative sciences: forasmuch as we shall have nothing above others, if that which thou hast taught us privately come to be published and communicated to all. For I would thou shouldest know, that I love rather to excel others in the understanding of high and notable things, than in power. How greatly this excellent prince always loved knowledge, appeareth sufficiently by the exceeding liberality and gifts, wherewith he honoured the masters and teachers thereof (as we may somewhat touch it hereafter) as also in that he always carried Homer's Iliads about His love to learning. him, which usually he laid under his pillow, naming it the nourishment and preserver of warlike virtue. Caesar in the julius Caesar. midst of his camp had his commentaries in his bosom, and that time which he spared from fight, he bestowed in reading and writing, holding a lance in the left hand, and a pen in the right. We see in these two mighty and sacred princes, and in infinite other great personages both Greeks and Romans, the wonderful effects of knowledge, which conducted them to the top of all honour, felicity, and prosperity. Xenophon, the disciple of Socrates Xenophon. serveth for another witness, who being guided by an unspeakable prudence and providence gotten in the study of philosophy, brought an army of a thousand footmen out of Persia into Greece, going over the fords of fifty rivers, and through the midst of a hundred thousand enemies pursuing him, and yet his array was never broken, albeit he fought with them sundry times. Besides, if we are desirous of testimonies of the incredible delight, which the study of any science worketh in men's souls touched with the zeal of knowledge, we read of Nicias Nicias. the painter, how he took such great delight in his works, that oftentimes he inquired of his servants whether he had dined or no. Archimedes drawing his geometrical figures Archimedes. upon a table, was as it were by force drawn away of his servants, that he might anoint himself with oil (according to their custom) before he did eat: and during the time of his anointing, he would trace new figures upon his body. Socrates was seen standing a whole summer's day for the space of 24. hours continually in Socrates' conclusion drawn out of 24. hours contemplation. contemplation and discoursing in his mind: which was when he drew this conclusion out of his thoughts, that There was but one only God, and that the soul was immortal. The Emperor Charles the fourth going on a day to a College Charles 4. in Praga, to hear the disputations of virtue that were there, remained above four hours on foot in hearing them. And when his courtiers, to whom he was wearisome, Robert king of Sicilia. told him that it was time to sup, he answered, that It was no more time for him, and that he had supped. Robert king of Jerusalem and Sicilia, a very learned prince, was so affectionated to letters, that he oftentimes said, that if he were to lose either his kingdoms or his learning, he would choose rather to be deprived of them than of knowledge. What greater testimony of love toward Science can one desire Ptolemie Philadelphus. than that of Ptolemie Philadelphus, that virtuous king of Egypt, who with incredible charges gathered together into his library five hundred thousand books, and purposely caused seventy and two of the most learned and religious men of Judea to come and translate the holy Bible out of Hebrew into Greek? And surely we should be too ungrateful towards our princes, if amongst so many famous men we should leave no place for that great Charlemagne. Emperor and king Charlemagne, who was skilful in the Greek and Latin tongues, and who in favour of those tongues, and of the lovers of knowledge, erected the university at Paris, and that at Pavia, according to the pattern of those places of learning which were at Athens. Francis 1. Francis the first, a prince of most famous memory, so loved and favoured letters, and the professors of them, that he deserved the name of the restorer of sciences and good arts, sparing neither care nor means to assemble together books and volumes of sundry sorts, and of all languages for the beautifying of his so renowned a library, which was a worthy monument of such a magnifical monarch: whose praiseworthy qualities we see revived in our king, treading in the self-same steps. Now to conclude our present discourse, we learn hereby to despise all earthly goods for the obtaining of knowledge, which of itself is truly profitable, delectable, and honourable altogether, and whereby we are taught how to live and die well and happily. And because that arts and sciences consist of many parts, let us apply our minds to the study and contemplation of those which together with delight do also draw us to that which is our proper and peculiar good, namely, to the knowledge of truth and virtue, which work in us always an affection and zeal to follow them, and cause all arts and sciences teaching other things to be esteemed base, mechanical, and unbeseeming good wits. This did Antisthenes give one to understand, who greatly commended Antisthenes' saying touching a flute player. Ismenius for an excellent player on the flute: it is true (quoth he to him) but otherwise he is good for nothing. For else had he not been so good a minstrel. So, every one applying himself to some base and vain art, produceth for witness against himself that labour, which he hath bestowed about unprofitable matters, to prove that he hath been idle and slothful in learning honest and profitable things. And for the last fruit and use of our speech we see here what great occasion we have all our life time to become the disciples of knowledge, which is so high and profound, and to diminish all pride and presumption of our skill, after the example of that wise man Socrates, who although he were the learnedest of his time, and so The modestic of Socrates touching his own skill. judged to be by the oracle at Delphos, yet always said, that he knew nothing. And when he was demanded any thing, he would never answer resolutely, as if he would have been believed, but doubtingly used to say, I think so, or, It may be so. Being therefore desirous to learn with all modesty, let us endeavour to seek out more and more by travel and study, the assurance and knowledge of verity and virtue. Of the Spirit and of memory. Chap. 8. AMANA. Having now discoursed of the greatness, beauty, and profit of knowledge, I think, that if we were to wish for two helps very necessary for the attaining unto it, those aught to be a spirit or mind ready to conceive, and memory, firm to retain: without which two things we shall profit ourselves little, and much less a great many. ARAM. Those two things, which thou propoundest unto us would seem wonderful if they were together. Quick wits commonly want memory. For we commonly see, that they who have a ready and quick wit, for the most part want memory: and they that learn with greatest difficulty and pain, do best retain and keep that which they have once learned. ACHITOB. This talk of the spirit, whereunto you attribute the property of comprehending (and yet speak not of the soul) is undoubtedly worthy of great consideration. For even when we speak of a young infant, we say by and by, that his spirit or wit will grow with his body, and of a crooked old-sire, we say that his spirit waxeth old with him, which in many we see oftentimes becometh altogether dull and unfit for the ordering & government Psal. 102. 26. of affairs. Now that which waxeth old draweth to an end, as the scripture itself teacheth us concerning times and seasons, which wax old like to men's garments, and are to take end. And yet we know that the soul is immortal, and therefore waxeth not old. So that one would think, that the soul and spirit are two distinct things, although we see every where the one taken for the other. But let us hear ASER discourse of this matter, and so we shall learn what the spirit is in the soul. ASER. As the works of the divine power are altogether incomprehensible to the outward sense of man, and It is very hard for a man to know himself. very hard to be comprehended by reason guided & conducted by grace from above, so we are not to think much if the knowledge of a man's self, which is most necessary, be so hardly found out by him, seeing his composition far passeth all the works of nature, that are visible and subject to sight. Now if a man cannot know himself, how should he hope to comprehend greater matters, which are supernatural and hidden in the heavens? And who can rightly boast, that he hath the true and perfect understanding of the chiefest part and most powerful beginning of himself, namely of his spirit? Who am I, said Socrates' opinion concerning man. Socrates? Am I a subject compounded of soul and body? Or rather a soul, that useth the body, as a horseman doth a horse? Or, is every one of us that principal part of the soul, whereby we understand, discourse and do, and all the other parts of the body but instruments of this power: Or if there be no proper substance at all of the soul by itself, but that it is only a temperature and complexion of the body so framed that it hath power to understand and to live, am I not a savage beast, more crafty, bold and furious than ever was the serpent Typhon? Or else, am I a meeker and simpler creature, partaker of a better estate, and void of pride? All the excellentest philosophers that ever were handled this self same matter aswell as Socrates, with incredible travel and pain, that they may attain to this knowledge of the noblest part in the, which is the soul and spirit, taking indifferently the one for the other. But first of all this wise Socrates spoke excellently of the dignity and immortality of the soul, saying, that in truth the soul is man, and not this mortal The soul is truly man. mass and lump of the body, which of itself is no more than a simple and base instrument is in regard of the most cunning workman of any art of science. And for this cause giving up the ghost amongst his disciples, and being asked by Clito where he would be buried: As for Socrates Socrates' answer touching his burial. (quoth he to him) take thou no thought or care. For thou canst not stay him, whose tomb hath been from all time ready for him. But concerning that which he leaveth here below, it is not worthy to be cared for by him. The greatest thing (said Periander) that may be said to be contained Periander. in a little place, is the soul in a man's body. Empedocles Empedocles. speaking of the generation of the soul saith, that neither blood, nor the vital spirit congealed have given unto us the substance of the soul, and the beginning of life. The body only is compounded earthly and mortal. But the generation of the soul is heavenly, being Of the generation of the soul. sent here below as a passenger, and stranger, or as one that is banished and sent out of his country. Whereupon she continually sigheth, groaneth, and as it were drieth away, (like to a good plant translated out of a good plot of ground into a bad) until in the end she return, and be received into her immortal habitation, after she hath changed her present life, which is unto her but as a vain illusion of some dream; in respect of a true, certain and permanent life. Surely these philosophical speculations are not vain and frivolous, but very necessary to lead us to that happy end of our being, which we seek for. For if we be well instructed concerning the great and honourable place and condition, which the soul enjoyeth above the body, as well in her immortal generation, as in her contemplation and action, as also that of her happiness dependeth (as before we handled it) the felicity of the whole frame of man, will we not apply all our principal care, study and diligence in providing such things for her as she desireth, and which are meet and healthful for her? But we have further (thanks be given to the author of all good) a second & more perfect understanding of the soul, than had all these notable heathen men, both in respect of the blessed immortality and also of the cause thereof. We know also that so long as she is detained in this mortal prison of the body, & that we are become new creatures The soul is divided into the spirit and the flesh. by the grace of God, she is divided into these two parts, the spirit and the flesh, between which there is a perpetual combat. Yea the flesh continually offereth to the spirit a thousand temptations, to delight it withal. For the body and flesh consisting of mortal and corruptible matter, are but a lump of sin, and full of wicked desires, The spirit of the godly both by creation and regeneration is enemy to vice. whereas the spirit of itself virtuous and good, and of an immortal essence, is of it own nature enemy to vice and iniquity: so that being ruled and guided by the spirit of God, it loveth and desireth eternal happiness, and rejoiceth in justice, purity and holiness. And yet the soul is not so freed from the slavery of sin, but that there remaineth in her many steps of the earthly man, so that she always carrieth about with her the relics of the The fight between the spirit and the flesh. flesh, whereby her liberty is so much diminished. This is that fight whereof the true children of God have daily experience, when they are lifted upward by the spirit, and by the flesh turned downward: by the spirit they bend with an ardent desire towards immortality, by the flesh they are carried astray into the way of death: by the spirit they think to live justly, by the flesh they are stirred forward to iniquity: by the spirit they contemn the world, by the flesh they desire worldly delights. But in the end the grace of God causeth the spirit to remain superior, Rom. 8 7. so that his children walk not according to the flesh, but according to the spirit. Whereas if we be left of God to What we are being left to ourselves. our own corrupt and perverse nature, we have not sufficient strength to resist the temptations of this wicked flesh, but in stead of commanding it, we obey it with shame and confusion. And then accustoming ourselves to sin, and to consent to the desires of the flesh, the divine part of the soul is so weakened, that she hath no more strength or feeling of her essence, which is enemy to vice, but having forsaken God, he forsaketh her, and giveth her over into the power of carnal desires. So that by this long dwelling in sin, being as it were altogether dead, she taketh no more counsel of reason, but followeth after detestable vices, and such as are against nature. But on the contrary side being guided by the grace of God, after we have laboured by fasting, watching and prayer, to resist the unpure desires of the flesh, all the concupiscences thereof will at length be so tamed and forced, that the soul shall execute her office in commanding over them absolutely, and in choking them so soon as they shall spring up. Therefore it cometh from the spirit, that we aspire continually to our last and sovereign good, that with a singular desire of heart, and with all our affection we study to seek and find it out, even with tears and sighs, by reason of those continual impediments, which the flesh layeth before us in following our course. Moreover the spirit causeth us to employ all our might in the separation of the soul from the body, and in despising pleasure, ambition, vainglory and riches, that we may offer an acceptable present, by yielding unto him the soul, which he hath given us. Which thing cannot be done (saith Plato) but by keeping it, as much as may be, purged & cleansed from earthly spots, that she may be known and acknowledged above amongst her companions, considering that no defiled thing shall enter into the kingdom of heaven. In this discourse of the soul and of the spirit thus intermingled, I think we may here set down some special difference betwixt them, although undoubtedly the one is taken indifferently for the other, without any absurdity, The difference between the 〈◊〉 and the spirit. yea they are one and the same thing. The difference may be made in this sort, if we say, that the soul is common to all things that have life, as we use to say, that all beasts are animated, and have sensitive souls: but that the spirit, which is immortal, and capable of reason & knowledge, is proper and peculiar to man only. And it seemeth that Sophocles would teach us this distinction, when he saith, that The spirit is the same thing to the soul, which the eye is to the body. Socrates also putting a difference between the soul and the spirit, said, that as every seditious man is to be banished out of a well governed city, so a spirit inclined to all mischief is to be removed from that soul, which we would save. Or else we may say otherwise (not dividing any thing) that the spirit is the first and principal The three parts of the spirit. part of the soul, wherein the Mind, the understanding, and the memory are contained, which are most necessary for the direction of all good and virtuous actions, and which stand in need of preservation, nourishing, and exercise, and therefore they are said, (not without reason) to increase & decrease in the mind of man. The mind is as a white paper, wherein as a man groweth in age & judgement, he writeth his cogitations and thoughts, which the study of letters and learning do afford him. Understanding is framed by the knowledge of reason, and lastly Of memory. memory followeth & preserveth it, being the mother of the muses, and the treasury of knowledge. Plutark calleth it the hearing of deaf things, and the sight of the blind. There is nothing, that serveth so much to beget and preserve learning and knowledge, as memory doth, whereof we have many examples among the ancients. We read Mithridates. of Mithridates' king of Pontus, who was a great enemy to the Romans, that he had under his dominion two & twenty nations, speaking divers languages, all which he learned and answered their ambassadors in their own tongues. Which thing he could never have comprehended without an excellent and happy memory, which also was the cause, that Themistocles knew personally and could name all his countrymen, by their proper names. The emperor Frederick the 11. spoke the Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Frederick. Arabian, Morisko, Almaigne, Italian and French tongue. In our time there was an interpreter of Sultan Solymaus, Genusbey. named Genusbey, borne in Corfou, endued with the richest memory that ever was. For he spoke perfectly the Greek tongue, both vulgar & learned, the Turkish, Arabian, Moorish, Tartarian, Persian, Armenian, Hebrew, Russee, Hungarian, Sclavonian, Italian, Spanish, Almaign, P. Crassus. Latin and French. It is recorded of Publius Crassus, that at one instant he heard five sundry languages spoken, and answered each of them in the same tongue. Whereby we see that he was endued with an excellent and quick spirit, apt to conceive, and with a firm memory, able to retain them altogether: and this may be seen in many. But the From whence judgement proceedeth. perfection of these two great gifts of nature, is a good & sound judgement, proceeding from pondering, and from a firm discourse of reason lightened by the spirit of God, and by the same spirit purged from error, illusion, and all vain opinion, which are usual in man, and hinder him from judging aright of the truth. But to continue our speech of the wonderful effects of memory so much esteemed of Plato, that he writeth, that we should leave of to be men, & become like to the gods, if our memory could retain and keep so much as the eyes can read and see. We must not here forget to make mention of julius Caesar, julius Caesar. that great monarch, of whom Historiographers report, that at one time he caused his Secretaries to write unto four several persons of sundry matters, and that oftentimes he would indight a letter to one of his Secretaries, read in a book, and hear another speak all at one time. Seneca rehearsed two thousand sundry names, having Seneca. only heard them pronounced before, beginning at the last and continuing to the first. By these examples we see the greatness of memory, whereby we may easily judge how profitable it is for the enriching of the mind with all things necessary to the government of man's estate. Yea A good use of memory. it is unto us a help requisite to salvation, as that whereby we keep in remembrance the gifts and graces, which we daily receive from the goodness and favour of God▪ to this end, that we should not be ungrateful, but yield unto him glory and praise without ceasing. Now because one of you (my companions) touched this, that they which have a ready and quick wit, commonly want memory, & that they which hardly learn, retain and keep better that which they have learned, I will give you this reason with Plutark, that hardness of belecfe seemeth to be the cause Reasons why quick est wits have worst memories, and contrariwise why men comprehend slowly. For it is very evident, that to learn, is to receive some impression: whereupon it followeth, that they which resist least, are such as soon believe. And therefore youth is easier to be persuaded than old folks, sick than sound, women than men: and generally the weaker that thing is, which discourseth and doubteth, the easier may a man put and add unto it, what he will, as likewise the self same thing is sooner lost and let slip away. Some others (as justine Martyr saith) have rendered this reason of the quickness or slowness of man's wit, saying, that it cometh of the good or immoderate mixture & temperature of the elements, of which our bodies are compounded and framed, and of the symmetry and proportion of the organical or iustrumentall parts joined together in him. And surely these seem to give the true reason thereof. For we see many, who in their beginning and first age show that they have a prompt and sharp wit, but when they come to old age are changed, & become slow and dull to conceive. Which is a great token and argument that a good or bad complexion and constitution of the body, is the cause of such a disposition, either in quickness or slowness of spirit, as the difference of years doth afford them. Besides, do we not perceive, that they which have the head overgreat and ill fanored, whom we commonly call great blockheads, (because there is not an equal symmetry and moderate proportion between that and the other parts of the body) are naturally unapt to conceive, and to bring forth any sensible and witty thing? But the resolution of all this speech shall be, that all gifts of the spirit are from above, & that amongst 1. Cor. 12. all sorts of men, there are some found, that are prompt & witty to comprehend great and divine things, by a special grace and favour, which God hath bestowed upon them. Some by the gift of the holy Ghost have wisdom, others knowledge and understanding of things, and all given to every one for the profiting both of himself and of his neighbour. Knowing therefore by this present discourse, according to the weakness of our judgement, the creation and nature of the spirit, which is the principal and most noble part of us, and that whereof dependeth and proceedeth all our happiness, rest and felicity, let us be careful and diligent to search it out, and to provide such things as it desireth of us, as helps to that effect, bestowing all our care, labour and study, to adorn and deck it with righteousness and holiness, according to the holy desire thereof, wherein consisteth life and peace. And let us beware that we seek not to feed it with strange meats, which may make it sorrowful, and with which our flesh aboundeth to her death and destruction. But mortifying Rom. 8. 1. all the deadly desires and affections thereof, let us labour not to walk any more according to the flesh, but according to the spirit, and let us know that all wearisomeness and tediousness which troubleth the tranquillity and rest thereof, proceedcth from the want of experience in affairs, from the want of good discoursing, grounded upon a resolute and settled judgement, and from the want of skill fitly to apply ourselves to present occasions. And this is that which troubleth all sorts and conditions of life, as well rich as poor. But the way to preserve the spirit in rest and quietness, is to nourish and exercise it in the study of wisdom, where it learneth reason, which of itself can cure it of all sorrow, anguish and grief through wise discoursing, and work in it a like inclination and constant behaviour in every alteration of life, causing man to live happy throughout the whole course of his life, not without the hope and certain expectation of a blessed immortality. The end of the second days work. THE THIRD days work. Of duty and honesty. Chap. 9 ASER. The end of the creation of all things. ALthough all things were created of divers natures and properties, and many of clean contraries, yet by an incomprehensible wisdom they were appointed to refer themselves to one only certain and common end, namely, to show forth the infinite power and greatness of their workmaster, sufficient in the lest of his works with admiration to ravish man, to whom he hath made all things subject. But as in him alone the treasures of his heavenly graces have been without comparison more liberally unfolded, and that in all fullness and bounty, as well in regard of the goods and commodities of this life, which he draweth from heaven, from the earth, from the air, from the water, from beasts and plants, and generally from all things contained under the cope of the firmament, as also in respect of that unspeakable happiness and eternal felicity, which by the special grace of God is purchased and assured to him only in the immortality of the second life, so also hath God from the beginning until this present and for ever, reserved to himself a particular What homage we own to God. homage, and that not for a time, or for certain years of his life, but to continue without intermission from time to time, namely, love testified by obedience, which we may comprehend under this only word of duty, called by the philosophers, the wellspring of all virtuous and laudable actions, and the foundation of honesty. Therefore I propound this matter to you (companions) to be discoursed upon. AMANA. Which is the chief end of our being. The duty of a good man consisteth in his good behaviour towards the chief and only end of his being, compounded of these two things, the glory of his Creator, and the love of his neighbour. But the last undoubtedly dependeth of the first. For without the fear of God, men will never preserve equity and love amongst themselves: as contrariwise the honouring of his majesty teacheth them to live uprightly one with another. ARAM. We ought not to assure or fortify ourselves with any other bulwark, than to do, to counsel, and to utter all good and honest things, according to duty, whereunto we are called by nature, not only for ourselves, but also for the benefit and profit of many. Therefore of thee (ACHITOB) we shall understand more at large what duty and honesty is. ACHITOB. No treatise in philosophy (saith Cicero) is so necessary as that of Office and duty: forasmuch as no part of man's life, whether it be in public or private affairs, or in what action soever it be, either aught or may be destitute thereof. For therein consisteth all honesty of life, and, if it be neglected, all infamy. And albeit most part of the ancient philosophers comprehended duty and honesty under virtue, affirming them to be one and the same thing, yet following the opinion of that great orator and philosopher, who hath handled moral philosophy in very good order, we may distinguish them after this sort, saying, that duty is the end whereunto virtue tendeth, namely, when in all our actions we observe honesty and comeliness. In which distinction we see nevertheless such a conjunction of these three things, virtue, duty, and honesty, that the one is the end of the other, the perfection thereof consisting in all three together. Duty then What duty is. is that, which bindeth the soul, cheerfully and willingly without force or constraint to give to every one that which belongeth unto him: honour, to whom honour: reverence, to whom reverence: tribute, to whom tribute: The division of duty. and succour, to whom succour belongeth. This duty is divided into two general kinds: the one is that which appertaineth to the perfect and sovereign good: the other concerneth the preservation and safety of the common society of men, and consisteth in moral precepts, according to which the behaviour of all sorts of life may be squared. What duty we own to God and therefore. As touching the first, no doubt but all men are beholding and bound unto God, both for their being and preservation thereof, as also for that abundance of goods necessary for this life, which he poureth forth most liberally, both on the good and on the bad. Moreover, Christians are further tied and bound unto him for the certain hope of their salvation in his eternal son. For all which things he asketh nothing of us but love and goodwill, testified by honour, reverence, and service according to his holy ordinance, every one after the measure of gifts and graces, which he hath from above: knowing that more is to be required of him to whom more is given. Obedience to God's law is the mother of all virtues. This obedience being grounded upon that rule of perfect righteousness, which is given unto us in the law of God, is the mother and preserver of all virtues, yea the What our duty towards our neighbour is. beginning and root of all goodness. The other part of duty, which respecteth our neighbour, and whereof we are chief to entreat in this our academy, is nothing but charity & love of our like, as of ourselves, which is greatly recommended unto us in the scripture, as being very requisite unto salúation. This is that duty, whereby we are bound not to do any thing against public laws, equity, and profit, but to be always constant in the perfect exercise and use of virtue, by doing honest and seemly things for their own sakes, and not of necessity and constraint. We are not only borne (saith Cicero) for ourselves, but our country, parents, and friends both will and aught to reap some commodity by our birth. For whatsoever is upon earth was created for men, and they for themselves, Man created for man. that one might aid and help another. So that if we will follow nature, we must employ our goods, travel, and industry, and whatsoever else is in our power, in the behalf of common commodity, and in the preservation of human society: yea, that man liveth most happily, who, as little as may be, liveth to himself. And on the other side, no man liveth more disorderedly, than he that liveth to himself, and thinketh on nothing but his own profit. This is that duty, which requireth that for the safety of our parents, friends and country, we should offer ourselves to all perils, not respecting our own profit or commodity. Neither ought we to esteem any thing just and Profit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be separated from honesty. profitable, except honesty: which are so linked together, (as the philosophers say) that they can no more be separated than whiteness and cold from snow, and heat and light from fire. So that if any man be persuaded, that the rule of honesty and profit is not one and the same, he will never be without fraud or wickedness. For thinking thus with himself, this indeed is honest, but that is profitable for me, he will not fear to break and rend a sunder all equity ordained and appointed either by divine or human laws. And this division is the fountain of all vice, falsehood, and mischief. A good man (saith Plato) may not slander, steal, or lie for his own commodity. Is there any thing then in this world of so great value, any treasure so precious, that aught to cause us to lose the name of virtuous and just? We ought rather to turn profit towards honesty, and that in such sort, that howsoever the words seem to differ one from another, yet we should make them but one thing. Moreover, the same divine philosopher saith, that the true beauty of the soul, which is honesty, is nothing else but the brightness of that perfect and chief good that appeareth in those things, which may be known by the eyes, ears, and mind, whereby it is caused to return towards the Idea and pattern of goodness. Whereby this excellent man meaneth no other thing, than to give us to understand, that whatsoever goodness and honesty is in us, cometh from God, as from the fountain thereof, unto which by the same virtue it returneth, leading the soul with it to live eternally. Besides, from him and by him cometh the beginning and proceeding of our good works: yea it is he that maketh us to go forward according to true duty, which consisteth in Two things requisite in every good work. these two points: first, that the intention and end of our actions be rightly framed: secondly, that the like means to attain to that end be found out. For these two things may agree or disagree one from another, as we see sometimes the end well propounded, and yet men err in the means to attain unto it: and contrariwise, it falleth out oftentimes, that the means are good, and the end propounded, bad. So that it is from this lively and ever-flowing fountain, which is the cause of all good, from whence we are to look for the perfect knowledge of our duty, and the ends and means whereby to execute it, to the glory of God, and to the good and profit of our like. And from this general virtue, and fountain of honesty and Four rivers issue out of the fountain of duty. duty, four rivers issue and spring, called moral virtues: namely, Prudence, which is as a guide to the rest, and knoweth what is profitable for itself, for others, and for the commonwealth: Temperance, the mistress of modesty, chastity, sobriety, and vigilancy, and of all order and mediocrity in all things: Fortitude, which maketh a man constant, patiented, courageous, hardy, and ready to enterprise high, great, profitable, and holy things: and justice, which is the bond and preservation of human society, by giving to every one that which belongeth unto him, by keeping faith in things promised, by succouring gladly the afflicted, and by helping every one according as ability serveth. Which virtues are the true and certain goods of the soul, whereby all actions are directed according to duty, as we shall speak particularly thereof hereafter. In the mean while let us enter into the examples of the ancients, and see how exactly and inviolably they observed all points of duty, choosing rather to sacrifice their lives, than to infringe, and break any of them, much more contemning all other weaker occasions, wherewith lewd and baseminded people suffer themselves to be easily corrupted. And first, touching the first point of duty naturally Examples of the zeal of the ancients in the service of there god. imprinted in the souls of the greatest infidels, which is to acknowledge some divinity, with what zeal (although inconsiderate and rash) did the ancient heathens and pagans precisely observe their paganism, even to the sacrificing and cheerful offering up of their own children to their gods, as we read of the Carthaginians? What say I, their children? yea oftentimes themselves, whereof Calanus an Indian Gymnosophist serveth for a Calanus. witness, who seeing himself old, after he had offered sacrifice to the gods, bad Alexander the Great farewell, with whom he came to Babylon, and took his leave also of all his other friends. Then lying along (according to the custom of his country) upon a little pile of wood, which he had prepared for that purpose, he caused fire to be put unto it, and so burned himself for a burnt-offering to his gods, not stirring at all, but continuing with such a wonderful constancy, that Alexander, who was present, confessed himself to be vanquished of him in greatness of heart, and magnanimity of courage. Who will not admire the strict observation of the ancient religion of the Egyptians, Grecians, and Romans, moved with a desire of yielding the duty of their being to the honour of a divine nature? But for shortness sake, and not to wander far from the subject of our assembly, I pass it over with silence. Hear I will only allege one notable example of the Jews, who were more zealous professors of their law, The zeal of the Jews to their law. than ever were any people. Caius a Roman emperor, sent Petronius into Syria with commandment to make war with the Jews, if they would not receive his image into their temple. Which when they refused to do, Petronius said unto them, that then belike they would fight against Caesar, not weighing his wealth, or their own weakness and unability. We will not fight (quoth they) but had rather die than turn from the laws of our God. And forthwith casting themselves on the ground, and offering their throats, they said, that they were ready to receive the blow. In this estate (as Josephus reporteth it) they remained for the space of forty days, letting slip the time which then was, of sowing their grounds. Which caused Petronius to defer the execution of his charge, and to send the declaration of these things unto Caesar, whose death rid Of the love which a man oweth to his country. the Jews out of danger. Now we are to consider with what burning affection the ancients embraced common benefit and safety, seeking to profit all men, according to the true duty of a good man, but especially their country, in whose service they thought it great happiness to lose their lives. For truly besides the sweet affection, which nature hath imprinted in our hearts towards our country, and the conformity of humours, which commonly is found in our bodies with that heavenly air where we have our first breathing, which seemeth to be a mutual and natural obligation, the reason of all human right, and the religion of divine equity, besides the duty of conscience, bind all persons to serve the public wealth of their country, to the uttermost of their power: and that so much the rather, because that under it, the life, honour, and goods of every particular man are comprehended. This reason Cato of Utica. caused Cato of Utica, a Consul and noble Roman, to answer one of his friends, who was come to give him thanks for defending him in judgement from a false accusation, that he was to thank the commonwealth, for whose love only he did, spoke, and counseled all things. This also made him to undertake the suit for the office of Tribuneship of the people, that he might resist the faction of In what case a good man may sue for an office. Pompey, by whom he saw Metellus set on work to sue and seek for the same office, for the assurance of his affairs and strengthening of his league. Now is the time (quoth Cato to his friends) wherein I must employ and bestow the power of such an office, and of so great authority, as a strong medicine, in time convenient, and upon necessary causes, and either overcome, or die honourably in the defence of common liberty. So likewise he opposed himself as much as he could, against all novelties and alteration of affairs between Caesar and Pompey. And when the self-same Pompey, being desirous to win him to himself, sought to bring it to pass by alliance, and thereupon demanded two of his nieces in marriage, one for himself, and the other for his son: Cato, without any longer deliberation, answered him presently (as being nettled) that carried back the message, that he should return to Pompey and tell him, that Cato was not to be taken by the means of women. Which was not because he would not have him esteem greatly of his friendship, which he should always find in him to be more sure and certain than any alliance by marriage, so that he only sought after and did things honest and just, but at this time he would not give hostages at Pompey's pleasure against the commonwealth. Afterward the affairs of Rome being brought to such necessity through corruption of money, and by unlawful and forcible means in procuring public places of authority, many Senators being of opinion, that Pompey was to be chosen sole and only Consul, Cato also was of the same mind, saying, that men ought to choose a less evil to meet with and to redress greater mischiefs: and that it were better willingly to bring in a kind of monarchy, than to defer it so long, until the issue of present seditions should by force and constraint establish one. And it may be (quoth he) that Pompey will have a longing desire to preserve the commonwealth, when he shall see, that it is so liberally and freely committed to his fidelity. This election being approved and ratified, Pompey sent to seek Cato, and having heartily thanked him for that honour, which he had done him, requested him to be a daily assistant and councillor unto him in his office. To whom this grave man made answer, that he did never oppose himself heretofore against him for any ill will he bore him, neither gave this last counsel for any good he meant towards him, but all for the good and profit of the commonwealth. And as touching his private and particular affairs, he said, he would give him the best counsel he could, whensoever he asked his advise: but for public matters, he would always speak what he thought were best, although he never asked him any thing. Thus did Cato behave himself all his life time as a good citizen, and as an upright and just man, free in speaking for the truth, and altogether void of corruption. Metellus a Senator of Rome left us a notable testimony, that he esteemed of duty, as of a sacred and inviolable thing, when he would not swear to the people to observe and keep that, which was to be ordained and established concerning a law put up by one of the Tribunes against all right and equity, notwithstanding that the Consul with the rest of the Senators through constraint and fear, which they had of the people, had sworn unto it, and given their Metellus. promise. Then Metellus departing from the assembly, said, that it was too easy a matter to do ill, as also a common thing to do well where no danger is, but to do well when peril is certain and sure, that was the proper duty of an honourable and virtuous man. For this cause being banished, and making light account of the matter, he used these or the like speeches: When things shall be amended, the people repenting them of their error, will call me back again: but if the affairs continue still in the same state, wherein they now are, it will be best for a man to keep Lycurgus. himself a far of. Lycurgus' after his laws were given to the Lacedæmonians feigned that he had some thing else whereof to take counsel with Apollo concerning their estate, and therefore at his departure from Lacedaemon to go to Delphos, he caused his citizens to swear and promise, that they would keep his laws inviolably until his return, either dead or alive. This done he went to the isle of Candie, where he remained in perpetual and voluntary banishment, and commanded that after his death, the ashes of his body, being burnt should be cast into the wind, that by this means the Lacedæmonians might never be absolved of their oath, but that his country might always receive the fruit of his labours, for desire whereof he had freely forsaken it altogether. Marcus Otho the emperor Marcus Otho. hath left behind him a more wonderful example of the great love he bore towards his country, for the benefit whereof he died willingly. For after he had lost a battle against Vitellius and Cecinna, fight for the empire, he was solicited by the rest of his army, which was yet of great strength, to try fortune once again, and to use them and their persons as long as they had one drop of blood, and life in their bodies. And at the same time a simple soldier, having his sword in his hand, spoke thus unto him: Know, O Caesar, that all my companions are The courageous mind of a soldier. determined to die thus for thy sake, and therewithal he slew himself before him. Then Otho casting his eyes all about, spoke unto them in this sort: I account this day more happy to me (Companions) than that other wherein ye did choose and pronounce me your emperor, beholding you so well affected in my behalf, and receiving such honour from you with so great a demonstration of friendship. And if I have been worthy to hold the empire of Rome by your election, I must now show it, in not sparing my life for the good and safety of my country. I know well that the victory is not yet wholly mine enemies: and I have received news of such and such forces (which he named particularly unto them) that are ready to join with us. The Senate is on our side, and the wives and children of our enemies are in our hands. But what? This war A notable example against civil war. is not against a Hannibal, or a Pyrrhus, or against the Cymbrians, that we should fight for the possession of Italy, but it is against the Romans themselves: so that in this war both the conqueror and conquered shall offend and hurt their country, because, whatsoever serveth for the benefit of him that overcometh, turneth to the damage of the commonwealth. Believe me, I know better how to die than to reign, especially considering that I shall not so much profit the Romans, although in the end I should remain the stronger, as now I can by sacrificing my life for the peace, union, and concord of my countrymen. This done, he took order for the Senators and others of his army to retire and save themselves: and said to a nephew of his whom he had adopted, I command thee my son, as the last admonition which I can give thee, not to forget altogether, nor yet to print it too much in thy memory, that thou hast had an uncle, who was emperor. Then laying him down to rest, the next morning very early he took his sword, and turning the point thereof with both his hands against his stomach, he fell upon the top of it, without showing any other token or feeling of grief, and so died, being only seven and thirty years of age. Codrus Codrus. king of Athens did no less for his country. For having understood, that the Oracle had promised and assured the victory to the Thracians, who were enemies to the Athenians, if they saved their king alive, he went into their camp disguised like a handicrafts man, and slew one of their men, whereupon he was presently slain of others, not being known what he was. And thus were the Thracians deprived of the hope of victory, which before they accounted certain, and in a manner gotten of the Athenians. M. Curtius. Marcus Curtius a knight of Rome, who being Consul won a notable battle against the Cymbrians, threw himself headlong into a deep gulf, which was made in the midst of Rome by an earthquake, and which had greatly damaged the city. The reason moving him so to do was, because the soothsayers had given out, that the gods would not be pacified and appeased towards the city before the gulf had swallowed a man on live. Curtius' being desirous to procure the benefit and ease of the commonwealth, would serve himself for this sacrifice. And so it came to pass: for presently this gulf closed up to the great astonishment of all the people. How shall we think that these, and so many others, as histories set before our eyes, who have freely offered their lives for the safety of many, and chose rather to undertake any danger, than to turn aside in any thing from that which they knew to be the duty of a good man, how (I say) shall we think that they would have fainted or yielded through the enticements of honour, grace, favour, & riches, whereby the greatness of their courage, limited only with the bounds of right and justice, might have been weakened? But hoping that the sequel of our discourses will furnish us with more ample testimonies both of this and of all the other parts of duty, which respect every particular action, and fearing lest I have been somewhat too long in the examples already alleged, we will conclude our present matter with this general instruction, that unto what estate, quality, or condition soever men are called, they ought to propound to themselves in all their actions, duty and Duty and honesty are to be propounded in all our actions. honesty, searching for them in the holy scriptures, and in the precepts of good life conformable thereunto, which are left unto us by the ancient Sages and wise philosophers, to this end, that being well instructed in true piety, we may first of all give honour and glory to God, and then be beneficial, helpful, and profitable to his creatures. These graces we may, by the direction and blessing of God, draw out of those four rivers which proceed and flow from this general virtue and fountain of honesty, of which we are to discourse particularly hereafter, namely, of Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, and justice, which are those moral virtues whereby all good and virtuous actions are brought to pass. Of Prudence. Chap. 10. ACHITOB. THere is one only wise, sovereign Creator of all things, the almighty, strong, and terrible, who sitteth upon his throne, from whom cometh Ecclus. 1. 18. all wisdom, which always hath been, and is for ever with him, and which he hath powered out upon all works, and upon all flesh according to his liberality, and giveth her abundantly to them that love him. She teacheth the doctrine of God, and causeth us to choose his works. She decketh us with prudence, justice, and courage, giving us the knowledge of the time past, and judgement of that which is to come. The multitude of those which are endued with these gifts & graces are the guard of the world, and a prudent king is the assurance of his people. The sequel therefore of our speech leadeth us to the handling of Prudence, the first river of the fountain of duty. ASER. Wisdom raineth down knowledge, and wise Ecclus. 1. 23. understanding, and bringeth to honour those that possess her. Of her therefore we are to seek for true Prudence, a necessary guide to all our actions, but we must hate the prudence of the flesh, which is folly before God, and maketh all the thoughts of the wise of this world to become vain and foolish. Moreover, Cicero saith, that no man can be prudent but he must be good. AMANA. O how learnedly hath Socrates taught us to know and mark this true and heavenly Prudence, proceeding from the love and fear of the highest, from that earthly Prudence, which is full of darkness, when he saith, What prunence is. that Prudence is the general virtue, the Princess and guide of moral virtues, and that wherein the knowledge of our sovereign good, and of the end of our being consisteth, as also the choice of those ways whereby we may come unto it. But let us hear ARAM discourse more largely of the great, worthy, and wonderful effects of this rich virtue. ARAM. All the life of men expressing a worthy end of their being, consisteth in contemplation and action. For knowing that the thoughts of all mortal men are unstable, and their inventions uncertain, because the body and the affections thereof oppress the soul, and cast down the spirit laden with care, they lift up their hearts towards the brightness of the eternal light, who of his mere grace prepareth their souls, lighteneth their understandings, and directeth their paths to the knowledge of that true and perfect Idea of Good, from whence Prudence floweth, that she may govern their actions according to Gods will, and to the profit of human society. The effects of the virtue of prudence. Therefore it is from knowledge and reason gotten in the study of wisdom by the grace of God, from whence the virtue of Prudence proceedeth, which is that rule of all the actions of man, whereby through good and sage advice he discerneth and chooseth good from bad, that which is profitable from the contrary, to the end he may shun the one and practise the other. This is that which Aristotle saith, that the office of Prudence consisteth in skill to consult and to choose, to the end to execute that which virtue commandeth, namely, honesty and decency, and that for no other respect than for the love thereof. And The difference between science and prudence. therefore wise men have put a difference between Science and Prudence, saying, that Science is a dead knowledge of things, which of itself cannot change the will in such sort, that it may embrace and follow the known good, or avoid the evil: which is evident in wicked men endued with knowledge. But Prudence is a beam proceeding from that true sun, which doth not only illuminate and lighten the understanding, but also warmeth and kindleth the affection. This virtue (saith Bias one of the Sages of Prudence compared to the sight. Graecia) is amongst the rest of the virtues, as the sight is amongst the five senses of man's body: thereby giving us to understand, that as the eye, of all the other senses is most beautiful, subtle, and piercing, so the virtue of Prudence by her quick and clear light directeth and conducteth all virtues in their good and commendable operations. It is by her that man is always clothed with a mild and settled disposition, whereof he standeth no less in need, than a ship floating on the sea doth of the presence of a pilot, that he may prudently undertake, & wisely execute whatsoever he knoweth to be good, after mature deliberation, and consideration of all the circumstances of the fact. Moral philosophers attributed three eyes to this virtue Prudence hath three eyes. of Prudence, namely, memory, understanding, and providence: which three things Cicero calleth the parts of Prudence. With the first she beholdeth the time past: with the second, the time present: with the third, the time to come. Moreover, a prudent and wise man, by the consideration of things past: and of that which hath followed since, judgeth of that, which in the like case may fall out in the time following. And after long deliberation, he expecteth the times, weigheth the dangers, and knoweth the occasions: and then, yielding now and then to the times, but always to necessity, so it be not against duty, he boldly setteth his hand to the work. For this cause Isocrates said, that a prudent man ought to remember things past, to use things present, and to foresee things to come. A prudent man (saith Demosthenes) accounteth it a point of folly to say when a thing is come to pass, Who would have thought it could have been? Now Prudence is apparent in him that possesseth her, first by the rule and government of his person, whether it be in things within him, as in his manners and conditions, or in outward things concerning his body, as in sobriety of diet, comely entertainment, good housekeeping, commendable use of his substance and riches. Of which perfections and other praiseworthy effects, that flow from Prudence under the name of sundry virtues, we are to entreat particularly hereafter, as also how a prudent man being adorned with them may first become a good Oeconomist, that is, a governor and father of a family, and after attain to that great virtue of political knowledge, which is the art of skilful governing & ruling a multitude of men. And then although he doubt not, but that it is an act of Prudence to know what is good and profitable for the commonwealth, yet that he may know how to execute that office with a perfect and absolute virtue, he seeketh for all occasions to profit the same, and unto what place of authority soever he be The praiseworthy effects of prudence. called, he always showeth forth dutiful effects of a good man. He never giveth or taketh but good counsel, and always uttereth the same freely. He is able (saith Plato) to discern the good from the bad. He helpeth innocency, and correcteth malice. He is not astonished for any fear, nor altereth his mind for dispraise or commendation: he is not discouraged through violence or false accusations, neither is pressed down with sorrow, or puffed up with prosperity. And as one not ignorant of the uncertainty of worldly things, he abideth constant in all changes, and like to himself, knowing how to choose the less evil in all inconveniences, as the better. He showeth himself valiant in all things. He is master of his pleasures, & knoweth how to command himself. He can reap profit by most sinister accidents, yea by his greatest enemies, and yet hurt them not. The conversation of the prudent is always healthful and profitable. His quips, his laughters, his sports are not without some fruit, having in them a certain power to correct and move those that do amiss. He believeth not (saith Heraclitus) any thing lightly, but is a severe examiner of the truth. To be short, Prudence causeth a man to refer all his actions both private and public to the best end, which is, to serve God, and to profit his neighbour. This did Socrates teach very well, saying, that All the desires and inclinations of our soul guided by prudence tend to happiness. Wherein we may note The conjunction of all the virtues. the indissoluble conjunction of all the moral virtues, of which no one can be had perfectly, but with her companions, albeit each of them have her particular & proper duty. But prudence is especially necessary in them all, as it will yet better appear in the further handling thereof, albeit the effects hereunder mentioned of this first virtue being narrowly considered, may give us sufficient proof thereof. Now to incite and stir us up to embrace it with greater zeal and affection, and to seek after all means of obtaining it, either by good instruction, or by long use of things, let us call to mind certain examples of the ancients, thereby to mark what wonderful fruits this virtue of Prudence hath brought forth in them. If we consider all the heroical facts of the worthiest captains and generals of armies that ever were, we shall find that they brought them to pass more by prudence, than by any other force and mean. Which thing Alexander the great, and first monarch of the Grecians knowing very well, whensoever any speech or comparison was made before him of virtue or Science, he always had this verse of Homer in his mouth: In counsel wise, and valiant in the fight: as if he would have said, that of all virtues Prudence was most princelike, and that prowess was practised by means thereof. And indeed he being richly endued therewith, undertook the conquest of the Persian empire, yea of all the world, when he had but thirty thousand footmen, Of the prudence of Alexander. and four thousand horsemen, with money and victuals to furnish them only for thirty days. But what? The means whereunto he trusted was Prudence, followed of Patience, valour and temperancy, wherewith the study of philosophy had furnished him for his voyage. In this journey he did not only in two battles overthrow Darius' monarch of the Persians, who had above twelve hundred thousand men, but also brought under subjection fifteen sundry nations, and took five thousand cities and towns, and laboured to put in real execution & practise that form of government of estate, which was so greatly esteemed of Zeno the Stoic philosopher, & tended in effect to this end, that all men generally might live together, not being divided by towns, peoples and nations, nor separated by particular laws, rights & customs, but that we should take all men for our countrymen and fellow citizens: that as there is but one world, so there might be but one kind of life. Thus did this prudent and virtuous monarch give out that he was sent from heaven to be a common refourmer, governor, and reconcilour of the whole world, so that he employed all his might to reduce and bring to civility barbarous kings, to plant Grecian cities, that they might live civilly amongst the untamed and savage nations, and established every where laws and a peaceable kind of life, even amongst unbridled people, who never heard word spoken either of peace or laws. Those whom he could not assemble together by persuasion of reason, he constrained by force of arms, so that he caused them all to drink as ye would say, in the same cup of love & friendship, by intermingling their lives, manners, marriages and fashions of living. He commanded that all men living should account the whole habitable earth for their country, and his camp, for their castle and tower of defence, and that all good men should be of kin one to another, and the wicked only strangers. moreover, he willed, that the Grecian and Barbarian should no more be distinguied by their garments, but that the Grecian should be known and discerned by virtue, and the Barbarian by vice, accounting all virtuous men Grecians, and all vicious men Barbarians. Therefore Plutark said very well, that they who were tamed and brought under his yoke were a great deal more happy than those that escaped his power, because these men had none to cause them to leave of from living miserablic, and the other were compelled by the conqueror to live happily. Whereby he deserved no less the name of a great philosopher, than did Pythagoras, Socrates and others, who although they wrote nothing, yet were so called, for their manner of life, and for that which they spoke, did and taught. In all which things Alexander approaching next unto them, went also beyond them in this, that they taught men of good understandings, namely such as were Grecians as well as themselves, and that without great pain and travel: but this monarch sustaining infinite labour, and cheerfully shedding his blood did change into a better estate, and reform the rude manners of innumerable savage people, even of such as were brutish by nature. Now let us speak of Caesar the first Roman Emperor. Was it not prudence especially that prepared Of the prudence of Pulius Caesar. the way for him to so mighty an empire, first by reconciling together Crassus' and Pompey, two of the greatest Roman Senators, by whose favour he obtained afterwards the dignity of Consulship? When he was placed therein, being desirous to win the good will of the people & knowing that he was already well under propped of the senators, he preferred many laws in their behalf. Besides he was very sumptuous and popular, if ever any Roman was, not sparing any cost upon plays, turneys, feasts, largesses, and other baits to curry favour with the meaner sort of the people, and to gain the honour and credire of a man that is gracious and charitable towards the poor. And when he was sent to take upon him the government of the Gauls, he warred there ten years, being guided by an unspeakable prudence, that was accompanied with diligence and forecast: so that by using all occasions wisely & to purpose, he subdued there three hundred sundry nations, took eight hundred towns & in many battles discomfited three millions of men. The commentaries which he wrote himself, declare sufficiently that his own virtue wrought more exploits than all his army. Of this also he gave proof enough in the beginning of the civil war between him and Pompey, wherein he used such diligence, that coming out of France he made himself master of all Italy in threescore days, without any effusion of blood, and drove away his enemy. And Cicero, who (as some say) conspired his death, in an epistle calleth him Caesar noted two faults in Pompey. a monster of prudence and of incredible diligence. Was it not prudence whereby he noted two faults in Pompey, which after were the cause of his overthrow? The first in an encounter of their armies, wherein Caesar being at that time the weaker had the worst. And when he perceived that his enemy pursued him not, but retired to his camp, he said. The victory this day was in the power of our enemies, but their captain could not perceive it. The other fault which he noted was at the battle of Pharsalia, where Pompey was quite overthrown, because he charged his soldiers being ranged in battle to stand still in their places, and so to attend their enemies. Then Caesar said, that in so doing Pompey took from his soldiers the vehemency and violence of giving the onset, which is as a spur unto them in their race, besides the heat of courage which this speedy running forward worketh in them. We see then how necessary this virtue of prudence is in Agesilaus. feats of war, which caused Agesilaus king of Lacedemonia, after great losses sustained by the violence of Epaminondas, the general captain of the Thebans, to say to his men, that they should not greatly care for the multitude of their enemies, but bend all their force against Epaminondas only, because none but wise & prudent men were valiant, and the only cause of victory. And therefore if they could beat him down, they should undoubtedly have the rest at their devotion. As indeed it came to pass in that battle which they fought together, wherein the Lacedæmonians half discomfited, one of those that fled being pursued by Epaminondas, turned back and slew him: The loss of a captain is commonly cause of the ruin of an army. whereupon the rest took such courage, and the Thebans were so dismayed, that the victory remained with Agesilaus. Now if in warfare prudence beareth such a stroke, who doubteth but that in civil and politic government she is as necessary, or rather more? Divine Plato in his book of a commonwealth saith, that if a man would do notable acts worthy of perfect praise in the administration of the commonwealth, he must have prudence and justice, followed of power and fortune. But we may further say, that only prudence hath set aloft and preserved many great estates from ruin and subversion. The Athenians being divided and banded into three contrary The prudence of Solon. parts and factions, Solon being very prudent and wise, would not join himself to any of them, but kept himself indifferent to all, practising & speaking whatsoever he could devise to join & reconcile them together again. Wherein he behaved himself so well, that being chosen by them all for the only pacisier and reformer of their estate, he placed it in greater glory than ever it was in before, by his prudent and wise laws which were received The prudence of Lycurgus. as inviolable. The prudence of Lycurgus, the reformer and lawmaker of the Lacedæmonians, was the cause of the maintenance of their estate above five hundred years, so that it was the chiefest in all Graecia both for glory and excellency of government, from whence they fell not until such time as they wholly neglected those goodly ordinances and laws which he left them. A prudent man always gineth good counsel, and uttereth the same freely, being also a good and willing help to innocency. Photion speaking his mind one day in the counsel chamber Photion. of the Athenians, against the enterprising of a certain war, and seeing that his advise so greatly displeased them, that they would not give him leave to utter his mind, he spoke freely unto them in this manner: Ye may peradventure (O Athenians) force me to do that which ought not to be done, but ye can not constrain me to speak any thing contrary to my opinion that ought not to be spoken or counseled. Demosthenes' knowing the innocency of a poor woman drawn into judgement with danger of being overthrown, saved her by his great prudence. The prudence of Demosthenes in defending the innocency of a poor woman. For two strangers having given her a good sum of money, to keep with this condition, that she should not restore it to the one except the other were also present, within a while after one of them came very sorrowful feigning that his companion was dead, and bringing some counterfeit token thereof with him. Whereupon he so persuaded this poor woman, who meant simply plainly, that she restored the money to him. Afterwards the other came, & demanding the money also, brought this woman before a judge, who being without hope of escaping, Demosthencs answered for her, that she offered to give him the money so that he brought his fellow, because, as himself confessed, she ought not to give it to the one without the How a prudent man may reap benefit by his enemies, and by mishaps. other. The profit which a prudent man draweth from his enemies is in this, that he knoweth and taketh them for spies, for enviers at his life, and joint-labourers with him for honour and glory: whereupon he is the more careful that his doings may be blameless. And to this purpose Diogenes answered wisely to one, who demanded how he might be avenged on his enemy: By making thyself (quoth he) a virtuous and good man. Most finister accidents likewise turn to the profit of a prudent man. For being long time before prepared for all events, the worst that happen confirm him further in the knowledge of the uncertainty of humane things, and lift him up so much the more to the contemplation of heavenly things, that he may desire nothing but the blessed immortality Anaxagoras. of the soul. Anaxagoras hearing news of his sons death, said nothing but this, that he knew he had begotten him a mortal creature. The foresight of prudence The prudent foresight of 〈◊〉. maketh it also to be greatly admired. Marcus Cato, when he saw that Pompey joined himself in league with Caesar, told him, that he did put Caesar's yoke upon his own neck, which then he perceived not, but that shortly it would weigh heavy upon him, and then should he find himself taken and tied. A prudent man is not amazed through fear either of blame or of false accusation, but always goeth with his head upright, trusting to his innocency, and to his own virtue. Scipio Africanus being accused of many things by the Tribunes of the people, answered nothing to the crimes laid against him, but only said thus: In such a day as this is, sirs, I overcame both The prudence of Scipio in answering to an unjust accusation. Carthage and Hannibal, and therefore I am now going to the capitol to sacrifice to Jupiter the best and greatest God, and to give him thanks for the victory. In the mean while if any man long to proceed against me in judgement, let him do it. After he had so said, he went towards the Capitol, being followed of his friends, and of the greater part of the Senators. When the people saw this, they likewise accompanied him, so that in stead of condemning him, they caused him in a manner to triumph again. Emilius Scaurus being also accused of a certain Emilius Scaurus. crime by Varius, made this only answer: O ye Romans, Varius affirmeth this crime laid against me to be true, and Scaurus denieth it: whom will ye rather believe? By this wise and courageous answer he made the accusation of no effect, because his honesty was well known to every one. The conversation, assemblies, laughters, quips, and pastimes of prudent men are never without some profit. Plato in his book entitled conuivium, that is, a feast, discourseth of the last end of men's actions, and of the sovereign and chief good of man, but yet in very familiar speeches, by certain examples, and pleasant fictions, and devices fit for the time and place, and not with serious and grave words, as he useth to do in his other writings. Moreover, learned devices are the sports and delights of The sports of prudent men. wise men, who account all other pastimes vain and unbeseeming them, and as hindrances and lets rather of their pleasure, than occasions of any recreation. Notwithstanding, wisely applying themselves to places & persons, they can in their serious discourses intermingle some honest pastimes, but yet not altogether without profit. As Plato in his foresaid feast interlaceth certain comical speeches of love, howbeit all the rest of the supper there was nothing but wise discourses of philosophy. A Lacedaemonian Pleasant sayings full of doctrine. being asked of a certain matter by an other, answered clean contrary to the truth. And when the other told him that he lied, behold (quoth he again) what a fool thou art to ask me that, which thou knowest well enough. Diogenes in a great assembly of people, purposely going backward, and seeing that every one laughed at him, asked them aloud if they were not ashamed to mock him for going backward when he walked, whereas they did so all their life time. And as Aristippus on a time beheld him washing of coleworts for his supper, he said unto him: If thou didst know (Diogenes) how to obey kings, and to seek them out, thou wouldst not wash coleworts. And thou Aristippus (quoth he) if thou knewest how to wash coleworts, thou wouldst not serve kings, but live at liberty. What profitable doctrine may a man draw out of these philosophical disports and jests? Further, A prudent man doth not overlightly believe any thing. a prudent man never believeth any thing overlightly, but layeth aside all reputation and credit of him that speaketh, and examineth the speech by itself: so far is he from giving credit to an ignorant or naughty fellow. Neither will he be dazzled with fine and eloquent speech, but (as Zeno said) considereth whether his speech be tempered with sense and reason, that so he may judge fondly of the truth, and take order thereafter. O what number of examples to this purpose might be alleged of the great harm that hath followed the credulity and light belief of magistrates, governors, and heads of monarchies and nations. Alas, our poor France hath but too great experience thereof to her confusion and and destruction. But this matter may offer itself hereafter to be more amply handled, as also other effects of Prudence, which I have briefly touched. In the mean while we will conclude, that Prudence is an excellent gift of God, that it is the guide and light of all the moral virtues, from whence all good and noble actions have their being and beginning, and that without it a man can do nothing that is excellent and praiseworthy. Of want of prudence and of Ignorance, of malice and subtlety. Chap. 11. ARAM. NO man (saith divine Plato) can be hurt or deceived but by himself. Which proposition at the first sight may seem somewhat absurd. But if, being well instructed in philosophy, we will follow the opinion of the ancient Sages, that whatsoever How none can be hurt but by himself. we see of the body subject to sight, is not man, but that the soul only, which is invisible and immortal, is that which truly ought to be called man, and that whereby we live, and for which we ought to live, it is out of doubt, that none can hurt our souls but ourselves. The knives wherewith we hurt our souls are either want of prudence, or Malice, which are as pernicious things, as can come to man, seeing by them he committeth all sins and offences whatsoever, and by them hurteth himself only, when as oftentimes he thinketh to offend another. As then in our former discourse we have seen the laudable effects of virtue and Prudence, so let us now consider my Companions of the dangerous fruits of these two vices, which are altogether contrary unto it. ACHITOB. If the blind lead the blind both will fall into the pit: and he that knoweth his masters will, and doth it not, shall be much more chastised than the ignorant. So that both want of prudence and malice are two plagues in the soul greatly to be feared: and therefore Bias saith, Be neither simple nor subtle. ASER. Herillus the Chalcedonian affirmed, that Science was the sovereign good. But we see contrariwise many excellent men for skill and doctrine, who live most wickedly. So that in my opinion if it be not accompanied with virtuous deeds, it ought rather to be called the chiefest evil: forasmuch as he that sinneth through ignorance, is more excusable than the malicious, who sinneth Virtuous actions are to be joined with knowledge. wittingly. And for defence of my saying, besides the authority of the scripture, I have Plato, who saith, that Science without the knowledge and practice of that which is good, is very pernicious. But let us hearken to AMANA, who will discourse unto us more at large of these two vices, want of discretion, and malice or subtlety. AMANA. All virtue being in the midst of two vices, the one of them is clean contrary unto it, and the other being more dangerous, seeketh to cover itself with her name, and it is called of the philosopher a false follower of virtue. For this cause they placed want of prudence, which vice is in the defect, at the right hand of prudence: and at the left hand, Malice or Craft, which is the excess, and causeth a man to sin, not through ignorance, but by deceit and subtlety, and that under the name of Prudence. First then let us consider of want of prudence or unskilfulness, and of the effects thereof in the soul. unskilfulness What want of prudence is. proceeding, or rather being the same thing that ignorance is, causeth a man (as Aristotle saith) to judge evil of things, to deliberate worse, not to know how to take the advantage of present good things, but to conceive ill of those things that are good and honest in man's life. And as Prudence is the knowledge of that which ought to be done or left undone, so unskilfulness is the ignorance of those self same things, and is always followed of incontinency, of want of civility, and of forgetfulness. Briefly, want of prudence is so contagious and pestilent a thing in the mind of man, that all other infirmities of the spirit, wherewithal it is commonly molested, and all evil actions seem to proceed from the same. And truly wheresoever it is, there neither God can be truly honoured and served, nor vice avoided, nor any action, either public or private can be orderly, and according to duty executed. For as a weak and diseased sight cannot behold the light of the sun, so an unskilful soul cannot know the truth, unskilfulness causeth a man to fall into severity, when he The pernicious effects of ignorance. thinks to exercise justice. If he would be liberal, he becometh prodigal. If he thinketh to avoid superfluity, he falleth into covetousness. If he have any apprehension of the divine nature, he consumeth his soul with a confused fear through superstition. If his mind cannot conceive that there is a most happy and blessed nature, forthwith he judgeth, that there is none at all: and thus guided by ignorance all his desires and inclinations tend to wretchedness and misery. Moreover, Plato saith, that ignorance taketh away the sight of the mind from those that are tainted therewith, as blindness taketh away the sight of corporal eyes from those that lack their sight. And further he testifieth, that the ignorant mind is vile and wretched, and that it is more expedient not to live at all, than to live in ignorance. But if we give credit to Cicero, he only liveth indeed and possesseth a soul, who settling himself to some good matter, seeketh after renown by some notable fact, or by some good art. It is good (saith Socrates) to leave off altogether the use of that thing whereof we have no skill to use it well. And so for those that know not how to use their eyes, ears, and whole body, it were more profitable neither to see, hear, or help themselves any way with their body. In like manner it were better for him that knoweth not how to use his soul, to have none at all, than to live. And if he must needs live, being borne, he should be happier in the estate of a slave than of a free man. The speech of this wise philosopher expoundeth itself sufficiently, as tending to no other end than to give us to understand, that it is better not to be, yea never to have been borne, than through ignorance to follow vice: and further, that it is more dangerous when a man may freely do so without fear of any greater than himself. For as drunkenness engendereth rage and madness, so (saith Aristotle) ignorance joined with power begetteth insolency and fury. And it is all one (as Plato saith) to place an ignorant man in authority, as to lay a great burden upon the shoulders of a man half dead through weakness. All these things make me judge an ignorant man to be, I will not only say, like an image or block of wood, but in a manner nothing differing from brute beasts. This caused the ancients to use this saying: All ignorant men are evil. that Every ignorant man was evil. And Terence going yet further saith, that The earth beareth nothing worse than an ignorant man. And in truth what mischiefs do we not see to come of ignorance? If a man be of a mean or base The effects of ignorance both in rich & poor. estate, it maketh him good for nothing, fearful, superstitious, unprofitable, needy, uncivil, slothful, and unfit to every good thing. If he be mighty and rich, besides that he may fall into the said miseries through the same imperfection, he will so much the sooner become arrogant, cruel, rash, talkative, covetous, unconstant, given to voluptuousness, and unjust. In a word, the more means he shall have to exercise vices, the richer in them will he grow to be through ignorance: and so not being able to govern himself, he must needs be unworthy to intermeddle at all either in political or economical government. If an ignorant man possess any great benefit or felicity, he can never know so much, before he hath lost it again. Moreover, this mischief followeth him, that he can never make his profit of any good counsel, because of the presumption of his own opinion, which he always thinketh better than any other: yea he supposeth that nothing can be well done except he put to his helping hand. For (as Menander saith) nothing is so rash as ignorance. And the more that an ignorant man is lift up unto some excellency of dignity or riches, the more unsufferable he is, as one that knoweth not how to use them: so that he is puffed up with pride above measure, and not content with his estate, but driven with ambition, he presumeth oftentimes to undertake things against all reason and equity. And contrariwise if fortune change, he abaseth himself out of measure, showing nothing but abjection of mind, inconstancy and impatiency, and that with so great trouble and disquietness of spirit, that oftentimes he is wholly besides himself. Now these are but small fruits of ignorance, namely, to make a man importunate: to cause him Common effects of ignorance. to stay another that hath great affairs, saying, that he hath many things to communicate unto him, when in truth they will do him but small pleasure: to desire one that hath lost his suit to bestow a dinner upon him, promising to tell him a way how he may recover it again: to speak ill of women, when he is invited to weddings, or in their company: to request him to walk that hath already gone a great way: when he seethe a thing sold to bring a chapman to the seller, who would have given a great deal more for it: to repeat one thing oftentimes: to show himself ready to do that which a man would not have him to do, and yet dare not well deny it him: to wonder at all things, and to speak all in a word, an unskilful man is always in all places and in all affairs uncivil and impertinent. The examples of these foresaid effects are but too familiar amongst us. And first concerning these of small and mean estate and condition, how many millions of men have there been in the ages past, and do live yet among us, whose life being ignorant of every good cause and reason, is not much unlike, and in The spring of all errors. many things worse than that of brute beasts. The original of so many errors, foolish opinions, and impieties, hath it not had passage through the midst of their souls, because they had no true knowledge of the end of their being, nor of his will by whom they live? From thence it cometh, that the best advised among them exercise base handicrafts, not being desirous to learn further: that some lead a servile and contemptible life, bringing their bodies and souls in subjection to the lusts and wicked desires of the greater sort: that others remain idle and unprofitable seeking to maintain their lives by unlawful means: that all through a blockish ignorance deprive themselves of all present and eternal felicity. Now albeit these poor men, who have no great means to execure their wicked desires, may after a sort seem tolerable and excusable to man's judgement, because their ignorance doth not greatly hurt any but themselves, yet it falleth out far worse with those that have wealth at will, and authority to command others, who not knowing how to use their goods well by virtuous deeds, abuse them to all vice, dissoluteness, and pleasure: whereby for the most part they cast themselves headlong into infidelity and atheism, because they never had true understanding of the perfect divinity, nor yet considered the perfection of his works both in heaven & earth. O pitiful calamity The reasons which moved the heathen to believe that there was a divinity. abounding in this our age more than ever it did. A thousand millions of Pagans and heathens considering that there was nothing to be misliked in the heavens, neither any negligence, disorder, or confusion in the moving of the stars, nor in the seasons of the year, nor in their revolutions, nor in the course of the sun about the earth, which causeth the day and the night, no not in the nourishing and preservation of all sorts of living creatures, nor in the generation of yearly fruits, and for a thousand other good considerations, believed and worshipped one supreme eternal essence, which governeth all things. And shall they that carry the name of Christians, to whom the unspeakable treasures of the heavens have been opened and offered with innumerable graces, shall they, I say, doubt, yea impudently deny that there is a God? But let us return to our matter. It is most certain, that the higher that ignorant men are advanced, so much without question are their faults greater than those of meaner estate, because they are hurtful to many. Yea oftentimes it hath come to pass, that one only fault of such a man hath been the loss and destruction of an infinite number of Nicias feared an eclipse of the moon. men. Nicias the general captain of the Athenians, through the fear which he had conceived of the darkness of an Eclipse of the moon, and not knowing the cause thereof, stayed so long until his enemies had enclosed him round about: whereupon he was taken alive of them, and put to death, besides the loss of forty thousand Athenians Caligula and Domitian. that were taken and slain. Who doubteth but that ignorance drove Caligula & Domitian into such pride & cruelty, that whilst they sought to be worshipped in stead of the true God, they were the cause of the death & destruction of more than a hundred thousand men? In the time Otho 1. of Otho the first there fell a stone from heaven, which astonished all Germany, and turned them from prosecuting an enterprise of great weight and importance for the benefit of their country. If they had known it to be a natural thing, and such as had come to pass long before, as Aristotle affirmeth, they had not been so fearful, nor received that damage to the detriment of the commonwealth, which came to them afterward. That speech of Anaxagoras a Greek philosopher, agreeable hereunto, is worthy to be remembered, when he said, that a man ought Anaxagoras saying against the superstitious fear of celestial signs. to drive out of himself, and to tread under his feet all superstitious fear of the heavenly signs and impressions of the air, which work great terror in them that are ignorant of their causes, and that fear the gods with a forlorn and amazed fear, because they want that certain knowledge that philosophy bringeth, which in stead of a trembling and always terrifying superstition, engendereth true devotion, accompanied with an assured hope of good. Let us look a little into our Chronicles, and consider what profit our kings received by their ignorance, when they were called Simple, when they stood but for images, and were seen of their subjects but once a year. They suffered their wise masters of the palace to take knowledge of, and to order and rule all things, who depriving them as unworthy of all authority, took possession in the end of their crown. And surely it is no less pernicious for the greater sort to advance ignorant men to charges and places of honour, and to use their counsel, than to be ignorant themselves. For (as we said) ignorance causeth him that is advanced to forget himself, and lifteth him up into all pride. There are amongst us too many examples of the ambition and presumption of many ignorant men, who, contrary to Torquatus that refused the Consulship, because of his diseased eyes, altogether blind as they are, deaf, dumb, and destitute of all natural light, of prudence and experience to guide themselves, are not contented to manage the sails and tacklings, but desire to have the rudder of the commonwealth in their hands. And it is greatly to be feared, that such unskilful and ambitious Cleander a traitor to Commodus his Lord. men will in the end show themselves both in will and practise to be imitators of one Cleander an outlandish slave, who being preferred by Commodus the emperor to goodly offices and great places of honour, as to be great master of his men of war, and his chief chamberlain, conspired notwithstanding against his Lord, seeking to attain to the imperial dignity by feditions, which he stirred up in Rome between the people and the soldiers. But through good order taken, his enterprise took no effect, except the loss of his own head, and destruction of his house. Although oftentimes it falleth out clean contrary through the just punishment of God, for the ignorance and impiety as well of the monarchs themselves, as of their people. Now if fortune turn herself about, and set herself never so little against an ignorant person, he is straightway overcome with a thousand perturbations, and urged with despair, as being only grounded before upon the vain and weak hope and confidence in external and uncertain goods. Perses, king of Macedonia, and one of the successors of Alexander the great in his The base mind of Perses being overcome of Emilius. great conquests, but not in his unspeakable virtues, was overcome in battle by Paulus Emilius, chief captain of the Romans, & was led towards him. Emilius, as soon as he saw him, arose from his seat, and went forward to receive and honour him, as being a great parsonage, and fallen into that mishap by the hazard of fortune. But Perses, being wholly beaten down through faintness and baseness of mind, cast himself at his feet upon the ground with his face downward, using such abject requests and supplications, and so unbeseeming the virtue of a king, that the Conqueror could not abide them, but said thus unto him: Alas poor ignorant man as thou art, how dost thou by discharging fortune accuse thyself in this sort to be the only cause of this ill success that is befallen thee, seeing thou never deservedst that honour, which thou hast had heretofore, because of thy base mind within thee, which hath made thee an unworthy adversary of the Romans? And truly a man cannot justly be called through the benefit of fortune, but by knowing how to use her well and wisely both in prosperity & adversity. As for an ignorant & baseminded man, the higher that fortune lifteth him up in great estate where he shall be viewed of many, so much the more she discovereth, describeth & dishonoureth him. For great calling, & riches are no more able to lift up the heart of a base minded fellow, than poverty can abate and lessen the great courage of a noble heart. I could here allege many more examples of the pernicious effects that are (as we have said) wrought in the soul by ignorance, but hereafter they will come in more fitly, when we shall discourse particularly of vices. Only I say here with Plato, that arrogant ignorance hath now more than ever seized upon the minds of men, & filled them with evils, as being the root and spring of them: that it perverteth all things, & causeth him that possesseth her to taste in the end of a most bitter fruit. Now to come to malice and craft, What malice and craft are. which is the excess of prudence, it is that which leadeth a man through wilful ignorance, to oppose himself against that which he knoweth to be dutiful and honest, causing him under the counterfeit name of prudence to seek to deceive those that will believe him. This vice is the chief cause of ambition and covetousness, which most men serve in these days: but above all things it is an enemy to justice, causing all their actions to tend to the overthrow thereof. To this purpose Cicero saith, that the craftier and subtler a man is, the more he is to be suspected and hated, as one that hath lost all credit of goodness. All knowledge severed from justice ought rather to be called craft and malice than science and prudence. Neither is the only act of malice (as the same author saith) evil & wicked, but also the deliberation thereof although it take no effect, yea the only thought thereof is vile and detestable: so far is it, that any covering or cloak can excuse a fault committed of malice. Also he saith, that in deliberating, Virtuous men seek after honest, not secret things. all hope of concealing and hiding the fact must be taken away, forasmuch as virtuous men ought to seek after honest, not secret things. Moreover it is the property of a malicious man to choose hypocrisy and dissimulation for his companions. Besides he hath for his first author and father, sathan, who by his subtlety and Satan the father of malice and subtlety. craft abused the simplicity of our first mother to the overthrow of all mankind. Amongst many we may note here the example of Nero a most cruel emperor, who being instructed from his youth by that wise man Seneca his schoolmaster, in the beginning of his empire counterfeited so great bountifulness and clemency, that when he was to set his hand to the condemnation of one adjudged to die, he cried out and said, Would to God I had no learning, then should I be excused from subscribing to The malice of Nero. any man's death. Notwithstanding within a while after he disclosed his detestable impiety and cruelty, by putting to death his mother, his tutor and a great number of honest men against all right and justice. Moreover he purposely caused fire to be put into all quarters of Rome, forbidding under pain of death that any should quench it, insomuch that more than half the city was clean consumed. Afterward, to the end he might have some colour to persecute the christians, he laid to their charge the kindling of the fire, & so put a great number of them Tiberius. to death. Tiberius also in the beginning of his reign behaved himself so wisely, virtuously and gently, that he seemed to be (saith Suetonius) a simple and plain citizen. And yet soon after he became as detestable a tyrant as ever was, for cruelty and filthy pleasures. True it is that one may attribute the cause of such sudden alteration of humours to the sovereign authority and power of commanding, which commonly hath his property to make him that seemed good to become wicked: the humble to be arrogant: the pitiful cruel: the valiant, a coward. But it is always more likely that a prince changing his nature so quickly useth to counterfeit and to dissemble, and to put a goodly vizard upon his face, as historiographers writ, that Tiberius could behave himself cunningly in that sort. Now that we may profit by this discourse, Math. 10. 16. let us learn to be prudent and simple as the scripture speaketh, eschewing all shameless and damnable malice and deceit, all want of prudence and ignorance, which procure the loss of soul and body, whereof a man may accuse none but himself. For ignorance (saith Menander) is a voluntary mischief. And although the knowledge of good & evil is most necessary of all others, yet is it most easy. For the obtaining whereof, and avoiding (through the grace of God) of that condemnation, which is to fall upon the blind, and upon the guides of the blind, let us never be ashamed to confess our ignorance in those things whereof we want instruction: following therein that precept of Plato, That we must not be ashamed to learn, least happily we be hit in the teeth to our confusion with that saying of Diogenes to a young man whom he espied in a tavern, who being ashamed to be seen there, speedily fled further into the same. The more thou runnest in (quoth this wise man to him) the further thou art in We must not deny or hide our ignorance. the tavern. Even so we shall never cure our ignorance by denying or hiding it, but the wiser we seek to be accounted, the more ignorant we shall remain: not unlike to poor men, who being desirous to seem rich, in the end find themselves poorer than before, by reason of their vain and foolish expenses. But the ignorant man that searcheth for wisdom and inquireth after her, shall be in some sort esteemed wise, and that inquiry ought to be taken for an argument of his wit and prudence: as contrariwise he that taketh himself for a wiseman and presumeth too much of his skill, falleth often into shame and dishonour, being reproved of many. Therefore let us daily accuse ourselves of too much ignorance, knowing that even the sharpest sighted do see but through a cloud and mist, I mean the instruments of our body, from which we shall not be delivered until we have put of this mortal to be clothed with that which is immortal in the enjoying of the blessed life. So that it will be always necessary for us during this life, to learn and to profit in the knowledge of the truth, which is an enemy to ignorance. Of speech and speaking. Chap. 12. AMANA. Having spent all this day in discoursing of Prudence, and of those vices that are contrary unto it, I think that to finish this days work, we shall do well to take in hand again, and to follow that which was too briefly handled concerning the commendable effects of this virtue of prudence in the soul of a wise man. This appeareth no less in speech than in any other action thereof, forasmuch as of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh. But it is a great virtue to speak little and well. The discourse of this matter I leave to you my companions. ARAM. Surely the speech of man is a divine work, and of great admiration. And therefore we ought to account it sacrilege to pollute and defile so holy a thing Math. 12. 35. with filthy and vile talk. A good man always draweth good things out of the treasure of his heart, and a wicked man evil things. Therefore I greatly commend that saying of Plutark, that speech is as it were the nourishment of the soul, which is corrupted, and becometh odious through the wickedness of men. ACHITOB. He that hath knowledge (saith the Pro. 17. 27. 28. wise man) spareth his words: even a fool, when he holdeth his peace is counted wise, and he that stoppeth his lips, prudent. If any man long after life, and to see good days, let him refrain his tongue from evil, and his lips 1. Per. 3. 10. that they speak no guile. For every one shall eat of the fruit of his mouth to salvation, or to condemnation. But we will hear Aser discoursing more at large upon this matter. ASER. In the writings of the learned we find mention made of a double speech or reason: the one internal, or of the mind, called the divine guide: the other A double speech or reason. uttered in speech, which is the messenger of the conceits and thoughts of man. The end of the first is friendship towards a man's self. For respecting only the mark of virtue, through the instructions of philosophy, it maketh a man to agree always with himself, it causeth him to complain never, to repent him of nothing, it maketh him full of peace, full of love and of contentation in his own virtue, it healeth him of every rebellious passion that disobeyeth reason, of all contention between will and will, and of the contrariety of discourses. O rare excellency, which floweth from wisdom into the souls of blessed men! The end of the other reason or uttered speech, is friendship towards others, which causeth us to speak and teach whatsoever is fruitful and profitable for every one, and carrieth with it great force to persuade. Of this speech we purpose here to entreat, as of that which occupieth no small place, but even very great amongst the secrets of nature, and which ought to ravish us into an admiration of his works who is author thereof. The philosophers, diligent searchers out of the reason How speech is framed. of all things, said that speech is made by the air beaten and framed with articulate and distinct sound. But howsoever it is framed, the reason thereof is hard to be comprehended of human sense. And we ought to be so much the more desirous to know for what cause it was given us, and to fear lest we make it unprofitable, or wickedly employ so great, wonderful and divine a thing. Democritus said that words were the shadow of works. Themistocles compared speech to a rich cloth of tapistry, Words are the shadow of works. figured & set forth with stories, because that both in the one and the other those things that are fashioned and represented are then seen when they are opened and displayed, and are not subject to sight, neither bring any delight or contentation, when they are folded up and hidden. When a wise man openeth his lips (saith Socrates) we behold as it were in a temple, the goodly similitudes & images of the soul. Virtue (saith Plutarch) hath no instrument so gracious or familiar as speech, which being followed of works, is of great efficacy and force, and wonderfully pricketh forward those that hear us, causing them to give credit to our sayings, and working in them a desire to resemble us. And AEschines said very well, that it is not so necessary, that the Orator and the Law should agree in one and the same thing, as it is requisite, that the life of a philosopher should be conformable and agreeable with this doctrine and speech. Moreover a wise man ought to take every word he speaketh for a voluntary and particular law, laid upon himself, seeing that philosophy is a profession of serious, grave & weighty matters, & not a play or prittle prattle, unconstanly uttered to obtain honour only. Whereby we see that all talk aught to have reason for a foundation, and the love The foundation and scope of all speech. of our neighbour for a mark to aim at. This is that which Agapetus would teach us, when he saith, That the tongue is a slippery instrument, and bringeth great danger to those that neglect it: but if we direct it with a religious understanding, it will sing us a song tuned with all the concords of a true harmony of virtue. Plutark saith that speech ought to be like gold, which is then of greatest price and value, when it hath least dross in it: so a few words ought to comprehend great store of substantial matter and instruction. Such was the speech of the ancient Grecians, as the sentences uttered by them do testify: namely, Know thyself, Nothing too much, Nothing more than enough, and other short speeches full of great and profitable doctrine. Whereupon Of laconical speech. this proverb arose, Laconical sayings, that is, short and sententious, which resemble streams running through a narrow strait, where the water is so pressed together, that one cannot see through it. And so truly it was very hard without skill and great labour to comprehend the depth of the sense & understanding of their words, which were full of sententious gravity. And when they were to answer any thing propounded on a sudden, avoiding all superfluous speech, their answers were very witty and well contrived, their words very significant and short, having in them both grace and gravity joined together. As when Philip king of Macedonia wrote unto them, that if he entered within Laconia, he would overthrow them topsy turuy: they wrote back unto him only this word, If. And another time, as Demetrius one of his successors, being angry with the ambassador which they sent unto him, asked if he came alone from the Lacedæmonians to him, the ambassador made this only answer, One to one. Pittacus A pretty saying of Pittacus. used to say, that a dry and thirsty ear must be washed with a sentence that is good to drink, & that speech grounded upon reason only, is able to content and satisfy the hearing. Notwithstanding that we may the rather and the more profit others, we are not to neglect, if it may be, the joining of grave doctrine with sweet gracious and eloquent speech, mingled with some pleasure, grace, and delight, but void of all dissoluteness. For (as Euripides saith) that is the goodliest assembly in the world, where Of grave and eloquent speech the graces and muses meet together. Right and reason are invincible, being well uttered; because the soul is thereby induced easily to believe the good reasons she heareth, through the delight that is joined with them. Examples also being uttered fitly, and with a good grace, profit no less than the other, because with the force of persuading, which is in the nature of the example, there is joined the virtue of delighting. But we must carefully avoid all subtlety of speech, all proud, superfluous and unprofitable talk, lest that be justly objected unto us, which Photion replied to Leosthenes, who laboured to persuade the Athenians to war by an eloquent and very lofty oration. Thy words (quoth he to him) young man and my friend, may fitly be compared to cypress trees. For they are great and tall, but bear no fruit worth any thing. Or else that may be objected unto us, which Aristotle Against prating pleaders. answered to a great pleader of causes, who at every sentence he rehearsed, asked him if that were not a strange thing. Not that, (replied he) but this is a greater marvel, that any man having two legs can abide thy babbling. And to another, who after a long discourse said unto him, I have troubled thy head philosopher: not a whit (answered he) for I thought not upon it. Such babblers, whom Plato very aptly calleth thieves of time, are compared by Plutark to empty vessels, which give a greater sound than they that are full. So he that is poor in respect of the goods of the soul, hath always some fond speech in his mouth. But we must above all things shun this The tongue is the best and worst thing that is. vice of intemperancy of the tongue, which Bias called the best and worst thing that was. It serveth us to profit and instruct others, and by the same also we hurt and corrupt others. And as a little fire consumeth a great wood, so this little member, which is a fire, yea a world of iniquity, defileth all the body, and setteth on a flaming fire the whole world, if it be not extinguished and repressed. It seemeth that nature would teach us this by fortifiing the tongue better than any other part of the body, and by setting before it the bulwark of the teeth, that if it will not obey reason, which being within aught to serve in stead of a bridle to stay it from preventing the thought, we might restrain and chastise the impudency thereof with bloody biting. And because we have two ears and two eyes, it ought to serve us for instruction, that we must hear and see much more than we speak. Do we not also see, that sight and hearing go before speaking, and that of necessity, an infant must first understand before he can be Isocrates appointed two times of speaking. able to speak? Isocrates appointed only two times to speak in: the one, when the matter is necessary: and the other, when a man speaketh that which he knoweth. And this we may put in practice without blame in this manner. As touching the first point, it is lawful and seemly for us to speak when we stand in need of any thing: secondly when our speech shall profit any: also to delight and recreate one another with pleasant devices, void of dissoluteness, to mollify and to ease the travel of our affairs, or else to relish our rest the better, and to induce us thereby to give glory to God. All speech not grounded upon one of these three causes were better restrained than uttered. Moreover we ought to observe inviolably the second point of not speaking that which we know not, except it be in seeking and ask after instruction: remembering that which Apelles once spoke to Megabyses a great Persian Lord, who coming into his shop to see him, intermingled Apelles' speech to a Persian lord some talk of the art of painting. So long (quoth Apelles to him) as thou wert silent, thou seemedst to be some man of great account, by reason of thy chains, carquenets of gold and purple gown: but now there is not the least of these boys that grind oker, who doth not mock thee, hearing thee speak that which thou knowest not. By which saying we may note, that great men How great men ought to speak. ought to weigh well, and to consider of that which they speak in public places, and to use grave and sententious words of another phrase than that of the vulgar sort, or else to hold their peace if they have not this gift of speaking. Or at the least they are to speak but little, seeing the very words, gesture and countenance of a prince, are oftentimes taken for laws, oracles, and decrees. Tiberius also brought up this custom of speaking to the prince by writing, and of his answer by the same, to the end that nothing should escape his mouth that was not well considered of before. But to continue our matter, as the above named painter had set forth a table of his own for all men to behold, and had hid himself behind it, that he might hear what could be reprehended, a shoemaker espied a fault in the fashion of the latchet, which Apelles afterward corrected. And having the next morning hung Apelles' speech to a shoemaker. it out again to be viewed, this shoemaker passing by, and seeing that his opinion was followed, entered further to speak against other lineaments. But the painter not able to bear his boldness came from behind his table and stopped his mouth with this saying, That a shoemaker ought not to judge of greater matters than of the shoe. This is the meaning of that common proverb, to go about to teach Minerva: which is so intolerable a thing in men of honour, and so pernicious in the simpler sort that are light of belief, Alexander gave money to a poet to hold his peace. that for this cause Alexander the great gave money to Cherillus an ignorant poet to hold his peace and to leave writing. And seeing we are entered into this matter, we must know that we ought to be much more stayed and Nothing ought to be written without great deliberation. advised in writing any thing, than in bare speaking: because a rash and inconsiderate word may be corrected presently, but that which is once set down in writing can no more be denied, or amended but with infamy. As therefore a man had need of a ready and quick wit to be able to speak well: so great wisdom is very necessary to write well: yea the same rules and precepts that belong to speaking, agree also to writing. Besides, writing is called of many, a dumb speech, which ought to be short and full of instruction. Caesar in a letter which he sent to Rome from Notable and pithy letters of ancient men. the Persian battle wrote but these three words, Veni, vidi, vici, that is to say, I came, saw, and overcame. Octanian writing to his nephew cain's Drusus, said thus: For as much as thou art now in Illyria remember that thou deseendest of Caesar's, that the Senate hath sent thee, that thou art young, my nephew and a citizen of Rome. Plato writing to Dionysius the younger, used these words only: To kill thy brother, to double thy tributes, to force the people, to forget thy friends, to take good men for thine enemies, are the works of a tyrant. Pompey writing to the Senate from the east parts, said thus: Fathers of the Senate, Damascus is taken, Pentapolis subdued, Syria, Ascalonia and Arabia are confederates, and Palestina is vanquished. We see then the manner of writing used by the ancients, for which brevity they were as much esteemed, as the great discoursers of these tiems after iust occasion of correction. But to return again into the pathway of speaking, we have in Cicero a notable instruction A good precept for speaking. for this matter. Let our speech (saith he) be sweet and pleasant, not headstrong: and when we discourse, let us not be so long that we hinder others from speaking. For speech of all other things ought to be mutual and equal. Moreover we must have respect to that thing whereof we speak. If a man discourse of grave matters he must add a certain severity, but if he speak of delectable things, a pleasant and gracious behaviour. Above all things we must take heed, that our speech discover not some vice to be in our manners, which commonly falleth out when we speak evil of a man in his absence, either to move laughter or to his shame and reproach. We must also remember, if our speech upon some occasion coming between intermit the first discourse, that it return again in convenient time. But that is as things fall out. For all take not pleasure in the same things, nor at all times. And as we have begun upon some occasion, so we must end by some means. Now because in every action of our life, the perturbations of the soul are to be eschewed, we must be careful that our speech be void thereof: namely, that it be without choler, without extreme affections, also without carelessness, and other such like imperfection. Especially we must strive to make it known, that we love & reverence those with whom we speak. Further we must know that silence in due time The praise of silence. and place, is profound wisdom, a sober and modest thing, and full of deep secrets. This caused Archidamus, when he saw that Hecatus the orator was blamed for not speaking one word at a banquet, to answer for him, that they which know how to speak well, know also the time of silence. Hyperides likewise being at a feast Hyperides. amongst a great assembly, very full of noise & pleasure, and being asked why he spoke nothing, answered thus: It is no time now to discourse of those things for which I am fit: and as for those things, which the time now requireth, I am unfit. Bias being mocked of a babbler because he spoke nothing all a supper while, answered him thus: How is it possible that a fool should hold his peace at the table? The ambassadors of the king of Persia being at a feast with a citizen of Athens, and seeing Zeno the great philosopher say nothing, they began to flatter him, and to drink to him, saying, what shall we tell the king our master concerning you, master Zeno? Nothing else (quoth he) but that you saw an old man, who knew well how to hold his peace at the table. And truly no speech uttered did ever so much good, as many kept in have profited: and that which is restrained may be spoken at any time, but a word given out can no more be called back again. For words (as the poet saith) have wings, and are presently dispersed every where: and many repent that they have spoken, but never that they held their peace. How many examples do histories set before our Examples of mischiefs caused by the intemperancy of the tongue. eyes of men, who through the intemperancy of their tongues, have thrown themselves headlong into infinite calamities, & of mighty cities and great estates destroyed and overthrown through the disclosing of some secret? The city of Athens was taken and destroyed by Sylla the Roman dictator, who by his spies was admonished of the prattling of certain old men in a barbers shop, where they talked of a certain place of the town that was weakest, and worst defended. The overmuch talk of one only man was the cause that Rome was not delivered from the tyranny of Nero. For seeing one of the prisoners that was taken by the tyrant to be dismayed because he should be put to death, he willed him to pray to God, that he might escape but until the morrow only, & then he should have cause of rejoicing. Whereupon the prisoner thinking with himself, that it were better for him to choose a certainty than to expect an uncortainty, and to prefer a safe way to save his life, before a just, disclosed this speech to Nero, who knew well how to remedy the conspiracy. The gentleman of Normandy who in his confession told a Franciscan friar, that he was once minded to have killed king Frances the first, may well be placed amongst these overmuch speakers. For the king being advertised hereof by the Franciscan friar, sent the poor penitentiary to the court of parliament, where he received sentence of death. Those that are nobly & royally brought up (saith Plutark) learn first to hold their peace, & then to speak. Therefore Antigonus the great being demanded by his son, at what hour the camp should dislodge: art thou afraid (quoth he to him) that thou alone shalt not hear the trumpet? Of concealing a secret. He trusted not him with a secret matter, to whom the succession of the empire was to come: teaching him thereby to be more close and secret in such matters. Every particular man likewise aught to be no less advised in using great discretion when the question is of uttering any thing, which a man would have concealed. For he (saith Plato) to whom one discloseth a secret getteth the others liberty. Now in this laudable silence which we commend here, we have this to mark well, that when the question is of speaking a truth, or of profiting another, we ought not to doubt in any case, what pretence soever there be, to speak utter, maintain & freely to give counsel in that thing, which concerneth the duty of a good man, or the charge whereunto we are called. The sages & virtuous men heretofore have always showed themselves to be such in their free counsels & wise declarations, as hereafter we may handle more largely. In the mean time we may have here Demaratus for an example of this commendable liberty Examples of the commendable freedom of speech. of speech, who coming from Corinth into Macedonia, when Philip was at variance with his wife & with his son, was demanded by the king whether the Grecians did agree well among themselves. Truly sir (quoth he to him) it becometh you well to inquire after the concord of the Athenians & Peloponesians, & in the mean while to suffer your own house to be full of division and domestical discord. Diogenes also being gone to the camp of the same Philip, at the same time that he returned from making war against the Grecians, & being led before him, the king asked him if he were not a spy. Yes truly answered the philosopher, I am a spy & come hither to espy thy impudence & folly, who not constrained by any, dost set down as it were on a dicing board in the hazard of one hour, both thy kingdom & life. Demosthenes' being demanded of the tyrant Epemetes why he wept so bitterly for the death of a philosopher, a companion of his, seeing it was a strange matter to see wisemen weep, yea altogether unbeseeming their profession: know (said he to him) that I weep not for the death of this philosopher, but because thou art alive. For I tell thee that in the Academies we are more sorrowful for the life of the wicked, than for the death of good men. Let us learn then by your present discourse, that talk being the messenger of thought discloseth our manners a great deal more than the lines & draughts of our face do. And as that tree whose root is dry can have no green leaves: so from a vicious and corrupted soul nothing but vile & filthy speeches can proceed, which a wise man ought wholly to shun, because to make small account of evil words leadeth a man by little and little to dishonest deeds. Let all vain speech also be banished from us, and let us take great heed, that we never speak, either in sport or earnest, any one word that is not true: knowing that to be true in word is the beginning and foundation of a notable virtue. Moreover let us know that truth is not only betrayed of those that speak falsely, and maintain a lie, but also of those that dare not confess and defend it publicly. Let us know that above all things we must dedicate The constancy of Gordius. our voice and speech to sing the praises of God, remembering the saying of that holy man Gordius, who, as he was led to the place of punishment was exhorted by some to leave his opinion, and so save his life. To whom he answered, that the tongue ought to utter nothing that is injurious to the Creator thereof. Lastly let us know that we must refer every word to the glory of his name, and to the profit of our neighbours. The end of the third days work. THE fourth days work. Of Friendship and of a friend. Chap. 13. ASER. MAn being a reasonable creature borne for civil society to observe laws and justice, and to exercise in the world all duties of gentleness and goodness, the fairest and most fruitful seed that God hath infused and sown in his soul, and that draweth him to this end, is love and charity towards his like. But as every action of man's life standeth in need Prudence requisite in a friend. to be guided by the virtue of Prudence, whereof we discoursed yesterday, so in truth she is very necessary in every good and unfeigned friendship. For this cause I think (companions) that we shall observe the order of our discourses, if we begin this days work with the handling of friendship, and of the true and perfect duty of a friend. AMANA. No outward thing is to be preferred before friendship. Nothing that seemeth to be profitable, whether it be honour, riches, pleasure, or whatsoever else is of this kind, aught to be preferred in any respect before friendship. Yea a man is to make more account of friends (as Socrates said) then of any other mortal thing. ARAM. Perfect friendship (saith Aristotle) is to love our friend more for his benefit than for our own: and therefore a friend is always profitable and necessary. But he is greatly deceived (saith Homer) that seeketh for a friend in the court, and proveth him at a feast. But let us hear ACHITOB discourse hereupon. ACHITOB. Rare things are commonly most esteemed amongst men, & the more precious they are of their own nature, so much the more are they had in request. This we may very aptly apply to a friend, seeing there is Nothing more rare or excellent than a friend. nothing so rare as one that is unfeigned and steadfast, neither any thing so excellent and perfect as he is, if he be a good and prudent man. And for this cause the philosophers accounted friendship to be the chiefest and most excellent good of fortune, as being least of all subject to her, and most necessary for man. But because the wickedness of men is so great in these days, that nothing is so sacred and holy which is not violated, corrupted & brought to confusion, no marvel if men impudently abuse this name of a friend (so much reverenced in old time) that some take it to themselves being altogether unworthy thereof, and others as freely, although to their loss and shame, grant them this excellent title, and esteem them for such in truth towards them, as they falsely vaunt themselves to be. But that we be not deceived with the greater number, which is not always the surest mark, let us briefly consider what friendship is, what fruits spring from her, who may rightly challenge this title of a friend, what manner of one we ought to choose, how we must try him before we take him for such a one, than the means whereby to keep him, and lastly what mutual duty friends are to use one towards another. First we say with Socrates, that The principal cause and end of all true friendship. true friendship cannot be framed but by the help and grace of God, who draweth like to the love of his like: that every perfect friendship is to be linked with the bond of charity, and aught to be referred to God, as to our sovereign good and chiefest friend: and therefore that true friendship cannot be settled between the wicked, who being at discord within themselves, can have no concord and agreement one with another. Moreover, there is to be found in friendship whatsoever men think worthy to be desired, as honesty, glory, tranquillity of mind, and pleasure: and consequently a happy life, which cannot be amongst the What friendship is. wicked. Friendship is a communion of a perpetual will, the end whereof is fellowship of life, and it is framed by the perfect habit of a long continued love. Whereby we may perceive, that there is a difference betwixt The difference betwixt friendship and love. love and friendship: because love is a desire of the thing loved, and a beginning of friendship, but friendship is an inveterate and ancient love, wherein is more pleasure than desire. To love (saith Cicero) is nothing else but to be desirous to profit and pleasure another without hope of recompense. For otherwise friendship would be a mere merchandise, whereas it ought to be as free as charity. Socrates also said, that the end of friendship was, that of two souls one should be made in will and affection, and that none should love himself better than his friend. For there is a mean to be kept in all things, except in conversing with a friend, in regard of whom this aught to be resolved upon, that he is either wholly to be forsaken, or wholly to be trusted. What shall I hide from my friend (saith Homer) or what letteth why I may not think myself alone when I am with him? Whereby it appeareth unto us, that a friend is a second self, and that whosoever would take upon him What things are requisite in friendship. this title in regard of another, he must transform himself into his nature whom he purposeth to love, and that with a steadfast and settled mind to continue so for ever. Hereupon one of the ancients speaking of him that loveth perfectly, saith, that he liveth in another man's body. Friends therefore ought of necessity to have a conjunction and conformity of manners, of desires, of passions, of speech, of studies, of pleasures, of inclinations, of intermissions, if they mind to profess perfect friendship. Whereby we may easily guess, that he which entertaineth many friends, depriveth himself of the name of a true and steadfast friend, because it is altogether unpossible for a man to fashion himself to all patterns, and to apply himself to all natures, so divers in every one: especially considering that he shall very hardly find himself like affected in all things to one alone. Now after we have found such a disposition and conformity in him that offereth himself to be our friend, we must enter further into the knowledge of him, by sounding out the depth of his heart, that we may be certain and sure of his good disposition. For to see outwardly a resemblance of our manners and conditions in another, is not sufficient to prove them such in deed without dissimulation, unless they be grounded upon a good and virtuous nature, which is simple, upright, and unfeigned. For otherwise we see that many (like to Proteus taking divers shapes) are so subtle, that when they would curry favour with any man to deceive him, they disguise themselves, and for a while apply themselves to all his humours. This is practised chief by flatterers The common practice of flatterers. towards great men, who will counterfeit rather than they will not imitate the natural vice of the prince: so that as soon as ever they see him laugh, they betake themselves to laughing, albeit they know not wherefore. And namely we read that Alexander the great, and Alphonsus king of Arragon, having each of them somewhat a wry neck, this by nature, the other through custom, the flatterers and courtiers held their necks on the What manner of man we must choose for our friend. one side, to counterfeit their imperfection. To the end therefore that the sugared poison of such feigned friends deceive us not, we must make choice of an honest, prudent & wise man for our friend, whose fidelity (as Cicero saith) integrity, constancy and liberality are approved of every one, and whom we shall perceive to be led and possessed with the same zeal to virtue that ourselves are, to the end we may be aided and furthered by them in all good and laudable actions. For (as Plato saith) friendship is given by nature for a help to virtue, not for a companion of vices. To this effect Pythagoras saith, that it is not good to join hands with every one. Dicearchus also would give us to understand the same when he saith, that we must make all men our well willers if it be possible, but only good men our friends, who are not obtained but after a long time, and that by virtue. And as when we pass by a bramble or a burr that taketh hold of us, we cast it far from us, but contrariwise seek for the olive and the grape: so we ought to seek after their friendship, that deserve it, whose minds have sufficient matter in them to cause them to be loved, but to forsake, yea to reject such as are unworthy, and vicious, sensual and disordered, although they fawn upon us: because their conversation marreth and corrupteth every good nature. Therefore Bias said very well, that a wiseman receiveth not every one unto his friendship. Having thus chosen him whom we desire to entertain for our friend, & laid the chief foundations of friendship upon his agreement of manners with us, and upon his good disposition (which we may know by familiar conversation with him, and by diligent inquiry) before we can assure ourselves or boast that we have a true friend, we must prove his steadfastness and constancy, and not trust to offers and promises, whereof men are very prodigal now a days. But this is clean contrary to the duty of a true friend, whose property is to be sparing in speech, and prodigal in deeds, because great proffers are meet to be used towards strangers, and good deeds towards true friends. Now to prove a friend, we must not stay until need and necessity urge us, lest such trial be not only unprofitable and without fruit, but also very hurtful and dangerous unto us, because at such a time as necessarily requireth friends, we make trial of him, who in truth is no such man. How we must prove a friend. But we are rather to govern ourselves with prudence and foresight, as we use to do in the receipt of gold and silver. For before we have need to employ it, we consider whether it be currant, that we may be sure it will serve the turn when necessity requireth. To this purpose Theophrastus said, that we ought to prove strangers to love them, and not love them to prove them. Therefore albeit the true and right trial of a friend is in adversity, as of fine gold in a furnace, yet that is to be understood of him, who is such a one indeed. For if we should expect the first trial upon ourselves in time of certain danger, thereby to be assured and out of doubt, if then he should fail us it would bring us in great peril: so that we were better to try him when we stand not in need, requesting him notwithstanding, as if we were urged, and stood in need of his help and assistance in a matter of importance. If then he go forward with a sound zeal and ready affection, we are assured of him against another time. But if he stagger, and do it coldly, or turn away his face & refuse it, besides that we have no hurt or hindrance, we shall also gain much by withdrawing such a friend gently, and by little & little How we must shake off a false friend. from our table, and from our prosperity: always wisely observing that this friendship be simply forsaken, and no enmity undertaken. For it is not good or seemly to quarrel with him, with whom we have lived familiarly. Moreover, we must note here, that trial is to be made in an honest, not in a wicked matter. For we must not do, as we read that Alcibiades did, who, being desirous to know whether he had so many friends as he thought he had, called How Alcibiades tried his friends. them upon a day one after another into a dark place, and showed unto them an image of a dead body, saying, that it was a man whom he had killed, and requesting them to help to carry it away. But amongst them all he found none except Callias that would hearken thereunto. This kind of proving a friend maketh us unworthy of such a name, and occasioneth every good man to withdraw himself from our friendship. If we do all things (saith Cicero) both good and bad for our friends, such friendship may more truly be called a conspiracy of evil men, than a confederacy of good men. But, as we have said, we must gain another man's friendship by virtue, and not by vice, as also try a friend in just and reasonable causes: as if we be oppressed unjustly, if affliction and adversity follow hard at our heels, if need or any other humamne accident betide us, into which the best men commonly The means to keep a friend. fall. After we are sure that we have a friend (which truly is very great riches) there is nothing that we ought to desire more than to preserve and keep him. And first the mutual opinion, which ought to be in every friend of the virtue of his companion serveth very much for this matter. For as Cicero saith, The opinion of virtue is the fountain of friendship, and it is proper to virtue to win men's hearts, to draw them unto itself, and to preserve their friendship. Next, the conjunction of manners and wills keepeth back all riot and contentions, when as the will and mind of the one shall no sooner be declared, but the other presently putteth to his helping hand to bring it to pass. Thirdly, we are to observe this first law of friendship inviolably, not to require our friend to do any thing that is not just, or not in his power to perform, but to content ourselves with the use and service of that which he hath, without further seeking his hindrance, after the example of the industrious and painful be, which draweth honey out of flowers, and hurteth not the fruit. Above all things we must hold this for a general rule, which we have already touched, that true and perfect friendship ought to be Friendship must be free. free, as charity is, from whence she hath her beginning: I mean, that it ought to exercise itself not for hire or recompense, but only for his love, who is beloved of us. For the one is proper to a friend, the other savoureth of a hireling. True it is that friends in these days are like to crows, which fly not but towards those places where there is some thing to feed upon: even so they commonly visit not men's houses except it be for profit, neither reverence a friend longer than they see him in prosperity, or may reap some commodity by him. But we must shun such parasites, who are but saluting and table friends. Moreover, we must rejoice and delight in the company and conversation of our friend, as in that wherein the sweetest and most pleasant fruit of friendship consisteth. And for want of this benefit, friends must often communicate together by letters, thereby to show that they live in remembrance one of another. For by the letter of a true friend the spirit is refreshed, the eyes delighted, friendship confirmed, and the mind contented. Besides we must have our virtues, spirits, prosperity, yea acquaintance, and all common together, and nothing secret or hidden. Lastly we must yield to our friend all duties and services of sincere friendship, and that in all honest and profitable things according to right & justice, which are the bounds and limits of an holy love, desiring the like of him towards us. above all things his affliction or adversity, and all injury offered him, aught to be common to us with him, wherein we are to assist and help him with all succour and sweet consolation, which is as sovereign and fit a remedy as can be applied unto him, especially when good doctrine is joined with our speech. Hereof Phalereus confessed Phalereus. very well that he had good experience when he was banished from his kingdom, saying that his meeting with Crates the wise man had taken from him all care and thought of his misery. And if friendship can greatly diminish the grief that cometh by adversity, no doubt but it can add as much grace and pleasure to prosperity. We may effect all duty whatsoever we own to our friend, by How many ways we own duty to our friend. succouring him with four things: namely, with our person, with our goods, with comfort, and with counsel. Which we may also comprehend under these two duties, of relieving the necessity of our friend, and of comforting him in his tribulation. Now because, what perfection soever is in our friend, as likewise in ourselves, it cannot be but there will be always some imperfection mingled therewith (men's doings being never without some evil) we must not presume to be able to build such a perfect friendship as shall be void and free of all vice. And therefore How we must bear with the imperfections of our friend. we must gently support and bear with all wants and discommodities of our friend, and oftentimes frame ourselves to many passions, so they be not directly contrary to virtue, but such as proceed from the imbecility and frailty of nature common with us. nevertheless against such imperfections we must in time convenient and to purpose, use free and gentle admonitions, which are so necessary in friendship, and worthy of such consideration, that in my opinion we shall do well to make a several discourse thereof. Now if it come so to pass, that some displeasure or jar happen between us, then is the time wherein we ought most of all to study and labour how we may do some profitable or honourable thing to our friend: and not hearken to slanderous tongues, which watch for some small and light occasion to power out the poison of discord, thereby to rend and break a sunder our good and sure friendship. To such parasites, and scrap-gatherers at freecost feasts, who seek for nothing but their own gain by the disagreement of others, we must never give ear, but drive them as far from us, as they think to come near us. And to the end we may be the better affected and disposed hereunto, we must often call to remembrance, what benefit and happiness cometh to such men as are linked together by true and unfeigned friendship: as namely, in those affairs at which we cannot be present ourselves, the fidelity of a friend supplieth our place. From whence we will draw this conclusion, that he which violateth friendship, setteth himself against the common succour and aid of all men, and as much as in him lieth, overthroweth human society. For we cannot do all things ourselves, and therefore friendships are joined together, that by mutual duties one may profit another. Now considering that all the above named things are both necessary and also very hard and difficult to be observed and kept in true friendship, a man may easily judge that this so excellent a sympathy and fellow feeling of two friends is very rare, and not easily found: and by a more forcible reason it followeth, that it is altogether impossible that Against the plurality of friends. many such friends should be linked together. So that whosoever goeth about any such matter can never attain to a certain and durable friendship. For it must needs follow, that he which beginneth new friendship cannot but diminish and wax faint in affection in regard of his former friendship, wherein he was in a manner settled. Yea, how can he observe all dutiful points of a steadfast friend, as well in mutual conversation and communication of all things, as in helping his friend in all his affairs, if he have many friends to look unto, who may all stand in need of him at one and the same time? It is certain that in serving one he would be wanting to the other, and peradventure to both, whilst he doubteth which to help first. But there is yet a further matter in it. Do we not take him for our enemy, who is enemy to our friend? It is most certainly so: as the wise man Chilon very fitly signified so much to one who boasted, that he had never a fo. Then hast thou never a friend, quoth Chilon, seeing it is He that hath never a foe, hath never a friend. impossible, by reason of the wickedness of men, that two persons should live in the world without enemies. Whereupon Plutarch saith, If thou seekest for a swarm of friends thou considerest not that thou fallest into a wasps nest of enemies. Hereof it is that histories, when they set before us examples of true and excellent friendship make The best and most excellent friendship is between one couple. mention only of two persons: as of Jonathan and David, whose friendship could not be hindered by the wrath of the father of the one, no not although he knew, that his friend should reign over him, notwithstanding he were by inheritance to succeed next in the kingdom. So we read of one Achilles and Patroclus, of whom the one falsified his oath, which was that he would never fight, to the end he might revenge the death of the other. There was but one Orestes and Pylades, both of them calling themselves by the name of Orestes who was condemned to die, thereby to save the life of his companion. Neither was there any more than one Ephenus and Eueritus, and one Damon and Pythias, two of which being condemned to die by Dionysius the tyrant of Siracusa, had their pardon granted them by reason of the constancy and stability of the friendship that was between them and their companions, whereof they showed this proof. The two condemned persons besought Dionysius to licence them to go unto their country, that they might take some order for their household affairs before they died. The tyrant scorning at this, asked them what pledges they would pawn for their return. Whereupon the two other friends willingly offered themselves for pledges, and so six months space being granted, they were set at liberty. When the end of this time drew nigh, many mocked these poor cautions: but they nothing astonished made answer, that they were certain and sure their friends would not in any case fail of their promise. And indeed they arrived the last day that was granted unto them. Whereat the tyrant wondering, forgave the condemned parties, and prayed them to receive him for a third man into their friendship. So great force had virtue, that it could pacify choler and cruelty in his heart, whose virtue consisted in nothing else but in Pisistratus letter 〈◊〉 his nephew. vice. We read of a letter written by Pisistratus, prince of the Athenians, serving for a notable example of the force of friendship, which oftentimes is greater than all consanguinity. For having intelligence, that Thrasillus his nephew was of a conspiracy against him, he wrote unto him in these words: Nephew Thrasillus, thou shouldst have called to remembrance, not that I brought thee up in my house, that thou art come of my blood, that I have communicated my secrets with thee, that I have given thee my daughter to wife with the half of my goods, but above all things, that I loved thee as a friend. Thou art become a traitor towards me, which I would never have suspected, considering that I never deserved any such thing at thy hands. And therefore I would gladly I had so much authority over myself, that as I can shake off this alliance, so I could also falsify our friendship, which I can neither do, nor determine of, my fidelity saved. For the consanguinity that I have with thee may be separated, as being within the veins: but the love I bear thee cannot, seeing it is within my heart. A thousand other examples of couples joined in friendship are to be found in hihistories. In the mean while we have to note, that although we measure friendship here by the number of two, yet our meaning is not to exclude others altogether. For we know, that true charity extendeth itself unto every one, that we are bound to love even our enemies, and to do good to all, but yet amongst all we may choose one only friend to love, and to be loved again of him in perfection. Nevertheless we must labour by a thousand good duties to get the good will of all men, and in what place soever we be to follow the wise counsel of Polybius given to Scipio Africanus, that he should never departed from the public place of authority before he had gotten unto himself some new friend and well willer. This belongeth to them especially that have wealth at will, and are in public offices, and favoured of the mightier sort: and therefore are so much the more bound thereunto, as also to take delight in doing good to many, not sparing any of their substance. We have famous examples hereof amongst the ancients. That great Roman captain and Consul Titus Flaminius, who delivered and freed all Graecia Titus Flaminius. from bondage, and twice in battle ranged discomfited Philip king of Macedonia, is exceedingly commended of historiographers, not only because he was ready to pleasure every one, but also because he took such delight therein, that he would always remain well affected even to those whom he had once pleasured, as if himself had received the benefit: insomuch that he was always ready to do them more good. Whereby he showed himself truly zealous of virtue, which is never set on work for the hope of any earthly recompense, seeing the price and reward of a virtuous deed ought only to be the doing thereof. Therefore Cicero said very well, that no Commonwealth can either with too little, or too late recompense her native countryman. Now to conclude our present discourse, we say, that friendship is so excellent a thing, that there is no comparison between it and any other worldly good: that it is virtue, which frameth and uniteth together perfect friendships, and that if they be once forsaken, they cannot longer continue. Therefore honesty (as Cicero saith) is to be placed above friendship and profit, and religion, justice, and fidelity are to be preferred before the unjust requests of our friends, howsoever they might be profitable for this life, either to them or to ourselves. We say, that whilst we labour to make all men our well-willers by doing them good, according to the duty of a good nature, if we meet with one sure and certain friend amongst them all, we have gotten a great and incomparable Nothing better than to live with a virtuous man. treasure: seeing there is nothing more fit for life, or more commodius for a good and happy life, than to live with a virtuous man and our friend, whose fidelity, integrity, and constancy are ruled by charity. Lastly we say, Three things necessary in friendship. that three things are very requisite and necessary for the foundation and assurance of this friendship: namely, virtue, as that which is honest: conversation, as pleasant and agreeable: Profit, as helpful. Which is as much to say, as, that we must receive a friend after we have known and proved him, that we must rejoice in his company, and use him in our need, as we desire him to do the like by us. So that he which can boast of such a friend is very happy. Of Reprehension and Admonition. Chap. 14. ACHITOB. Divine Plato writing a letter to Dionysius the tyrant of Syracuse in the behalf of Helicon the Mathematician, after many and great commendations spoken of him, addeth this, that he wrote these things of a man, that is, of a living creature, Man is mutable. by nature mutable and soon changed. The like also he spoke of those that were well brought up and instructed in Athens. I fear yet (quoth he) that being men, and the offspring of other men they will make known the great infirmity and frailty of man's life, which truly, being compassed about, and as it were besieged with infinite miseries, is so easily troubled, that the wisest stand always in need of instruction, and aught to be awakened and admonished of their duty. Whereunto the free reprehension, and sweet admonition of a friend doth not a little profit. Wherefore my counsel is, that we handle it presently, without departing from the matter of our former discourse. ASER. True friends (saith Socrates) must not through flattery seek to gain the favour of their friends, but reprove them rather, that for their benefit they may reduce them to a better way. AMANA. To admonish and to be admonished (saith Seneca) are proper to true friendship. And Cicero saith, that a man may despair of his safety, whose ears are closed up against the truth, and cannot abide reprehension. Let us therefore hear ARAM handle this subject. ARAM. One of the greatest, most profitable and necessary fruits, which spring out of every good and holy friendship, and are noted and reaped by the acceptable One of the greatest fruits reaped in friendship. and long conversation of a prudent & wise friend, is that free reprehension and sweet admonition, which ought to be mutual between all true friends: seeing the frail inconstancy of man is such, that even the justest man (as the scripture saith) sinneth seven times a day. But man having pride and presumption naturally rooted in his soul, howsoever he seethe a mote in his brother's eye, yet he perceiveth not the great beam that closeth up his own eyes. This maketh him bold (as it is the property of vice to be headstrong) to defend and maintain, that he hath always done well, and not easily to hearken to his reasons that reproveth him, were it not that the mighty and inviolable bond of friendship, as of a second-selfe did constrain him to lend his ear to his friend through the opinion which he hath conceived of him and his virtue. True it is, that if there were amongst us such a reformation of life and manners, and that love joined with obedience A notable custom of the Lacedæmonians. might take place now, as it did long since amongst the Lacedæmonians, (who observed this custom inviolable, to punish him that did not reprove another's fault committed in his presence, with the same punishment which was inflicted upon the offender himself, & sharply to chastise him that resisted, or was angry at the reprehension) we should not see so great winking at vices and imperfections, nor such impudent resisting and shameless contempt of all good admonition as reigneth now a days amongst us, who unskilfully term this friendship, not to correct one another, but rather to cover & to wink at all faults. But seeing our age is so greatly corrupted, we may easily know what a precious and necessary thing it is, to have found a prudent and wise friend, who knoweth how to use wholesome and sharp reprehension, as a preservative medicine, that saveth the patient's life, being ministered in convenient time, and to purpose. Which thing if it be not wisely observed herein (as in all other things) it greatly hurteth, and depriveth the admonition of profit and efficacy. Therefore a friend being opposite to a flatterer, who studieth for nothing but to please, to do and to speak to his liking whom he flattereth (which is enough to overthrow friendship, whose strength is only in virtue) A friend compared to a musician. ought to deal as a skilful physician, who in the tuning of his instrument setteth up some of his strings, and letteth down others. So a prudent friend yieldeth unto some things, but refuseth and cotrarieth others, changing his mind as honesty and profit require. He is not afraid sometime to make his friend sad with intent and purpose to profit him, not to break friendship. Likewise he is not greatly to care although he see his friend angered, so that he be bettered, considering that anger may better be tolerated than vice. Agesilaus king of Sparta said, that he liked Agesilaus. well to be praised of such friends as would not spare him at all, but were ready to blame him also whensoever he gave them occasion so to do. To this effect Epictetus said, that as a wolf in some sort resembled a dog, so a flatterer was like a friend: and therefore that we ought to beware, least in stead of good dogs for safeguard, we receive unto us most pernicious & hurtful wolves. For it is better (as Antisthenes said) to stand at the courtesy of crows than of flatterers, seeing the one devour dead carcases, and the other living men. Now let us consider of the means how to use aptly and to purpose this so healthful medicine in friendship, I mean reprehension and admonition. Sometimes it is necessary (saith Cicero) for us to rebuke How we must use reprehension. our friends, wherein we are to use a more austere countenance and vehement speech: but too great severity and overmuch sadness ought to be far from us. For although gravity be a virtue, yet friendship is more familiar, free and pleasant. We must also take heed that it appear not we be in choler, but rather that we come against our wills to do this duty, as surgeons do to cut off and to burn, and that very rarely, when there is no way to find or use any other receipt. Moreover if one behold his friend in some great affliction, knowing it to be the nature of adversity to make men of troubled & vexed spirits, soon choleric and unwilling to hear, and at such a time to be offended at good and true speeches (even as honey although it be sweet, yet breedeth grief when it is applied to ulcers) I say a friend well advised aught then to beware that he use no sharp or biting words, which are apt to provoke him to anger, that is pressed with adversity. And this did Pythagoras mean to teach us learnedly by that enigmatical precept or riddle, which forbiddeth us to Stir up the fire with a sword. A man ought rather in such a case to minister some such sweet and gracious speech of comfort, as yieldeth and giveth place a little to the just grief of his friend, and from whence he may draw some ease of his evil, whether it be in talking thereof together with him, or otherwise in lamenting the same. And this must be done before any mention be made of a remedy, or any other convenient matter of talking with him be sought after. In this sort for a man to comfort himself is no less difficult a matter (as Thales said) than it is for a physician to cure himself. Above all things we must be very circumspect when we see our friend lately angered by reason of some pregnant and notable injury or wrong received from another. For then in stead of being importunate with him presently to forgive the injury, or of seeking to persuade him to think it a small fault, thereby endeavouring at the first dash to bring him to reason, we must entreat him gently to defer the punishment, and after by little and little, and by degrees to pacify and appease him. For it is very certain, that when wrath is much kindled and the heart enraged, a man cannot easily receive comfort, nor so suddenly conceive and understand reason. And therefore Plutark amongst other things gave this Time bringeth as many things to good order as reason doth. counsel to the emperor trajan to be patiented towards furious folks, considering that time moderateth as many things, as reason doth change. Notwithstanding when the question is of restraining a disordinate pleasure, of repressing choler or peevishness that passeth the bounds of all reason, of bridling insolency, which is gone too far out of square, of hindering some notable covetousness, or of staying some foolish motion, or superfluous passion, then is the time wherein a prudent and good friend ought to be vehement and earnest, and to double the speech of his admonition: yea to frame himself so, as if the imperfection proceeded from himself, & as though his own utter undoing lay thereupon. In such a case he is to follow that good Grecian captain Photion, who, when his friend would have cast away himself, said that he would not suffer him, because he was made his friend for that purpose. Therefore whensoever any such occasion is offered, a man is not to stay until the fault be committed, that he may then give his friend some good instruction. For than it would come to late, and no less unfitly, than that porter's warning, who after he had hit Cato, bade him beware. What (answered Cato) wilt thou give me yet another blow? Moreover we must take good heed that all reprehending of one friend by another be done (as we commonly say) between two private walls, that is, secretly when the door is shut: because the discovery of any sin or vice (even as of some foul disease) is always shameful. The example of these two sages, Socrates and Plato, will fitly agree to this matter. Socrates being somewhat more earnest than his custom was with one of his familiar friends before a great company, Plato could not contain himself but said unto him: Had not this been better spoken privately apart? And had not yourself (quoth Socrates) done better, if you had told me privately of this which now you utter? Whereupon we may further learn this lesson, that it is always easy enough to reprove another, but that all our reprehensions are blame worthy, if we reap not this instruction thereby, to correct, or to avoid the like errors in ourselves. Thus doth the self same Plato teach us saying, that we must descend into our inward parts, & say every one with himself, Am not I such an one? Otherwise We must correct in ourselves those faults which we reprehend in others. a man might truly reproach us with that saying taken out of an old tragedy, Each wounded wight doth seek to salve the sores that others have. But as we see our own eyes shine within the apples of our neighbour's eyes, so ought we in the life of other men to lay our own before us, and to purge them of those vices which we reprehend. For as Lysander made this answer to a Megarian, who thrust himself forward to speak aloud for the liberty of Graecia in a general assembly of counsel, That speech my friend had need of a mighty city: so may it be said to every one that useth freely to reprehend others, that his manners had need to be well reform. Therefore Plato said that he corrected Speusippus by the example of his life. In like sort, Xenocrates casting his eye upon Polemon, who in dissolute Sundry instructions how to admonish wisely. apparel was entered into his school, changed and reform all by his only looks. This also will be a good and honest way to make our reprehension both profitable & well liked of, when we enfold ourselves in that fault, which we reprove in others: as that wise man Socrates used to do, when he checked and taught young men, saying that himself was not delivered from ignorance, but had need to be instructed with them in virtue, & to seek out the knowledge of the truth. For when one accuseth himself as subject to the same faults that his friend is, & protesteth that his meaning is to correct and reprove him, as if he were himself, it causeth him that reprehendeth to be loved and reverenced, and procureth greater credit to his sayings. Let us further observe this, that every reprehension between friend and friend ought to be pure, and void of all private passions. Insomuch that if we perceive ourselves contemned, and after a sort despised, yet must we testify our sincere and loving affection in speaking freely in the behalf of others that are likewise despised, but not framing our talk in any sort for our own defence. Every admonition thus grounded as I have said, cannot but be profitable and well liked of our friend, as that which causeth the offender both to reverence him that gave it, and to blush for shame, not daring once to lift up his eyes against it. But forasmuch as naturally we hate to be reproved and blamed, as we learned in the beginning of this discourse, we must know that to cure such a pernicious inclination, nothing can profit us so much as to believe, that the beginning of good life is Reprehension is the beginning of good life. to be blamed and baited at. For man, by nature inclined more to vice than to virtue, can never hate evil before he understand what misery it bringeth. So that when he sinneth if his friend lay the infamy and shame of his offence before his eyes, unless he be altogether past shame, and fraught with impudency, he must needs give place to the truth, which is invincible, and so with shame not to be discommended, he is induced to reform his life according to the pattern of comeliness and honesty. Therefore Plato said, that we are greatly beholding to them that tell us of our faults, and show us what way we must keep: because it is better for us to amend by being corrected of another, than to undo ourselves by foolish perseverance. Moreover as all true and perfect love ought to be general, and to extend itself indifferently unto all without exception of persons, so likewise every one according to his several place ought to admonish and to correct those that do amiss as often as occasion is offered unto them, & chiefly they that are near to great men are bound to do it, but with discretion and great deliberation. Thus much did Solon signify to one, who by way of admonishment Solon's good advice for counsellors to princes. told him, that princes were either not to be approached unto, or else to be pleased: Nay contrariwife (said the wise man) either they are not to be come near unto, or else the truth is to be told them. We may observe infinite examples amongst the ancients worthy to be remembered, of the great freedom, which they used in reprehending and showing the faults not only of their familiar friends, but generally of all others: and especially of their kings, princes and magistrates, who because they see and hear for the most part by other men's eyes & ears, ought necessarily to have such friends, counsellors and servants about them, as will freely tell them the truth, as hereafter we may discourse more at large. This caused Plutark to Philosopher's ought to be conversant with princes. say, that a philosopher ought chiefly to keep company with princes and great lords, and that it was the point of a wise man, and of one that is well affected to the common wealth to be endued with common love, and to inquire after, or to accept & entertain such a friendship, as might be commodious and beneficial to many in particular, & much more in general to them all. And truly they that company with private men, and labour to instruct them, may well make them contented, mild and gracious in themselves, and profitable to them only: but he that taketh away an evil quality from a lord and magistrate, or directeth his will and intention, as it ought to be, playeth the part of a philosopher in the behalf of common commodity, and correcteth that mould and pattern according to which all the subjects are framed and governed. This kind of free admonition Solon used towards Croesus, Solon's counsel given to Croesus. whom he perceived to be blown and puffed up with pride, through an opinion of earthly and uncertain felicity, admonishing him to expect what the end would be. The Gods (quoth he to him) have given to us the residue of the Grecians all things after a mean sort, and namely a base & popular wisdom, not royal or magnifical: which as it giveth us to understand that the life of man is subject to infinite changes, so it forbiddeth to trust or glory in the goods of this world, or to make great account of any man's felicity, that is yet in danger of alteration. For time daily bringeth many sundry accidents to man, whereof he never thought before. But when the gods continue the prosperous estate of a man unto the ends of his Why Plato went into Sicilia to Dionysius. days, then will we account him happy. The desire, which Plato had to profit many caused him to sail from Graecia into Sicilia, that by grave discourses & wise instructions he might stay and contain within the bounds of reason the young years of Dionysius, prince of that country, who through unbridled liberty, and power not limited, waved hither and thither without restraint. Afterward when he began to be in love with the beauty of learning, he left of by little and little his drunkenness, maskings, and whoordoms, wherein before he gloried, insomuch that his court was wholly changed upon a sudden, as if it had been inspired from heaven. But within a while after. Dionysius giving ear to flatterers, banished Plato, to whom when he took his leave of him, the tyrant said, I doubt not, Plato, but thou wilt speak ill of me when thou art in the university amongst thy companions & friends. Whereunto the philosopher smiling, and observing that freedom of speech, which he had always used towards him, made this answer, I pray God, Sir, there may never be so great want of matter to speak of in the university, that we need to speak of thee. He was no sooner shipped from Sicilia but Dionysius returned to his former fashions, and called back again dancers, minstrels, bawds, and such like vermin, where of commonly there is want about great personages, so that presently your might have seen his court, yea all the rest of his people, overwhelmed in all delights and pleasures. Such great force hath a prince to alter and change at his pleasure the hearts of his subjects, but yet always rather to vice and folly than to virtue. And to go on with our matter of the free and bold admonition of great men, the self same Plato used it very fitly towards Dion, who had driven Dionysius out of his jurisdiction, and that at such time as the said Dion was in the greatest glory of all his prosperity. Amongst other things Arrogancy dwelleth in the end with solitariness. he willed him to beware of arrogancy, as of her that dwelled with solitariness: that is to say, which in the end was forsaken of all the world. The same kind of admonition Speusippus followed, writing to the same Dion, willing him not to presume or wax proud of himself, because he heard women and children utter his praises and commendation, Notable counsel for princes. but to have regard only to this, that Sicilia might be adorned with religion and piety towards God, with justice and good laws towards men, and that the university might always be had in honour and estimation. O counsel full of Christian instruction, and worthy to be daily set before the eyes of Christian princes, who may also learn of Demetrius king of Macedonia to take in good part, to Demetrius. reap commodity, and to reward those that reprehend and admonish them of their duty. After he had taken the city of the Athenians, who had rebelled against him, and stood in great need of victuals, he caused a general assembly of the people to be made, wherein he declared, that he gave them freely a great quantity of corn. In which oration it fell out so, that he committed an incongruity of speech, whereat one of the inhabitants suddenly stood up, and pronounced the word aright as he should have uttered it. For this correction (quoth Demetrius) I give thee beside five thousand measures of wheat. The example of good trajan writing to his Master Plutarch, ought especially to be imitated of great men. I advertise thee (quoth he) that hence forward I will not use thy service to any Traian's letter to Plutarch. other thing, than to counsel me what I ought to do, and to tell me of those faults, wherinto I may fall. For if Rome take me for a defender of her commonwealth, I make account of thee as of the beholder of my life. And therefore if at any time. I seem unto thee not well pleased when thou reprehendest me, I pray thee master, not to take it in ill part. For at such a time my grief shall not be for the admonition thou usest towards me, but for the shame I How Philoxenus corrected Dionysius tragedy. shall have because I offended. Philoxenus the poet may also serve for a witness of free correction, void of all flattery in regard of great men. For when Dionysius prince of Syracuse sent unto him a tragedy of his own making, that he should read and correct it, he sent it back again unto him all razed and blotted from the beginning to the end, because he found it in no respect worthy to be published. Neither doth antiquity only afford us such examples of bold reprehension by word of mouth, used by wise men in old time, but there hath been also in our ages worthy examples of base and contemptible men, yet full of good learning. For proof here of may serve that quip, which not long since a peasant gave unto an Archbishop of Cullen, who was well accompanied with armed men according to the custom of Almaigne. This countrie-fellow beginning to laugh, and being demanded by the prelate the The free gird of a peasant given to an Archbishop. cause thereof; I laugh (quoth he unto him) at S. Peter, prince of prelate's, because he lived and died in poverty to leave his successors rich. The Archbishop being touched therewith, and desirous to clear himself, replied that He went with such a company, as he was a Duke. Whereat the peasant laughing more than before said, I would gladly know (Sir) of you, where you think the Archbishop should be, if that Duke of whom you speak were in hell. Neither may we omit the answer which a poor Franciscan friar made to Pope Sixtus the fourth, who from the same order being come to that great dignity, showed him his great wealth and riches, saying, friar, I cannot say as S. Peter did, I have The like given to Pope Sixtus the 4. by a friar. neither gold nor silver. No truly (answered the Franciscan) no more can you say as he said to the impotent and sick of the palsy, Arise, and walk. Now concluding our present discourse we learn, that free reprehension and gentle admonition grounded upon reason and truth, and applied fitly, are of such virtue and efficacy with men, but especially with a friend, that nothing is more necessary or healthful in true and perfect friendship: and therefore aught to be joined inseparably therewith, according to that saying of the wise man, that Open rubuke is better than Prou. 27.5. secret love, and that The wounds made by a lover are faithful, but the kisses of him that hateth, dangerous. In the mean time we must (as S. Paul saith) restore those that fall with the Gal. 6. r. spirit of meekness, considering ourselves, and never betray the truth for fear of the mightier sort. Of curiosity and novelty. Chap. 15. ARAM. MAn having by nature imprinted in his soul an affected and earnest inclination to his sovereign good, is drawn as it were by force to search it out in every thing, which he esteemeth fair and good in this world. And from hence proceed all those his affections which carry him hither and thither, causing him to rejoice in and to desire greatly all variety and novelty. But the ignorance of things, and imperfection of reason, which abound in him, because of his corruption, make him for the most part to labour and take delight in evil rather than in goodness, if he be not by other means called to the knowledge of the truth: which ought to be the principal and most worthy object of our minds, esteeming all other knowledge vain and unprofitable being compared to this, which is so great and divine. And in this respect curiosity tending to understanding, (albeit in many things it be very hurtful, especially being left unto itself) is also very profitable and necessary, when it is directed and guided by the grace of God to the best end. Wherefore I think my companions, that it will not be unprofitable, if in this matter we discourse of these two things, curiosity and novelty, which seem to proceed from one and the same fountain, and about which the virtue of prudence showeth great and worthy effects. ACHITOB. Curiosity indeed desireth in part to know and learn much, which cannot be condemned. Nevertheless we must wisely beware that we employ it not upon evil and vile things, but rather testify always, that we are of a grave and contented nature, which is enemy to all novelty, and to superfluous things that are without profit. ASER. Novelty causeth us through error of judgement to esteem those things wherewith we are not acquainted, greater, and more to our liking, and so to buy them dearer than better things that are common and familiar. It is the very guide of the curious, causing them to contemn their own climate, and to hazard what good thing soever they have, to possess that which belongeth to others. But let us hear AMANA who will handle this matter more at large. AMANA. Amongst those learned precepts belonging to good life, which were written in the temple of Apollo in Graecia, this was in the second place. Nothing too much. Mediocrity must be used in all actions. Solon said, Nothing more than enough. Pittacus, Do all things by a mediocrity. These sayings are very short and of one matter, but yet comprehend all prudence necessary for the governing of man's life, aswell for the preservation of the tranquillity of the soul, and of the spiritual gifts thereof, as of all human goods, called by the philosophers, the Goods of the body and of fortune. The ancients being desirous to make us understand this the better, propounded unto us every virtue between two vices, teaching us thereby, that we cannot decline never so little either to the right hand or to the left, but we step aside from the right way of virtue, which is our only & true good: and that all difference The difference of good and bad consisteth in mediocrity. between good and bad consisteth in a certain moderation and mediocrity, which Cicero calleth the best of all things. If men had from the beginning contained themselves within the limits of these divine precepts, it is certain they would not so lightly have abandoned the simplicity and first modesty of their nature, to feed their minds with a vain curiosity and searching out of things supernatural, and incomprehensible to the sense and understanding of man. Which things the more they thought to know, the greater occasion of doubting they found in them, so that for all their labour and understanding they could never carry away any true knowledge, or certain resolution. And even as that man, who not contenting himself with the abundant light of the sun beams, but Against curiosity in knowledge. seeking with his eyes to pierce through the brightness thereof even unto the midst of the circle of the body, must questionless become blind: so falleth it out for the most part to those, who go about too curiously to inquire after that which is not lawful to be known. The ill success of our age affordeth us too many miserable testimonies, wherein at this day we see nothing but contrarieties of opinions and uncertainties, through their subtleties & bold curiosities, who have sought to pluck (as a man would say) out of heaven the secrets hid from the angels: yea, which is worse, have boasted that they have attained unto the knowledge of them, filling our times with trouble and confusion under that false pretence. There are others also no less hurtful, who have been such curious inquisitors of the causes of all natural things, that through frivolous and unprofitable questions they have fallen into that impiety, as to seek for another beginning of all things, than God. Whereupon this proverb, which is too true, arose, Of three physicians one Atheist. This kind of curiosity, is of all others most pernicious. But forasmuch as it is without the compass of our academy, we let it pass with this short mention thereof, and with this only addition, that God commonly punisheth the pride of such men by those fruits, which we see them bring forth, and by taking from them their understanding in principal and most necessary matters, wherein notwithstanding they think themselves to be wonderful and jolly fellows above all others. As touching this point the example of Socrates is very memorable, and to be imitated, who being demanded what the world was, answered, that A notable saying of Socrates. since he had any judgement he gave himself to seek out the true knowledge of himself, which yet he could never find. But so soon as he had attained thereunto, than he would seek for other things that would do him no service or pleasure. Aristotle (as justin Martyr writeth) who for the excellency of his skill in natural philosophy was The death of Aristotle and Pliny through too much curiosity. called the god of the earth, burned with such a desire of curiosity in understanding the causes of natural things, that because he could not know and conceive the cause and nature of Euripus, which is in Chalcis a city of Eubaea, I mean of the flowing & ebbing of the sea, which turneth & compasseth about that place, nor give a sufficient reason thereof, he died for very shame and grief which he conceived thereupon. Pliny also, who wrote the history The burning of Aetna. of natural philosophy, was choked with the flames and vapours of the mountain Mongibel in Sicilia, whilst he sought to find out the cause of them, and from whence that great fire came, which spoilt the country round about in the time of Titus the emperor: insomuch that seven or eight towns were burned, and many persons traveling by land, and sailing on the sea were stifled with the ashes thereof, carried about by the vehemency of the winds. But let us leave these curious spirits, and speak of two Two general kinds of curiosity. other general kinds of curiosity, which respect chief our moral philosophy, and from whence all corruption of good manners proceeded. The first kind concerneth ourselves only, and the other our brethren and countrymen. To speak therefore of the first, it bringeth forth pernicious effects after divers sorts and manners, but amongst us Frenchmen they appear principally in that Against the curiosity of seeing strange nations. burning desire, which inflameth us to travel into strange nations, and in our carking and caring for the nourishment, clothing, and decking of our bodies, and for the setting forth and trimming up of our houses with curious and unprofitable movables, wherein we exceed all the superfluity of other countries. When the ancients speak of the felicity that accompanied the golden age, amongst the good conditions, and commendable manners, which they noted in that holy and first simplicity, they never forgot this, that the men of that good time tilled and manured their grounds, and cared not what strangers did in far countries. Moreover, since the time that men made light account of their own climate, through a curious and unsatiable desire of appropriating unto themselves the inheritance and labour of others, besides the cruelty, violence, and murders, which prepared a way to their miserable platforms, all corruption of good manners at home, and all bastardlike attire have followed thereupon. We might here note infinite testimonies of antiquity, and especially of our ancient progenitors the Gauls, who were very warlike, and lived within their bounds in all simplicity of manners, and frugality of life. But our own example, to our unspeakable shame and misery, is so evident before our eyes, that I need no better proof of my saying than that experience which we feel by our own peril. For One evident cause of the ruin of France. the ruin and destruction of this french monarchy proceedeth of no other second cause (our iniquity being the first) than of the mixture, which we have made of strangers with ourselves. Wherein we are not contented to seek them out under their roofs, unless we also draw them unto us, and lodge them under our roofs, yea prefer them before our own countrymen and citizens in the offices and honourable places of this kingdom, against the law and right of every good and well established policy. Besides we adore and reverence all their novelties and subtle inventions, and that so ignorantly, or rather blockishly, that suffering them to suck us even to the very bowels, in stead of all our riches and spoils, which they for their part have drawn from us, they have left us nothing but new manners and fashions of living in all dissoluteness and pleasure, except this one thing also, that we have learned of them to dissemble, and withal to frame and build a treason very subtly. Such is the provision wherewith our french youth is commonly furnished by their Italian voyages. To this purpose Guevara, Chronicler to the emperor Charles the first, writeth that from foreign country's men commonly bring news to prattle of, and strange customs to practise: and that few come out of Italy, that are not absolute and dissolute. Lycurgus' forbade traffic with strangers. Lycurgus' by his laws commanded the Lacedæmonians not to go out of their kingdom, nor to converse with strangers, saying, that although by their traffic with them they might be enriched, yet on the other side they would grow poor in regard of their own virtues. Titus Livius, Macrobius, Salustius and Tully cursed and bewailed the conquests and victories, which Rome had in Asia, saying that if the Romans brought the Persians, & Medes under subjection by force, yet the self same Asians overcame the Romans with their vices and delights. This doth Five vices brought out of Asia by the Romans. Cicero testify writing to Atticus, where he saith that these five vices, namely, to make glorious sepulchres, to wear rings of gold, to use spice in meats, to allay wine with snow, and to carry about with them perfumes and sweet smells, were sent to the Romans for a present from the Asians, as a revenge for the cities which they had taken from them, and for the blood which they had drawn of them. And which was worst of all, he saith, that these vices would always remain with them, but the country conquered, for a little time. Experience telleth us, that no country is so poor, which is not sufficient and able, all superfluity cut off, to nourish and maintain those men that are bred in it with things necessary for them. Whereupon a man may easily guess, that want of prudence, and ambitious desires first invented the art of navigation & sailing into far countries. Fabatus the consul in scutcheon years which he lived, departed not once from his village of Regio to go to Messana, which was but two miles off Why Fabius would never go on the water. by water. And when one asked of him the cause why, The bark (quoth he) is foolish, for it always stirreth up and down: the mariner is foolish, for he never abideth in one opinion: the water is foolish, for it never standeth still: the wind is foolish, for it runneth continually. Now if we use to go from a fool when we meet him upon the land, what reason were it for me to hazard my life with four fools upon the sea? But whatsoever my speech hath been hitherto, my meaning is not to find fault with the right use of hospitality, which ought to be maintained & kept inviolable in every well established common wealth. In this respect France hath been commended above all nations for entertaining and receiving all sorts of people: provided always that they be not preferred before our own children, and that they be contented to obey & live according to the common laws of the country. Neither do I reprehend that traffic and trade with strangers, which serveth for a bond of humane society, & whereby the commodities of one to another are communicated together with common profit: provided always that superfluous and unnecessary things be left and forsaken. But ere we enter too far in with them, it were good for us not to undertake such voyages to gather wit and experience (as the most say) before we have profited well in the knowledge of virtue, and are guarded with good and commendable manners, which are able to resist all new & strange corruption: whereby otherwise the nature of man desirous of diversity and novelty, suffereth itself easily to be overcome, making merchandise amongst them of naughtiness rather than of goodness. As hitherto experience showeth us, that from this fountain hath proceeded the curiosity of superfluous apparel, of gold, of silk, tapistry, pictures, vessels, perfumes, painting of faces, delicacy of meat, and all provocations of voluptuousness, whoredom, gluttony, and of other filthy dissoluteness, and infamous vices, too much known amongst us, whereof we have heretofore made mention, and will hereafter continue the particular discourse of them. Now after we are well armed at all points with good doctrine and virtue, we may according to the example of Plato, of Apollonius Plato and Apollonius were great travelers. Thyaneus, and of many other notable men, seek after those that are best learned in strange countries, that we may profit and be instructed by them. Plato after he was well instructed by Socrates sought out the Mages and wise Men of Egypt, by whose means he saw the books of Moses. Then he went into Italy to hear Architas Tarentinus, the most renowned philosopher of that country. Apollonius, who matched in learning all the philosophers of his time, traveled over three parts of the world to see and to confer with all the skilful men of his age: and being returned into his country, and enriched with wonderful knowledge, he distributed all his goods, whereof he had great abundance, amongst his brethren, & to the poor: and withdrawing himself into the fields, he lived with bread and water only, that he might have his mind free for the contemplation of heavenly things. Now let us come to the other kind of curiosity, which as we said, Of curiosity in seeking to know other men's imperfections. concerneth our brethren and countrymen. This is that which Plutark calleth a desire to know the wants and imperfections of other men. It is commonly joined with envy and evil speaking, and is by that excellent philosopher compared to adultery, which may be called a curious inquiry after another body's pleasure. Moreover curious folks through an overweening incontinency, seek to violate and to discover their neighbours greatest secrets, especially those which are blamewoorthy, that by publishing & blabbing them out, they may nourish the intemperancy of their tongues. For as venomous serpents seek after infected and stinking places: so curiosity delighteth in finding out evil things, but despiseth those that are good and commendable. If there be any one imperfection in a stock or kindred, if any infamy, fault, error, or evil government in a house, any quarreling, any thing to be misliked or loathed therein, it is the delight of curious folks to learn that thoroughly, that they may sport themselves, and tell long stories of them, by that means using their memory for a loathsome register of other men's vices, and yet neither see or know any fault of their own. This causeth them all their life time to be the disciples of ignorance & not of philosophy, which teacheth us, not other men's faults, but our own, as also the means how we may be delivered from them. Diogenes beholding one of his scholars in a public place talking very earnestly with a young man that was thought to be subject to his pleasure, demanded what talk they had. To whom the disciple answered, that the other rehearsed unto him a notable trick of youth, which he had played the night before. Then Diogenes said to them both, My will and commandment is, that each of you have forty stripes with a whip, within the amphitheatre, or playing place: Thou (quoth he to his scholar) for giving ear unto him, and he for the folly committed, because a philosopher deserveth as much for hearkening to folly recited, as doth the vagabond that rehearseth it. What punishment think you would this wise man have judged them worthy of, who hearken and inquire so curiously after other men's faults and imperfections? And yet a man may truly say of the most of these men, that they will never look upon, or consider their own lives, which is a very unpleasant spectacle unto them, nor yet return and look back with reason, as with a light, upon themselves. But their soul being full of all sorts of evil, and fearing that which she feeleth within herself, leapeth forth and wandereth here and there in searching other men's doings, thereby feeding and fatting her own ill nature, and using curiosity as an eye to look upon other men. The curious are more profitable to their enemies than to themselves. hereof it cometh, that a curious man is more profitable to his enemies than to himself, because he discovereth, manifesteth, and showeth unto them from what they are to beware, and what to correct: and yet in the mean while he seethe not the most part of that which is within himself, so greatly is he dazzled by beholding that which is without in other men. He openeth all even to the very walls of strange houses, and pierceth like a wind into the midst of those things that are most secret. His mind is both upon the palaces of the rich, and cottages of the poor. He ferretteth out every thing, and inquireth many times after the affairs of the greatest, which is the cause of his overthrow, when he busieth himself too far in them. This was wisely noted by Philippides, when Lysimachus the king asked Curiosity in princes affairs is perilous. him what part of his goods he would have imparted unto him. What you please sir, quoth he, so it be no part of your secrets. Now if we desite to divert and to quench the heat of this vicious passion of curiosity, which is too familiar amongst us, and unseemly in a prudent and virtuous How we must cure curiosity. man, we must sometimes abstain from enquiring after lawful things, though otherwise not necessary. In the exercise and practise of justice, it is expedient sometime to leave untaken that which a man may lawfully take, thereby to accustom himself to abstain more easily from taking any thing unjustly. Likewise it is good for a man sometime to abstain from his own wife, that he may attain to the virtue of temperancy, and so be never moved to desire another man's wife. In like manner, if in stead of showing ourselves to be of the number of these diligent and curious inquirers after unprofitable news, we signify rather to him that cometh to tell us of some news, that he should please us better if he had some good and profitable, matter to speak, than should we thereby give testimony of a stayed and settled nature despising curiosity. Examples against curiosity. This was noted in Alexander the great, who seeing a messenger running apace towards him with a smiling countenance, said unto him (not showing himself to be moved at all, or desirous to understand what he would speak) what good news canst thou bring me my friend, unless thou didst come to tell me that Homer is risen again? And truly he had great reason to think that no more excellency could be added to his valiant acts and deeds, except it were to have them consecrated to immortality, by Against lightness of belief. the writings of some learned and notable wit. The example of Photion deserveth well to be here alleged against curious folks, who are commonly light of belief. For as soon as the Athenians received news of Alexander's death, they purposed presently to alter their estate, and to shake off the yoke of the Macedonian alliance. But Photion being of a contrary opinion said unto them, If this news be true to day, it will be true also to morrow. And therefore (my Lords Athenians) make no haste, but deliberate leisurely, and look safely to that which ye have to do. It is certain, that if we use in this sort to show ourselves stayed in such things, and in all other things of small importance, wherein our natural inclination would provoke us to be curious, as namely, to break off good communication Faults whereinto curious men commonly fall. begun upon the receipt of a letter, to forsake company to run and meet a messenger only to know what news he bringeth, and a thousand such like sudden motions proceeding of lightness and curiosity, I say by avoiding such things we should prepare a way to the restraining of all curiosity in greater matters, which otherwise may procure blame. As for example, to open another body's letter, to intrude ourselves into the secret counsels of our neighbours, to seek out their faults and imperfections, to inquire busily after that, which may grieve our familiar friends, or to ask them of that, which they like not of, neither is grounded upon any good cause or reason, lest peradventure the answer of some wise man should turn more to our shame, than be framed according to our desire. Thus dealt Demaratus with a curious & importunate Witty answers made to curious questions. fellow that had oftentimes asked of him, who was the honestest man in Sparta: He that resembleth thee lest, quoth he unto him. The answer also of an Egyptian was not unfitly made to one that asked him what he carried there folded. It is wrapped up (quoth he) because thou shouldst not know what it is. Now by that which hath been hitherto discoursed, it appeareth sufficiently, that all kind of curiosity is hurtful, hateful, and greatly to be blamed in every one, if it be not bounded and limited by the reason of true prudence, which guideth and stirreth us up to seek after good, honest, and profitable things, either in heaven, in earth, in the air, or in the sea, according to the gift and capacity of our understanding and judgement, which may be necessary for us to know, or may help us to live well and happily. For whatsoever is more, we ought to account it unprofitable and superfluous. Let us learn then, not to know more than we ought, but unto sobriety, containing Rom. 12. 3. our spirits within the limits of mediocrity, simplicity, and modesty. Let us forsake all sophistical curiosity, and worldly wisdom, which is mere foolishness before God, that we may embrace a simple, popular, and academical kind of knowledge, which will teach us to know ourselves and our duty, whereby we shall be led to that happy end, which we seek for and desire. Let us not admire any more the merchandise and outward shows wherewith strangers feed the eyes of curious folks, but let us wonder at virtue only: saying with the comical poet, where he speaketh of those that covered their bedsteads with gold and silver, what great folly is it to make sleep so dear, which God hath freely given unto us? So to seek for that of strangers with such great expenses which we may have at our own haven better & more commodiously, were all one, as if we should leave the substance, & run after the shadow, or that which is certain for an uncertainty. We may have in France (if our blockishness stay us not) universities and schools for all honest exercises meet for our nobility without strangers. And if we think that in some places amongst them, they have better teachers than we have, let us first seek amongst ourselves for those instructions that are most necessary, namely, for the knowledge of good letters, and institution of virtue, and then if we think good, we may hear their teachers and masters, without infecting our behaviour with the corruption of their manners. Besides by the same study we shall learn to shun all curious inquiry into other men's imperfections, that we may diligently look into our own. Of Nature and Education. Chap. 16. AMANA. SEeing that in the entrance of our former treatise, we began with that natural instinct of man, which moveth and disposeth him to desire and to seek after his good, we may in continuing the same matter find more profitable instruction, by considering his nature more narrowly, as also what cometh unto him by good education, which, that I may so say, standeth him in stead of a second nature. To you therefore (my Companions) I leave this matter to be entreated of. ARAM. The nature of man is like to a pair of balance. For if it be not guided with knowledge and reason unto the better part, of itself it is carried to the worse. And although a man be well borne, yet if he have not his judgement fined, and the discoursing part of his mind purged with the reasons of philosophy, it will fall often into gross faults, and such as beseem not a prudent man. For in those men that are not endued with virtue ruled by certain knowledge, nature bringeth forth such fruits as naturally come from the ground without the manuring and helping-hand of man. ACHITOB. That which commonly causeth men to will evil rather than good, proceedeth chief of this, that they have no knowledge or experience thereof. And therefore Socrates said, that as bringing up maketh dogs fit for hunting, so good instruction causeth men to become profitable in the managing of a commonwealth. But it cometh to thy course, ASER, to discourse upon this matter. ASER. This hath been always a great question among the skilful and diligent inquiters after the perfection of nature, whether learning or nature teacheth us to know ourselves. Justice (saith Cicero) is naturally planted in us from our birth, as also religion, piety, grace, duty, and Natural virtues according to the Philosophers, who had no knowledge of man's fall. truth. Whatsoever is according to nature (as the philosophers say) is certainly ordained and appointed, because nature is nothing else but order, or rather the effect of order. But disorder, like to Pindarus sand, cannot be comprehended in any certain number: neither can that which is against nature be defined, because it is infinite. When they speak generally of nature, they make two The division of nature. principal kinds: the one spiritual, intelligible, and the unchangeable beginning of motion and rest, or rather the virtue, efficient, and preserving cause of all things: the other, sinsible, mutable, and subject to generation and corruption, respecting all things that have life, and shall have end. Aristotle saith, that nature in one respect is said to be the first & chief matter subject of every thing that hath being, namely, of those things which have in them the beginning of their own moving & mutation: and in another respect, it is called the form of any thing. But leaving the infinite disputations and curious inquiry made by the philosophers concerning this excellent matter, whereof we have not here undertaken to entreat, we say What nature is. with justin Martyr, that Nature (in which the steps of the divinity shine and are lively represented) is that spirit or divine reason, which is the efficient cause of natural works, and the preserving cause of those things that have being, through the only power of the heavenly word, which is the workmaster of nature, and of the whole world, and hath infused into every thing a lively virtue and strength, whereby it increaseth and preserveth itself by a natural faculty. Or to speak more briefly, Nature is the order and continuance of the works of God, obeying the deity, and his words and commandments, and borrowing her force and strength from thence, as from her fountain and original. In this nature thus defined, which respecteth all things created, we have here to consider of and to handle particularly, according to our meaning at the first, the nature of man only, which natural philosophers call the instinct and inclination of every one's spirit. The property and light of nature. There is nothing more true, than that nature of herself leadeth men in some sort to that which is decent and honest: neither is learning able to show any thing, which is not to be found in nature, whether we go about to teach the end of man, which the philosophers call, the action of virtue, or whether we seek out the causes and beginnings of other sciences. For other is no man so barbarous or wicked in all the world, who is not touched with honesty, and who retaineth not somewhat of the light of nature. Which may be clearly perceived by this, that a virtuous action pleaseth him, so that he is even constrained to commend it. And if he might taste thereof never so little, not being fore-possessed with other disordinate desires, no doubt but he would become such a one, as might purchase and deserve praise and commendation. But here we must acknowledge the first corruption of our The corruption of nature. nature whereby it is inclined to pleasure, and to eschew labour, which are the wellsprings of vices and of infinite evils. And if our nature should be suffered to run with the bridle at liberty, whether soever it is driven by carnal desires, having none of them cut off by wise admonitions and lively persuasions, there is no beast so untamed or savage, that would not be milder than man. Whereupon it followeth that nature must of necessity be tamed, and as it were mollified by the study of good letters, & by the instruction of good philosophical reasons, which as they serve for nourishment and food to our minds, so by them our manners and actions are framed and guided according to virtue and prudence, and we made able to learn how, by the compass of reason, to attain to mediocrity, wherein perfection consisteth, and to reject excess, which is always dangerous. A good player on a lute or viol toucheth no other strings than those that are touched by him that is most unskilful. Notwithstanding being taught in the beginning, he knoweth afterward through use what strings make that sound, which the earc judgeth by the harmony and agreement of sound to be delectable, whereupon he is taken for his craftsmaster. Even so a perfect virtuous man useth only natural gifts, but reason and practice bringeth them to their perfection. Every Three things necessary for the perfection of man. good beginning cometh unto us by nature, the progress and growth by the precepts of reason, and the accomplishment by use and exercise. Nature without learning & good bringing up is a blind thing. Learning without nature wanteth much, and use without the two former is unperfect. It is true (as Plato saith) that some may be found, that are of a strong and forcible nature, and thereby endued with reasonable good sense and judgement (which is in man as the rudder in a ship) so that they make show of great virtues. But those men are not without many great vices also, if they want good education & learning: not unlike to a good fat ground, which bringeth forth many good and bad herbs together, if it be not well dressed. Now if this good nature be ill brought up, without doubt it will spoil itself and become very pernicious. Scipio and Catiline were both high minded and courageous by nature, but forasmuch as the one was always obedient to the laws of his commonwealth, & used his virtue as reason required, he was accounted virtuous, & the other wicked and wretched for doing the contrary. You ask of me (saith Socrates in Xenophon) whether courage or greatness of heart proceed of nature or of learning. For my part I think, that as we see some borne with stronger bodies than others are, so by nature we have minds more fit to sustain perils & adversities than others have. And that this is so, we see many brought up with the same manners, and instructed under like laws, and yet some of them more hardy and bold than the rest. Notwithstanding there is no doubt but the goodness of nature is helped by learning and institution. It is certain (saith Plutark) The difference between philosophers and the common people that there is in all men some light of good and right judgement, but yet the difference between philosophers and the common sort of men is great: because philosophers have their judgement more stayed and assured in dangers, whereas the vulgar sort have not their hearts fortified and defended with such anticipations and resolute impressions aforehand. Albeit therefore many notable men (as Cicero saith) have achieved many brave and virtuous exploits being guided by their natural judgement only, and by daily experience in affairs, yet infinite faults may be noted in them, especially in their behaviour and manner of life, which might have been amended and corrected by the knowledge of letters. Moreover the judgement of man wavereth too easily to settle and resolve itself upon any thing: yea it is driven by a thousand occasions from the ground of her former discourses, if it be not built and laid upon certain knowledge & reason, which the study of wisdom teacheth us. And as for that prudence, which is gotten only by use, and by a man's own experience, it is too long, dangerous and difficult, because it is not able to make us wise but after our own peril: & oftentimes whilst we seek it, death maketh haste to prevent it, or else followeth it so near, that we had need of a second life to bestow about it. Thus we see that if there Three things concur in perfect virtue. be any want in any one of these three, Nature, Reason and use, virtue also must needs fail and be unperfect in that point. True it is, that a good natural inclination deserveth more praise being without learning, than learning doth without it: because even knowledge serveth many times for an occasion to the wicked, who abuse it maliciously, to further their unpure purposes. Nevertheless, we can accuse nothing but their perverseness, which by reason of their ignorance, would not have stayed itself from uttering such pernicious effects in them, and peradventure worse. For in what measure soever it be, yet (as Socrates said) they that have been well brought up and instructed, are in some sort forced to moderate themselves. Besides, they that are not altogether well borne, yet being The defect of nature is helped by good education. helped by good training up and exercise of virtue, they may after a sort repair and recover the defect of nature. Idleness (saith Plutarch) annihilateth and corrupteth the goodness of nature, but diligence in good education correcteth the naughtiness thereof. And as we see, that drops of water falling upon a hard stone make it hollow, and that iron and copper consume and wear only with handling, and ground that is more uneven and stony than it ought, yet being manured and dressed, beareth fair and goodly fruit, and contrariwise good ground becometh unfruitful, and waxeth worse and worse the more it is left unlabored: even so good manners and conditions are qualities, which in long process of time are imprinted in the soul, and moral virtues are attained unto through The weakness of our natural inclination to goodness. care, diligence, labour, and long exercise. Therefore although nature hath this property in all men, that it is in perpetual motion through a weak instinct, and that in some stronger, in others weaker, which causeth her to aspire unto and to desire the excellency of her first perfection, whereof she knoweth herself void, yet if she be not always helped and driven towards the better part, she will soon suffer herself to be carried to the worse. They are but little sparks (saith Cicero) which through vice and corrupt manners are so easily quenched, that the light of them A similitude. appeareth not. And as the heat buried in the veins of a flint, seemeth rather dead than alive, if the sparkles be not drawn forth by the steel: so this immortal portion of celestial fire, being the fountain and first motive of all knowledge, remaineth without any profit or commendable action, if it be not sharpened and set on work. We are no sooner borne, and taken in hand to be brought up, as Plato saith, but we follow after wickedness, as if we had sucked iniquity together with our nurse's milk. Afterwards being committed by our fathers to the hands of teachers, we so enwrap our minds with errors, that those weak seeds of virtue, which are in us by nature, must needs give place to vanity, and to opinion. But if good wits find good bringing up, than they grow always up from better to better. Whereupon in my opinion that old proverb was not spoken without reason, that education goeth beyond nature. Which thing when Lycurgus was desirous to let the Lacedæmonians understand, he nourished two dogs of one & the same litter, using the one to hunt, Lucurgus example of two dogs. and bringing up the other in the kitchen. And when the people were gathered together, he spoke unto them in this manner: It is a matter of great importance (O ye Lacedæmonians) to engender virtue in men's hearts by education, custom, and discipline, as I will let ye see, and sensibly perceive out of hand. Then he caused both the dogs to be brought, and casting off a hare on the one side, & setting a platter of broth on the other, he let loose his dogs, of which the one followed after the hare, & the other ran to the broth. Thus fareth it (quoth he) with men, who may be made more virtuous by good education, than by nature. Neither will it profit them at all to descend of Hercules race, if they practise not those works whereby in his life time he grew to be most famous in the world, and if they exercise not themselves all the days of their life in honest and virtuous actions. Furthermore if we desire examples of this, that learning, institution and education avail greatly to conform and frame our hearts and wills to virtue, yea to alter and make them better, Socrates confesseth Socrates and Themistocles were by nature vicious, but by education virtuous. in Plato, that by nature he was inclined to vices, and yet philosophy made him as perfect and excellent a man as any was in the world. Themistocles in his youth (as himself confessed) for want of discipline was carried away by his desires like to a young unbridled colt, until that by Miltiades example, who was then famous amongst the Grecians, he caused the vivacity & quickness of his spirit, and the ambition, which naturally was in him to attend upon virtue. Besides, education and custom have power to change not only the natural inclination of some particular men, but also of whole countries, as the histories of most nations in the world declare unto us: and namely of the Germans, who in the time of Tacitus had neither The Germans much changed by institution. law, nor religion, nor knowledge, nor form of commonwealth, whereas now they give place to no nation for good institution in all things. Let us not then be discouraged or faint by knowing our natural imperfections, seeing that through labour and diligence we may recover that which is wanting: but happy is that man, and singularly beloved of God, to whom both good birth and like bringing up are granted together. It followeth now to discourse particularly of the manner of good education and instruction of youth: but this will come in more fitely, when we shall entreat of economy. And yet seeing we are in the discourse of man's nature, I think it will not be from the purpose, nor without profit, if (to make us more severe censurers of our own faults) we note, that although our behaviour be chiefly known by the effects, A man's natural inclination may be espied in a small matter. as a tree by the fruit, yet many times a man's natural inclination is better perceived in a light matter, as in a word, in a pastime, or in some other free and private business, wherein virtue or vice engraven in the soul may be sooner espied, than in greater actions and works done publicly: because in these matters shame or constraint commonly cause men to use dissimulation. Howbeit this also is true, that the more power and authority a man hath, when he may allege his own will for all reason, the inward affection of his heart is then best discovered. For such an unbridled licence moveth all, even to the very depth and bottom of his passions, and causeth all those secret vices, that are hidden in his soul to be fully and Great men ought especially to learn virtue. evidently seen. Whereupon it followeth that great and noble men ought above all others to learn virtue, and to study to live well, especially seeing they have all those requisite helps and commodities, through want of which most men are hindered from attaining thereunto. Let us therefore learn by our present discourse to know, that the nature of all men, by reason of the corruption of sin, is so depraved, corrupted and unperfect, that even the best men amongst many imperfections carry about them some envy, jealousy, emulation and contention against some or other, and rather against their very friends. This did Demas a noble man and greatly conversant in matters of estate, declare unto the council in the city of Chio, after a civil dissension wherein he had followed that part which overcame. For he persuaded those of his side not to banish all their adversaries out of the city, but to leave some of them after they had taken from them all means of doing more harm: lest (quoth he unto them) we begin to quarrel with our friends, having no more enemies to contend withal. For this cause we must fortify ourselves with understanding and knowledge through labour and study of good letters, that we may restrain and repress so many pernicious motions mingled together in our souls. Let us know moreover, that seeing our nature is assaulted and provoked by a vehement inclination to do any thing whatsoever, it is a very hard matter to withdraw and keep it back by any force, no not by the strength or fear of any laws, if in due convenient time we frame not within it a habit of virtue, having first wished to be well borne. But howsoever it be, let us endeavour to be well borne through custom and exercise in virtue (which will be unto us as it were another nature) using the means of good education and instruction in wisdom, whereby our souls shall be made conquerors over all hurtful passions, and our minds moderate and stayed, that in all our doings, sayings and thoughts we pass not the bounds of the duty of a virtuous man. The end of the fourth days work. THE FIFT days work. Of Temperance. Chap. 17. ASER. THe divine excellency of the order, of the equal & wonderful constancy of the parts of the world, aswell in the goodly and temperate moderation of the seasons of the year, as in the mutual conjunction of the elements, obeying altogether with a perfect harmony the gracious and sovereign government of their creator, was the cause that Pythagoras first called all the compass of this universal frame by this name of World, which without such The Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used by Pythagoras, and translated of the Latins Mundus, and of us World, signifieth a comely order. an excellent disposition would be but disorder & a world of confusion. For this word world, signifieth as much as Ornament, or a well disposed order of things. Now as a constant and temperate order is the foundation thereof, so the groundwork and preservation of man's happy life, for whom all things were made, is the virtue of temperance, which containeth the desires and inclinations of the soul within the compass of mediocrity, and moderateth all actions whatsoever. For this cause, having hitherto according to our judgement sufficiently discoursed of the first river of the fountain of honesty, I think we ought to set down here in the second place (although it be contrary to the opinion of many philosophers) this virtue of Temperance, saying with Socrates that she is the groundwork and foundation of all virtues. AMANA. No virtue can be without temperance. As a man cannot be temperate if first he be not prudent, because every virtuous action proceedeth of knowledge: so no man can be strong and valiant, if he be not first temperate, because he that hath a noble and great courage without moderation, will attempt a thousand evils and mischiefs, and will soon grow to be rash and heady. Likewise justice cannot be had without temperance, seeing it is the chief point of a just man, to have his soul free from perturbations. Which cannot be done except he be temperate, whose proper subject the soul is. ARAM. Heroical virtue (saith Plato) is made perfect by the mixture and joining together of Temperance and fortitude, which being separated will at length become vices. For a temperate man that is not courageous, easily waxeth to be a coward and fainthearted: and a noble heart not temperate, becometh rash and presumptuous. Let us then hear ACHITOB discourse of this Temperance, so excellent and necessary a virtue. ACHITOB. Agapetus a man of great skill, writing to the emperor Justinian, amongst other things had this saying: The true marks and ornaments of a king. We say that thou art truly and rightly both emperor and king, so long as thou canst command and master thy desires and pleasures, and art beset and decked with the crown of Temperance, and clothed with the purple rob of justice. For other principalities end by death, whereas this kingdom abideth for ever: yea others are many times the cause of perdition to the soul, but this procureth a certain and an assured safety. When we have considered well of the worthy effects and fruits of this virtue of temperance, no doubt but we will subscribe to this wise man's opinion, and to as many as have written of the praises and royalties of that virtue. Temperance (saith thagoras) is that light, which driveth away round about What temperanceis. her the darkness and obscurity of passions. She is (saith Socrates) the wholesomest virtue of all. For she preserveth both publicly and privately human society, she lifteth up the soul miserably thrown down in vice, and restoreth her again into her place. Temperance (saith Plato) is a mutual consent of the parts of the soul (from whence springeth continency) causing all disordered and unbridled desires to take reason for a rule and direction. Temperance (saith Cicero) is the mother of all duty and honesty. It is the property of justice not to violate the right of another man, and of Temperance, not so much as to offend him. In Temperance a man may behold modesty, with the privation of every perturbation in the soul, as also away how to frame all things according to that which is decent or seemly, which the Latins call Decorum, being What Decorum, or comeliness is. a conveniency meet for the excellency of man, and that wherein his nature differeth from other living creatures. For as bodily beauty moveth and rejoiceth the eyes, by reason of the goodly and seemly composition of all the members, wherein all the parts with a certain grace agree together: so this decency, which is honesty and seemliness, shining in man's life by his good order, constancy and moderation both in deed and word, moveth and draweth the hearts of those amongst whom we live. This virtue The definition of temperance. then of temperance is a steadfast and moderate rule of reason over concupiscence, and over other vehement motions of the mind. But she commandeth chiefly over those two perturbations of the soul, grounded upon the opinion of good, I mean, Unbridled desire, and unmeasurable joy, whereof heretofore we made mention. Thus we see, that no man can find out any thing that is so excellent and What passions are ruled by temperance. wonderful as temperance, the guide and governor of the soul, which because of her exceeding great light cannot be hid in darkness: which compelleth us to follow reason, bringeth peace to our minds, and mollifieth them as it were by concord and agreement. She serveth for a bridle to restrain all pleasures, and in the midst of them maketh man good and virtuous. She serveth for a knife to cut off all superfluous, vain, and unnecessary desires as well of the soul as of the body: and is as it were a rule directing natural and necessary desires by fit choice of times, and by temperate use of mediocrity. Wherefore we may say, that this virtue of temperance comprehendeth in it all the other virtues: that through her a harmony, concordance, and conjunction of them all is made: that she ministereth unto them all occasions of beginning, and being begun confirmeth them by a firm and steadfast safety. Briefly, temperance (as Plato saith) is a general surname of those virtues, whereby a man moderateth his own affections, and frameth his gesture and behaviour in such sort, that no effeminate or lose manners, no clownish or uncivil fashions are seen in him. O (saith Euripides) how is temperance to be esteemed, which is the cause of such great glory and honour amongst men? This virtue is divided Four parts of temperance. into four principal parts, into Continency, clemency, modesty, and Order. Continency is that part, whereby concupiscence and desire are governed by counsel and reason. Clemency is that, whereby the minds of men, rashly carried away with the hatred of any one, and with desire to hurt him, are kept back by gentleness. Modesty is that, whereby honest shame and bashfulness purchaseth good and due deserved renown. Order is a disposition of all things in their convenient place. All these virtues are undoubtedly joined with temperance, and consist as well in action, as in the discoursing of the mind. For by joining a certain mediocrity and order unto those things that belong to this life, we preserve honesty and duty. Every virtue (saith Jamblicus, a notable man) despiseth whatsoever is frail, mortal, and momentany, but temperance more than the rest: because she contemneth, and through chastity beateth down all those delights and pleasures, whereby the soul (as Plato saith) is fastened unto the body as it were with a nail. Therefore if temperance rooteth out whatsoever she findeth unperfect and subject to perturbations, how shall she not therewithal make us perfect? This is the meaning of that which the poets would give us to understand under that feigned fable of Bellerophon, who being aided by modesty put to death that Chimaera, and all other cruel and savage monsters. But as long as the immoderate force of our affections reigneth in us, it suffereth not men to be men, but draweth them to the ill favoured nature of beasts void of reason. Contrariwise, this holy moderation, whereby pleasures are contained within certain bounds, preserveth families together, and cities: and which is more, draweth us in some sort near to the divine nature. Thus we see that she is the foundation and ornament of all good things. If we should endeavour to rehearse here all those excellent praises, which philosophers give to this virtue of temperance, because of her worthy effects and wholesome fruits, which she bringeth forth in the soul, we were not able to perform it, although we should bestow this whole days work about it. But because in the sequel of our discourses, as well in the handling of vices as of virtues, we may consider further how necessary temperance is, and what profit it bringeth to the whole life of man, we will content ourselves to learn of Plato, that temperance is the pillar of fortitude, The commendation of temperance. the helmet and shield against luxuriousness, the keeper and guide of the eyes, the preserver of good will, the razor of evil thoughts, the corrector of untamed desires, an enemy to the disordered will of the soul: that it shunneth natural desires, hindereth dishonest actions, breedeth continency, mollifieth men's hearts, and giveth reason for a rule in all things. Now let us note out amongst the ancients, some examples of the force and greatness of this virtue of temperance, which hath made many excellent wonderful examples of temperance. Scipio Africanus. men worthy of eternal renown. Scipio Africanus general of the Romans, at the taking of the city of Carthage had a young damsel to his prisoner, of rare and excellent beauty. And when he understood of what great calling she came, and how her parents not long before had betrothed her to a great Lord of Spain, he commanded that he should be sent for, and restored her unto him, without abusing her in any respect, although he was in the flower of his age, and had free and sovereign authority. Moreover, he gave for a dowry with her the money that was brought unto him for her ransom. An act no doubt of great continency in a victorious captain towards his captive, whereof Aulus Gellius, joining it with that which Alexander. we read of Alexander the great, maketh this question, whether of the twain behaved himself more virtuously. For Alexander having vanquished in battle king Darius, and retaining as prisoner his wife, which excelled all the dames of Asia in beauty, and was withal but young in years, the victorious monarch being but young also, and having no superior above him to whom he was bound to give an account of himself, had notwithstanding such great knowledge how to command himself, that albeit by his acquaintance and friends he was sufficiently certified of the excellent beauty of this Lady, yet he bore no ill thought towards her, but sent to comfort her, and caused her to be entertained and attended on with no less honour and reverence, than if she had been his own sister. And to avoid all suspicion and occasion of evil, he would not see her, nor suffer her to be brought before him. The temperance Cyrus. of Cyrus' king of Persia is also very famous amongst the historiographers. For when one of his minions stirred him up to go and see fair Panthaea, saying that her rare beauty was well worthy to be seen: that is the cause (answered this young prince unto him) why I will altogether abstain at this present from beholding her at thy persuasion, lest she herself hereafter should induce me through the remembrance of her perfection to go to her, and so cause me in the mean time to let slip many affairs Architas. of great importance. Architas was so temperate, that he would not so much as utter one filthy word: and if he were driven to declare it upon some just occasion, than he wrote it, showing by this silence, how dishonest a thing it was to commit that, which being only uttered aught to Xenocrates. cause a man to blush. Xenocrates was endued with such a great gift of continency, that Phryna a very fair and notable courtesan laid a wager with certain young men, that if she lay with him, she would cause him to break his temperance. But Xenocrates, having granted her the half of his bed, for example sake to those youths, was nothing more moved for any thing she could do. Whereupon Phryna being very angry made answer in the morning to those that demanded the wager of her, that she lay not with a man but with a block. Isaeus the philosopher being Isaeus. asked of one that looked upon a very fair woman, whether she seemed not unto him to be fair, made this answer. My friend, I am not diseased any more in my eyes: and so would not behold her at all. Caius Gracchus the Roman, C. Gracchus. as long as he governed Sardinia, would never suffer a woman to set foot in his house, except it were to demand justice. Antigonus' king of Macedonia, hearing Antigonus. that his son was lodged in a house where there were three very fair daughters, made an edict, that no courtier should lodge in any matron's house that had daughters, if she were under fifty years of age. Pompeius would Pompeius. never speak to the wife of Demetrius his freeman, because she was so fair, that he feared lest he should be in love with her. In the number of these ancient, famous and virtuous men, that great captain Francis Sforce duke of Milan F. Sforce. deserveth to be placed, whose continency was wonderful, even when he was yet young, and general of the Florentine army, at the taking of Casanova. For as certain soldiers had taken a maid of an excellent beauty, and at her entreaty and earnest request had brought her before him, Sforce asked the maid why she desired so earnestly to come before him. To this end (quoth she) that thou mightest deliver me from the soldiers, & that I might please thee. Sforce seeing her to be very fair, accepted of her, and at night caused her to lie with him. But as he would have drawn near unto her, the maid cast herself on both her knees before him without the bed, and besought him to save her virginity, and to restore her to him unto whom she was made sure. Whereupon Sforce willingly agreed, beholding the abundance of her tears, which were testimonies of the chastity of her heart. Will we have examples of this virtue of temperance in other circumstances of her effects? Ambition truly is the most vehement and strongest passion of all those wherewith men's minds are troubled, and yet many notable and virtuous men have so mastered it by the force of their temperance, that oftentimes they accepted of offices and estates of supreme authority, as it were by compulsion & with grief: yea some altogether contemned and willingly forsook The temperance of Pompey against ambition. them. Pompey receiving letters of absolute authority from the senate to conduct the war against the two kings Tygranes and Mithridates, cried out: O God, shall I never come to the end of so many travels? Shall envy always hold me in such sort as her slave, that new and great charges daily laying hold upon me, I cannot rid myself of these snares, to the end I may live sweetly with my wife and children at my house in the country? Pittacus Pittacus. one of the Sages of Graecia, being constrained to take upon him the charge of an army, accepted it with great grief, saying before them all: O how hard a matter it is Pedaretus. to be a good man! Pedaretus the Lacedaemonian having escaped to be elected one of those three hundred senators, which governed the estate of Sparta, returned from the assembly very joyful, saying, that it was an easy matter to find in that city three hundred better and more Scipio. honest men than himself. What did Scipio, of whom we have already spoken, after he had performed a thousand glorious facts for the greatness of the Roman empire? He forced the nature of ambition, which is always carried with a desire of new glory, and changed the rest of his life into quietness: and abandoning the affairs of estate, Torquatus & Fabritius. he went and dwelled in the country. Torquatus and Fabritius absented themselves from Rome, the one because he would not have the dictatorship, and the other the consulship. It is not long since Aimaeus duke of Savoy willingly gave Aimaeus. over his duchy into his son's hands, & became an hermit: and after that being chosen pope, he gave up the seat willingly Amurathes. to another. Amurathes, the second of that name, emperor of the Turks, after he had obtained infinite victories, and vanquished the king of Hungary, became a monk of the straightest sect amongst them. That great emperor Charles the fift, did he not resign his empire into Charles 5. the hands of the prince's electors, and withdrew himself into a monastery? But what need we marvel at the knowledge of these examples, which show the effects of this virtue of temperance against strange passions arising in us, proceeding of our nature corrupted with sin, and ruling in us through the ignorance of that which is good, when we may see, that temperance doth not only serve for a good guide and schoolmaster to our passions and to our natural and necessary desires and pleasures, that are borne with man from the beginning to rule them with mediocrity and reason, but also compelleth them oftentimes to submit themselves, thereby triumphing over their necessity, although (as Thales said) it be invincible? And then how much more easy will it be to restrain, yea, wholly to overthrow the foolish desires of vanity? Soüs Soüs. a captain of great renown, and king of Lacedemonia, being besieged in a narrow strait, & very craggy place void of water, after he had endured the necessity of thirst to the uttermost, he offered to the Clitorians his enemies, to restore unto them all their land, which he had won of them, so that he and all his company might drink of a fountain near unto them. Which being thus agreed upon between them, he led all his men thither, and said unto them, that if any one would abstain from drinking, he would resign his royalty of Lacedemonia unto him. But none would accept thereof, insomuch that all drank except himself, who going last down into the fountain did nothing but refresh himself, and wet his mouth a little on the outside, in the presence of his enemies, not drinking one drop thereof. By means whereof he maintained, that he was not bound at all unto his promise, because all drank not: and so he continued the war to the great honour & advantage of his country. Lysimachus, Lysimachus. one of Alexander's successors in the empire, had not so great power over the like passion. For being compelled by thirst, he delivered himself and all his army to the Getes his enemies. After he had drunk, being prisoner, O God (quoth he) how faint-hearted am I, that for so short a pleasure have deprived myself of so great a kingdom! Cato. Cato the younger, traveling over the deserts of Lybia, endured very sore thirst. And when a soldier offered him a little water in his morion, he threw it upon the ground in presence of them all, to the end his army might know, that he would be in no better estate than they. Truly a worthy example for all captains: for by so doing, that which would hardly have quenched the thirst of one, restrained Rodolphus. it in a whole army. The emperor Rodolphus, who of base estate attained to this dignity by his virtue, upon the like occasion made an answer worthy to be remembered. For when a full cup of beer was brought unto him in the war which he had against Octocarus king of Bohemia, at what time he was in a place where his whole army was greatly troubled with thirst, he would not receive it, but said unto the bearer thereof, that his thirst was for all his army, and not only for himself, & therefore that cup of beer was not sufficient to quench it. We read of Socrates Socrates. that whensoever he felt himself very thirsty, he would not drink before he had spilled and cast away the first pitcher of water, which he drew for himself out of the well, to this end (as he said) that he might acquaint his sensual appetite to expect the convenient time of reason. Seeing therefore by such examples and infinite others contained in histories we have certain and assured proof of the force of temperance over natural and necessary passions, how credible is it, that she may have far greater power over those other passions that came from without us, after we fell from our first creation? Let us therefore conclude by our present discourse, that the virtue of temperance is very necessary and profitable for a happy life, as that which hath this property belonging unto it, to be skilful in chase a mediocrity in pleasures and griefs, in keeping that which is honest & virtuous, and in shunning of vice, especially of carnal pleasures, although she serve also to moderate all the actions of our life. And if a prudent man avoideth dishonest things in public places, a temperate man goeth farther, eschewing them in solitary and obscure corners. If justice suffereth no violence to be used, or wrong offered to any, temperance further permitteth none to offend any: and therefore is very well called of the philosophers, the mother of all duty and honesty. Of Intemperance, and of stupidity or blockishness. Chap. 18. ACHITOB. BEing instructed in the virtue of temperance, which, as well as her fellow virtues, consisteth in mediocrity, we are now to consider of her extremities and vices that are in excess and in defect. Intemperance is clean contrary unto it, which as Cicero saith, inflameth, provoketh, and troubleth the tranquillity of the spirit: but concerning the defect, I find no proper name given unto it by the philosophers. But I leave the handling of this matter unto you my Companions. ASER. Intemperance (saith Plato) was so called of the ancients, because that perverse, cruel, great and variable beast Lust, exerciseth therein more power than it ought, Predominant passions in intemperance. as also disordered joy doth the like. Whereupon it cometh, that intemperate men enjoying the pleasure of their senses, imagine falsely that true felicity accompanieth them therein. But truly whosoever obeyeth bodily pleasures, serveth most cruel tyrants. AMANA. Nature (said Architas) hath given no plague more pernicious & hurtful than the pleasure of the body. For whereas God hath bestowed upon man nothing more excellent than the soul and reason, there is none so great an enemy to this heavenly gift as voluptuousness: because where luxuriousness and concupiscence reign, there temperance can have no place: yea, all virtues are banished out of their kingdom. But let us hear ARAM discourse of these vices here propounded unto us. ARAM. Some sins are punishments of other sins. I red in Plato not long since, that there were many sins, which ought rather to be called punishments of other sins going before, than sins. According to the course and sequel of his speech, if my memory be good, I think his meaning is, that men suffering themselves to be overtaken of vice in the beginning, as it were in sport, never take heed unto themselves, until they be wholly abandoned and given over (as S. Paul saith) to their vile affections, Rom. 1. and pleasures of their hearts, in all uncleanness and turbulent passions of ignominy and reproach. Insomuch that after they have opened the gate to their concupiscences, and to the desires of the flesh, of whoremongers, covetous persons, revengers of their own wrongs, belly gods, gluttons, and from other less imperfections, being notwithstanding foul and beastly, they become Sodomites, Church-robbers, parricides, Epicures, Atheists, and full of all execrable villainies, which are comprehended What intemperance is. under this word of intemperance. Intemperance is very well defined of the philosophers to be an overflowing in voluptuousness, forcing and compelling all reason in such sort, that no consideration of loss or hindrance is able to stay or keep back him that is through long custom infected with vice, from betaking himself of set purpose, and as a man would say, willingly and desperately, to the execution of all his desires and lusts, as he that placeth his sole and sovereign good therein, seeking for no other contentation than in that thing, which bringeth to him and to his senses delight and pleasure. For this cause Aristotle distinguisheth between intemperance and incontinency The difference between an incontinent and an intemperate man. (albeit many take them indifferently one for an other) saying, that an incontinent man chooseth not, neither consulteth when he offendeth, as one that knoweth full well that the evil he committeth is evil, and had resolved with himself not to follow it, but being overcome with perturbations, yieldeth thereunto. Whereas the intemperate man committeth evil of election and settled purpose to follow it, accounting it a good thing, & to be desired. And this cometh through a long custom & habit of vice, which is the cause that he never repenteth him of the fact, but taketh pleasure therein: whereas on the contrary side the repentance of an incontinent man followeth hard at the heels of his sin and transgression. In this manner than proceedeth intemperance, until men are wholly addicted and given over to vice. This is the cause why the sensual and unreasonable part of the soul contendeth no more with reason, which then is as it were stark dead, and suffereth itself to be carried to ugly and unnatural vices, and to all fleshly desires: because the divine part of the soul is weakened in such sort, that she hath no more strength, nor feeling of her essence, which is an enemy to vice. And thus accustoming herself to follow nothing but the will of the body, she forsaketh God altogether, who seeing himself forsaken, leaveth her to her concupiscences, from whence is engendered this exceeding luxuriousness even against nature, this mortal, venomous, and bloody envy, this furious and barbarous cruelty, this insatiable covetousness, this blood-thirsty ambition, and other incurable diseases of the soul, too well known amongst us, whereof the sequel of our discourses will afford a more ample knowledge unto. Thus we see that intemperance (as Cicero saith) is the mother of all the perturbations in the soul, and causeth man (as Socrates said) to differ nothing from a beast: because he never thinketh upon that which is best, but only seeketh how to satisfy and content the unbridled desires of pleasure and lust, having no more use of reason than beasts have. Intemperance (saith Eusebius) corrupteth the soul, and destroyeth the body, because it constraineth a man, for love of pleasure, and desire to satisfy it, to do that which he knoweth well is dishonest and vile. And as the winds torment and A fit similitude. toss that ship, which they have seized upon now here now there, and will not suffer it to be guided by her master: so intemperance moving and compelling the soul to disobey reason, suffereth her not to enjoy tranquillity and rest, which is an assured haven of harbour from all winds. Intemperance (saith Aristotle) is a vice that proceedeth from the coveting part of man, whereby we desire to enjoy unlawful pleasures. It is her property to choose the fruition of hurtful and vile pleasures, supposing none to live happily, but such as pass away their life in them. The companions of intemperance. This vice is unseparably accompanied with the troubling of all Order, with impudency, unseemlines, luxuriousness, sloth, negligence, and dissoluteness. In a word, intemperance removeth and troubleth all tranquillity of the mind, and leadeth men to all kind of wickedness, the end of one vice being the beginning of another: which Socrates called the punishment of sin, that doth not cleanse but kill the malefactor. There is no kind of dissoluteness wherein the intemperate man plungeth not himself, no wickedness or cruelty, which he executeth not for the satisfying of his unclean desires and unsatiable lusts, no fear or imminent danger, which can draw him back. And further, he laboureth oftentimes to procure, that glory and honour should be given to his most cursed and execrable misdemeanours, imagining and fancying with himself dreams answerable and agreeable to that he most desireth. Wherein he resembleth mad men, who have always before their eyes those Ideas and shapes, which Intemperate men resemble mad folks. work the apprehension of their fury, and hold them in the vision and inward view of that which most troubleth their diseased brain. But to make this vice of intemperance more odious unto us, and to move us more earnestly to fly those causes that nourish it, labouring to cut off all those branches and hurtful fruits, which it bringeth with it, as superfluity, gluttony, ambition, pride, and other excesses in all kind of delight, whereof we will entreat more particularly hereafter, let us call to mind examples of such pernicious effects, as it hath brought forth in them that voluntarily submitted themselves under her tyrannous government. Although we should search throughout all ancient histories, yet hardly could we allege a more evident Heliogabalus. testimony, than the life of Heliogabalus: because there is no kind of cursed mischief, of detestable lust, of injustice, & of cruelty wherewith he was not defiled. Yea, he fell into such a furious frenzy of vice, that seeking to become a woman, and to be married to one of his minions, thinking in that sex better to satisfy his beastliness, he appareled himself after such a fashion, that he was neither man nor woman. And knowing it impossible for him by reason of his impiety and corrupt life, to escape a miserable end and violent death (which ought rather to have been unto him an occasion of amendment) he was so bewitched with intemperance, that he prepared poisons ready at hand to poison himself withal, if he perceived himself pressed of his enemies. And to make his death luxurious according to his desire, he kept his poisons in vessels made of precious stones. He provided also silken halters to hang himself withal, if he saw that more expedient for him, than to be poisoned: or if he should think it better to murder himself, he kept for that purpose knives made of precious metals. Likewise he caused a high tower all gilded to be built, & all 〈…〉 his death as fittest occasion should be offered. In the mean while he gave not over that execrable kind of life, which through God's just judgement he ended, being deprived of all those means wherewith he desired to serve his own turn in his death. For he was strangled by the soldiers of his guard, who trailed him in Nero. that manner through all places of the city of Rome. Nero, one of his predecessors, was little better than he. For he slew a Roman Consul called Atticus, that he might have the free use of his wife: and pleased himself so much in his cruelty, that he was the murderer of his own mother, brother, sister, & of two wives which he had, named Octavia and Poppea. Likewise he put to death his schoolmaster Seneca, and many other good men. But his end dissembled not his life. For being hated of all and sought for to Commodus. be slain, he killed himself. Commodus an other emperor, not finding wherewith to satisfy his intemperance in three hundred concubines, & three hundred buggers, which he kept in his palace, committed incest with his own sisters. Caligula. Caligula also did the like, but the one of them was Proculus. slain by his wife, & the other by his concubine. Proculus a Roman emperor, was so much given to lust, that he bragged how in fifteen days he had gotten with child a hundred virgins of Sarmatia, which he had taken prisoners in Chilpericus 1. the war. Chilpericus the first, king of France, to the end he might the better enjoy a whore called Fredegonda, whom afterwards he married, compelled his first wife named Andevora, to become a religious woman, and put to death two children which he had by her through the counsel of his said concubine. Then having in his second marriage taken to wife Galsonda daughter to the king of Spain, he caused her to be strangled, and married Fredegonda, who perceiving afterward that he noted in himself this looseness of life, and offensive kind of government, caused him to be slain. A just punishment suffered by God for his Xerxes. intemperance. Xerxes, monarch of the Persians, was so intemperate and given to lust, that he propounded rewards for those that could invent some new kind of pleasure. And therefore coming into 〈…〉 infinite number of men to subdue it, he was overcome and repulsed by a small number, as being an effeminate and fainthearted Epicurus. man. Epicurus a learned philosopher was so intemperate, that he placed the sovereign Good and felicity in pleasure. Sardanapalus. Sardanapalus monarch of Babylon, the first of the four Empires, was so addicted to lust and intemperance, that he stirred not all day long from the company of women, being appareled as they were, and spinning purple. Whereby he became so odious, that two of his lieutenants judging him unworthy to command over Asia, and over so many good men as were under his Empire, raised his subjects against him, and overcame him in battle. Whereupon despairing of his safety, he caused a great Tabernacle of wood to be set up in a sure place within the cloister of his palace, and compassed it round about with great store of dry wood. Then he caused his wife and his concubines whom he loved best to enter into it, and all the wealth he had to be brought thither. This done, shutting himself within it, his eunuchs and servants according to the oath which he had taken of them, put fire to the said frame, and so this miserable king of the Chaldeans and Assyrians, with all that was with him, was suddenly consumed with fire, and ended his monarchy, which his victorious lieutenants divided betwixt them, the one taking himself for king of Babylon, the other of Medea. Antonius, one of Caesar's successors in the Empire, Antonius. procured his own ruin through intemperance & looseness, and stirred up against himself, the envy and murmuring of the Romans for his recklessness of feats of Arms in that war over which he was general against the Parthians. For to the end he might quickly return to his concubine Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, he hazarded all in such sort, that without doing any thing worthy his first reputation, he lost more than twenty thousand of his own men. Afterward, Octavius his companion in the Empire, being armed against him, that he might revenge the injury which he had done him in forsaking his sister whom he had wedded, to live in his uncleanness, gave him battle: wherein Antonius seeing his friend Cleopatra fly, who had born him company in that war, followed her with three score of his own galleys, albeit the fight was yet equal, & the victory doubtful. Thus he betrayed those that fought for him, to follow her, who already had begun his destruction, to the end she might accomplish the same, as in deed it fell out after. For being besieged within Alexandria by the said Octavius, and without hope of safety, he thrust himself through the body with his sword, whereof he died: and Cleopatra also procured her own death by the biting of the serpent Aspis. Boleslaus the second king of Polonia, Boleslaus 2. being given to all uncleanness and filthiness, made no doubt to take women by violence from their husbands. Whereupon the bishop of Cracovia often admonished him thereof, and when, by reason of his obstinate perseverance, he proceeded against him even with excommunication, he was carried headlong with such fury, that he killed this holy man. After that, his subjects coming against him, he was constrained to fly into Hungary, where falling mad, Adrian. he slew himself. The emperor Adrian took such glory and pride in all execrable vices, that he commanded a Temple with a sumptuous tomb to be made for a naughty man named Antinoüs, whom he had miserably abused in his life. johannes a Casa. In our time johannes a Casa Archbishop of Benevento, and Legate in Venice, wrote a book in praise of the abominable vice of sodomitry. Sigismundus Malatesta, lord of a part of Romaignola a province of Italy, strived to have carnal knowledge of his son Robert, who thrusting his poinado into his father's bosom, revenged that great wickedness. By these examples and infinite others whereof histories are full, it appeareth sufficiently, that man burning with intemperance, careth not at what price, with what shame, hurt or hindrance, he may come to the execution and practice of all such pleasure & delight, as he propoundeth to himself. As if he purpose to have his fame continue for ever, he will not stick to do it, although it be by some notable wickedness. And thus we read of him The Temple of Diana was burnt by Erostratus. that burned the Temple of Diana, which was accounted the fift wonder of the world, & was two hundred & eight and twenty years in building by the Amazons within the city of Ephesus in Asia. The planks thereof were all of Cedar wood, and the doors and garnishing of the walls, of cypress. This wretched caitiff confessed, that he put fire to that sumptuous building for no other cause, than to leave his fame and renown behind him in the world: but commandment was given that none should fet down his name in writing. Nevertheless he is named Erostratus, by Solinus and Strabo: from whence came that proverb, This is the renown of Erostratus, used when any man seeketh to be famous by a wicked act, which we may also apply to all intemperate men. As touching the defect of Temperance, whereof mention was made in the beginning of our present discourse, and which hath no proper name, but Or stupidity. unproperly is called by some stupidity orsencelesnes, it is rarely found amongst men, who by nature are given to pleasure, and carried away with all kinds of desires & lusts. For where shall we find any so dull & blockish, that hath no feeling of pleasure, and that is not moved with glory and honour? Such a man may be truly taken and accounted as one void of sense and feeling, & like to a block. Neither doth it belong to temperance to be deprived of all desires, but to master them. For that man (as Cicero saith) that never had experience of pleasures and delights, neither hath any feeling of them, ought not to be called temperate, as he that hath done nothing which may testify his continency and modesty. Thus ye see we have no matter offered whereabout to bestow time in reproving this vice of defect, from which men are too careful to keep themselves. But to come to the conclusion of our discourse, we say with Aristotle, that concupiscences and desires change the body, and make the soul outrageous: that so many as are infected with such a pernicious and damnable vice as intemperance is, are no men, but monsters in nature, leading a life altogether like to that of brute beasts, which being destitute of all reason, know nothing better or more honest than pleasure: & having no knowledge of the justice of God, neither reverencing the beauty of virtue, bestow all the courage, craft & force that nature hath given them, to satisfy and to accomplish their desires. So that if death brought with it an end of all sense and feeling, and an utter abolishing of the soul, as well to men as to beasts, intemperate folks should seem to gain much by enjoying their desires and lusts during their life time, and to have good cause to wax old, and even to melt in their foul & filthy pleasures. But seeing we know (for truly he that doubteth hereof, is very ignorant & most miserable) that sense and feeling remain after death, and that the soul dieth not with the body, but that punishment, yea everlasting pain is prepared for the wicked, let us be careful to do the will of our father which is in heaven, whilst we have time, that in the triumphing day of his eternal son, we may not hear to our confusion, that sentence of his mouth, Depart from me ye workers of iniquity. At which time, the just shall shine as the sun in the kingdom of Luke 13. 27. God, and the wicked shall be cast headlong into everlasting fire, where shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth. Of sobriety and frugality. Chap. 19 ARAM. Socrates' used to dispute earnestly and gravely of the manner of living, as of a thing of great importance. For he said, that continency in meat and drink, was as it were the foundation and beginning of skill. And truly the mind is much more prompt to comprehend all good reason, when the operations of the brain are not hindered by vapours, which the superfluity of meats send up thither. I am of opinion therefore, that we handle this virtue of sobriety, which dependeth of temperance, and is contained under the first part thereof, namely under continency. ACHITOB. To live well and frugally (saith Plato) is to live temperately: and (as Epictetus saith) there is great difference between living well, and living sumptuously. For the one cometh of temperance, frugality, discipline, honesty, and moderation of the soul, contented with her own riches: and the other of intemperance, lust, and contempt of all order and mediocrity. In the end, the one is followed with shame, and the other with true and lasting praise. ASER. We can not well use our spirit (saith Cicero) when we are stuffed with meat. Neither must we gratify the belly and entrails only, but also the honest joy of the mind. For that which is contained in the other parts, perisheth: but the soul separated from the body, abideth for ever. Let us then hearken to AMANA, of whom we may understand how necessary sobriety is for a happy life. AMANA. The cause of the long life of our Elders, and of the shortness of ours. If we set before our eyes the long and happy life of the Ancients, so long as they observed sobriety and frugality: out of doubt we will attribute one principal cause of our so short life, and so full of infirmities, to the riot, superfluity, and curiosity of diet, which at this day are seen amongst us. The life of our first Fathers, was it not maintained a long time with fruits, milk, honey, and water? Who ever came near their long and happy days, since those times? What preparation of exquisite victuals did those six hundred thousand Israelites think to find, that came out of Egypt to go into a new land, walking forty years through the wilderness, drinking nothing but water, and many times wanting that? After those first ages, the Grecians and Romans loved sobriety, more than all other nations. And as the Hebrews used to eat but once a day, which was at dinner, so the Grecians only supped. For this cause we read that Plato, being demanded whether he had seen any new or strange thing in Sicilia, answered, that he had found a monster of nature, which did eat twice a day. This he spoke of Dionysius Dionysius a monster, and why. the tyrant, who first brought up that custom in his country. In the time of julius Caesar the Germans, a strong and warlike people, lived only of milk, cheese and flesh, not knowing what wheat and wine were, nor yet what it was to labour the ground, or to sow. Yea how many millions of men are there at this day in the West regions and islands, who know not what all this superfluity and daintiness of fare meaneth, and yet live long and healthy in all frugality, the greatest part of them upon herbs and roots, whereof they make cakes in steed of wheat, and others of raw flesh? Whereby it is easy to judge, that sobriety is the preservation and maintenance of health, and of natural strength and vigour, and so consequently of the life of man. But when we look higher, and with The sobriety of old time, and corruption of ours, compared together. the eyes of our mind mark the excellent glory and immortal praise, deserved by so many Camilli, Scipiones, Fabritij, Metelli, Catones, and by a thousand other famous families, which executed so many worthy acts by their own virtue, and yet in the mean while kept such a simple and sober diet, that the most of them were contented with bread, herbs, and water, endured and tolerated cheerfully all injuries of weather, went but homely arrayed, and altogether contemned gold and silver: out of question we will judge those men very blind, and far from the white of such glory and honour, who embrace nothing but dissoluteness, superfluity, lust, drunkenness, pride, and all such like imperfections, that bear sway amongst us, who behold Vice mounted so high, that men must in a manner blush as much to speak of virtue, or to be virtuous in a thousand companies, as in that happy time of the Ancients, they were ashamed of vice, or to be vicious. And truly I think that these men being past shame, care but little for the glory that hath been in many ages, seeing they live for the body only, after a brutish impiety, without all regard of the foul, or of the second life. What say Sobriety preserveth health. I for the body? Nay rather they are the destroyers thereof, seeing it cannot be denied but that sobriety is a great benefit, and help to preserve health and bodily strength, and to expel diseases, and is to be used as a good foundation to attain to a happy old age. The experience hereof is well known to every one, although there were no other proof but this, that we see the simple sort of people, that labour and travel to live with bread and water, grow old in health, whereas our Princes and great Lords being delicately brought up in idleness, die young men, tormented with infinite diseases, especially when they grow a little in years. Further, let such dissolute men as make pleasure the end of their desire, know, that sobriety leadeth those that follow her, to far greater and more perfect There is more pleasure of the creatures in sobriety, than in superfluity. pleasures, than incontinency and superfluity do. For these excessive fellows never expect hunger, or thirst, or any other pleasure of the body, but through intemperance prevent them, and so enjoy scarce half the pleasure. But sober and temperate men, forbearing the fruition of their desire a long time, have a far more perfect taste of them, because (as Cicero saith) the pleasure of life consisteth rather in the desire, than in the satiety thereof. And if mediocrity be not observed, those things that are most acceptable and pleasant, become most unpleasant. Do we not also see, that when the body is not overcharged with meat and wine, it is better disposed, and more temperate for every good action? And as for the spirit, for which we ought chief to live, it is more ready and nimble to comprehend and conceive what right, reason, and true honesty are. For (as Aristotle saith) sobriety causeth men to judge better and according to truth, of all things, and in that respect is very necessary for the attaining of philosophy. Likewise sobriety retaineth that in a wise man's thought, which a fool without discretion hath in his mouth. And therefore (saith Cares) we must strive by all The belly is an unthankful beast. means to restrain our belly, because that only is always unthankful for the pleasures done unto it, craving continually, and oftener than it needeth: so that whosoever is not able to command over it, will daily heap up mischief upon mischief to himself. But frugality and sobriety are the mistresses of good counsel, and the badges of chastity. For this cause Titus Livius commendeth more the barrenness and sterility of a country, than fertility and fruitfulness, saying that men borne in a fat & fertile soil, are commonly do-littles, and cowards: but contrariwise, the barrenness of a country, maketh men sober of necessity, and consequently careful, vigilant, and given to labour: as the Athenians were, being situated in a very unfruitful place. We make great account (saith Paulonius) of frugality, not because we esteem the creatures themselves vile, and of small value, but that by means thereof we may increase the greatness of our courage. And if the greatest & chiefest benefit that could come to man, were (said Solon) to have no need of nourishment, it is very manifest, that the next to that is to have need but of a little. But amongst so many good reasons of such excellent men, the counsel of Epictetus is well worth the marking, where The counsel of Epictetus concerning eating. he saith: then when we would eat, we must consider that we have two guests to entertain, the body and the soul, and that whatsoever shall be put into the body, departeth away quickly, but what good thing soever entereth into the soul, abideth for ever. To this effect Timotheus a Grecian captain, having supped with Plato in the academy at a sober and simple repast (for the greatest festival dainties were olives, cheese, apples, colewoorts, bread & wine) said, that they which sup with Plato, feel the benefit thereof How wise men in old time feasted one another. the next day, yea a long time after. For these wise men met together at banquets void of excess, not to fill their bellies, but to prepare and dress their minds, & to learn one of another by their goodly discourses of philosophy, whereof a virtuous soul hath better taste, than the body of a well relished and delicate meal. Such were the feasts of Pythagoras, Socrates, Xenocrates, and of other Sages of Grecia, where the discussing of good and learned matters there handled, brought through the remembrance of them great pleasure, and no less liked commodity, and that of long continuance to such as were present at them. And as for the pleasures of drinking and eating, they judged the very remembrance thereof to be unworthy and unbeseeming men of honour, because it was to pass away Against vain delights in feasts. as the smell of a perfume. Neither would they suffer that men should bring into their assemblies the vanity of foolish delights, as of the sound of instruments, of interludes, or of any other pastime, which a wise man ought rather to esteem as a hindrance of delight, than any pleasure at all. For having within themselves sufficient matter of recreation and rejoicing, through their learned discourses, it were mere folly to beg strange and frivolous delights from without them. And Plutark saith, that The belly a feeding beast. the brutish part of the soul, depending of the feeding beast, and uncapable of reason, is that which is pleased, brought to order, & satisfied by songs and sounds, which are sung and tuned unto it: even as with the whistling of lips or hands, or with the sound of a pipe, shepherds cause their sheep to arise, or lie down, because they understand not an articulate or distinct speech, that hath some pith in it. Therefore I commend Euripides, for reprehending such as use the harp, so long as a feast lasteth: When music is most convenient. for (quoth he) music ought rather to be sent for, when men are angry, or mourn, than when they are feasting or making merry, thereby to make them give more liberty to all pleasure, than before. I suppose the Egyptians The custom of the Egyptians at banquets. did better, who used in the midst of their banquets to bring in the anatomy of a dead body dried, that the horror thereof might contain them in all modesty. For this cause the memory of the Emperor Henry the third, greatly recommendeth itself, who banished all pomp and vanity from his wedding, and drove away the players & jesters, causing a great number of poor folk to come in their place. The custom which the Lacedæmonians observed, The custom of the Lacedæmonians. when they lived under Lycurgus' laws, is also worthy to be remembered: which was, that no torches or lights should be brought unto them, when they departed from feasts at night, that it might be an occasion unto them to fear drunkenness, and so to avoid this shame, that they only could not find out their houses. Now in those happy times vines were planted and dressed, that wine might be drunk rather in time of sickness, than of health: insomuch that it was not sold in taverns, but only in Apothecaries shops. Those ancient Sages commonly measured their drinking by that saying of Anacharsis, The manner of drinking in old time. that the first draft which men drunk, aught to be for thirst, the second for nourishment: and as for the third, that it was of pleasure, and the fourth of madness. Pythagoras' being much more religious in this matter, and living only of herbs, fruit, and water, said: that the vine brought forth three grapes, whereof the first quencheth thirst, the second troubleth, and the third altogether dulleth. He never drank wine, no more did that great Orator Demosthenes, nor many other famous men, of whom histories make mention. The kings of Egypt were forbidden wine, which they never drank, except on certain days, and then by measure. And truly it bringeth with it pernicious effects, aswell to the soul, as to the body. For from it proceedeth the chief and most common cause of bodily diseases, and of the infirmities of the soul. But to continue the examples of love, which the Ancients bare The sobriety of Alexander. to the virtue of sobriety, this was it that caused Alexander the Great to refuse those cooks and Paisterers, which Ada Queen of Caria sent unto him, & to send her word back again, that he had better than they were: namely, for his dinner, early rising, and walking a good while before day: and for his supper, a little dinner. Notwithstanding, in the end the Persian delicacies and riches (which always is the property of such goods) caused this virtuous monarch to change his commendable custom Against excessive drinking. of living, and to approve and like of excess in drinking: to which vice, that he might give greater authority, he propounded six hundred crowns for a reward to him that drank most, and called a great cup after his own name. Which cup, when he offered to calisthenes one of his favourits, he refused, saying: that he would not for drinking in Alexander, stand in need of Esculapius. With which the King perceiving himself touched, was so incensed against him, that he caused him to be put in a cage with dogs, where he poisoned himself, being impatient of his captivity. Wherein we may note how ridiculous their blockishness is, who for fear, not of such an entertainment as this wise man received, but of being taken and reputed as void of good fellowship, and uncivil, cast themselves into the danger of a sore sickness, rather than they will refuse to drink carouse, when they are invited thereunto. Hereby also those men show their want of judgement, and of convenient matter to talk of, who cannot entertain their friends without drunkenness and gluttony. And the other, if they knew how to make denial fitly, and in good sort, besides the profit which they should receive thereby, their company would be more Cyrus. desired, than it will be for their drunkenness. Cyrus, monarch of the Persians, from his childhood gave great testimony, that he would one day become a very sober man. For being demanded by Astyages his grandfather, why he would drink no wine, he answered, for fear lest they give me poison. For (quoth he) I noted yesterday when you celebrated the day of your nativity, that it could not be, but that some body had mingled poison amongst all that wine, which ye then drank: because in the winding up of the table, not one of all those that were present at the feast, was in his right mind. Afterward this virtuous Prince always lived very frugally: for proof whereof may serve his answer made one day to Artabazus, as he marched in war, who asked of him what he would have brought unto him for his supper: Bread, (quoth he,) for I hope we shall find some fountain to furnish us with drink. Porus a noble king of India, lived Porus. with water and bread only. Phaotes also king of the same Phaotes. country, did the like: and the greatest feasts which he made, or suffered his Courtiers to make, was only with a kind of venison. Alphonsus' king of Arragon, and Cocilia, Alphousus. a very sober man, was demanded of certain of his Princes, why he drank no wine: because (quoth he) wisdom is hindered through wine, and prudence darkened: which two things only are able to make a king worthy of that name he beareth. Agesilaus king of Lacedemonia, having Agesilaus. been always brought up in the discipline of Lycurgus, who had banished all riot and superfluity from that city, by the utter defacing and abolishing of gold and silver, became very wonderful, by reason of his simplicity and plainness, in feeding and clothing his body, and in behaving himself as the meanest of his subjects. He used to say (which he likewise put in ure) that he which commanded and ruled many, aught to surpass them, not in dainties and delicacy, but in sustaining labour, and in nobility of heart. The benefit which (as he said) he reaped thereby, was liberty, whereof he assured himself, that he could never be deprived by any alteration and change of fortune. And as he passed with his army by the country of the Thasians, they sent him certain refreshing of sloure, & of dainty cates, as comfits, and other dainty devices made of past: but he would take nothing save only the flower. And being urged of others to receive all, he said: Well, if ye think it good, divide the rest amongst the Ilots, (who were their slaves) for it agreeth not with them that make profession of manly fortitude and powers, to take such iuncates. For that which allureth and enticeth Good cheer keepeth base minds in subjection. men of a slavish nature, ought not to be acceptable to them that are of a frank & free courage. But is there any thing now a days, I pray you, that so much allureth and keepeth base minds in the service of great men, as the daintiness of their table, And surely the Ancients did not unfitly apply the name of Tyrant to a rich man, keeping a sumptuous table, as to one that compelleth men to follow & to obey him. Nevertheless, a courageous heart suffereth not itself to be taken with such baits: but let us continue the examples Pompeius of sobrietic. Pompey the great, having all his life time loved modesty and frugality, gave yet a more certain testimony thereof, when, by reason of a lingering disease, he had lost his appetite to meat. His physician appointing him to eat of a Blackbird, he was given to understand by his serunats, that because they were out of season, it would be a hard matter to get any, except it were of Lucullus, who kept some all the year long, and would willingly give him some. What (quoth he then) if Lucullus were not a dainty and nice glutton, could not Pompey live? No, no, let me have something made ready that may easile be gotten. M. Cate. Marcus Cato after he had overcome Spain, and triumphed of notable victories, albeit he was now old and very rich, yet he would add nothing to his ancient manner of living, which was very austere, but drank almost nothing but water, and for the most part did eat nothing but bread and beef, labouring in the field in time of peace Epaminondas. as much as the meanest of his servants. Epaminondas the greatest captain & philosopher of his time, lived so thriftily and temperately, that being invited by a friend of his to supper, and seeing great superfluity and sumptuosnes, he returned very angry, saying, that he thought he had been requested to sacrifice, and to live honestly together, and not to receive reproach by being entertained C. Fabritius. like a glutton. Caius Fabritius a notable Roman captain, was found by the Samnite ambassadors that came unto him eating of reddish roasted in the ashes, which was all the dishes he had to his supper, and that in a very poor Scipio. house. Scipio Aemilius kept a very honourable table for his friends (for in his time riot had already begun to enter into Rome) but going aside himself, he would eat nothing but bread. Masinissa king of the Numidians, was of so great Masinissa. sobriety, that even at ninety years of age he would eat but once a day, and then upon homely meats without sauce. Mithridates' king of Pontus, being very old, never Mithridates. sat down at the table to eat, and lived very frugallie. Hannibal fed upon no other meat, than did the meanest of Hannibal. his soldiers. The reason why I stay longer in the examples of this virtue of sobriety, is to show the beastliness of men in our age, to whom it seemeth an impossible, vain and contemptible thing, to live in such sparing and austerity of life: saying, that there were none but certain foolish Philosophers (for that is the epithet, which the ignorant sort give to virtuous men) & some simple hermits, who lived after that manner. Therefore that they may unseel their eyes, let them behold here, how in all sorts and conditions of men, even in the greatest, the virtue of temperance, frugality and sobriety, did appear and shine. The emperor Vespasianus one day in every month used to Vespasianus. eat nothing. The priests of Egypt, the sages of India and Persia, and Jupiters' priests serving false gods did never eat any flesh, nor drink wine. Notable examples for those that have the first places in the Church, who ought to be as a lamp in the midst thereof. Neither may they take example by ethnics and Pagans only, but also by many holy men, who had in them the true love and fear of God. Daniel and his companions neglecting the King's Daniel. table, lived with pulse and water only. S. john Baptist passed john Baptist. over the greatest part of his age in the desert, eating nothing but Locusts and wild honey. S. Jerome maketh mention of one Paul an hermit, who lived from sixteen years unto sixty, of Dates only: and from sixty years unto the age of six score and five years (when he died) he was fed with a little bread brought daily unto him by a Crow. Maxentius bishop of Poitiers, lived always with Maxentius. barley bread and water. But to the end we may reap profit by all that hath been here spoken, let us learn of Socrates, that the soul which hath gotten the habit of frugality, and is contented with her estate, passeth away her days in this world, as he that in the spring time taketh small & easy journeys in a pleasant and fruitful region, with great contentation of mind and little labour. And let that notable and divine precept of Empedocles sound often in our ears, Behave thyself full soberly, and free from all offence. Let us adorn and deck our life with this good and rare virtue of sobriety, which will teach us to renounce worldly vanity, and to content ourselves (next unto God) in virtue only, and in heavenly riches. And although delicacy of fare be so common amongst us Frenchmen, and maintained with such impudency, that we permit amongst us, and study kitchen Commentaries, as much as any good Science, so that it may seem a very difficult matter to take it away, and banish it from amongst us, yet is it not altogether impossible, as many think. But let us follow that ancient precept of Pythagoras, To choose the best kind of life, and no doubt but custom will by little and little make it easy & pleasant unto us. And if we be despised & rebuked of others, we may answer as Socrates did, who being Socrates' feast. reproved because he had made no greater preparation of meat in a feast whereunto he invited many of his friends, said, If they be virtuous, there is enough, and if they be not, there is too much. So let us not seek to please and to imitate the most part of men, but the best and smallest number: neither let us look unto custom, but to that which is decent and honest. But if we persever in our dissoluteness & superfluity, as if we were Christians in name and sect only, but Epicures in life, we are to fear that in the end need and necessity will force us to forsake it. And as it fell out to king Darius, who after he had lived a long Darius in his thirst, judged puddle water to be good drink. time in all abundance of delights, and never knew what hunger or thirst meant, as he fled from the battle gotten by Alexander was very thirsty: and after he had drunk puddle water proceeding from a river tainted with dead bodies, he burst forth into this speech, that in all his life he never drank better drink: so likewise after we have been tamed with miseries and calamities, we must confess, but too late, and peradventure (O dangerous downfall) without hope of recovery, that our estate is yet better (albeit most miserable) than our offences have deserved, even then when God for our dissolutions shall withdraw his blessing wholly from our grounds & possessions. This he hath already begun to perform in some measure, Tokens of the wrath of God by causing the ground to bring forth unto us thistles and thorns, in steed of good grain and fruit, and by continuing amongst us wars and hurly-burlies, which are accompanied with pestiferous diseases, that he may overcharge those with the scourges of his just vengeance, who will not humble themselves under the sweetness of his word. Of superfluity, sumptuousness, gluttony, and wallowing in delights. Chap. 20. AMANA. SEeing we have summarily understood the excellency and profit of the virtue of sobriety, that it may yet better appear by the contrary, and that we may be so much the more induced to desire it amongst us, I think we shall do well to entreat of superfluity, sumptuousness, and gluttony, whose fruits are The chiefest cause of destruction to commonwealths is excess in delights. weltering in delights, which is the principal cause of destruction (as Plato saith) to Kingdoms, Monarchies, and commonwealths. Therefore I propound these vices to you my companions to discourse upon. ARAM. Whatsoever is desired more than that which is necessary for the life of man, is superfluity, which causeth so many foolish and excessive expenses amongst us, that, besides the ruin and decay of many good houses, the destruction of the body, and, which is more to be feared, of the soul also, doth for the most ensue thereupon. Therefore Erasmus said very well, that nothing is more abject and hurtful, than to live as a slave to the pleasure of the mouth and belly. ACHITOB. Those men (saith Plato) that are addicted to the service of their bellies, and care nothing for the food of their minds, are like beasts, who never enjoy true pleasures. Which thing also may be said of them that like fools depend more of opinion than of reason. But it belongeth to thee ASER to handle this matter here expounded, more at large. ASER. Good things (said Lycurgus) are contrary and enemies to him that abuseth the gifts of nature: as if a valiant man should love rather to be a thief, than a soldier: or a beautiful person an adulterer, rather than a married man. So is it with the goods of Fortune, as we term them, the possession of which giveth occasion to those that are unworthy of them, to commit many follies. Amongst which we may note superfluity for a very pernicious vice, having this property in it to draw the wills of men secretly, & to induce them to covet delights. Whereunto after they have once addicted themselves, they busy their minds with nothing but to make provision of frivolous, exquisite, and sumptuous things, taking small care, yea forgetting easily those things that are profitable and necessary, whereof afterwards they perceive themselves Pleasure the end of superfluity. to stand in great need. Now the end of all superfluities, wherein men plung themselves after divers manners, is pleasure, which chief and for the most part they seek in such a riotous and delicate life, as causeth the body without labour to enjoy all his desires, lusts, and delights: or else in the fruition of worldly glory, wherein through unprofitable and superfluous expenses, they strive to excel, or at leastwise to match those that are greater than themselves. Concerning the mark whereat they aim, there is nothing more hurtful to man, than pleasure and delight, which (as Plato saith) serveth for a bait and allurement to draw him to commit wickedness, as hereafter we may discourse in more ample manner thereof, as also of that luxurious life, whose desire and contentation is in whoredom. And that I may begin to handle the other two general points, wherein they that are given to superfluity and costliness, seek delight, namely the delicate life and curiosity of expenses: let us consider of the fruits that issue and proceed from them. First, when men suffer Of the delicate life. themselves to be overtaken with the Epicures doctrine, and appear so careful to serve their belly, nourishing it in excess, daintiness, gluttony, and drunkenness, is it not from this headspring from whence diseases and evil dispositions of the body proceed? We are sick (saith Plutark) of those things wherewith we live, neither is there any The seed of diseases. proper and peculiar seed of diseases, but the corruption of those things within us, which we eat, and the faults and errors which we commit against them. Homer going about to prove, that the gods die not, groundeth his argument upon this, because they eat not: as if he would teach us, that drinking and eating do not only maintain life, but are also the cause of death. For thereof diseases gather together within our bodies, which proceed no less of being too full, than of being too empty. And oftentimes a man hath more to do to consume and digest meat put into his body, than he had to get it. Physicians (saith Of the shortness of man's life. Seneca) cry out, that life is short, and art long: and complaint is made of nature, because she hath granted to beasts to live five or six ages, & appointed so short a time of life for men, who are borne for many great things. We have no small time, but we lose much time, and life is long enough, if it be well employed. But when it passeth away through excess and negligence, and no good is done therein, in the end through constraint of extreme necessity, although we perceive it not going, yet we feel it is gone. Moreover a man may reckon greater store of griefs than pleasures, that come to him from his nourishment: or to speak better, the pleasure of eating is but small, but the toil and trouble that men have in providing it, is great. It were hard to repeat the shameful pains and toilsome labours wherewith it filleth us. Many a man's The soul of glutton's com-Pared to a millstone. soul (saith Solon) is overwhelmed, and as it were clothed with fear, lest it should stand in need within the body, as it were in a mill, and turning always about like a millstone, it seeketh after nourishment. Hereupon it remaineth void and destitute of feeling, and desire of all honest things, and attendeth only to the insatiable lusts of the flesh, which is never contented, because need and necessity The custom of the Egyptians. are always joined with desire of superfluity. The ancient Egyptians used this custom to cleave in sunder the body of a dead man, to show it to the sun, and to cast the guts and entrails into the river, and being thus cleansed, to imbaulme the rest. And in very deed those inward parts are the pollution and defiling of our flesh, and are properly the veric Hell of our bodies. But, which is worse, is it not the stuffing and filling of the belly that maketh the mind for the most part dull and uncapable of any science or reason, whereby the divine part of man is oppressed and overwhelmed through the weight and force of that part, which is mortal? A wise soul is a clear brightness, said Heraclitus. O how hard a matter is it (saith Cato) to preach to the belly, which hath no ears, and which will take no denial, howsoever the case standeth: And as when we behold the sun through thick clouds and undigested vapours, we see it not clear, but with a pale and wannish light, and as it were plunged in the bottom of a cloud: so through a troubled and defiled body, heavily loaden with food & strange meats, the brightness and clearness of the soul must needs become pale, troubled, and dimmed, not having such forcible light, as to be able thereby to pierce through unto the contemplation of those things that are great, heavenly, subtle, exquisite, and hard to discern. I thought in my heart (saith the wise man) to withdraw my flesh from wine, that I might bend my mind to wisdom, and eschew folly, until Proverb. 31. 4. 5. I knew what was profitable for the children of men. It is not for kings, it is not for kings to drink wine, nor for princes strong drink: lest he drink and forget the decree, and change the judgement of all the children of affliction. Prou. 23. 29. ●0. To whom is woe? To whom is sorrow? To whom is strife? To whom is murmuring? To whom are wounds without cause? And to whom is the redness of the eyes? even to them that tarry long at the wine: to them that go and seek mixed wine, which in the beginning is pleasant, but in the end pricketh like a serpent, and poisoneth like a Cockatrice. And in another place, the wise man speaking of gluttony, faith: that it drieth the bones, and that more die by it than by the sword. We see that beasts fatted up languish through sloth and idleness: neither do beasts faint through labour only, but also by reason of the mass and heavy weight of their own bodies. Furthermore, the vice of gluttony and drunkenness is never alone, but draweth with it a thousand other excessive and dissolute fashions. For (as Plato saith) it stirreth up lust, grief, anger, and love in extremity, and extinguisheth memory, opinion, and understanding. briefly, it maketh a man twice a child. And in another place, the same Philosopher saith, that gluttony fatteth the body, maketh the mind dull and unapt, and which is worse, undermineth reason. Wine hath as much force as fire. For as soon as it hath overtaken any, it dispatcheth him. And as the North or Southwind tormenteth the Lybian sea, so, and much more doth wine vex a man. For it discloseth the secrets of the soul, & troubleth the whole mind. A drunken governor and ruler of any thing whatsoever, bringeth all to ruin & overthrow, whether it be a ship, or a waggon, or an army, or any other thing committed to his keeping. We see by the goodly sentences of these Authors, how many discommodities & mischiefs come as well to the body as to the soul, by this excessive superfluity and curiosity of nourishment, whether it be in drinking or eating. We see also that from this self same springhead proceed those unmeasurable and lose behaviours in all kind of delights, in carding and dicing, in dancing, masking and mumming, in love of maidens and adultery with wives, the filthiness whereof is so shameful, and discovereth itself so much, that I shall not greatly need to lose time in reproving thereof. For it is most certain, that all such inventions are merely heathenish, or rather devilish, when men commit such reprobate actions with public Against masks & mummeries. liberty and licence. Especially we have to note this well that concerneth masks and mummeries, so common amongst us, and the cause of infinite offences, that forasmuch as the face was appointed and ordained of God to be seen openly, and the mouth to speak, we destroy the ordinance of God, as much as lieth in us, and become contrary unto him, when we take unto us a false face, and deprive ourselves of speech. It may be said, that many think no harm when they do these things. But that which of itself is evil, cannot be excused, and no fashion of living taken up and practised through the only motion of our sensuality (such are these delights & pleasures) can be maintained, neither hath it any good and lawful defence. Now let us consider some examples of those pernicious effects which proceed from this Epicurian vice of intemperance. Esau fold his birth right through a gluttonous The Israelites. desire. The self same cause moved the Israelites to murmur many times against God. The drunkenness of Lot. Lot caused him to commit incestwith his daughters. Alexander Alexander. the great darkened the glory of his valiant acts with this vice. For being overtaken with wine, he slew Clitus one of the valiantest captains he had, to whom he was beholding for his own life. Afterward, when he was come to himself, he would oftentimes have murdered himself, and Dionysius. wept three days together without meat and drink. Dionysius the younger, was sometime more than nine days together drunken: and in the end he lost his estate. Cyrillus son in his drunkenness wickedly slew that holy man his father, and his mother also great with child. He hurt his two sisters, and deflowered one of them. Ought not this to cause the hair of our head to stand upright, as often as any occasion is offered unto us, whereby we might fall into Lucullus. such inconveniences? Amongst the Romans Lucullus, a man of great dignity, and commended of Historiographers for many brave exploits of war which he did in Armenia, and for his bounty, justice, and clemency, is yet greatly blamed, because towards the end of his days, omitting all intermeddling with the government of public affairs, he gave himself to all kind of excessive sumptuousness, & superfluous wasting of that great substance which he had. Whereof this only testimony recited by Plutarch, shall serve for sufficient proof. Cicero and Pompey meeting him one day in the city, told him that they would sup with him on this condition, that he should prepare nothing for them but his own ordinary diet. At the least wise (quoth he unto them) give me leave to bid my Steward make ready supper in my hall of Apollo: and by that he beguiled them. For his servants understood thereby what cost he would have bestowed thereupon: in so much that a supper of fifty thousand drachmas of silver, which amount to five thousand crowns, was prepared for them. This was so much the more wonderful, because so great and sumptuous a feast was made ready in so short a time. But this was his ordinary diet which he caused many times to be prepared for himself alone. And as his men asked him on a day who should dine with him, seeing he commanded them to make ready such a great feast; Lucullus (quoth he) shall dine with Lucullus. This superfluous The sumptuousness of a Franciscan friar. pomp & magnificence, will not be thought very strange, if we compare it with that which not long since a simple Franciscan friar called Peter de Ruere made, after he had attained to the dignity of a Cardinal through favour of the Pope his kinsman. For within the space of two years which he lived in Rome, he consumed in feasts and banquets the sum of two hundred thousand crowns, besides Philoxenus. his debts, which came to no less sum. Philoxenus the Poet wished that he had a neck like a Crane, to the end he might enjoy greater pleasure in swallowing down wine and meat: saying, that then he should longer feel the taste thereof. We read of the emperor Vitellius Spinter, Vitellius. that he was so much given to superfluity and excess, that at one supper he was served with two thousand several kinds of fishes, and with seven thousand flying fowls. But within a very little while after he changed his estate, being executed publicly at Rome at the pursuit of Vespasianus, who was chosen emperor in his place. In our time Muleasses Muleasses. king of Thunes, was so drowned in pleasure and delight, that after he was banished from his kingdom because of his whoredom, in his return out of Almaign, being without hope that the emperor Charles the fift would help him at all, he spent one hundred crowns upon a peacock dressed for him, as Paulus iovius rehearseth: and that he might take the greater delight in music, he covered his eyes. But the judgement of God was such upon him, that his own children made him blind with a bar of hot iron. Concerning examples of the misery that followeth & accompanieth riot & delight in playing, dancing, & mumming, we see daily that a thousand quarrels, blasphemies, loss of goods & whoredoms proceed from thence. And oftentimes God suffereth the punishment thereof to be notorious, even by unlooked for & strange means: as not long since it happened to jews Archb. of Magdeburg, who dancing Lewes' Archbishop. with gentlewomen until midnight, fell down so fiercely upon the ground, that he broke his neck with one of the women which he led. Charles the 6. being clothed like a Charles 6. wild man with certain of his familiar friends, & dancing by torchlight, was also in great peril of burning, if a gentlewoman had not cast her cloak upon his shoulders. And I think it will not be from the matter, if we say that it is a shameful thing to suffer amongst us, or to lose time that ought to be so precious unto us, in beholding & in hearing players, Against players. actors of Interludes and Comedies, who are as pernicious a plague in a common wealth as can be imagined. For nothing marreth more the behaviour, simplicity and natural goodness of any people than this, because they soon receive into their souls a lively impression of that dissoluteness and villainy which they see and hear, when it is joined with words, accents, gestures, motions & actions, wherewith players and jugglers, know how to enrich by all kind of artificial sleights, the filthiest and most dishonest matters, which commonly they make choice of. And to speak freely in few words, we may truly say, that the theatre of players is a school of all unchasteness, uncleanness, whoredom, craft, subtlety and wickedness. Now let us speak of those that propound (as we said) unto themselves Against the curiosity of supper fluous expenses. the vainglory of outward show among the best, and men of great calling, through frivolous, unprofitable and superfluous expenses, as in sumptuous and costly apparel, precious and rich movables, goodly furniture and trapping of horses, great train of serving men, dogs, birds, & other vanities, gifts and presents sent to such as are unworthy, thereby to obtain the good will of them that are most wicked in authority, to the end to prepare a way unto high callings, and to preferments unto offices. Besides the wasting of their goods hereupon to their shame and confusion, which they should employ upon charitable works, they spend many times other men's goods, even the substance of the poor, which they craftily get by unlawful means. This is that which at length (as Crates The beginning of civil wars. the Philosopher said very well) stirreth up civil wars, seditions, and tyrannies within cities, to the end that such voluptuous men, and ambitious of vain glory, fishing in a troubled water, may have wherewith to maintain their foolish expenses, and so come to the end of their platforms. Hereof we have many examples in the civil wars amongst the Romans, as namely under Cinna, Carbo, Marius, and Sylla. Likewise in the conspiracy of Catiline & his complices, who being of the chief families in Rome, and perceiving themselves to be brought to the estate of bankrupts, as we commonly say, sought by all means to prosecute their first deliberation, which was always to seem great and mighty. Thus dealt Caesar in procuring to his country that civil war, which he made against Pompey, after he had indebted himself in seven hundred and fifty thousand crowns, to get the favour and good liking How Heraclitus dissuaded superfluity. of the people. This is that which Heraclitus meant to teach his countrymen, when, after a sedition appeased and quieted, being asked what way were best to be taken, that the like should not fall out again: he went up into that place from whence orations were made to the people, & there in steed of speaking, began to eat a morsel of brown bread, and to drink a glass of water. Which being done, he came down again, and spoke never a word. Hereby he would signify, that until daintiness of fare were banished the city, and immoderate expenses cut off, and sobriety and modesty brought in their place, they should never be without sedition. If this counsel were ever requisite in a monarchy, it is certainly most necessary at this present for ours, wherein all kind of superfluity, riot, and weltering in pleasures, curiosity in apparel, tapistry, and pictures, vessels, perfumes, and painting of faces, aboundeth in greater measure than heretofore it did amongst the Persians, which was the cause of their final subversion, and of Alexander's greatness, who subdued them. That which for the space of five hundred years and more, maintained the Lacedaemonian estate, being the chiefest in Grecia for glory and goodness of government, Lycurgus' banished all strange wares from Lacedemonia. was the cutting off and abolishing of all superfluity in diet, apparel, movables, and of all strange wares, which Lycurgus banished. Whereby also foreign merchants (the cause of corruption) banished themselves, as they that seek not after others but for gain, by selling their novelties very dear unto them. Neither did the Roman Commonwealth flourish more at any time, than when those men that carried about them perfumes and sweetesmels, and those women that were found swilling like drunkards, were corrected with the same punishment. This caused Cato, being the Censurer of the election of Why Cato would not choose Publius' General of the war. two captains, that one of them might be sent as General of the Pannonian war, to say with a loud voice, that he would dismiss Publius his ally, because he never saw him return wounded from the war, but had seen him walk up and down the city of Rome perfumed. What would he have said of our Courtiers, so finely curled, ruft, and perfumed? The Kings and magistrates of those so happy times, were the principal observers of their own laws and edicts, reforming themselves before all others, and living so austerely, that their example constrained their subjects more to follow them, than all the punishments which they could have devised to propound unto them. We have a notable testimony hereof in Agis king of Agis. Sparta, who in his return from the war wherein he had overcome the Athenians, being desirous to sup privately with his wife, sent into the kitchen that was appointed for his band and company (for they lived all in common, being severed into quarters) to have his portion. But this was denied him, and the next morning for this fact he was fined by the Ephories, who were joined in sovereign authority with the kings, for the maintenance of laws and of justice: in which sentence and judgement of theirs, he willingly rested. But to return to our matter, Against excess in apparel. how ought we to blush for our riot and excess in apparel, which we maintain with such glory? What folly is it to employ the industry of the soul, ordained for heavenly things, in trimming, decking, and gilding her enemy, her prison, and if I may so speak, her poison, the body? Excess of apparel (saith Erasmus) is an argument of the incontinency of the soul, and rather whetteth the eyes of the beholders thereof to wicked desires, than to any honest opinion and conceit. Deck not thy house (saith Epictetus') with tables and pictures, but paint it with temperance. For the one is to feed the eyes vainly, but the other is an eternal ornament, and such a one as can never be defaced. If we make account of things of small importance, we despise those that are of great weight: but in not caring at all for little things, we make ourselves worthy of great admiration. That great monarch Augustus Augustus. Caesar ware no other garments than such as his wife and daughters made, and those very modest. Agesilaus Agesilaus. king of Lacedemonia, never had but one kind of garment for winter and summer. Epaminondas general captain Epaminondas. of the Thebans, was contented with one only gown all the year long. Further, if we look unto their simplicity and modesty in their train and followers, truly it was worthy of reverence, being without pride, pomp, or superfluous magnificence. Scipio Africanus that great captain, going as delegate into Asia, to compound and end certain contentions that were between the kings of Examples of moderate train of serving men. that country, was accompanied but with two of his friends, and with seven slaves. Cato the elder, visiting the provinces of his government, took but three servants with him. Now a days we see, that the least accounted gentleman amongst us, thinketh it a cracking of his credit to ride so ill furnished. And yet the most part even of the greatest, never make any great inquiry how their train defray their charges. But howsoever they may say, that they know not of the excess and riot committed under their authority, and in their service, yet they are not thereby excused. For we ought carefully to beware, that no man abuse our name. Now, if princes and governors A good lesson for Princes and magistrates to learn. of Commonwealths in steed of abridging superfluous charges, take delight therein themselves, from thence proceedeth the necessity of charging and overcharging their people with imposts and subsidies to maintain their excess, and in the end cometh the overthrow and subversion both of the one and the other. But they ought rather both to abstain from such vanities themselves, and also to seek by all means to banish them from their subjects: and where their own example and bodily punishments are not sufficient for this purpose, there ought Commendable imposts for Princes to lay upon their subjects. they to lay great imposts upon all such things as serve but to spill and corrupt their subjects. Such things are all exquisite dainties and provocations of appetite, all sorts of toys and trifles, perfumes, cloth of gold and silver, silks, sypers, networks, lace, woven works, & all works of gold, silver, and inammell: all kind of superfluous apparel, with colours of scarlet, crimson, and such like, the forbidding whereof hitherto hath profited little. For the nature of men is such, that they find nothing more sweet and acceptable, than that which is straightly forbidden them: so that the more superfluities are prohibited, the more they are desired, especially of foolish men, & of such as are vainly brought up. Therefore it were good to raise the price of these things so high by means of imposts, that none but rich men and dainty folks may use them. And such subsidies would as much set forward the glory of God, the profit of the common wealth, the desire of good men, and relief of the poor, as many others now used are quite contrary hereunto. Then these speeches would no more be so common amongst us, as now we hear them daily uttered by our Courtiers: We will (say they) keep company and be seen amongst the greatest, & be esteemed thereafter. If we spend not freely, men will make no account of us. It is our honour and greatness, and the way to procure glory and renown to our houses and families. But I would gladly tell a great number of them, that they would be very much troubled to make answer to a law made by Amasis' king of Egypt, and after established A good law to cut off the occasions of idle expenses. in Athens by Solon, whereby it was enacted, that every one should yearly make it appear unto his provost or Bailie how he lived, and if he approved not his manner & trade of life to be just and reasonable, he was condemned to die. If in like case these great spenders were to give an account from whence they receive wherewith to satisfy their pride and vanities, a man should find that their purchase (as we say) is far better unto than than their rents, & that they commit a thousand wrongs and detestable vices to make supply to their lavish expenses. As for them that have goods lawfully gotten, yet in spending of them wastefully, they give sufficient testimony, that they care & seek for nothing but a vain and vanishing glory, which oftentimes, contrary to their expectation, is waited upon with great infamy, and with the certainty of perpetual punishment. And in the mean while they neglect that glory which is eternal and always profitable, which they should enjoy by well using, and not by misspending their goods, whereof they are but guardians and Stewards, & must one day yield up an account of them. O witless man (said one of the ancient Sages) what will the remembrance of vain glory profit thee, if thou art tormented and vexed where thou art, and praised where thou art not. This deserveth a longer continuance of speech, but we may hereafter discourse thereof more at large. In the mean time let us note an other mischief, which commonly followeth poverty followeth superfluous expenses. superfluity of expenses, namely poverty, whereinto many rich men fall before they be aware, and are then very much grieved therewith, and not able to bear it. But the shame and reproach thereof is yet greater, because they fell into it by their own folly and misgovernment. Therefore to the end we walk not in such a slippery way, which in the beginning is large and pleasant, but yet leadeth the travailer unto a downfall from which he can never escape, let us leave and forsake the discipline and life of Epicures, Our palate must not be more sensible than our heart. and beware that our palate and tongue be not more sensible than our heart. Let us lead a life worthy an honest academy, and beseeming the doctrine of the ancient Sages, that is, a simple, sober, and modest life, adorned with temperance and continence, knowing that diet and decking of the body ought (as Cicero saith) to be referred to health and strength, not to pleasure and delight, and that all outward excess is a witness of the incontinency of the soul. And for the perfection of all that lasting and inevitable misery which belongeth to them that are given to voluptuousness and superfluity, let us hear that sentence of scripture, and fear lest we be comprehended under the judgement thereof, Continual misery and james 5. 1. 5. mourning be upon you that have lived in pleasure on the earth, and in wantonness, and have nourished your hearts as in a day of slaughter. The end of the fift days work. THE sixth days work. Of Ambition. Chap. 21. ASER. AS often as I remember the strange tragedy of the Roman Emperors, since the time that the Empire was mounted up to the very top & height of her greatness until her declination, according to the uncertainty of all human things, and how within the space of one hundred years, wherein there were three score and 73. Emperors of Rome within 100 years. thirteen emperors, only three of them died of sickness in their beds, & all the rest by violent death; I cannot sufficiently admire (considering the inconstancy and short continuance of so great a government, which cannot but be well known to every one) the folly of men, which commonly affecteth them with an unmeasurable desire to rule, whereby they are all their life time slaves to ambition, which is one point of the vice of intemperance whereof we spoke yesterday. And thus in my opinion we are to begin our days work with the description of this pernicious passion. AMANA. It is natural in man, the greater his stomach is, the more to labour to excel others, which is accompanied with an exceeding desire to rule: whereupon he is easily driven forward to do unjustly, if by wisdom he be not moderated. ARAM. Ambition and contention for honour (saith Cicero) are miserable. And many forget justice, after they are fallen into a desire of glory, empires and honours. Go to then Achitob, let us understand of thee more at large what are the effects of this vice. ACHITOB. Eudoxus a Greek Philosopher desired of the gods that he might behold the sun very near, to comprehend the form, greatness, and beauty thereof, and afterwards be burnt of it, as the poet's report, that Phaeton was: such a hardy and bold passion to undertake most The force of desire to enjoy any pleasure. difficult & dangerous things, is the desire of enjoying any pleasure whatsoever. This may chief be spoken of ambition, which is the most vehement, strongest, & most disordered passion of all those desires which so sore trouble men's minds, and fill them with an insatiable greediness of glory, Two kinds of ambition. and with an unbridled desire to rule. But to handle it more profitably, we will make two kinds of ambition, the one respecting private men only that live under the power and government of heads, of estates and policies: the other shall be of the heads themselves, of monarches and governors of peoples and kingdoms. In the mean time we What ambition is. may thus generally define ambition, calling it an unreasonable desire to enjoy honours, estates, & great places. Further it is a vice of excess, and contrary to modesty, which is a part of temperance. For that man (as Aristotle saith) is modest, who desireth honour as he ought, and so far forth as it becometh him: but he that desireth it more than he ought, and by unlawful means, is ambitious, and The effects of ambition. carried away with a perturbation of intemperance. Ambition never suffereth those that have once received her as a guest, to enjoy their present estate quietly, but maketh them always empty of goods, and full of hope. It causeth them to contemn that, which they have gotten by great pains and travel, and which not long before they desired very earnestly, by reason of their new imaginations and conceits of greater matters, which they continually bark forth, but never have their minds satisfied & contented. And the more they grow and increase in power and authority, the rather are they induced and carried headlong by their affections to commit all kind of injustice, and flatter themselves in furious and frantic actions, that they may come to the end of their infinite platforms, and▪ of that proud and tyrannical glory, which, contrary to all duty they seek after. These imperfections happen unto them, because from the beginning they studied to hoard, and heap up external, mortal and hurtful riches, before they had laid a good foundation of reason The cause of ambitious desires. through knowledge and learning, thereby to direct aright their purposes and doings, according to comeliness and honesty. And therefore oftentimes they are deceived and miss of their intent, and even lose that which they might have had, because they sought over boldly to lay hands on that which they could not so much as touch. So that we may well say with Timon, that the elements & matter of mischiefs, are ambition & avarice, which are found both together for the most part in the same persons. But to enter into a more particular consideration of the nature Envy a note of an ambitious man. of every ambitious man, he hath commonly this property, to envy the glory of others: whereby he becometh odious, and stirreth up against himself the envy and ill will of every one. Moreover this his jealousy over another man's glory, is so much the more hurtful unto him in that he might, being set in high estate and authority, use the help and company of such as are virtuous and noble minded in the execution of great matters, if in stead of taking them for his adversaries in the pursuit of virtue, he favoured them, and drew them near unto himself. Whereby we may judge, that there is none so pernicious a plague for the overthrow of virtue, as ambition, because it is never without contention for glory and honour, even against the greatest friends, from whence in the end proceed the greatest enmities. Cicero also saith very well, that whatsoever hath this quality, that many things of the same kind cannot be excellent, thereof ariseth for the most part such strife, that it is a very hard matter to observe holy society. For equity is not easily kept inviolable, when one desireth to be greater than all the rest. It cometh through Sedition a fruit of ambition. the fault of ambition (saith Aristotle) that many seditions arise in cities. For the mightier, not the vulgar sort, contend for honours and promotions. But if, as Plato writeth, there were a commonwealth of good men, you should see as great strife for the avoiding of offices, as now men contend to command and rule. Also the honour of a good man (saith Plutark to trajan) consisteth not in that estate or office which he presently enjoyeth, but in his former deserts; so that it is to the office whereunto men give new honour, as for the person he hath but a painful charge. Out of the sayings of these great Philosophers, we will draw this conclusion, that we must labour more to deserve estates & honours, than dare to procure them, and account that thing unworthy and unbeseeming us, which is obtained by unlawful means. Now, as the ambitious man is intolerable in all his actions, so especially he bringeth himself in derision and reproach, through this burning desire of glory and praise, which he looketh that others should yield unto him, and wherein he taketh unmeasurable delight. Now, if he perceiveth that he cannot be commended Ambitious men full of self-praise. for his doings that are unworthy of honour, the thirst of glory wherewith he pineth away, compelleth him to borrow of himself by his own commendation against all seemliness: which is neither more nor less, than if the body of a man in time of famine, not receiving nourishment elsewhere, should take of it own substance against nature. Further, if we should go about here to make recital of those notable evils and mischiefs, which the ambition of some particular men hath brought upon Monarchies, cities, and Commonwealths, and generally upon all those persons which were under their bloody reign, the whole life of one man would not suffice to describe them. But to touch this point briefly: we may note in all ancient histories, that the greatest plagues of flourishing Civil wars a fruit of ambition. estates, and oftentimes their utter subversion, came from civil wars and dissensions stirred up by ambitious men, desirous to command, and to be preferred before others. What did at any time procure the ruin of Grecia, flourishing in arms and sciences, so much as the ambition of those men who sought to bring the public offices into their own hands, as Leosthenes, Demosthenes, and many others did, who were not afraid to kindle the fire of domestical division, not caring what would be the issue of their damnable enterprises, so they might make way for their devised platforms? How many mischiefs did Alcibiades Alcibiades. procure to his country, being an enemy to peace, and given to all kind of novelties and seditions? Who used to say, that a noble heart ought to labour but for one thing in this world, namely, to be great among his own countrymen, and to purchase fame & renown among strangers. Which had been well spoken, if he had added, by justice, and virtue. Was it not from the same fountain of ambition, that so hurtful wars to both those commonwealths of the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, the one being masters of the sea, and the other of the land, took their beginning, and thereby were both brought to ruin in the end? Was it not the same cause of ambition in certain particular men, which procured the speedy return of that good king Agesilaus, to redress the civil dissensions of Grecia, when he was in Asia continuing those goodly victories, which he had against the Barbarians, for the comfort and liberty of many Grecian cities? O ye Grecians (said that wise Prince, being then very sorrowful) how many more mischiefs do ye procure to yourselves, than were procured unto you by the Barbarians banded together for your overthrow, seeing ye are A very fit admonition for France. so unhappy as to stay with your own hands that good speed, which conducted you to the top of felicity, and to turn back into your own entrails, those weapons which were so well guided against your enemies, by calling back the war into your own country, from whence it was so happily banished? The great and large scope of the Roman Empire over three parts of the Caesar & Pompey. world, could not satisfy the ambition of Caesar and Pompey, whilst the one could abide no equal, and the other no superior: insomuch, that they omitted and forgot no means to increase their greatness, although it were with the charges of the commonwealth. As we may read among other things of Caesar, who, to ground & underprop his power well for continuance, gave at one time to Paulus the Consul, nine hundred thousand crowns, for fear lest he should oppose himself against his enterprises: and to Curio the Tribune he gave fifteen hundred thousand crowns, that he should take his part. After the death of The triumvirate. these two Princes, that great dominion could no better content the triumvirate, namely, Octavius, Antonius, and Lepidus, who by force of arms ceased not to put their country to sword and fire, until the sovereign authority became resident in one alone. But why should we seek among the Ancients, or amongst our neighbours for examples of the pernicious effects of this vice, seeing we have so many at our own gates? Who kindled that fire in France, which had taken hold of all the parts thereof, and The ambition of the Dukes of Orleans and Burgundy. almost consumed it utterly under the reign of the Dukes of Orleans and Burgundy, who strove together for the government of the kingdom? Were there not upon the same occasion more than four thousand men slain in one day within Paris, the most of them being men of name, at the instigation and procurement of the Duke of Burgundy, who had taken possession thereof? But alas the continual and present remembrance of our late and unspeakable miseries, procured chief from the same fountain of ambition, and known to women and children, stayeth me from seeking farther for testimonies of this our present matter. Yea, I fear greatly, that we shall shortly see (I would to God I might be deceived) the final and entire ruin of our monarchy, which hath flourished as long as ever any did, and continued longer unvanquished of strangers. For we see her own children bathing their hands in her blood, and seeking to pluck out Ambitious men can be no good counsellors to Princes. her heart and entrails, and to cast them as a pray before her enemies. O how would Princes chase far from them all ambitious persons, if they were well instructed in virtue, and in the knowledge of those evils which such men procure! seeing it is impossible that any good counsel should proceed from them, but only such as tendeth to the advancement of their private greatness. Now if ambition be the mother of civil wars, is it not the same also of all other wars, which are daily bred between Kings & Princes, through the desire of increasing their bounds, of seizing upon other men's territories, to the treading down, oppression, and ruin of their poor subjects, and oftentimes of their own estates? Is it not ambition which blindeth men so, that they are not content to be chief among a million of others over whom they command, unless they be equal or superior to one or two of those whom they know to be greater than themselves? The desire of having more (saith Plutark) is a vice common to Princes Effects of ambition in great men. and great Lords, which, by reason of ambition and desire to rule, bringeth forth in them oftentimes an unsociable, cruel, and beastly nature. And as Ennius saith, there is no faith or assured society in kingdoms. For they, whose greediness neither sea, nor mountains, nor inhabitable deserts can stay, and whose insatiable desire of having, cannot be limited with those bounds, which separate Asia from Europe, how will they content themselves with their own, and not seek to usurp that which belongeth to another, especially when their confines and borders touch one another, and are joined so near together, that nothing is between them? It is impossible. And in truth, how soever they dissemble, they purposely war one with another, watching continually for means to surprise and overreach each other. But in outward show they use these The names of Peace and war abused much by Princes. two words of Peace and war, as a piece of money, according as it shall make best for their purpose, not for duties sake, or upon reason and justice, but for their own profit and advantage, wickedly disguising in that manner the intermission and surceasing from the execution of their ill will and purpose, with the holy name of justice and amity. Prince's therefore must not think it strange, if sometime private men (howbeit that doth not excuse them) find the like dealing profitable unto them, according as it falleth out for their purpose. For in so doing, they do but imitate and follow them that are their masters in all disloyalty, treason, and infidelity, thinking that he bestirreth himself, who least of all observeth that which equity and justice require. This did Dionides the pirate fitly give Alexander the Great to understand, when he asked of him why Dionides answer to Alexander. he troubled the whole sea, and rob every one. Know (quoth he to him) that thou and I are of one disposition and calling, except in this, that I am called a Pirate for scouring the seas with a few men, and thou a prince, because thou invadest and spoilest every where with great & mighty armies. But if thou wert Dionides and I Alexander, it may be I should be a better prince than thou a good pirate. With which free speech Alexander was so delighted, that in stead of a guilty man brought before him to be punished, as was Dionides, he made him one of his great captains. But to continue our matter, if Right (say Ambitious men) may be violated, it is to be violated for a kingdom. O speech full of all impiety, yea such as will cause them Examples of the fruits of ambition. to buy the violating of so holy a thing very dearly, seeing they spare not him who calleth himself equity & justice itself. Further, if (as histories teach us) some have been so wretched & miserable, as to give themselves to the Art of necromancy, and to contract with the devil, that they might come to sovereign power and authority, what other thing, how strange soever it be, will not they undertake that suffer themselves to be wholly carried away with this vice of ambition? It is ambition that setteth the son against the father, and imboldeneth him to seek his destruction of whom he holdeth his life. Henry the fift by force deprived his father from the Empire, & caused him Fredericus. 3. to die miserably in prison. Frederick the third, after he had reigned thirty years, was miserably strangled by Manfroy his bastard son, whom he had made prince of Tarentum. And after he had committed this Parricide, he poisoned his brother Conradus, lawful inheritor to Frederick, that he might make himself king of Naples. Antoninus & Geta, brothers & successors in the Empire to Severus their father, could not suffer one another to enjoy so large Antonius and Geta. Solyman. a monarchy: for Antoninus slew his brother Geta with a dagger, that himself might rule alone. Solyman king of the Turks, grandfather to him that now reigneth, when he heard the loud acclamations and shouts for joy which all his army made to Sultan Mustapha his son, returning out of Persia, after he had caused him to be strangled in his outward chamber, and presently to be cast out dead before his whole army, he made this speech to be published with a loud voice, that there was but one God in heaven, and one Sultan upon earth. Within two days he put to death Sultan Soba, because he wept for his brother, and Sultan Mahomet his third son, because he fled for fear, leaving one only alive to avoid the inconveniency of many Lords. These are but of the smaller fruits of this wild plant of ambition, in respects of those that cause men to put innocents to death, that themselves may take surer footing to grow up and increase. And no doubt but for the most part, just punishment for example to men, followeth such an ambitious passion, whereof there are infinite examples both in the Greek and Latin histories. Marcus Marcus Crassus justly punished for his ambition. Crassus a Roman Consul, and the richest man in his time, not contenting himself with many goodly victories gotten by him, but burning with an excessive ambition and desire of new triumphs, and being jealous of Caesar's glory, obtained by his great feats of arms, presumed at the age of three score years to undertake the war against Arsaces' king of the Parthians, contrary to the will of the Senate, feeding himself with vain hope, which led him to a shameful death joined with public loss and calamity. For being overcome and his army discomfited, he was miserably slain with twenty thousand of his men, & ten thousand taken prisoners. Marius' having passed Marius. through all the degrees of honour, and been six times Consul, which never any Roman before was, not content with all this, would notwithstanding take unto himself the charge of the war against Mithridates, which fell to Sylla by lot, even then when he was weakened with old age, thinking with himself to get the Consulship the seventh time, and to continue that sovereign authority in his own person. But this was the cause of his utter overthrow, & of that slaughter, whereby all Italy & Spain were imbrued with blood by Sylla, & the popular estate brought in the end to extreme tyranny. Spurius Melius a Senator S. Melius. of Rome, was murdered for his ambition, and his house razed by Cincinnatus the Dictator, because he sought by means of a certain distribution of wheat, to make himself M. Manlius. king of Rome. Marcus Manlius was also upon the like occasion thrown down headlong from the top of a rock. Therefore it appeareth sufficiently unto us how pernicious this vice of ambition is in the souls of great men, and worthy of perpetual blame. And although the matter be not of so great weight, when they that follow this vicious passion are but mean men and of small account, yet we are to know, that all they depart far from duty and honesty, who, for the obtaining of glory and renown, show themselves inflamed and desirous to excel others in all those things which they ought to have common How and wherein we may seek for honour. together for the mutual aid and comfort of every one. Only we must seek, without pride and envy, after excellency and preferment in that which is virtuous, and profitable for human society, contenting ourselves notwithstanding with that, which we are able to perform, & so we shall never be blamed: but justly may we be condemned, if we undertake that which is above our strength. Especially let our desires and passions give place to the Cretes and Hermias. benefit of the commonwealth, as heretofore Cretes and Hermias, two great men of Magnesia, dealt one towards an other. Their city being besieged by Mithridates, & themselves having before been at great strife for honour & pre-eminence, Cretes offered Hermias to let him have the charge of captain general, in the mean time he would departed the city, or if he had rather departed, that he should leave that office to him. This offer he made, lest if both of them should be together, their jealousy might breed some mischief to their country. Hermias seeing the honest offer of his companion, and knowing him to be more expert in feats of war, willingly surrendered the authority of commanding unto him. Now to end our present discourse, let us learn to know their outrageous folly, who for imaginary honours, and those of so small continuance, that the wise man compareth them to smoke dispersed of the wind, desire nothing more than to run out the race of their days in continual miseries and calamities, travels and cares, depriving themselves of all liberty, and which is worse, pawning their souls to an eternal and most miserable thraldom. Thus let us detest ambition, which is an infinite evil and companion of pride, so much hated of God and men. Let us consider a little that point of Philosophy which we find written by trajan to Plutarch. I envy (said Traian's letter to Plutarch. this good prince) Cincinnatus, Scipio Africanus, and Marcus Portius, more for their contempt of offices, than for the victories which they have gotten: because a conqueror is for the most part in fortune's power, but the contempt and refusal of offices and honours consisteth only in prudence. Let us mark well the example of the emperor Flavius Vespasianus, who being admonished by his friends to beware of one Metius Pomposianus, (because Vespasianus. it was a common rumour that he should one day be emperor) was so far from procuring him any harm or displeasure, or from hating or envying him, (as it is the property of ambitious men, to fear above all things lest their estate be touched, because they would reign alone) that contrariwise he made him consul the next year. Whereat his familiar friends wondering, and dissuading him from it, My meaning is (quoth he to them) that he should one day remember this good turn. Let us also propound to kings and princes that sentence of Titus the emperor, who making a feast one day with a cheerful countenance to the contentation of every one, in the end of the banquet struck himself on the breast at the table, and fetched a great sigh withal: whereupon his favourites demanding the cause why, I cannot (quoth he) keep myself from sighing A notable saying of Titas. and complaining, when I call to mind that this great honour which I have, dependeth upon the will of fortune: that my estates and dignities are as it were in sequestration, and my life as it were laid in pawn & pledged unto me. Let the saying of that good prince Another of Philip king of Macedonia. Philip king of Macedonia be well noted of great men, who on a day falling all along in that place where wrestling was exercised, and beholding the fashion of his body printed in the dust, Good Lord (quoth he) how little ground must we have by nature, and yet we desire all the habitable world. According to his example let us all humble ourselves in the acknowledgement of our imbecility and poor human estate, and let us moderate our unruly affections through the contempt of those things which worldly men desire and seek after, judging them an unworthy reward for virtue. Let every one of us content himself with his estate and calling, so that it tendeth to the right end, namely, to his glory that gave it unto us, and to the benefit and profit of his creatures, and let all be done according to that measure of graces which he shall bestow upon us. Of voluptuousness and lechery. Chap. 22. ACHITOB. AMong those faults which men commit, being led with desire and pleasure that is naturally in them, we noted a little before, luxuriousness and whoredom. But because we then reserved it to a more ample handling of voluptuousness, and of a lustful life, which is the chief work thereof, & whose desire and contentation is in lechery, to the end we may the better discover that sugared poison, which lurketh under these detestable vices, I am of opinion that we must begin to enter into this large field, so fruitful for thorns and thistles, which to sick eyes many times seem fair blossoms of some goodly fruits: propounding to the sight of every one, the nature and effects of the tyrannical power of pleasure, a mortal enemy to the reign of virtue. ASER. Pleasure (saith Plato) is the hook of all evils, because men are taken thereby as fish by a hook. For it Pleassure the hook of all evil. quencheth the light of the soul, hindereth all good counsel, and through enticements turneth men aside from the way of virtue, throwing them down headlong into the gulf of confusion, which is luxuriousness and whoredom, a most wicked & abominable vice above all others, whereby all virtue is hurt and offended. AMANA. He that is given to pleasure (saith Cicero) judgeth all things, not according to reason, but according to sense, esteeming that best, which most delighteth him: so that he easily suffereth himself to be kindled with the burning fire of luxuriousness, which is hurtful to every age, and extinguisheth old age. But let us hear ARAM upon this matter. ARAM. It is no new opinion, that many judging according to their sensuality, and being altogether ignorant of the true nature and immortality of the soul, have placed their sovereign Good in pleasure, and in the enjoying of those things which most of all tickle the senses. Aristippus Who they were that placed their chief Good in pleasure. and all the Cyrinaiks, Epicurus, Metrodorus, Chrysippus, and many others, who falsely took unto themselves the name of Philosophers, laboured to prove it by many arguments, cloaking their wickedness with grave and lofty words, saying: that none could perfectly attain to pleasure, except he were virtuous and wise. But that which Cicero allegeth against them, is sufficient to discover the mask of their impudency, and to convince them of lying: namely, that we must not simply look to men's sayings, but consider whether they agree in their opinions. For how is it possible, that he which placeth his chief Good in the pleasure of the body, and in never-feeling grief, should make account of, or embrace virtue, which is an enemy to delights and pleasures, and commandeth us rather to suffer a cruel and dolorous death, than to start aside against duty? It is certain, that he which placeth his chief. Good in pleasure, hath no regard to do any thing but for his private profit. Whereby he declareth sufficiently, that he careth not at all for virtue, especially justice, which commandeth nothing so much, as to leave our own particular pleasure and profit, and to embrace, though with our peril & loss, the public welfare. Moreover, how could he be courageous, if he thought that grief were the extremest and greatest evil, or temperate, supposing pleasure to be perfect felicity? Besides, what can be more unbeseeming man, appointed for all great and excellent things, than to take that for his chief Good, whereof brute beasts have better part than we, and to leave the care of that which is divine and immortal in us, to attend to that which is mortal and subject to corruption? But these erroneous and false opinions, being contrary to themselves, are so absurd and full of blockish ignorance, that we need not here lose much time in confuting them, and convincing them of lies. Notwithstanding, it being so common a thing with men, to embrace pleasure as the principal end of their actions, because naturally they desire pleasure, and shun grief: it will be easy for us to show, that ignorance only guideth them, when being deprived of the knowledge of that Good which is to be wished for, and is pleasant and acceptable, they seek after, through an evil choice, the greatest mischief of all, I mean pleasure, unseparably followed of grief, which men labour most of all to eschew. Let us then see what What pleasure is. pleasure is, and what fruits she bringeth with her. Voluptuousness or pleasure (saith Cicero) is properly called that delight, which moveth and tickleth our senses, which slideth and slippeth away, and for the most part leaveth behind it occasions rather of repentance, than of calling it again to remembrance. For many through wicked and unnecessary pleasure have fallen intogreat diseases, received great losses, and suffered many reproaches. It always (saith Plato) bringeth damage and loss to man, engendering in his mind sorrow, sottishness, forgetfulness of prudence, and insolency. Wheresoever sweet is (saith The fruits of pleasure. Antipho) there presently followeth sour. For voluptuousness never goeth alone, but is always accompanied with sorrow and grief. Pleasure (saith Plutark) resolveth men's bodies, mollifying them daily through delights, the continual use of which mortifieth their vigour, and dissolveth their strength, from whence abundance of diseases proceedeth, so that a man may see in youth the beginnings of the weakness of old age. Voluptuousness is a cruel beast, making men her slaves, and chaining them (as Sophocles saith) with diamond chains. She is so much the more odious, by how much the more she hideth her venom, putting upon her the garment of good liking, betraying virtue, and killing a man even when she flattereth him. When pleasures come (saith Erasmus) they flatter us with a disguised visage, and when they depart, they leave us full of sorrow and sadness. Which Xenophon very wittily The sundry proffers which Vice and virtue made to Hercules. devised under the name of Hercules, saying: that as he went one day into the fields, in a certain threefold highway he met virtue and Vice, both of them being in the shape and apparel of women. Vice being clothed in a stately, delicate, gorgeous and lascivious gown, with a smiling, painted, and coloured countenance, which did wonderful allure by reason of the sweetness and flourishing beauty that seemed to be in it, offered herself suddenly unto the said Hercules, saying: that if he would follow her, she would cause him to lead his whole life in delight and pleasure. But virtue with a sorrowful, lean, and dismayed face, and clad with a long and plain rob, without any decking of her speech, used these words: If thou wilt come to me Hercules, thou shalt be endued, not with bodily ornaments, nor with vading and vanishing beauty, but with certain other riches which are more worth, and endure for ever. For whosoever believeth me, forsaking that which seemeth fair, & cleaving to those things which outwardly appear austere and hard, he receiveth in the end an eternal felicity. Let us unclothe voluptuous men (saith Plutark) and consider their doings. They are drunkards, whoremongers, sluggish in all weighty matters, neglecting the benefit of the commonwealth, of their parents and of their friends. But of all kind of voluptuousness, lechery is most defiled, filthy, vile, and pernicious, whereof especially we are now to discourse, being What whoredom is. properly called of the Philosophers a furious passion, which corrupteth the sense of man, and a burning fire that consumeth him. All unmeasurable pleasure, which men take by their five senses, is vile and dishonest: but the Grecians after a special manner called those men incontinent and immoderate, who exceeded in tasting and touching. And Hypocrates said, that he supposed copulation to be a part of that foul disease, which we call the epilepsy The effects of immoderate copulation. or falling sickness. And truly there is nothing more certain, than that immoderate use of the venereous act spoileth beauty, defileth the body, drieth it up, and causeth it to stink, maketh the face pale, wan or yellow, weakeneth the members and joints, engendereth Sciaticke gouts, colic passions, griefs of the stomach, giddiness of the head, or dimness of sight, the leprosy and pocks. It Osey. 4. 11. shorteneth life, taketh away the understanding, darkeneth the memory, and as the Prophet Osey saith, taketh away the heart. Moreover, how odious all whoredom ought to be unto us, so that it be not so much as once named amongst us, the only curse that is laid upon it of God, ought sufficiently to persuade us, seeing thereby he condemneth it both with temporal and with eternal death. But we have beside, many goodly sentences and notable examples of ethnics and Pagans, and namely of the just punishment, which for the most part followed this detestable vice hard at the heels, and which ought to stir us up to hate it, and to fly from it with all our might, especially when adultery is joined therewith, which is when The effects and end of concupiscence. the sacred knot of marriage is violated and broken. Concupiscence (saith Aristotle) changeth men's bodies, and breedeth madness in their souls. The end thereof is luxuriousness, from whence proceed a thousand wrongs, violences, incests, murders, poisonings, and innumerable other impieties. Is it not then a sign of great looseness and baseness of mind, for a man to subject himself to carnal concupiscences, which are disordered desires contrary to reason, and whose office and practice is to choose evil for good? Let us here give ear to Socrates' disputation with Enthydemus, being very fit for our present matter. Socrates' disputation against incontinency. Tell me O Euthydemus, dost thou think that liberty is a good, great, and profitable possession, whether it belongeth either to a man, or to a city? Very great. Therefore whosoever serveth the pleasures and unbridled desires of the body, so that for love of them he cannot execute that which he knoweth to be very good, dost thou think that he is free? No. It may be thou judgest it a thing worthy a free man to be able to put in practice whatsoever he taketh to be good, and contrariwise, to be hindered from so doing, to be servile and slavish. So it is. Thou believest then that no incontinent men are free. Yea truly, and that justly. Thinkest thou that incontinent men are hindered from doing that which is honest, or compelled to commit vicious things? I think they are as much compelled to do the one, as hindered from practising the other. But what masters dost thou think them to be, who forbidden well doing, and constrain men to embrace evil? In good truth, very wicked. And dost thou not think that bondage of all others most troublesome, when one serveth most wicked and naughty masters? Yea. Then incontinent men are of all others most miserable, of what estate or condition soever they be. Besides, he that never thinketh upon goodness, but seeketh by all means to fulfil his untamed desires of pleasure and lust, hath no more use of reason, than beasts have. This wise Philosopher teacheth us sufficiently how hurtful and pernicious a thing it is to suffer the desires of the flesh to reign in us, considering that they draw us vehemently to the practice of them, to our own destruction: especially The fruits of whoredom. whoredom, which bringeth with it all kind of mischief, dissolveth and weakeneth the body, and offendeth all the virtues and goods of the soul. Through her it cometh that men abase themselves so low, as to submit both their bodies and souls to the inconstant will and unruly desire of a foolish woman. For we see some men so bewitched with a harlot, that if need be, and she command it, they will hazard their honour and credit, and oftentimes make themselves an example to a whole country upon an open scaffold. And then they labour to cover their folly with this goodly name of love, which is better termed of Euripides by the name of fury & madness in men. For true & good love, which is the fountain of friendship, is always grounded upon virtue, & tendeth to that end: but this slippery and lose love, is a desire founded upon the opinion of a Good, which in deed is a most pernicious evil. And if adultery follow up it (which The miserable effects of adultery. according to Aristotle is a curious inquiry after another man's love) the vice is two fold more detestable and wicked, because that he which committeth it, seeketh against all duty of nature to take away another man's honour and reputation, spoileth him of that which he accounteth most precious, namely, of the love and friendship of his wife, breaketh the peace of a house, causeth the wife to lose her soul, who otherwise peradventure would not have yielded, if he had not corrupted her. In a word, it is the cause of infinite miseries & offences which we daily see come to pass. Amongthe ancients this vice was so odious, that it was narrowly sought out, and chastised with very grievous punishments. In so much that julius Caesar caused one of his captains to be beheaded, because he had dishonoured the mistress of the house where he lodged, not staying until one accused him, and without any complaint made unto him by her husband. There was a law among Zaleucus law against adultery. the Locrians, established by Zaleucus, which condemned all those that were convicted of this vice of adultery, to have their eyes pulled out. This law was afterward so well kept, that his son being taken with the fact, and all the people entreating for him, Zaleucus would never suffer the punishment to be any thing lessened. And yet to satisfy their importunity in some sort, he caused one of his own, and another of his sons eyes to be plucked out, choosing rather to bear half the punishment allotted for the offence, than that it should remain unpunished, & the law The law of lulias against adulterers. violated. Augustus Caesar made the law Julia, entitled of Adulteries, wherein is declared, how process ought to proceed against those that are attainted of it, and how such as are convicted thereof are to be punished, even to permit the father to kill his daughter being taken in the fact with the adulterer. After that Fabius Fabritius was slain by his wife through treachery, to the end that she might have greater liberty to commit adultery, one of his younger sons when he came to age slew his mother with the adulterer, & was absolved thereof by the Senate. We read also The punishment of adulterers used among the Egyptians. that the lest punishment used by the Egyptians against adulterers, was to cut off the woman's nose, & the privy parts of the man. Briefly, we shall find, that in all nations where honour and civility is never so little regarded, this vice of adultery hath been grievously punished, and greatly hated of all noble minds. Herein the example of Alexander Alexander hated adultery. is worthy to be remembered, who, when a woman was brought unto him one evening, demanded of her why she came so late: to whom she answered, that she stayed until her husband was gone to bed. Which he no sooner heard, but he sent her away, being very angry with his men, because they had almost caused him to commit adultery. He would not so much as touch his friend's Concubine, although he loved her: and he took on wonderfully with Cassander, because he would by force kiss a minstrels maid. So far off was he from being willing to suffer his courtiers to force any wives or daughters of his subjects, or to induce them to suborn any for him. But contrary wise, we see now adays, that they are most esteemed of great Anthony duke of Venice. men whose skill is greatest in corrupting of women. Antonius Venereus duke of Venice may be unto them an example worthy to be followed, who caused his own son to die in prison, because he had ravished a maid. But let us Testimonies of God's wrath against whoredom. note a little the eye witnesses of God's wrath, who never, or very seldom suffereth whoredom to go without present payment meet for such perverse wickedness. The reading of holy Scriptures doth furnish us with notable examples, Numb. 25. 9 This sin of David was in numbering the people, as appeareth, 2. Sam. 24. 1. in the death of four and twenty thousands Israelites for whoredom: in the punishment of the same sin committed by David, with the death of more than threescore thousand men in Israel: in the punishment of the same sin in Solomon upon his son, who was deprived of ten 1. King▪ 12. parts of his kingdom: in the overthrow of the Cities of Gen. 19 Sodomah and Gomorrah, and in many other places. When Satan seeketh for a ready way to cause men to fall, he commonly useth whoredom. When Balaam taught Balaac that subtle practice to cause the Israelites to commit idolatry, it was by means of the fair women of his country, thereby to cause them to fall into the wrath and indignation of God. Concerning histories written by men, the number of examples of God's wrath upon whoremongers is infinite, of which we will here allege some, making mention of violent punishments, and of the deprivation and subversion of flourishing estates, which The danger that dependeth upon the looseness of a Prince. have proceeded from the same cause of whoredom. And truly it is more dangerous for a Prince in regard of his estate, than any other vice, yea than cruelty itself. For cruelty maketh men fearful, and striketh a terror in the subjects, but whoredom draweth with it hatred and contempt of the Prince: because every one judgeth an effeminate man unworthy to command a whole people. Tarqvinius. Tarqvinius king of Rome, for his loftiness surnamed the proud, was deprived of his kingdom, because of the violence which one of his sons offered to Lucretia, a Roman Lady. And although he gathered together great forces, thinking thereby to re-enter into his estate, yet he could never attain thereunto. Since which time the name of a king hath been so odious among the Romans, that they would never suffer any to bear that title amongst them, but from that time forward, changed the government of a monarchy into a Democraty or popular estate, abolishing all laws appertaining to a king. In place of which they sent to the Athenians for Solon's laws, which afterward were observed by the Romans, and called the Appius Claudius. laws of the twelve Tables. Appius Claudius, one of those ten that had all authority in the government of the Roman estate, because he would have ravished Virginia, daughter to Virginius a Citizen of Rome, who slew her to save her honour, was banished with all his companions in that office, and their manner of government changed into the authority of Consuls. What was like to have befallen Caesar. that mighty Caesar, after he had conquered France, Almaigne, England, Spain, Italy, and Pompey himself, but a shameful death, by reason of a foolish love, which caused him to go into Alexandria in disguised apparel to enjoy Cleopatra, where an Eunuch and a child had almost slain him, if he had not cast himself from a high tower into the sea, and so saved himself by swimming to his Teundezillus. camp under the galleys of his enemies? Teundezillus' king of Spain was, for committing violent adultery with a Lady of a noble house, deprived both of life and kingdom. Caracalla. Marcus Antonius Caracalla Emperor, being carried away with intemperate lust, married his mother in law: and within a while after he lost both his empire and life. Childericus Childericus. the first of that name, king of France, after he had reigned a long time, was driven out of his kingdom for john Earl of Arminack. his whoredom. John, county of Arminack, married one of his own sisters, and being therefore excommunicated of the Church, was deprived of his estate and life by the Emperor Charlemaigne. Rodoaldus king of Lombary being Rodoaldus. taken in adultery, was slain by the woman's husband, Roderigo. whom he abused. Roderigo king of Spain, was deprived of his kingdom and life by the Sarrasins, who were called in by an Earl named Julian, that he might be avenged of Galeatius Duke of Milan. his king, who had forced his daughter. Galeatius Maria Duke of Milan being at mass, was slain by a Citizen, who struck him into the stomach with a dagger, feigning that he would have spoken with him. The chief cause hereof was for a suspicion which he had conceived, that this Prince entertained his wife. In the time of Philip the Two brothers flaied alive. fair, king of France, two knights that were brothers, named d'Aunoy, were flaied alive for their whoredoms committed with a Queen of Navarre, and with the Countess of March, daughter to the county of Burgundy, which twain also were condemned to perpetual prison. Not long since, Peter jews Duke of Placentia, was murdered Peter jews. for his incests, and incredible whoredoms. Among other things, it is written of him, that he forced Cosmes cheers bishop of Valentia, whom he caused to be held by his men, and after poisoned him, lest he should have accused him to the Emperor. Also not long ago, the cities Almendine and Delmedin. of Almendine & Delmedine, were cut off from the kingdom of Fez, and brought under obedience to the Portugese's, because a young woman was taken away by force from her husband, by the governor of them, who was afterwards Abusahid. slain. Abusahid also king of Fez, was murdered with six of his children by his secretary, whose wife he had abused. This is set down by Leon in the description of Africa. In our time, and even amongst us, too many such examples of the pernicious fruits of whoredom have fallen out. Nevertheless, it beareth such sway in this desolate The whoredom of Frenchmen. France, that they are accounted the gallantest men, who are the greatest pillars of whoredom. Yea, the greater sort, that aught to be patterns of chastity to others, are bold in the practice thereof, thinking to cover their shame, to cloak and disguise their whoredom with the mask of virtue, accounting it a point of glory and honour to be the chiefest and most expert in that school. But let us know that this vizard is but to make them altogether without excuse before him, from whom nothing can be hidden, and who abhorreth all maliciousness and shameless impudency, wherewith whoremongers set forth their face. And seeing that he, whose mercy is endless, supplieth the want and infirmity of his creatures, this vice of whoredom is without all colour of excuse before him, because he hath given us a holy and honourable remedy against it, which is marriage, permitted to every one, but yet despised of all whoremongers, to their ruin and eternal confusion. And if they were not wholly blinded The scourges hat France 〈◊〉 through continuance in vice, the scourges of civil war, of heresy, of famine, and of rebellion, which France at this day suffereth, would be more than enough to unseel their eyes, that they might acknowledge the wrath of the almighty, ready to destroy them both body and soul. Therefore let us that are better instructed by our academy, learn of Socrates, that a wise man ought to pass by pleasures as by the Sirens, if he long to attain to virtue, his most happy country and dwelling place. And for a Good counsel against whoredom. good help hereunto, let us take the counsel of Epictetus, saying: When thy spirit is drawn with some desire of pleasure, beware thou tumble not into some downfall: and meditate a little, considering diligently, that after thou hast been overcome of pleasure, there remaineth nothing but repentance, and thy hatred against thyself. Where as if thou abstainest, a steadfast and assured joy possesseth thy heart, which wholly driveth away sorrow. Thus let us endeavour to deck ourselves with purity, chastity, and uprightness, hating in such sort voluptuousness and lechery (the dear and costly pleasure whereof passeth away as the wind, and leaveth behind it a shameful remembrance) that following the will of our lawmaker, we shun all dissoluteness tending that way, whether it be immodest garments, unchaste gestures and countenances, or vile and filthy words, which may induce others to evil. Let us remember in good time what Archelaus, a Greek Philosopher said to a young man clothed with superfluous apparel, that it was all one in what part soever of his body he declared his unchasteness, and that it was evermore to be condemned. But above all things let that divine sentence sound without ceasing in our ears, that no whoremonger hath any inheritance 1. Cor. 6. 9 Ephes. 5. 5. in the kingdom of Jesus Christ. And if, being naturally given to love pleasure, and to fear grief, we would delight our soul with a joy that is both profitable and pleasant: let us lift it up in the meditation of those unspeakable and endless riches, which are promised unto it in that happy immortality: and so we shall weaken and make fruitless that desire of worldly pleasure, which is borne together with us. Of glory, praise, honour, and of pride. Chap. 23. ARAM. MEn having their eyes covered with ignorance, use commonly to say, that he hath a great lofty and noble mind, who aspireth to honours, estates, riches, and other worldly vanities. The judgement of ignorant men touching nobleness of mind. Albeit truly, if we narrowly look unto the end wherefore they direct their intents and actions that way, we shall see nothing else in them but a desire of vainglory & praise, thereby to feed their pride and natural passions, which are so pernicious in the soul, that if they be not ruled by temperance and mediocrity, and grounded upon virtue, which is the fountain of honour, they will bring forth very dangerous effects, clean contrary to men's desires. ACHITOB. They (saith Seneca) that would make How we should make choice of a happy life. choice of a happy life, must not follow the fashion & manner of life used by the multitude and greatest part of men, but such a one as is altogether contrary thereunto. And this we shall do, if we despise the glory, honour, praise and pride of the world, and judge nothing worthy to be cared for of us, but only virtue, which is able to bring us to the fullness of true glory, and of everlasting felicity. ASER. The glory (saith Pindarus) that a man taketh to see himself in honour and credit, maketh pains to seem pleasant, and travel tolerable. It is the property of a stone (saith Cicero) not to have any feeling of the difference that is between praise and dispraise: but it belongeth to a wise man not to be so moved with all these things, as that they should cause him to draw back from duty. Let us than hear AMANA discourse more at large of the matter which is here propounded unto us. AMANA. The common down fall of the passions of the soul. Most certain it is, that commonly nothing affecteth a man more than the coveting of glory, of praise and of honour, whereof he is by nature desirous. But as all the passions and diseases of the soul are for the most part followed with those inconveniences, which men pretend most of all to eschew, so oftentimes they that glance at honour, as if that were virtue itself, leaving behind them the path of that virtue from whence honour ought to proceed, and which is able of itself to adorn & deck men, fall into the same reckoning that Ixion did, who (as the Poets say) had to do with a cloud, supposing it to have been the goddess luno, whereupon the centaurs were engendered. Even so worldly men embracing vainglory only, which is but a false shadow of true virtue, all their doings deserve so small commendation, that if they were well weighed, they should rather be found worthy of blame and dishonour, than of that honour, which they so greatly seek and ask after. For this cause the ancient Romans built two Temples joined together, the one being dedicated The Romans built two Temples, the one to virtue, & the other to honour. to virtue, and the other to honour: but yet in such sort, that no man could enter into that of honour, except first he passed through the other of virtue. But seeing the way of virtue is so little frequented at this day, no marvel (as Hesiodus saith) if so great a heap of wickedness be dispersed through the world, that all shame and honour have forsaken and abandoned the life of man. Now if an honest man prefer the loss of his honour before his own life, to the end he be none of those that content themselves with a deceitful Idea and platform, in stead of the thing itself, let him learn above all things to know wherein true glory and honour consist, and from whence he may deserve praise: which first is in goodness and justice: Secondly, in guiding all human actions prudently according to duty, comeliness, and honesty. These are the only means to get durable and eternal honour, glory, and praise, which always follow virtue as the shadow doth the body, having this property to make men wise, just, good and prudent, and to bring them to the best, excellentest, and most divine habit that can be in men, which is the uprightness of reason and judgement, and to the perfection (next after God) of the reasonable nature, which is such a disposition of the soul as consenteth and agreeth with itself. Therefore that goodness and excellency which proceedeth of wisdom and good instruction is the first step The first step to honour. to come to honour, because from that as from a lively fountain floweth every virtuous and praiseworthy action, practised by a prudent man. For (as Cicero saith) no man can be prudent, but he must needs be good. Now this is clean contrary to the common opinion of those that run so swiftly now adays after honour and reputation, who, being ignorant of every good cause and reason, and having corrupt and wicked conditions, imagine in their minds, that so long as they do some act well liked of great men, Wherein worldlings place honour. and for which they may be noted out by them to be men of valour, making good penywoorths of their skin, and of their conscience also, whether it be in fight, or in the execution of some other commandment of theirs, they shall have cause to think themselves worthy of great honour, and to be preferred before other men. For they suppose that honour ought to be measured by that good will and liking which men conceive of them, although they themselves be most wicked, and not by the trial of the work whether it be good or evil in itself. But I wonder at their folly. For seeing they have no goodness in them, how can they judge what ought to be done or left undone, according to equity and justice? And what honour will they deserve in all their actions, being guided only with a desire of worldly glory, which (as Quintilian saith) is the chief & principal evil? Do not they also propound to themselves as a recompense of their pain and travel, advancement to high estates and dignities, that they may the better enjoy worldly pleasures? Whereby they become slaves to mortal goods and riches all their life time, and deprive themselves of that precious liberty of the soul, for which a noble heart ought to fight & to suffer death. But a good man adorned with goodness and justice, propoundeth unto The White at which every good man ought to aim. himself a far other end. For admiring nothing but virtue, he seeketh not to be honoured but in obeying her, in following her steps, and in referring all his doings to the infallible rule thereof. He knoweth (as Seneca saith) that glory is to be followed, not to be desired: that it is gotten by such a noble courage as measureth all things by conscience, not doing any thing for ostentation and vanity. The price and reward which he expecteth in this life for every laudable action, is to have done it: and yet he depriveth not himself of glory, which remaineth immortal unto him among good men for his just & virtuous deeds, neither careth he at all what the wicked or ignorant sort think or speak of him. Having laid this ground and foundation of all his intents and purposes, he looketh not to the most beaten way, nor to the present state of things, that he might apply himself to the time, as though he feared that he should be left behind, but desireth rather to abide unknown in his simplicity, than with the hurt and detriment of his soul, to intrude himself among the greatest. And if he undertake, or execute any thing, he hath justice and prudence always for his guides: and then neither fear nor danger is able to drive him from his determinate purpose, which, how soever it falleth out, is always no less worthy of honour and praise, than their actions, who do nothing but for worldly glory, deserve blame and dispraise, which they fear most of all, and labour to avoid. True it is, that these men, who ambitiously seek after vain glory and greatness, may say unto me, that things go far otherwise than I speak of, and that their doings, who apply themselves to the pleasure and liking of the greater sort, without sparing their lives, are as much extolled, as the others that respect the uprightness of causes, are set light by and contemned. But I answer them again, that it is the duty of a prudent man, The judgement of the best, not of the most, is to be preferred always. rather to fear the judgement and opinion of a few wise men, than of an ignorant multitude. Neither ought he to leave his conceived purposes grounded upon reason for the praise of men. For they that do otherwise, declare evidently, that they live not but for the world, having no care of the principal and chief end of their being. Bion compared such men very fitly to vessels with two handles, which are easily carried by the ears whethersoever a man will. So these men being praised and much made of, undertake all things boldly: yea, the burning heat of glory oftentimes carrieth them so far, that they praise & commend their own doings to no purpose. Which is so unseemly a thing (as Aristotle saith) that it is more blameworthy than lying, which commonly goeth with it, and is also a great argument of an inconstant mind. But as Plutark saith, the more reason a man hath gotten by philosophy, the more he looseth of his pride and arrogancy, and they that have nothing before their eyes, whereunto they aspire, but virtue and duty only, use the occasion, time, and sequel of their affairs, without caring for any other praise than that which proceedeth from the nature, judgement and consent of all good men. It is true, that A good man may sometime praise himself. sometime it is tolerable in good men, yea necessary for the benefit of others, to commend themselves in some sort, by speaking of themselves to their advantage. As if labouring to be believed, we rendered a reason of our virtue and goodness by our former effects, that so having means to continue our virtuous actions to the benefit of many, we may, as it were against their wills, work their Themistocles did so. safety, and compel those men to receive a good turn, who shun all occasions thereof. This caused Themistocles to use those speeches in the council of the Athenians, whom he perceived to be weary of him. O poor men (quoth he to them) why do ye oftentimes receive benefits of the same parties? And another time he used these words. In rainy and stormy weather ye have recourse to me, as to the shelter of a tree, but when fair weather returneth, ye snatch every one a And Nestor. branch, as ye pass by. Homer bringeth in Nestor rehearsing his prows and valiant acts, to encourage Patroclus & the other nine knights to undertake the combat against Hector man to man. moreover, exhortation having the testimony of works ready at hand, and examples joined with the prick of emulation, are lively, and wonderfully whetteth men on: yea they bring together with courage and affection, hope of ability to attain to the end of that The effects of pride. thing, which is perceived not to be impossible. But in this case, as in every other action, let us above all eschew pride, hated of God and men, and the cause of the corruption and transgression of man's nature. Yea, it causeth that work to become wicked, which of itself is good: so that humble submission is better than the proud boasting of our good deeds, which causeth a proud man oftentimes to fall into more detestable vices than he was in before. Now in requiring first and chiefly those praises that proceed of bounty and justice, my meaning is not that we should contemn, but rather search diligently after those that procure unto us immortal glory by noble and courageous acts, provided always that they pass not the bounds of equity and justice. For otherwise they cannot The works of fortitude must be grounded upon equity and justice. but falsely be called works of fortitude and generosity, as hereafter in our discourses upon these virtues we may understand more at large. Therefore it is the jealousy of glory gotten by virtue, after the examples of our predecessors that lived well, which ought to prick forward every noble heart, to build for himself an eternal monument through heroical deeds, when duty and reason invite us thereunto. Thus did that good and valiant captain Mattathias behave himself, who, denying obedience to the tyrannical edicts of Antiochus, after he had subjecteth and subverted Jerusalem, and taking arms with his five sons, went into the fields out of a poor village where he dwelled, and called unto him such as would follow him to recover again their liberty. And after many victories obtained by him, when he perceived that he drew near to death, he exhorted his sons to follow his just and holy deliberation without fear of any danger. True it is (quoth Mattathias exhortation to his sons. he to them) that our bodies are mortal, and subject to the same decree that others are, but the memory of excellent deeds procureth to itself an immortality, whereunto I would have you aspire in such sort, that ye think not much to die in behaving yourselves valiantly. Thus it is lawful for us to be touched, and stirred up with the jealousy of a good glory, so that it be without envying the How jealousy of glory is tolerable. prosperity and preferment of others, but only so far forth as it may serve for a spur unto us to undertake and to effect all virtuous and commendable things. As for example: Themistocles hearing of the great victory that Themistocles. Miltiades had obtained in the plain of Marathon, said: that that news would let him take no rest: meaning thereby, that he should never be quiet, until by some other act of virtue he had deserved as much praise, as did T. Flaminius. this excellent captain Miltiades. Titus Flaminius a Roman Consul, who delivered Grecia from bondage, and twice in battle ranged, overthrew Philip king of Macedonia, showed himself likewise touched greatly with a desire of glory and honour, not to be blamed, but to be practised of all excellent and noble natures, by putting too his helping hand whensoever he could, with the first, yea, sometimes alone, to every matter and exploit of importance. He kept company oftener and more gladly with those that stood in need of his help, than with such as were able to aid him in well doing, accounting these men to be his competitors in the purchasing of honour and glory, & the others to be matter whereupon he might exercise his virtue. It was an argument of young years, which seemed to promise much, and to be borne to all great enterprises, when julius Caesar being yet very young, and beholding the image of Alexander the Caesar wept at the sight of Alexander's image. great at four and twenty years of age, fell to weeping, and said: Am not I miserable that have done nothing worthy of memory, and yet this prince at these years had executed so many notable things? Moreover, we may observe among the Ancients infinite worthy examples quite contrary one to another, in that many great & famous men have altogether despised the honour of vainglory, which is never without presumption and pride: & contrary wise, others being led with pride and arrogancy, have foully abused their authority and greatness, purchasing to themselves more blame and dishonour, than praise Cyrus. and honour. That great Cyrus' Monarch of the Persians, was of so meek and gentle a nature, and so little desirous of vainglory, that he would never provoke his equals in age to any exercise wherein he perceived himself the stronger, but those rather, who were better practised than himself, to the end he might not displease them by bearing away the price from them, as also that he might reap this benefit to learn that which he could not do so well as others. O right noble heart, giving evident proof of the contempt of base and vile things, to treasure up those that are great and excellent! But now adays where about do we strive most? namely, who can most cunningly strike with the sword, run at the ring, or ride and manage horses. And I would to God we did no worse. But as for excelling others in virtue, these times require no such matter. We read of an Indian, who being commanded by Alexander A notable history of an Indian. the Great to shoot before him, because he had heard that he was very excellent in that art, would do nothing. Whereupon the Monarch being incensed, condemned him to death, if he would not obey him. The Indian going to execution, told one of those that led him, that he had been in deed heretofore a very good Archer, but because he had of long time intermitted that exercise, he feared that he had forgotten it: and therefore had rather die than lose the reputation, which he had once obtained. To this fellow we may compare those of whom we have already spoken, who glory in nothing but in this, that they are taken of the greater sort for valiant men, &, as they use to say, for such as make profession, that they carry about them a sharp sword for their service. These men had rather die in a naughty quarrel, with the danger of losing their soul, than to fall from this their reputation, which they desire to carry with them. But let us follow Examples of the contempt and desire of 〈◊〉 glory. our examples of the contempt of vainglory, and of certain others led away with an overweening pride. Pompey the Great, showed a notable argument that he Pompeius. was not touched with vainglory or pride, when, after he had utterly vanquished Tigranes king of Pontus, and made him his prisoner, he chose rather to set him again in his kingdom, and to make him an ally and confederate of the Romans, than to reserve and lead him in manner of a triumph into Rome, according as they used then to deal with enemies, and with their spoils: saying like a virtuous Monarch, that he much more esteemed the glory Tamberlane severity towards Bajazet the great Turk. of a whole age, than of one day. The Great Tamberlane being puffed up exceedingly, because of a peasant's son he attained to so great a Monarchy, used far greater and more barbarous severity towards Bajazet Emperor of the Turks, whom, after he had overcome him, and made him his prisoner, he caused to be led about with him in a cage, wheresoever he went, feeding him only with the crumbs that fell under his table: and whensoever he took horse, he used his body for an advantage. After Saphors towards Valerianus. the same manner Valerianus the emperor was handled by Saphor king of Persia, by whom he was discomfited in a battle, which this Barbarian had won of him. He that Pope Alexander's towards Friderike. trod upon the emperor Friderike Barbarossa his neck, and pushed him twice with his foot when he had him at his devotion, showed himself more proud, cruel, and arrogant, in that he used for a pretence and cloak of his pride & wickedness, Psal. 91. 13. that text of Scripture, Thou shalt walk upon the Lion and asp, the young Lion and the Dragon shalt thou tread under foot, as if it had been spoken to him. That heathen man Agathocles. Agathocles king of Sicilia, left behind him a far more notable example of the contempt of glory, that we should not be lift up too much, nor forget ourselves by reason of the greatness of our estate. For being come to that estate by his virtue, because he was borne of a poor Potter, he caused himself to be served ordinarily at his table with earthen vessels, intermingled with his cups of gold, saying thus to those that came to see him, thereby to inflame them with a desire of well-doing: Behold what it is to persever in travel & in taking of pains to become virtuous and courageous. Heretofore we made these pots of earth, and now we make these of gold. Further we must know, that when fortune (if it be lawful for us under this word to understand the ordinance of God) lifteth up men of low degree unto great and honourable The honour of great men dependeth of their virtue, not of their dignity. places through their valour and desert, and exalteth also many men that are unworthy, letting us see how proudly and wickedly these men behave themselves in abusing their authority, and contrariwise how the other sort use it well, she doth thereby so much the more honour, and recommend virtue unto us, as the only thing whereof all the greatness, glory and honour of men dependeth, and not of the dignity wherein they are placed. Now how greatly haughtiness of mind is hated both of God and men, among infinite testimonies which we have, that of Herodes. Herode Agrippa king of the Jews, ought well to be marked. For being gone up into the pulpit appointed for Orations, and rejoicing because the people cried out to his praise, That it was the voice of God, and not of man, he was suddenly strooken from heaven: so that when he perceived himself to consume away with Vermine, he cried out to the people, saying: Behold how he dieth now with intolerable griefs, whom not long since ye called God. Dioclesianus the emperor Dioclesianus. was so puffed up with pride, that he called himself brother to the sun and moon, and made an Edict whereby he would have all men to kiss his feet, whereas his predecessors gave their hands to the nobility, and their knees to the simpler sort: but God suffered him to die a mad man. moreover we see daily, that proud men become odious to every one, and are in the end contemned, yea, that oftentimes it costeth them their life. The punishment that Philip king of Macedonia laid upon Menecratus the Menecratus finely punished for his pride by Philip. physician was more gentle, yet pleasant, and worth the noting. This fellow because he was excellent in his art, caused himself to be called Jupiter the saviour. The good prince minding to correct him for his arrogancy, invited him to a feast, and made a table to be provided for him by himself, whereof at first he seemed to be very glad. But when he saw that in stead of meat they gave him nothing but incense, he was greatly ashamed, and departed from the feast in great anger. Now for the conclusion of our discourse, we say with Solon, that to name a presumptuous Every vainglorious man is a fool. and glorious man in right terms, is to call him a fool, as contrariwise, courtesy and meekness is the foundation of wisdom and of a quiet life. Whereunto that we may attain, let us learn, that whosoever beholdeth with the eyes of his mind the estate of man's nature, and considereth the baseness of his condition, together with the shortness of this present life, subject to an infallible decree, and marketh also the foul pollutions that are joined with the flesh, he shall never fall in that headlong downfall of arrogancy and pride. And thus detesting all presumption and love of vanity, let us seek for honour by the means of virtue only, which as Euripides saith, is always either followed or prevented with glory and praise. And let us not greatly care for the praises of men, but only do those things that are worthy of commendation. Let us rather rejoice and glory that we excel and go beyond others in all good duties towards them, than in any other advantage, either of worldly glory, or of our private profit. Lastly let us rather love to abide always as it were unknown to the world, than by serving vanities to turn aside from one only jot of the duty of goodness and justice, which by the grace of God may procure us a perpetual praise among good men, & make us acceptable before him, who evermore lifteth up the humble, and beateth down the proud. Of Shame, shamefastness, and of dishonour. Chap. 24. AMANA. HItherto we have briefly entreated of those principal points, which respect the virtue of temperancy, and the vice of Intemperance, contrary unto it. Nevertheless for the finishing of our days work, I think we are to consider what shame and shamefastness are, which, as the Philosophers say, are joined with this virtue of Temperance. For the more we love glory and honour, the more we fear, and labour to eschew shame & dishonour. Now seeing we have been taught where to seek for true glory and honour, we shall receive no Shame is the keeper of all virtues. less profit, if we learn wherein we ought to fear shame and dishonour. ARAM. There is (saith Cicero) a certain shame & bashfulness in Temperance, which is the guardian of all the virtues, & deserveth great commendation, being also a most goodly ornament to the whole life, as that which fashioneth it according to the pattern of decency & honesty. ACHITOB. Two things (saith Plato) are very well able to direct his life that is to live virtuously, namely, shame of dishonest things, & desire of those things that are good & virtuous. Let us therefore hear ASER discourse more amply of that which is here propounded unto us. ASER. As we see that a good ground, although it be fat and fertile, bringeth forth notwithstanding naughty and wild plants: so a good nature, although it be endued with many great perfections, is yet never without some shame. And this of itself seemeth to be a hurtful passion in the soul, albeit it may easily by the means of virtue be dressed and made profitable, if we cure it of all fear of How shame may be made profitable in a man. reproach, by doing that which is good, decent and honest; and contrariwise suffer it to augment, and to strengthen itself more and more, when occasion, either of doing ill, or of speaking, approving, and counseling any thing that is against the duty of a good man, shall be offered. Honest shame and shamefastness (saith Quintilian) is the mother of all good counsel, the right guardian of duty, the mistress of innocency, well liked of her nearest friends, in all places, & at all times courteously entertained of strangers, as that which hath a favourable countenance. Honest shame, being (as Cicero saith) the moderator of concupiscences, procureth unto us a steadfast and commendable authority amongst all men. Hesiodus calleth it the hostess of justice. Of this Socrates spoke, when he said, that virtuous shame beseemed youth. I look for small goodness of a young man (saith Seneca) except of such a one as blusheth after he hath offended. For he that blusheth (saith Menander) is not void of all good nature. Therefore shamefastness is to be nourished and much made of. For so long as it remaineth in any man's spirit, there is good hope to be conceived of him. Many have shrunk through fear of shame, with whom no reason or torment could in any sort prevail. A wicked man (saith Euripides) hath no shame in him. Shamefastness (saith one of the Ancients) is sister to continency, and companion of chastity, yea by means of her society and fellowship, chastity is in greater safety. A fault is lessened through shame, as it is made greater by contention: and shame mollifieth the heart of a judge, but impudency provoketh him to anger. He that is touched to the quick through a sharp reprehension for the reformation of his manners, and yet is nothing restrained thereby, nor full of sweat and blushing for shame, which causeth heat to ascend into the face of every one well borne, but remaineth inflexible and unmovable, smiling and jesting thereat, such a one I say, giveth a great argument of a very blockish and senseless nature, which is ashamed of nothing, by reason of his long custom and Sin is natural in man. confirmation in doing of evil. To sin (saith Diodorus the Athenian) is a thing naturally engrafted in men: neither was there ever any law so rigorous, that could stay the course thereof, although new pains and punishments were daily added to offences, to see if men might be drawn from vice through fear of them. But some gather boldness through poverty; others because of their riches become insolent, ambitious, and covetous; and others have other passions and occasions which move and induce them to do ill. Now to turn these aside, & to make them fruitless, there is no better way than deeply to imprint How we must avoid and repress sin. in our souls the fear of perpetual shame and infamy, which are the inseparable companions of all wickedness and corrupt dealings. And as often as we commit any fault through frailty, we must together with repentance imprint in our memory a long remembrance thereof: yea we must lay it often before our eyes, as also the shame and dishonour that might have ensued thereof unto us, to this end, that afterward we may be the better kept back, and more advised in the like matters. Herein let us follow the example of wayfaring men, that have stumbled against a stone, and of Pilots that have bruised their ships against a rock, who, being mindful of their mishap, are all their life time greatly afraid, not only of those stones and rocks, which were the causes of their evils, but also of all such as resemble them. There was a prohibition (as A notable custom among the Romans. Aulus Gellius writeth) that no young Roman should dare to enter into a strumpet's house, but with his face covered: and if it so fell out, that any man was so shameless as to come out of that place uncovered, he was as severely punished, as if he had committed some forced adultery. And truly when one is ashamed that he hath offended, we are to hope well of his amendment. Now, as shame of evil, serving for a bridle to vice, is commendable, so that shame wherein want of prudence and of wisdom beareth sway, is evil and very hurtful, not only to those that What kind of shame is very hurtful. are touched therewith, but oftentimes procureth great evils to commonalties and commonwealths. Whereof those men have too great experience that live under such governors, magistrates, and judges, as of a foolish baseness and cowardliness of mind, either for fear to displease the greatest, or to be blamed and reproved of an ignorant multitude, bow and bend to another man's beck against right and equity, as though they were ashamed to do well. Whereupon thinking to eschew a light and small reproach, they fall into a perpetual note of infamy and dishonour, not being able to declare more plainly the smallness of their courage (which fitly resembleth a weak temperature of the body, unable to resist heat and cold) than in consenting to evil, because they dare not gainsay lest they should be misliked. But Seneca saith, that he is no meet scholar of philosophy, who cannot contemn a foolish shame. And this causeth far greater mischiefs, when the sovereign Princes of any estate are entangled therewith. Which may be verified of them, if through over great bounty and simplicity void of prudence, they wholly give over themselves to their pleasure that have them as it were in possession, & dare not gainsay or deny them in any matter. For here of it cometh, that flatterers, brokers, and such as are most wicked, carry away offices, charges, benefices, gifts, and wastefully consume the public treasure: so that a man may behold an impunity and liberty of vices, and of execrable offences, because a simple and bashful king dare not deny a request. And thus under such a Prince public welfare is turned into private wealth, and all the charges fall upon the poor people. But not to stray far from our purpose, having so nearly touched a matter worthy of a large discourse, I think we shall reap no small profit, if we call to mind here certain notable instructions, which Plutark giveth us, to teach us to repel How we must learn to resist all naughty shame. far from us all foolish and dangerous shame: namely, that so soon as years of discretion work in us any knowledge of goodness, we should exercise ourselves in those things, which of themselves are easy enough to practise, being without fear that any thing can (as the proverb saith) hang or take hold of our gown. If at a feast (saith that great Philosopher) thou art invited to drink more than reason, or thy thirst requireth, be not ashamed to refuse to do it. If any babbler or ignorant fellow seek to stay and keep thee by discoursing of vain and tedious matters, be not afraid to rid thyself of him, and to tell him freely that another time thou Mayst come and visit him, not having at that time any leisure to keep him company any longer. If thy friend, or any other man, communicate with thee any act or purpose of his, wherein thou knowest somewhat, though never so little, that is to be reprehended, tell him thereof hardly. If any man be importunate with thee by requests & entreaties, never promise more than thou art able to perform, and blush not because thou canst not do all things, but rather blush to take upon thee things that are above thy ability. If any man ask thee a question of any matter whatsoever, confess freely that which thou knowest not, to the end thou Mayst receive instruction. Now, if we exercise ourselves in this sort, honestly to refuse, to departed, to break off, to speak freely, and to submit ourselves after a comely manner, so that no man can lightly complain of us, or blame us, but upon very slender occasion, we shall be in a ready way to accustom ourselves not to be ashamed in matters of greater weight, and such as are necessary for the preservation of duty. For otherwise, if we are afraid to put back a glass of wine, which some one of our acquaintance in drinking doth offer unto us, how will we resist the request of a Prince, which is as much as a commandment, or the importunate suit of a whole people, in an unjust and unreasonable matter? If we are ashamed to be rid of a babbler; if, as flatterers use to do, we commend one contrary to our opinion, whom we hear praised of many; or if we fear to tell our friend of some small fault of his, how will we set ourselves courageously against those slanderers of the truth, and maintainers of lies, that are placed in authority? Or how shall we dare to reprove notorious faults boldly, being committed in the administration of a magistrate, and in civil and political government? This is that which Zeno Zeno. very well taught us, when meeting with a familiar friend of his that walked heavily by himself, he asked him the cause thereof: I shun (said the other) a friend of mine, who requesteth me to bear falls witness for him. What (quoth Zeno) act thou so foolish, that seeing him void of shame and fear to request unjust and wicked things of thee, thou hast not the heart to deny him & to put him back upon just & reasonable considerations? Agesilaus may be unto us a good schoolmaster in this Agesilaus. matter. For being requested by his father to give sentence against right, he was not ashamed to deny him graciously with this answer. You have taught me (O Father) from my youth to obey the laws, and therefore I will now also obey you therein by judging nothing against the laws. Pericles being likewise requested Pericles. by a friend of his to swear falsely for him, said, I am a friend to my friends unto the altars: as if he would have said, so far as I offend not God. The same reason was the cause that Xenophanes being called a Coward at a feast Xenophanes. because he would not play at dice, answered without fear of being accounted void of civility and good fellowship, I am in deed a coward and fearful in dishonest things. Now besides all those pernicious effects of foolish and naughty shame that are already touched by us, oftentimes it maketh the senses of a man so brutish through a long custom, that he neglecteth the care of that which concerneth Other pernicious effects of foolish shame. his safety and private benefit, yea sometimes of his own life. I will not here stand to speak of those that say they are ashamed to ask their due, or by way of justice to pursue such as devour the substance of their poor families, whereby they make it known, that they have neither virtue, heart nor courage. To this agreeth fitly that which we read of one named Perseus, who being to lend money Perseus. to a very friend of his, went with him to the common place of bargaining, calling to mind that precept of Hesiodus, who saith: Even when thou dost disport with thine own brother, Let present be some witness one or other. His friend thinking this somewhat strange, said: what, so orderly by law? Yea quoth Perseus, that I may have it again of thee friendly, and not be compelled to demand it again by order of law. But what shall we say of so many great personages as are mentioned in histories, who under pretence of a foolish shame badly grounded upon this conceit, that they would not distrust them whom they took for their friends, offered themselves even to Dion. the slaughter? Dion endued with great perfections, and one that delivered from tyranny and freed from thraldom the city of Syracuse, although he was advertised that Calippus whom he took for his Host and friend, watched opportunity to slay him, yet he went to that place whether he had invited him, saying: that he had rather lose his life, than be compelled to distrust his friends, and to keep himself as much from them as from his enemies. And in deed it fell Antipater. out so, that he was slain there. The like befell Antipater, being bidden to supper by Demetrius. It seemeth also that I. Caesar. julius Caesar aswell as they, was in some sort the cause of his ownemishap, because having had many advertisements, suspicions, and forewarnings of the miserable death that was intended against him, yet he neglected them all, as appeareth by that speech, which he used the evening before he was murdered, being at supper with Marcus Lepidus. For a controversy arising amongst the guests about this What death Caesar thought best. proposition, What kind of death was best, even that said this Monarch, which is least looked for. True it is which may be said, that destiny may possibly be better foreseen than avoided. But this were an evil conclusion thereupon, that we must let go all care of keeping those Goods, which God giveth us as a blessing proceeding from his grace. For it is the duty of a good and sound judgement to confer that which is past, with the present time, to the end to foresee in some sort, and to determine of that which is to come, which is always doubtful and uncertain unto us. moreover, to resume our former matter of honest shame and shamefastness, which is the guide of our life to decency and virtue, we may see amongst the an ients infinite examples, how it hath been recommended and precisely observed, and what strength it hath had in right noble minds. The Persians brought up their youth in How the Persian youth was instructed. such sort, that they neither did nor spoke any thing that was dishonest, putting him to death that stripped himself stark naked in the presence of another. Yea they judged, every uncivil action how little soever, committed before others, to be great wickedness. The Parthians would never suffer their wives to come among their feasts, lest wine should cause them to do or to speak any dishonest thing in their presence. Hippocratides as he was walking, Hippocratides saying to a young man that blushed. met with a young man in a wicked man's company, & perceiving that he began to blush, said thus unto him. My son thou must go with such as will not cause thee to blush: but be of good cheer, for thou Mayest yet repent thee. Blind Eutichus was set without the array of the battle Eutichus. by Leonidas, but being ashamed to leave his fellows in danger, he caused a slave to lead him to the place where they fought, and there wonderfully doing his endeavour, he was slain. The Romans were so shamefast amongst themselves, The shamefastness of the Romans. that the father would not bathe himself with his son, nor the son in law with the father in law. They so greatly esteemed honest shame and bashfulness, that when Philip king of Macedonia was accused before the Senate of many crimes, the shamefastness of young Demetrius his son, who blushed and held his peace, stood him in greater stead than the shameless boldness of the eloquentest Orator in the world could have done. The son of Marcus Cato his son. Cato the Censor, being at that battle wherein Perses was discomfited, and fight with a javelin, his sword fell out of his scabbard, whereof he was so ashamed, that alighting on foot in the midst of his enemies, & doubling his courage and strength, he took it up and mounted again, fight on horseback as before. The son of Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, having abandoned and given Scaurus his son. over the keeping and defence of the country of Trenta committed to his charge, was so ashamed thereof, that not daring to return again to his father, he slew himself. Parmenides. Parmenides taught his Disciples, that nothing was terrible to a noble mind but dishonour, and that none but children and women, or at least, men having women's hearts, are afraid of grief. When speech was ministered at the banquet of the seven Sages, concerning that popular government which was happiest, wherein all have equal Cleobulus. authority, Cleobulus affirmed, that that city seemed unto him best guided by policy, wherein the Citizens stood in A notable history of the shamefastness of the Milesian maidens. greater awe of dishonour than of the law. Plutark rehearseth a very noteable history of the force of honest shamefastness in the Milesian maidens, who were fallen into such frenzy and perturbation of spirit, that without any apparent cause to be seen, they were suddenly overtaken with a longing to die, and with a furious desire to hang themselves. Which thing many of them had already put in practice, so that neither reasons, nor tears of fathers and mothers, no comfort of friends, no threatenings, policies, or devices whatsoever, could prevail with them, until such time that a wise Citizen by his advice procured an edict to be made by the council, that if any hereafter hung herself, she should be carried stark naked in the sight of all men, through the market place. This edict being made and ratified by the council, did not only repress a little, but wholly stayed the fury of these maidens that longed to die. Insomuch, that a simple imagination and conceit of shame and dishonour, which yet could not light upon them before they were dead, did prevail more with them than all other devised means could do, yea, than death itself, or grief, which are two of the horriblest accidents which men commonly stand in fear of. Honest shame is always commendable. To conclude therefore our present discourse, that honest shame and shamefastness, are always commendable and beseeming all persons that purpose to observe modesty in their words, gestures, countenances, and actions. We learn also that spirits well brought up, are more easily won by shame, than by fear, according to that saying of Quintilian, that shamefastness is the property of a free man, and fear of a bondman. Further, we learn that every temperate man ought to be more ashamed of himself, when occasion of doing ill is offered, than of any other: that he must shun all evil, excessive and pernicious shame, proceeding from the want of discretion, because it hindereth men from effecting all good, wholesome and honest things, insomuch that of itself it is able to procure unto us loss, dishonour, and infamy. The end of the sixth days work. THE SEVENTH days work. Of Fortitude. Chap. 25. ASER. MAN endued with reason, & seeking to imitate as much as lieth in him the author of his being: who, albeit simply & absolutely he standeth not in need of any thing whatsoever, yet doth wonderful works without ceasing, for the benefit of his creatures, feeleth himself touched to the quick in his soul, with a desire to profit all those among whom he liveth, by all high, great, laudable, and laborious means, not fearing any peril, nor forcing any pain. Moreover, meditating & weighing the dignity of the immortality of his soul, he careth not for earthly and mortal goods, nor standeth in fear of the contrary: and whether it be for the having or not having of them, his mind is nothing at all the less quiet, neither doth he think that any good upon earth can be taken from him. All which great and rare excellencies flow into him from the third river of Fortitude is the third river of honesty. the fountain of Honesty, whereof we are now to speak: namely, of the virtue of Fortitude, which (as Cicero saith) cannot be forced by any force. AMANA. This virtue (saith Seneca) is very great, being able to resist and to fight against extreme miseries. Which is the property of Fortitude, that guideth a noble nature through hard and difficult things, that he may attain to the end of his just devices. ARAM. Fortitude is the cause that neither for fear nor danger we turn aside from the way of virtue and justice. And as Plato saith, it lifteth up our minds to attend to that which is most excellent, laudable, best, and most profitable. Therefore let us hear ACHITOB discourse of the wonderful effects of this great and worthy virtue. ACHITOB. Whatsoever is done manfully, and with Wherein the perfection of every work consisteth. a great courage, appeareth very decent, and beseeming a man. But the perfection of every work consisteth in this, that it be done by a stayed and constant reason, which reacheth us, that there is nothing after God, but honesty, which we are to admire, to make account of, & to desire: and that we ought not in any sort to shrink and yield unto perturbations, or to any other human accident whatsoever. Which opinions being well imprinted in our minds, prick us forward to enterprise those things that are most excellent, difficult, and fullest of labours & perils. For being free from all earthly care, and void of fear or sorrow, we contemn even death itself, and are in such sort prepared against all griefs, that our contentation lieth herein, that the greatest and most exceeding pains will not continue long, that the least will vanish away of themselves, and that we shall be masters of the middle sort. This is that which the Philosophers by infinite learned Fortitude is a Good of the soul, not of the body. writings required to be in the virtue of Fortitude, with which the force and strength of the body hath nothing common, as that which is a Good that belongeth to the body. But this is an immortal Good of the soul, consisting in the power and direction of the spirit, being fortified and confirmed through the study of philosophy, and causing man of his own accord to make choice of, and to perfect all honest things for their own sakes. Fortitude then (as Cicero saith) is that part of honesty, which is known by the excellency, greatness, and dignity of the heart, which after advised counsel and good consideration, causeth man to undertake without fear, all perilous matters, and constantly to endure all kind of travel. For constancy and dignity are never far from Fortitude in greatest distresses: because it adorneth him that possesseth her with the contempt of grief and of death, causing him to esteem nothing untolerable that can happen to man, neither any thing evil that is necessary. And so it is the preservation of a firm & settled judgement in things that seem terrible & full of danger, seeing it is the knowledge of that which a man ought to endure. Plato also calleth it the knowledge of all good and evil: as though he would say, that nothing can come to a valiant and noble minded man, against his expectation, although it may be contrary to his will, because he is settled and prepared to undergo all events, as if he had certainly foreseen them. Aristole saith that Fortitude is a mediocrity between fearing and enterprising. Moreover, it maketh a man fit for all occasions of dangers and travels, and holdeth him between these two extremities of cowardliness and rashness, which vices are very hurtful to a happy and commendable life. The same Philosopher saith, that whosoever The Properties that are required in a valtant man. will be strong and valiant, must be free from all fear of death, constant in adversities, void of fear in perils, choosing rather to die honestly, than to save himself vilan ously. He must endeavour to build noble enterprises, having for his companions hardiness, greatness of heart, good confidence and hope, besides industry and patience. Then he cometh to set down many kinds of Fortitude. Cicero agreeing well with him, saith: that Magnificence, confidence, Patience, and perseverance, are the parts of Fortitude. Magnificence showeth it doing great & excellent things: Confidence in this, that a valiant man conceiveth good hope of the event of them: Patience in a voluntary and continual suffering for the love of honesty and virtue: and perseverance in a perpetual constancy, and in a firm and steadfast abiding in his purposes and resolutions undertaken with good consideration following reason. Fortitude fighteth for justice only. moreover, Fortitude (as the Stoics said very well) is a virtue that fighteth for equity and justice. And therefore neither they that suffer for unjust matters, nor they that fight for their private commodities, not being led only with zeal of public benefit, can boast (except falsely) that they are decked with this precious virtue. For these latter sort of men are rather to be called cruel, barbarous, mercenaries, and hired hangmen, destroying all humanity: and the others impudents, shameless, and desperate, yea so much more worthy of blame, as guilty of wilful madness, in that they show themselves constant in doing evil. But those men are valiant & of great courage, who think that no action whatsoever, no time or season ought to be void of justice, who deliver the oppressed, and those that are wronged, who build all their devices upon virtuous works. They (saith Aristotle) are void of generosity, who fight either for fear of reprehension, or by constraint, or being stirred up with other men's speech, or of choler, or through ignorance of dangers. And this was Plato's meaning, All hardy men are not valiant. when he said that all strong and valiant men were hardy, but not all hardy men, valiant: because hardiness cometh to men either by art, anger, or policy: but Fortitude is engendered in the soul by nature and holy education. And therefore this virtue standeth not in need either of choler, rancour, ambition, pride, or of any other evil passion, whereby to bring to pass brave and glorious effects, but is rather an utter enemy unto them, because it proceedeth from a mature and ripe consideration and election of reason, which causeth a man boldly to put in execution whatsoever he knoweth to belong to duty and honesty, according to that place whereunto he is called. And this also is the cause that he never taketh any thing in hand rashly, what pretence soever it hath, neither is he kept back by any fear in those matters which offer him good occasion of putting to his hand, what hazard or imminent danger soever seemeth to threaten him. But (according to that sentence of Socrates, that the hardest things ought to be taken in hand and executed with greater constancy and valour of heart) after he hath well and prudently grounded his enterprise upon a certain knowledge, and firm discourse of reason, neither reproaches, nor praises, neither promises nor threatenings, or torments, neither pleasures nor griefs, are able to cause him to break off, or The resolution of valiant man is always commendable and unchangeable. in any sort to alter and change his resolution, which remaineth always praiseworthy, and is never subject to repentance, the matter falleth out: because we are not to judge of enterprises by the events, which are altogether out of our power, but by the groundwork and foundation whereupon they were built. And further, when the greatest dangers are, then is the time wherein a valiant man being nothing at all abashed, most of all showeth his strength & prows, never taking himself to be overcome as long as his virtue is free and at liberty to give him new supply of means to set forward again his matters, otherwise in a desperate case. Briefly, to speak in a word, Fortitude is the cause, that neither for fear nor danger we turn aside from the path way of virtue and justice, neither yet repent us of well doing for any torment. And thus it belongeth properly to this virtue, to command chief over these two perturbations grounded upon the opinion of evil, namely, fear and grief: as before we saw that Temperance exerciseth her power over unbridled desire, & excessive joy. Furthermore, because they that naturally have greater stomachs, and more excellent spirits, are desirous and greedy of honours, power, and glory, and seeing that an excessive desire to rule and to excel others, commonly groweth with the greatness of the heart, it is necessary that this unruly affection should be moderated by the contempt of such things as are common to all men by nature. And this also is a property belonging to this virtue of Fortitude, which desiring the greatest and best things, despiseth those that are base and abject, aspiring Fortitude contemneth mortal things. to celestial and eternal things, shunneth human & mortal things, and judgeth honours, riches, and worldly goods, an unworthy recompense for his valiant acts. Which is the who cause, that whosoever hath this virtue of Fortitude perfectly (if so great happiness could be among mortal wights) he remaineth free from all perturbations of the soul to enjoy a blessed tranquillity, which together with constancy, procureth unto him dignity and reputation. For this cause Cicero teacheth us, that they which give themselves to the government of affairs, Magistrates ought to make less account of worldly goods than Philosophers. ought (at least as much as Philosophers) to make light account of temporal goods, from whence proceedeth all the rest of our minds: yea, they ought to strive to that end with greater care and labour than Philosophers do, because it is easier for a Philosopher so to do, his life being less subject to Fortune, & standing in less need of worldly Goods, than doth that of politics. And if any mishap befall them, it toucheth the Philosopher a great deal less. But whether it be in war, or in ruling a commonwealth, or in the government of a house, there are always means enough to exercise the works of Fortitude: & many times this virtue is most necessary in things that seem to be of smallest account. Besides, that honesty which we seek after, Of bodily force. is perfected by the forces of the soul, of which every one hath great need, not by those of the body. I will not say, that the firm knitting together of the members, and the good disposition of nature to sustain manfully the injuries of wether, & all kind of pain & travel without sickness, is not a good help towards the execution of noble enterprises: only I say, that it is not so necessary, but that many being troubled with a thousand ill dispositions in their persons, especially such as were placed in offices of captains and Conductors of armies, have executed infinite great and glorious exploits, surmounting all weakness of their bodies, through the magnanimity of their heart. Yea, oftentimes they have as it were constrained their bodies to change their nature, that they might be made fit to execure whatsoever their wise spirit judged to belong to duty. Was there ever any captain among the Romans greater than julius Caesar? Yet was he of a julius Caesar was sickly. weak and tender complexion, subject to great headaches, and visited sometimes with the falling sickness. But in steed of using the weakness of his body for a cloak to live nicely and delicately, he took the labours for war for a fit medicine to cure the untowardness of his body, fight against his disease with continual labour and exercise, living soberly, and lying for the most part in the open air, which made him to be so much the more admired and loved of his soldiers. As it may appear by that which is reported of him, that being one day by reason of great storm and tempest greatly urged with want of lodging in a plain, where there was but one little cottage belonging to a Peasant, which had but one chamber, he commanded that Opius, one of his captains, who was ill at ease, should be lodged there: as for himself he lay abroad with the rest, saying that the most honourable places were to be appointed for the greatest, and the most necessary for such as were most diseased. What shall we say of those, who being impotent in some part of their members, did notwithstanding not diminish in any sort, but augment the glory of their doings? Marcus Sergius, a Roman captain, Marcus Sergius lacked his right hand. having lost his right hand in a battle, practised so well with the left hand, that afterward in an army he challenged four of his enemies, one after another, and overcame them: such force hath a good heart, that it can do more in one only little member, than a man well made and fashioned in all points, that hath but a cowardly heart. We might here allege infinite examples, whereof histories are full, of all those effects, which we said were brought forth by the virtue of Fortitude in noble minds: but we will content ourselves to touch certain generals that were of notable and politic prows and valour, and constant in their resolutions, aswell for shortness sake, as also because hereafter we shall have further occasion to bring others in sight, when we handle more at large the parts and branches that proceed from this happy stalk Fabius the Greatest. of Fortitude. Fabius the Greatest cometh first to my remembrance, to prove that the resolution of a courageous heart grounded upon knowledge and the discourse of reason, is firm and immutable. This captain of the Roman army being sent into the field to resist the fury and violence of Hannibal, who being captain of the Carthaginians, was entered into Italy with great force, determined for the public welfare and necessity to delay and prolong the war, and not to hazard a battle but with great advantage. Whereupon certain told him, that his own men called him Hannibal's schoolmaster, and that he was jested at with many other opprobrious speeches, as one that had small valour and courage in him, and therefore they counseled him to fight, to the end he might not incur any more such reprehensions and obloquys. I should be (quoth he again to them) a greater Coward than now I am thought to be, if I should forsake my deliberation necessary for the common welfare and safety, for fear of their girding speeches and bolts of mockery, and obey those (to the ruin of my country) whom I ought to command. And in deed afterward he gave great tokens of his unspeakable valour, being sent with three hundred men only to encounter with the said Hannibal, and seeing that he must of necessity fight for the safety of the commonwealth, after all his men were slain, and himself hurt to death, he rushed against Hannibal with so great violence and force of courage, that he took from him the diadem or frontlet, which he had about his Pompey the Great. head, and died with that about him. Pompey, who by the renown of his high enterprises got to himself the surname of Great, being ready to sail by sea, and to pass into Italy, whether he was to carry a certain quantity of wheat to meet with a famine, according to the commission given him of the Senate, there arose a very great tempest, insomuch that the mariners made great doubt to weigh up their anchors. But his resolution being well made before, and grounded upon the duty of a noble heart, he took shipping first of all, and caused the sails to be spread in the wind, saying with a loud and clear voice, It is necessary that I go, but not necessary that I live. Caius C. Marius. Marius, who was six times Consul, being in war against the Allies of the Romans that were revolted, enclosed himself one day with trenches, and suffered a thousand injuries and vaunting speeches, both of his enemies and of his own men, but yet cared nothing at all for them, nor went from his deliberation, which was that he would not fight at that time. And when Publius silo, one of the chief captains of the enemy cried unto him, saying: If thou art such a great captain, Marius, as men report of thee, come out of thy camp to battle: Nay, do thou, (quoth he again unto him) if thou art a great captain, compel me to come out to battle in despite of my teeth. Afterward this Marius showed himself to be one of the most valiant and courageous men of his time, aswell in the discomfiture of the said enemies, as in two other battles which he won against the barbarous Cimbrians and Flemings, who were entered into Italy to inhabit there: in one of which battles about a hundred thousand fight Agis. men were slain in the field. Agis king of Lacedemonia, being resolved to fight his councillors told him, that there was no reason so to do, because his enemies were ten against one. It must needs be (quoth this courageous Prince) that he which will command many, must fight also against many. We are enough to put naughty men to flight. The Lacedæmonians use not to ask what number there is of the enemies, but only where they are. The answer which Dienecus Dienecus. made to one that told the council of Grecia, that the multitude of the Barbarians was so great, that their arrows covered the sun, cometh near to the courageous saying of king Agis. For concluding with their opinion who persuaded to fight, Dienecus made this answer: Thou tellest us very goodnewes. For if the multitude of the Medes is such, that they are able to hide the sun, they will offer us the means how to fight in the shadow, and not in the heat of the sun. We may not here pass over with silence the testimony of invincible Fortitude, which always findeth means to effect her glorious purposes, Themistocles. given by Themistocles, when he saw the sundry opinions of the chieftains of the Grecian army under the leading of Euribiades the Lacedaemonian, touching the place where they should fight with Xerxes' fleet. The greatest part determined to forsake Salamis, where they were at that time, and to retire to Peloponnesus, fearing the great force of their enemies, who were about twelve hundred vessels, whereas they themselves had but three hundred. But Themistocles sent Sicinnus his children's schoolmaster secretly in a Sciffe towards the Persians, advertising them of the resolution which the Grecians had taken to fly, feigning (as he made Xerxes believe) that he favoured their side. Upon this watchword Xerxes sent part of his army to the other side of Salamis. Whereupon the Grecians considering that they were environed, resolved and settled themselves as men constrained to fight, and in deed the victory remained on their side, to the confusion & overthrow of their enemies, who departed out of Grecia, which otherwise would have been greatly shaken, had not Themistocles used this notable stratagem, thereby to Damindas'. stay the shameful flight of his countrymen. It was this virtue of Fortitude, which caused Damindas' the Lacedaemonian to make this answer to one who told him, that the Lacedæmonians were in danger to suffer much mischief, if they agreed not with Philip, who was armed against the Grecians. O my friend (quoth he) that art half a woman, what evil can he cause us to suffer, seeing we make Dercyllides. no account of death itself? Dercyllides being sent from Sparta towards king Pyrrhus, to know wherefore he marched with his army upon their borders, and understanding of him, that he commanded them to receive again their king Cleonymus, whom they had banished, or else he would let them know, that they were not more valiant than others already subdued by him, made this answer: If thou art a God we fear thee not, because we have not offended thee: but if thou art a man, thou art no better than we. The answer which certain Polonian ambassadors made to Alexander the Great, who threatened their A notable answer of certain Polonians. country, showeth also the excellency of their courage. We are afraid (quoth they to him) but of one only thing, namely: lest the sky should fall upon us. Thunder (as Plato saith) terrifieth children, and threatenings fools. Anaxarchus Anaxarchus. being likewise threatened by the same monarch that he should be hauged: Threaten this (quoth he) to thy Courtiers, who fear death: for my part, I care not whether I rot in the ground, or above ground. Socrates also answered thus to Socrates. one that asked him whether he were not ashamed to commit any thing that would procure his death: My friend, thou dost not well to think that a virtuous man ought to make any account either of danger, or of death, or to consider any other thing in all his actions, than this; whether they are just or unjust, good or bad. If we desire to see farther what effects Fortitude bringeth forth in the greatest and most sinister dangers, Marcus Crassus shall serve us for sufficient proof. M. Crassus. When he was three score years of age, albeit he had received the foil in a battle against the Parthians, wherein the greatest part of his army was destroyed, and his son being captain of a thousand men, was slain, whose death seemed more to astonish the rest of his men, than any other danger, yet he showed himself in this mishap more virtuous than ever before, & went through all his bands crying aloud in this manner: It is I alone, A notable oration. my friends, whom the sorrow and grief of this loss ought to touch. But the greatness of the fortune, and glory of Rome remaineth whole and invincible, as long as ye stand on your feet. Notwithstanding, if ye have any compassion of me, seeing me lose so valiant and virtuous a son, I pray you show the same by changing it into wrath against your enemies, to take vengeance of their cruelty, and be not abashed for any mishap befallen us: for great things are not gotten without loss. Patience in travels, and constancy in adversities, have brought the Roman Empire to that greatness of power wherein it is now placed. With such speeches he fought unto the death. Will we have other examples of wonderful judas Macchabeus. prows and courage? judas Macchabeus, after many victories obtained by him against the Lieutenants of Antiochus, and against those of Demetrius, was set upon and assailed with two and twenty thousand men (others say two and thirty thousand) having himself but eight hundred, or a thousand with him. And being counseled to retire into some place of safety, God forbidden (quoth he) that the sun should see me turn my back towards mine enemies. I had rather die, than stain the glory which I have gotten by virtue with an ignomintous and shameful flight. In this resolute persuasion he greatly weakened his enemies, Leonides. and yet died more through wearisomeness, than of blows or wounds which he had received in fight. Leonides king of Sparta, having with him but three hundred natural Lacedæmonians, fought and put to flight at the strait of Thermopylis, three hundred thousand Persians: but L. Dentatus. he and all his died of the wounds which they received in that fight. Lucius Dentatus a Roman, was endued with such Fortitude and generosity, that one writeth of him, that he was in six score battles and skirmishes, and eight times came away conqueror from fight hand to hand: that he had received of his captains by way of reward, and in token of his valour, eighteen lances, twenty bards for horses, four score and three bracelets, and six and thirty crowns: and lastly, that by his means nine Emperors triumphed in Rome. Eumenus. Eumenus a Macedonian captain, having been put to the worst by Antigonus, retired into a strong hold, where being besieged, and brought to parley through necessity of victuals and munition, it was signified unto him from his enemy, that reason would he should come and speak with him under his faith and promise without Hostages, seeing he was both greater and stronger. But Eumenus made him this answer, that he would never think any man greater than himself, as long as he had his sword in his own power. And therefore demanding of him no worse conditions, than as one that thought himself to be his equal, he sailed forth upon his enemies with such valour and courage, that he saved himself out of their hands, and afterward greatly troubled Antigonus. Aristomenes Aristomenes. the Messanian, being taken by the Lacedæmonians, and delivered fast bound to two soldiers to be kept, he drew near to a fire, and burned asunder his bands with a little of his flesh: afterward coming suddenly upon his keepers, he slew them both, and saved himself. Lysimachus Lysimachus. being cast to a Lion by Alexander, because he gave to Calisthenes the prisoner that poison wherewith he killed himself, fought with it, and stretching forth his arm and hand all armed into his throat, he took hold of his tongue and strangled him. Whereupon the Monarch ever after greatly esteemed and honoured him. By this small number out of infinite examples, which I could here mention, we see the great and wonderful effects of this virtue of Fortitude, which are no less in every part thereof touched in our discourse, as hereafter I hope we shall declare at large. Wherefore we may well say, that this virtue is very necessary to live well and happily, and to lead us to the end of our being, which is to refer both our life and death to the only exercise of duty and honesty: that by it we enjoy the true rest of the soul, which is nothing else (as Cicero saith) than a peaceable, sweet, and acceptable constancy, which undoubtedly always followeth Fortitude, being crowned with these two inestimable rewards, the contempt of grief, and of death, whereby we forsake that which is mortal, that we may embrace heavenly things in the hope and certain expectation of that happy immortality. Of timorousness, fear, and cowardliness, and of rashness. Chap. 26. ACHITOB. WE may call to remembrance that saying of Plato before mentioned, that a temperate man, not endued with the virtue of Fortitude, falleth easily into cowardliness & baseness of mind, which is the defect of that virtue, which even now we described: and likewise, that a strong and valiant man without the direction of Prudence and Temperance, is easily carried away with temerity and boldness, which is the excess of the same virtue. Which two vices are so hurtful in the soul, that he which is infected with them, holdeth much more of the nature of a beast, than of that essence wherein he was created. Let us then consider what these imperfections are, that through the horror of that infamy which followeth them, we may be more zealous to follow that which is decent and honest. ASER. We must take good heed (saith Cicero) lest through fear of peril we commit any thing that may justly argue us to be timorous and fearful. But withal we must beware that we offer not ourselves unto dangers without cause, than which nothing is more foolish and blame-woorthie. AMANA. It is not seemly for a man (saith Plato) to commit any cowardly act to avoid peril. temerity also setteth forth itself with courage, and contempt of dangers, but unadvisedly and to no purpose. But let us hear ARAM, who will handle this matter more at large. ARAM. Albeit there is no greater disgrace than to be justly reproached with a cowardly and faint heart, especially for youth to be called effeminate, yet is that fear good, which turneth us away from dishonest things, and maketh man stayed and well advised. This is the cause why the Ancients Two kinds of fear. speaking of fear, made it twofold, the one good & necessary, the other evil and hurtful. The first, which they grounded upon a good discourse of reason & judgement, was so esteemed and honoured of them, that in the city of Sparta, which for arms & arts flourished most among A Temple dedicated to fear. the Grecians, there was a temple dedicated & consecrated to this fear: which, as they affirmed, better maintained and preserved the estate of commonwealths, than any other thing whatsoever, because thereby man was led to stand more in awe of blame, reproach, & dishonour, than of death or grief. Which thing maketh him both apt & readier to undertake & to execute all virtuous & laudable matters, whensoever good & just occasion shall be offered, & also more stayed against every rash & unjust enterprise that might procure damage to the commonwealth. And this was the occasion of that proverb, Fear always accompanieth shame. Another reason alleged by these wise men, why they honoured in such sort this The fear of neighbour enemies is the safety of a commonwealth. feigned goddess, was, because to doubt and fear nothing was more hurtful to commonwealths, than their very neighbour enemies, the fear of whom was their safety and assurance. The other naughty and pernicious fear Two sorts of pernicious fear. standeth of two kinds. The first being destitute of all good reason and assured judgement, is that which we call cowardliness and pusillanimity, always followed of these two perturbations of the soul, fear and sadness, and is the defect of the virtue of Fortitude, which we purpose chief to handle at this present. The Grecians called it by these two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the one signifying trouble, the other a band; as if they would have said, that it held the soul bound, and wholly troubled. They affirmed also, that this fear was as it were a giddiness and alienation of the mind from the right sense, making the soul idle, dead, void of every good exploit or effect whatsoever. The last kind of fear is that which worketh in the wicked a fear of pain and punishment appointed for offences, whereby they are as it were with a bridle kept back and restrained from presuming to commit their villainies and damnable purposes. Now as the first kind of fear said to be good and necessary, is a great token of a commendable and virtuous nature, as that which for good cause is grounded upon the fear of reproach and infamy, and upon a desire to effect whatsoever belongeth to duty: so the one of these two last kinds testifieth a vile, contemptible, and abject nature; and the other a wicked & corrupt disposition. Plutark speaking of this good Of the good fear. fear calleth it one of the Elements & grounds of virtue, saying, that it is chiefly requisite and necessary for those that have authority over others, who ought to fear rather to practise evil, than to receive punishment for the same, because the first is the cause of the latter, not only to themselves, but to so many as wallow in wickedness, which is never without recompense. Therefore a prudent and well advised man ought to have this fear always It is joined with the true love of God. before his eyes, I mean this childlike fear, which is unseparably joined with the true love we own to our common father, and is the beginning of all wisdom, whereby we are induced to honour him. And look how much the more the ancient Pagans were kept in awe by this It causeth us to respect the good of our country. good fear, so much the more shall our condemnation be doubled, if we despise it. The duty also of this profitable fear is, to have an eye unto the good and safety of our country, and to cause us faithfully to discharge every charge committed unto us, to the end we incur not perpetual shame and infamy among all good men. It causeth us to fear only the dishonour of an unadvised counsel or action, and to account it very seemly & honourable to be blamed and evil spoken of for well doing, which Alexander the great said did well become a king. This Photion. good fear made Photion, who for his desert and valour was chosen general of the athenians five & forty times, to say, that he would never counsel, but hinder to the uttermost of his power that enterprise of war, which they would have concluded against Alexander. For (said he) although the Athenians would cast away themselves, yet I will not suffer them to do so, because I have for that intent & purpose taken upon me the charge of a Captain. And when Demosthenes, who persuaded this war, said unto him, the people will kill thee if they enter into a fury: Photion replied, nay they will kill thee, if they be Antigonus. well in their wits. Antigonus the second, king of Macedonia, declared what benefit cometh of this good fear necessary for the foresight of a wise and experienced captain in war, when retiring once from before his enemies who came to assail him, and being told by certain that he fled, he answered, It is clean contrary. For I look back to that profit which is behind me. As touching the opinion of the ancients already mentioned, that to stand in fear of nothing is more hurtful to commonwealths than foreign enemies: it is that which Scipio Scipio Nasica. Nasica a Roman Senator meant to signify, when upon the hearing of some, who said that Rome was in safety, if Carthage were laid waist; he replied, that it was far otherwise. For (said he) we are in greater danger now than ever, because we stand no more in awe of any: whereby he wisely inferred, that too great and unlooked for prosperity The effects of too great prosperity in Commonwealths. of cities is commonly the cause of raising civil wars in them & secret divisions, or else of bringing into them so great idleness, that by it a gate is opened to all vices, as in truth it fell out with the Romans. For then being in the top of their felicity and greatness, by reason of the destruction aswell of the Carthaginians by Scipio the younger, as of the Macedonians under Perseus and Antiochus, the people began to abuse their authority, preferring unto estates and places of honour, not the best and justest citizens, but such as flattered them most in their vices and dissoluteness, and won their hearts with prodigal and superfluous feasts and distributions, to whom they sold their public voices. Whereupon in the end, those civil wars arose, which was the cause of their final overthrow, and of the alteration of their popular estate into a tyranny, afterwards called a monarchy. But this discourse being the matter of another subject, let us come to the defect of the virtue of Fortitude, which is a fear void Of that fear which is the defect of Fortitude. of reason and assurance, and argueth a faint and cowardly heart, causing a man through want of sense and understanding to account this the surest way, to doubt all things, and to distrust every one. Of this fear one of the ancients said, Fear taketh away memory and all good effects from every art and industry. Yea sometimes some have been found so faint-hearted, that as soon as this fear seized upon them, they gave up the ghost, not being oppressed with any other evil or violence. It is in this passion that fear and grief fully practise their power, being grounded upon a false opinion of evil, and sworn enemies to all rest and tranquillity, gnawing and consuming life as rust doth steel or iron. Neither is this fear without an unruly desire and immoderate joy in things that are worldly, base, and contemptible, whereupon the soul is continually carried hither and thither, with pernicious and immoderate passions, which deprive her of the excellency of her immortality to attend to the mortal and corruptible affections of the flesh. Alexander spoke of such as are possessed with this fear, when he said, that no place is so strong by nature and situation, which fearful men judge safe enough. Therefore the satirical Poent said very well, that Fortune always maketh Timorous men are always little. timorous men little. For although they be borne big of stature, yet the small courage of their hearts maketh them so much the more contemptible, bringing forth worse and more dangerous effects, and making them unworthy of all intermeddling with matters of estate, of policy, or of war. In this number, among many whom histories Claudius' Caesar. mention, we may here reckon Claudius the first of the Caesars, who was so faint-hearted, baseminded, & blockish, that his mother said often of him, that Nature had begun, but not finished him. And truly a hartles-fellow, or one of litle-hart, is nothing else but a body without a soul. The memory of such men (of whom we see but too many examples among us) ought to be buried in oblivion, and during their life time they should remain unknown aswell The fears of faint-harts. for their own honour, as for the good of the common society of men, to which they could not but be offensive and hurtful. For the most part they are not only afraid of men, of the hazards of wars, of troubles & seditions, of the dangers of long voyages, of the loss of their goods, of diseases, of dolours, yea, of the least discommodities and adversities that can befall men: the event of all which, causeth them usually to forget all reason and duty, but they are also frighted with dreams, they tremble at sights and visions, they credit false abusing spirits, and with a forlorn fear they stand in awe of the celestial signs. Briefly, upon the least occasions that may be, and such as are unworthy the care of a prudent and valiant mind, they fall oftentimes into such vexation of spirit, that they lose it altogether, and become mad and enraged: insomuch, that many have hastened forward with their own hands, the end of their so miserable days. As we read of Midas king of Phrygia, who being troubled Midas. and vexed with certain dreams, grew to be desperate, and died voluntarily by drinking the blood of a Bull. Aristodemus also, king of the Messenians, being in war against his subjects, it happened that the dogs howled like woolnes, which came to pass by reason of a certain herb called dogsteeths, growing about his altar at home: whereupon understanding by the soothsayers that it was an evil sign, he was strooken with such a fear and conceit thereof, that he slew himself. Cassius the captain Cassius. had a better heart when he answered a Chaldean Astrologian, who counseled him not to fight with the Parthians until the moon had passed Scorpio; I fear not (quoth he) Scorpions, but Archers. This he spoke because the Roman army had been put to the worst before in the plain of Chaldea by the Parthian archers. Nevertheless that which we spoke of Midas and Aristodemus is seldom Base minds stand in great fear of death and grief. followed, yea is rarely found amongst cowards, and base minded fellows, who commonly fly from temporal death as much as may be, as also from grief, which they fear in such sort, that contemning all virtue and justice, they labour for nothing more, than to preserve their lives together with their carnal commodities, for the obtaining of which they seem to live clean without all care of their soul, as if her portion were in this world, & should end together with the body. The effects of this fear of death are sufficiently felt of every one in particular, the number of them being very small, who would not willingly make (as we say) a sluice to their consciences, that they might be delivered thereof. Let us then confess ourselves to be fearful and faint-hearted, and not boast of Fortitude and generosity of heart, which will not suffer us to stand in fear, no not of certain death in an holy and honest cause: so far is it from fearing and forsaking duty through doubt of an uncertain death. That which Speron rehearseth in his dialogues of a gentleman of Padua sufficiently showeth what marvelous force is in the apprehension and conceit of death, which extendeth itself not only upon the spirits of men, but also changeth the nature of their bodies, who want constancy to A strange alteration of a gentleman's hair in one night. bear and sustain a small and light grief for the enjoying of eternal goods. This young gentleman being put in prison upon some accusation, it was told him, that of a certainty his head should be cut off the day following. Which news altered him in such sort, that in one only night he was all white & greie-headed, whereof before there was no show or appearance, and so he lived long time after. Besides, experience daily ministereth unto us sufficient proof of the mischiefs which proceed of want of courage and faintheartedness, especially in matters of estate, government, and public offices, wherein a fearful and soft man, for every reproach, dislike, or evil opinion of the world, yea of such as are most ignorant, and much more for the least dangers of his person, and for fear and threatenings of the greater sort, yieldeth easily against all duty, and suffereth himself to be drawn to the error of the wicked and common sort. As for the middle and lesser sort, wherefore serve they being void of Agamemnon dispensed with a rich coward. reason and assurance? Homer saith, that king Agamemnon dispensed with a rich Coward for going to war personally, for a Mare which he gave him. Wherein truly he had great reason, because a fearful man hurteth much and profiteth little, not only in war, but even in every good and virtuous action. This caused that great captain Paulus Aemilius to say, that magnanimity and courage were for the most part reverenced in every enemy of theirs, but that cowardliness, although it had good success, yet was it always and of all men despised. I might here mention sundry vices, which ordinarily grow and are nourished of cowardliness and pusillanimity, as namely, cruelty, treason, breach of promise, impatiency, idleness, sloth, covetousness, What vices proceed of cowardliness. envy, backbiting, and all injustice, were it not that I hope the sequel of our discourses will offer us matter and occasion to handle these vices particularly, our hour not affording us time and leisure to enter upon so many things together. There remaineth yet a word to be Of servile fear spoken of that fear which I said did accompany the froward and wicked many times, being called by the Poet a servile fear, which through the only horror of punishment holdeth them back from practising their wicked purposes. Of them spoke Pythagoras when he said that he which careth not for doing of evil in any other respect, but only because he would not be punished is very wicked. Now although such fear is accursed, and to be condemned in all, yet is it necessary for the preservation of human society. For otherwise, all things would run to confusion through the shameless malice of the wicked, of whom the earth is full. And it is a great deal better, that through such fear they should be restrained from their wicked desires and wills, than that they should without all fear abandon themselves to put them in execution: albeit they are no way excusable before God, who requireth to be served with heart and spirit. Nevertheless, such fear doth not always stay them from putting their malice in effect, but the more they are retained, so much the more are they inflamed and kindled with a desire to satisfy their corrupt will, which in the end is constrained to burst forth, and evidently to show that mischief which they kept secret a long time. But if the common sort (saith Seneca) be stayed by laws from committing evil, the Philosopher contrariwise hath reason for all laws, doing good not because the law commandeth it, and abstaining from evil not because it forbiddeth it, but because he knoweth the one to be honest, and the other vile and wicked. Having now seen that vice which is clean contrary to Fortitude, and knowing that every virtue hath a counterfeit Of rashness & of the effects thereof. follower thereof, no doubt but rashness is that vice which falsely shroudeth itself under the title of Fortitude and valour. For this virtue easily overthroweth itself if it be not underpropped with good counsel, and the greater ability it supposeth to have in itself, the sooner it turneth aside to wickedness, if prudence govern it not. This is that which Isocrates saith, that Fortitude joined with Prudence is available, but otherwise it procureth more evil than good to the possessors thereof. If Fortitude (saith Lactantius) without necessary constraint, or for a dishonest matter hazardeth herself into dangers, she changeth into rashness. He that doth any thing at all adventures (saith Aristotle) not considering Who is a virtuous man. how well he doth it, ought not to be called virtuous: but only if he put it in execution, after knowledge, consultation and election. Therefore as it is a noble act to make such account of virtue, as for the love thereof, not to fear the loss of life, otherwise very dear; so is it a point of rashness and folly to contemn life upon a small and light occasion. Rashness than is that which causeth a man with joy of heart, and for a vain and frivolous matter, to cast himself into certain & undoubted dangers, and to desire earnestly to fall into them, to undertake all things unadvisedly, and unconstrained to expect those perils which he knoweth will fall upon Cato. him. The Elder Cato hearing certain men to commend one openly who desperately hazarded himself, and was bold without discretion in perils of war, said unto them, That there was great difference between much esteeming of virtue, and little weighing of life: as if he would have said, that it is a commendable thing to desire life to be virtuous. And truly to live and die are not of themselves good, but to do both of them rightly and in a good matter. So that to shun death, if it proceed not from a faint heart, is not to be reprehended. But rashness is especially to be condemned in captains and Heads of Armies, as that which procureth great damage to kingdoms Iphicrates comparison of an army to a man's body. and monarchies, and to so many as march under their conduct. This is that which Iphicrates an Athenian captain would have us learn, who compared in an army the scouts lightly armed to the hands: the Horsemen to the feet: the battle of footmen to the stomach and breast: and the captain to the Head of a man's body. For (said he) the captain that hazardeth himself too much, and throweth himself into danger without cause, is not reckless of his own life only, but also of all those whose safety dependeth upon him: and contrariwise, in taking care for the safeguard of his own person, he careth therewithal for all those that are under him. Isadas the Lacedaemonian The rashness of Isadas. seeing Epaminondas with the Theban army at hand against the Spartans, ready to force and take their city, unclothed himself stark naked, putting off his shirt and all, and taking a Partisane in one hand, and a sword in the other, he went with might and main against his enemies, where he showed great prowess and valour. For which behaviour although he had a crown given him by the signory according to the custom that was amongst them, yet he was fined, because he hazarded his life so rashly. We see daily among us but too many examples of great mischiefs which befall men through their rashness, led with ambition and desire of vainglory. Therefore to conclude, and to draw some profit out of our present discourse, we say that we ought to fear the incurring of blame and dishonour for filthy and unhonest matters, and for evil deeds, and are to shun all fear proceeding of want of courage, of pusillanimity, and of a depraved and corrupted nature: this last, as proper and peculiar to the wicked, and the other, as that which maketh a man unapt to all good and commendable things. And as it is an act of Prudence and Fortitude to provide for a tempest and for storms to come, (when the ship is still in the haven) and yet not to be afraid in the midst of storms: so is it a point of rashness for a man to throw himself wittingly into an evident danger, which might be avoided without any breach of virtue and justice. Therefore Plato saith, that timorous and rash men fear & enterprise unadvisedly, whatsoever they take in hand, How a man may be valiant. but that noble minds do all things with prudence. This also is that which Seneca saith: thou Mayst be valiant if thou cast not thyself into perils, nor desirest to fall into them as timorous men do: neither abhorrest or standest in fear of them, as being timorous. But following the sage advice of Cicero, before we enterprise any thing, we must not only consider whether it be honest and commendable, but also whether there be any like mean to execute it, that neither through cowardliness we give it over, nor through greedy desire and presumption, we purchase to ourselves the reputation of rash men: observing moreover in every matter of importance this maxim of estate, that before we begin any thing, we must diligently prepare and foresee whatsoever is necessary thereunto. Of magnanimity and generosity. Chap. 27. ARAM. WHen that saying of Aristotle cometh to my remembrance, that Fortitude isa mediocrity in fearing & enterprising, but that magnanimity consisteth in great things, I am somewhat troubled in the understanding of this sentence: because it seemeth he would put a difference between Fortitude and magnanimity, as if this latter had more excellency and perfection in it than the other. For this cause my Companions, having entreated this morning of the virtue of Fortitude, I propound now unto you to discourse unto us what magnanimity is. ACHITOB. Among mortal and perishing things, there is nothing (as the Philosophers say) that aught to trouble the magnanimity of a noble heart. But I find that they propound unto us in this word such a wisdom, as cannot be in him that remaineth all his life time subject to affections and perturbations. For this they would not have in true magnanimity, which notwithstanding is well able to bring forth infinite wonderful effects out of a noble mind, causing it to be never unprovided of a good resolution to be put in execution according to the overthwarts that happen unto him. ASER. The property of a noble spirit (saith Cicero) is not to be turned aside through ingratitude from the desire of doing good to all men, even to his enemies, as also to leave carking for that which is mortal, that he may embrace celestial things. But we shall understand more at large of thee AMANA, how these marvelous effects are works of true magnanimity. AMANA. Although the virtue of Fortitude be never perfected without magnanimity, (which is as much to What magnanimity is. say, as generosity or nobleness of heart) as that which undoubtedly is comprehended under the first part of Fortitude, which Cicero calleth Magnificence, or a doing of great & excellent things, yet notwithstanding it seemeth that this word magnanimity carrieth with it some greater and more particular Empasis, & that a man may say, that the wonderful effects thereof appear principally in three points, whereof I purpose here to discourse. The first concerning Magnanimity consisteth in three things. extreme and desperate matters, as when a man is passed all hope of saving his life, wherein perfect magnanimity always knoweth how to find out a convenient remedy and wise consolation, not suffering himself to be vexed therewith. The second respecteth duty towards enemies, against whom generosity will in no wise suffer a man to practise or to consent to any wickedness, under what pretence so ever it be, nor for any advantage which may be reaped thereby. The third causeth a noble minded man to contemn and to account that thing unworthy the care of his soul which others wonder at, & labour by all means to obtain, namely, strength, health, beauty, which the Philosophers call the goods of the body: and The goods of the body and of Fortune. riches, honour, and glory, which they say are the goods of fortune: and likewise not to stand in fear of their contraries. Amongst the worthy and famous men of old time, whose names and glorious facts crowned with an immortal laurel, are engraven in the temple of memory, we find no praise worthy of greater admiration, or that aught to awaken and stir us up better in Christian duty, than the effects of this virtue of magnanimity, upon these three occasions presently touched. Whereof one The first effect of magnanimity. effect is, that we yield not against reason, nor pass the limits of duty by fainting under that heavy burden of extreme distresses, which the horror of death bringeth with it: but that even in the midst of greatest agony which seemeth intolerable in man's judgement, we show such gravity and worthiness, that we depart not in any sort from the peace and quietness of our souls, but with constancy and cheerfulness of spirit, meditate upon the joy of that haven of salvation, which we behold with the eyes of our soul, whereinto through a happy death at hand, we shall The second effect. shortly be received. Another effect is, that we accomplish (so far as our frailty can approach to perfection) the commandment of the divine will by loving our neighbours as ourselves, and by abstaining, even in regard of our greatest enemies, from doing, procuring or consenting, yea by hindering that no treachery or treason should be wrought them, nor any other thing unbeseeming that natural love, which ought to be in every one towards his like, and further by procuring them all the good and profit The third effect. that may be. The third effect of this great virtue, no les wonderful than the rest, is in that a noble minded man solong as he liveth, wholly withdraweth his affection from worldly and corruptible things through a steadfast & constant The common remedy of the Ancients in desperate cases. reason, and lifteth it up to the meditation and holy desire of heavenly and eternal things. The remedy which these great personages destitute of the right knowledge of the truth most commonly used when their affairs were passed all hope of man's help, was death, which they chose rather to bring upon themselves by their own hands, than to fall into the mercy of their enemies, whereby they supposed that they committed a noble act, worthy the greatness of their invincible courage. And if peradventure they were surprised, and forced in such sort by their enemies, that they were compelled to become their prisoners, they never desired them to save their lives, saying, that it beseemed not a noble heart, and that in so doing they should submit both heart and body to him, who before Cato of Utica. had but the body in his power. Cato the younger being brought to such extremity in the town of Utica, that by the advice of all those that were with him, he was to send ambassadors to Caesar the Conqueror, to practise an agreement after submission to his mercy, yielded thereunto in the behalf of others, but forbade that any mention should be made of himself. It belongeth (quoth he) to those that are overcome, to make request, and to such as have done amiss, to crave pardon. As for me I will account myself invincible so long as in right and justice I shall be mightier than Caesar. He it is that is now taken and overcome, because that which hitherto he denied to take in hand against the commonwealth, is at this present sufficiently testified against him, and discovered. Neither will I be beholding or bound to a Tyrant for an unjust matter. For it is a point of injustice in him to usurp the power of saving their lives (like a Lord) over whom he hath no right to command. After many other speeches of philosophy used by him, & standing much upon that stoical opinion, that only a wise and The opinion of the Stoics. good man is free, and that all wicked men are bond men and slaves, he went alone into his chamber, and slew himself with his sword. Sylla the Dictator having condemned to death all the inhabitants of Perouza, and pardoning none but his Host, he also would needs die, saying: that he would not hold his life of the murderer of his country. Brutus, Brutus. after the battle lost against Augustus Caesar, was counseled by certain of his friends to fly: I must fly in deed (said he) but with hands, not with feet. And taking them all by the hand, he uttered these words with a very good and cheerful countenance: I feel my heart greatly contented, because none of my friends have for saken me in this business: neither complain I of fortune at all, but only so far forth as toucheth my country. For I esteem myself happier than they that have vanquished, as long as I leave behind me a glory of virtue for hazarding all liberally, to free from bondage my brethren and countrymen. Which praise our conquering enemies neither by might nor money can obtain, and leave to posterity: but men will always say of them, that being unjust and wicked, they have overthrown good men to usurp a tyrannous rule and dominion, that belongeth not unto them. After he had thus spoken, he took his sword, and falling upon the point thereof, gave up the ghost. Cassius also his companion, caused his own head to be cut off by one of his slaves, whom he had made free, and kept A notable history of the Numantines. with him long time before for such a necessity. The history which we read of the Numantines, cometh in fitly for this matter which we handle here. For after they had sustained the siege of the Romans fourteen years together, and were in the end enclosed by Scipio with a very great ditch of two and forty foot in depth, and thirty in breadth, which compassed the city round about, the Consul summoned them to commit themselves to the clemency of the Romans, and to trust to their promise, seeing all means of sallying forth to fight, and of recovering any victuals were taken from them. To whom they made this only answer, that forasmuch as they had lived for the space of 338. years in freedom, they would not die slaves in any sort. Whereupon, such as were most valiant, assembled together and slew those that were most grown in years, with women and children. Then they took all the riches of the city, and of the temples, and brought it into the midst of a great hall, and setting fire to all quarters of the city, each of them took the speediest poison they could find: so that the temples, houses, riches, and people of Numantia ended all in one day, leaving to Scipio, neither riches to spoil, neither man or woman to triumph withal. For during the whole time wherein their city was besieged, not one Numantine yielded himself prisoner to any Roman, but slew himself rather than he would yield. Which magnanimity caused Scipio to bewail the desolation of such a people, in these words: O happy Numantia, which the Gods had decreed should once end, but never be vanquished. Now albeit these examples and infinite other like to these, are set forth unto us by Historiographers, as testimonies of an excellent magnanimity, whereby they would teach us both to be never discouraged for the most tedious travels and irksome miseries of man's life, and also to stand so little in awe of death, that for fear thereof, much less for any other torment or grief, we never commit any thing unbeseeming a noble heart: yet notwithstanding, no man that feareth No man ought to hasten forward the end of his days. God, and is willing to obey him, aught to forget himself so much, as to hasten forward the end of his days for any occasion whatsoever. This did Socrates know very well, when he said, that we must not suffer our soul to departed from the sentinel wherein she is placed in this body, without the leave of her captain: and that so weighty a matter as death ought not (as Plato saith) to be in man's power. But if it be offered unto us by the will of God, then with a magnanimous heart, void of all starting aside in any thing against duty, we must set free this passage, being stayed and assuredly grounded upon that consolation, which never forsaketh a good conscience, not only through the expectation of a naked and simple human glory, which most of the Heathen propounded to themselves, but of that life which abideth for ever: following therein the constancy of Alcibiades, a great captain of Alcibiades constancy and courage in death. Grecia, who hearing the sentence of his condemnation to death pronounced, said: It is I that leave the Athenians condemned to die, and not they me. For I go to seek the Gods where I shall be immortal, but they shall remain still amongst men, who are all subject to death. Socrates also having a capital accusation Socrates' speech at his arraignment. laid against him wrongfully, directed his speech to the judges, and said unto them, that his accusers by their false depositions might well cause him to die, but hurt him they could not: adding further, that he would never leave his profession of philosophy for fear of death. I am persuaded (quoth he in Plato) that this my opinion is very good, namely: that every one ought to abide constantly in that place and trade of life, which either he hath chosen himself, or is appointed him by his superior: that he must account that for the best, and hazard himself therein to all dangers, without fear either of death or of any other thing whatsoever. And therefore I should err greatly, if, obeying the general of war which ye appointed unto me in Potidaea, Amphipolis and Delos, and abiding in that place wherein he set me without fear of death, I should now for fear of death, or of any other thing, forsake that rank wherein God hath placed me, and would have me remain in, as I always believed & thought: namely, that I should live a student in philosophy, correcting mine own and other men's vices. Now, if I should do otherwise, I might justly be accused for calling myself a wise man, not What it is to fear death. being so indeed: seeing to fear death, is to think that to be, which is not. But neither I, nor any other man, aught to do all that we may either in judgement or in war, to the end to avoid death. For it is very certain, that he who would in time of battle cast down his armour and fly away, might by that mean avoid death (and the like is to be understood in all dangers & perils) if he were not afraid of infamy. But consider (O countrymen) that it is no very hard matter to avoid death, but far more difficult to eschew wickedness and the shame thereof, which are a great deal swifier of foot than that is. O speech worthy of eternal praise, and such a one as instructeth a Christian notably in a great and noble resolution: namely, to run the race of his short days in that vocation, whereunto God hath called him, and that in the midst of tortures, torments, & all agonies of death. From which, whilst we expect a happy passage, we ought to be no more destitute of an apt remedy in all those things, which according to the world are most irksome and desperate, but sustain them with like constancy and worthiness, not departing from the tranquillity and rest of our souls, which is a more noble act, than to hasten forward the end of our days, that we may be delivered of them. But howsoever it be, let us always prefer a virtuous and honest death, before any kind of life, be it never so pleasant. And seeing that one and the same passage is prepared aswell for the coward as the courageous, (it being decreed, that all men must once die) the lovers of virtue shall do well to reap to themselves some honour of common necessity, and to departed out of this life with such a comfort. Now to come to the second commendable effect of this virtue of Magnanimity, whereof Heroical men Examples of the second effect of magnanimity. were so prodigal heretofore for the benefit and safety of their enemies, we can bring no better testimony than Fabritius. the courteous fact of Fabritius the Roman Consul towards Pyrrhus, who warred against him, and whose physician wrote unto him, that he offered himself to murder his master by poison, and so to end their strife without danger. But Fabritius sent the letter unto him, and signified withal, that he had made a bad choice of friends, aswell as of enemies, because he made war with upright & good men, and trusted such as were disloyal and wicked: whereof he thought good to let him understand, not so much to gratify him, as least the accident of his death should procure blame to the Romans, as if they had sought or consented to end the war by means of treason, not being able to obtain their purpose by their virtue. Camillus a Roman Dictator, is no less to be commended Camillus. for that which he did during the siege of the city of the Fallerians. For he that was schoolmaster to the chiefest men's children amongst them, being gone out of the city, under colour to 〈◊〉 his youth to walk, and to exercise themselves along the walls, delivered them into the hands of this Roman captain, saying unto him, that he might be well assured the Citizens would yield themselves to his devotion, for the safety and liberty of that which was dearest unto them. But Camillus knowing this to be too vile and wicked a practice, said to those that were with him, that although men used great outrage and violence in war, yet among good men certain laws & points of equity were to be observed. For victory was A good lesson for a general to learn. not so much to be desired, as that it should be gotten and kept by such cursed and damnable means: but a general ought to war, trusting to his own virtue, and not to the wickedness of others. Then stripping the said school master, and binding his hands behind him, he delivered him naked into the hands of his scholars, and gave to each of them a bundle of rods, that so they might carry him back again into the city. For which noble act the Citizens yielded themselves to the Romans: saying, that in preferring justice before victory, they had taught them to choose rather to submit themselves unto them, than to retain still their liberty: confessing withal, that they were overcome more by their virtue, than vanquished by their force and power. So great power hath magnanimity, that it doth not only advance Princes to the highest degree of honour, but also abateth the heart of the puissant and warlike enemy, and oftentimes procureth victory without battle. Truly we may draw an excellent doctrine out of these examples, which make all those without excuse, that spare nothing to attain to the end of their intents and devices, making no difficulty at the destruction of innocents, but exercising all kind of cruelty, so they may overthrow their enemies by what means soever: using commonly that saying of Lysander, admiral of the Lacedæmonians, that if the lion's skin will not suffice, the fox Treason and cruelty never find place in a noble heart. his skin also is to be sewed on. But let us resolutely hold this, that treason never findeth place in a noble heart, no more than the body of a fox is not found in a lion's body. Further, it is notoriously 〈◊〉 that the Ancients strived to procure all good and profit to their enemies, using clemency and humanity towards them, when they had greater occasion and means to be revenged of them. Hereof we may allege good examples, when we discourse hereafter particularly of those virtues that are proper to a noble minded man, who ought to hate cruelty Of the third effect of magnanimity. no less than treason. We are therefore to look unto the last effect, and sound proof of magnanimity & generosity here propounded by us, which we said, consisted in the contempt of earthly and human goods. Wherein truly resteth the very perfection of a Christian, who lifteth up his desires to his last and sovereign Good in heaven. Now, because there are but few that love not themselves too much in those things that concern the commodities of this life, and fewer that seek not after glory & honour, as a recompense of their excellent deeds, and that desire not riches earnestly to satisfy their pleasure, in these three points also a noble minded man causeth his virtue to appear more wonderful, because he doth not judge them to be a worthy reward for the same, but rather altogether unworthy the care of his soul, for which principally he desireth to live. This is that which Cicero saith, that it is not seemly that he should yield to covetousness and concupiscence, who could not be subdued by fear, or that he should be overcome by pleasure, who hath resisted grief: but rather that these things ought to be shunned by all possible means, together with the desire of money, seeing there is nothing more vile & abject, than to love riches, nor more noble than to despise them. This also is that which Plato saith, that it belongeth to the duty of a noble heart not only to surmount fear, but also to moderate his desires & concupiscences, especially when he hath liberty to use them, whither it be in the pleasure of the body, or in the ambitious desire of vain glory, honour and power. In this sort then, he that hath a right noble and worthy mind, will no more weigh greatness among men and estimation of the common sort, than he doth grief and poverty, but depending wholly upon the will of God, & contenting himself with his works wrought in him, he will not that any good thing upon earth can be taken from him. And because he aspireth to those things that are best, highest, and most difficult, he abideth free from all earthly care and grief, as being long before prepared for all dolours, through the contempt of death, which bringing an end to the greatest and most excessive pangs, serveth him for an entrance into eternal rest. We have already alleged many examples of ancient men fit for this matter which now we speak of, and the sequel of our treatises will furnish us with more when we shall come to entreat of riches and worldly wealth, whereof we are to speak more at large. But here we will propound Aristides only to be imitated, who was a worthy Aristides. man among the Athenians, whose opinion was that a good citizen ought to be always prepared alike to offer his body & mind unto the service of the common wealth, without hope or expectation of any hired and mercenary reward either of money, honour, or glory. And so with an unspeakable gravity and constancy, he kept himself always upright in the service of his country, in such sort, that no honour done unto him could cause him either to be puffed up in heart, or to be more earnest in employing himself: (as it is the manner of some to do service according as they are recompensed) neither could any repulse or denial which he suffered, abate his courage or trouble him, or yet diminish and lessen his affection and desire to profit his common wealth. Whereas now adays we see that the most part of men with us upon a small discontentment, labour to make public profit to serve their desires and passions, in stead of giving themselves to the good & benefit of their country. Now concluding our present Magnanimity is invincible. discourse, we learn that true and perfect magnanimity and generosity is invincible and inexpugnable, because upon this consideration, that death is the common end of man's life, and that happy passage to life everlasting, she despiseth it altogether, and maketh less account thereof than of bondage and vice: sustaining also with a great & unappalled heart, most cruel torments, not being moved thereby to do any thing that may seem to proceed of the common weakness and frailty of man's nature. Further we learn that this virtue maketh him that possesseth her, good, gentle, and courteous, even towards his greatest enemies, against whom it suffereth him not to use any covin or malice, but keepeth him always within the limits of equity and justice: causing him further to make choice of and to finish all honest matters of his own will, and for their love, not caring at all for mortal and corruptible things, that he may wholly apprehend and take hold of those things that are divine and eternal. Of Hope. Chap. 28. AMANA. Wherein the perfection of a wise man's life consisteth. COnsidering that the perfection of a wise man's life consisteth in the practice of great and excellent things, he that is borne to virtue feeleth himself touched to the quick with desire to bring them to pass. But the instability and small assurance which he knoweth to be in that which dependeth upon the doubtful event of every high enterprise, oftentimes cooleth his virtuous intents, if a certain confidence and good hope did not make easy unto him the means of attaining thereunto. Likewise, when he feeleth the sharp pricking that proceedeth from the overthwarts and miseries of man, which sequester themselves very little from his life, he is soon daunted with sorrow and care, if he have not this hope that comforteth him with expectation of speedy redress. Of you therefore (my companions) we shall understand the excellency of this Good that belongeth to the soul and is so necessary for a happy life, I mean Hope, which dependeth of the virtue of Fortitude, whereof we have discoursed all this day. ARAM. Learned men (saith Bias) differ from the ignorant sort in the goodness of hope, which truly is very profitable, sweet and acceptable to a prudent man. But evil hope leadeth carnal men, as a naughty guide, unto sin. ACHITOB. As good hope serveth to increase strength in a man, so rash hope oftentimes beguileth men. But it belongeth to thee ASER to handle this matter. ASER. Alexander the great being by the states of all Alexander reserved hope only for himself. Graecia chosen general captain to pass into Asia, and to make war with the Persians, before he took ship he inquired after the estate of all his friends to know what means they had to follow him. Then he distributed and gave to one lands, to another a village, to this man the custom of some haven, to another the profit of some Borough town, bestowing in this manner the most part of his demeans and revenues. And when Perdiccas one of his Lieutenants demanded of him what he reserved for himself: he answered, Hope. So great confidence had this noble monarch, not in the strength of his weapons, or multitude of good warriors desirous of glory and honour, but Properties requisite in a general. in his own virtue, being content and satisfied with a little, in his continency, beneficence, contempt of death, magnanimity, courtesy, gracious entertainment, being easy to be spoken with, having a free disposition by nature, without dissimulation, constant in his counsels, ready and quick in his executions, willing to be the first in glory, and always resolute to do that which duty commanded. From this Hope thus surely grounded, he never shrunk, until the last gasp of his life: which caused him to make this answer to Parmenio, who counseled him to accept of the offers which Darius made unto him for peace: namely, six thousand Talents, being in value six Millions of gold, and the half of his kingdom, with a daughter of his in marriage; If I were Parmenio, I would accept of his proffers. Besides, he sent word to Darius, that the earth could not bear two suns, nor Asia two Kings. Neither was he deceived of his good hope, which led him to such a perfection of worldly glory and felicity, that he was the first and last that ever approached near unto it. This Hope was that foundation whereupon so many great and excellent Heathen men and Pagans built their high and noble enterprises. The definition of confidence. For proof hereof may be alleged that definition, which Cicero giveth of Confidence, being the second part of Hope, affirming it to be that virtue, whereby the spirit of man putteth great trust in weighty and honest matters, having a certain and sure hope in himself. And elsewhere he saith, that he shall neither rejoice, nor be troubled out of measure, that trusteth in himself. But we Our hope must be grounded upon the grace of God. know that this Hope is weak and uncertain, if it be not settled and grounded upon a sure expectation of the help and grace of God, without which we can never prosper. Now this is out of doubt, that we can not hope and wait for that grace, unless our counsels and enterprises have reason for their guide, and right and equity for their Of vain hope. bounds. For (as an ancient man saith) that man hopeth in vain that feareth not God, and they only are filled with good hope, whose consciences are clean and pure. So that all they that are led with sundry evil passions, either of ambition, of vainglory, or of any other unbridled desire, can never have that happy and good hope, which never deceiveth men. And in deed they miss oftentimes of their intent, yea, are deprived of that which was their own and certain, because they are desirous to get unjustly another man's right, being also uncertain. The self same thing falleth out to those that trust and stay in such sort upon their own strength, virtue and constancy, that fearing in no respect (as they say) the greatest calamities that can come to man, assure themselves in their prosperity Who are soon thrown down with adversity. to be invincible in their resolutions, and presume that nothing is able to pull them down, or to cause them to change their opinion: and yet, so soon as the wind of adversity bloweth, they are the first that are thrown to the ground, and soon show forth the inconstancy & imbecility of man's nature left to itself. As contrariwise, they to whom God giveth eyes to acknowledge themselves, are then humbled, so that they reverence the ordinance of God, who derideth all the enterprises of men. The practice hereof was well known to Wencelaüs king of Wencelaüs. Hungaria, being driven out of his kingdom, and forsaken of his own, who oftentimes used to say, The hope I had in men hindered me from putting my trust in God: but now that all my confidence is in him, I assure myself that he will help me by his divine goodness. As in deed it fell out so unto him, being re-established again in all his estates and dignities. But to the end we confound not together that which is simply divine, with that which is humane, I think we ought to make a double hope: the first, true, certain, and unfallible, The division of hope. which concerneth holy and sacred mysteries: the other doubtful, respecting earthly things only. As touching the first, we know things to come by the assurance thereof, as well as if they were already done. We are taught in the holy scripture what is the undoubted certainty of Of the true and infallible hope. this hope, which through faith ought to be so imprinted in our hearts, that by the strength, power, & virtue thereof, we should run the race of our short days in all joy, happiness and peaceable tranquillity of our minds, expecting without doubting the perfect and absolute enjoying of those goods that are immortal, unutterable and endless in the second and eternal life. Without this hope grounded upon the free goodness of the almighty, let us assuredly persuade ourselves, that man's estate is more miserable than that of brute beasts, seeing this is the only way of his salvation. The other hope which concerneth this present life only in all such things as we propound to ourselves for the benefit and contentation thereof, hath such Of earthly hope. need to be ruled, guided, and referred to the happy end of the first excellent and heavenly hope, that otherwise it cannot but be doubtful, inconstant, & rash, what human reason soever we can allege to persuade the possibility of attaining to the end of our pretended devices, which in one moment may be quite overthrown, the occasions whereof being for the most part secret and hid from us. moreover the imperfection of whatsoever men commonly most esteem upon earth is so great that together with their continual uncertainty, the perturbations which hinder the tranquillity of the soul redouble and abound so much the more, as the enjoying of these earthly commodities increase and augment, leaving in man a continual desire to multiply them, and a fear to lose them. As touching this hope therefore of human things which we wish might always prosper with us, we may well hope what we will, but withal we must prepare and settle ourselves to support constantly whatsoever falleth out, that that which cometh unto us against our will, may not be altogether against our expectation: and that we never use such repinings as these, unbeseeming a wise man, Speeches unbeseeming a wise man. I would never have thought it: I looked for another matter: I would never have supposed that such a thing could have happened. In the mean while we must not omit to Hope the best always in our crosses and calamities, because nothing lenifieth so much the sharpness of present adversities as the hope of future benefit, the certain expectation whereof The fruit of hope. as it were stealeth away our labours, and causeth all fear of peril to vanish away. This is that which Apollodorus saith, that we must never be discouraged for adversities, but always hope for better things. The calamities of mortal men (saith Euripides) in the end leave of themselves: and as the winds do not always blow vehemently, so happy men are not ever fortunate. The one flieth from the other: but he is a good man, who is always full of good hope▪ Pindarus calleth it the nurse of old age. Thales said, that nothing in all the world was more common than Hope, because it abideth with them also that have no other goods. The Elpistick Philosophers affirmed, that nothing better maintained and preserved the life of man, than Hope. And truly without hope, which easeth the burden of man's miseries, the world were not able to sustain Our life would be insupportable without hope. life. For it greatly helpeth man to live contentedly and happily, if, as we said, it have respect to the best end, unto which all our desires and inclinations ought to be referred, and aught to be governed thereby according to reason and justice. Otherwise it is certain that a man can never peaceably and to his contentation, enjoy his present estate and condition, but always some new hope of better things to come, will cause him to neglect that whereof he is assured, and to run after an uncertainty, until in the end being often deceived and missing of his purposes & enterprises, he be overthrown quite through his great hopes. Therefore Plato writeth, that fortune is more contrary to that man whom she suffereth not to enjoy that which he hath, than to him whom she denieth to grant that which he demandeth of her. This gave occasion to Cineas Cineas talk with I'yrrhus concerning his great hope. (a very wise man, and so excellent an Orator, that one writeth of him, that he brought more towns in subjection to his Master Pyrrhus by his tongue, than himself did by his valour) when he saw that although this king might enjoy a happy peace and quietness, if he would be contented to reign peaceably over his subjects, yet he burned with desire to undertake war against Italy; to enter into talk with him, and to ask of him this question. If Sir, the gods show us this favour, that we should remain Conquerors in this war, what good would the victory do us? We might afterward (answered Pyrrhus) easily subdue the Grecian and Barbarian cities bordering upon that Country. Well, when this is done, replied Cineas, what shall we do afterward? Cicilia (answered Pyrrhus) will of itself yield unto us. Shall Cicilia then (quoth Cineas) end our war? What will stay us after (quoth this monarch) from passing into Africa and to Carthage, and from the recovery of the kingdom of Macedonia with ease, that so we may command all Graecia without contradiction? Whereunto Cineas replied, when all is in our power, what shall we do in the end? Pyrrhus' beginning to smile, said, we will rest us at our ease, my friend, living in all pleasure, and as merrily as may be. Then Cineas having brought him to that point which he desired, said unto him: And what sir, letteth us from rest at this present, and from living in joy and pleasure, seeing we have all things requisite and necessary, without seeking it with so much effusion of man's blood, besides infinite hazards and dangers, and that in such places where it is uncertain whether we shall find it? These wise speeches sooner offended Pyrrhus than caused him to change his mind. And although this Prince could not doubt at all what happiness and great felicity he forsook, yet was it unpossible to take the hope of that which he desired out of his mind. Wherefore Antigonus king of Pyrrhus' compared to a Dice-plaier. Macedonia compared him very fitly to a diceplayer, to whom the Dice speak fair by giving unto him good chances, but yet so that he cannot cast the same again to serve his turn. For he lost that by hope, which he had gotten in deed, desiring so earnestly that which he had not, that he forgot to make that sure which was already in his possession. And in deed it fell out very unhappily with him in the end. For after he had fought prosperously a certain time, he was discomfited by the Romans, & being after besieged, was slain with a tile which a woman let fall upon his head. Was there ever monarch who ought rather to have contented and delighted himself peaceably Caesar was led continually with new hope. in the enjoying of his unspeakable prosperities than julius Caesar? And yet not being satisfied with the Roman Empire, which he had obtained by so many travels and innumerable dangers, he made preparation (whilst the conspirators sought his death) to go himself in person to war against the Parthians. So that as long as he lived, the hope of that which was to come, caused him to contemn the glory gotten by his former deeds, and to deprive himself of that commendation, which he should have no less deserved in preserving himself, and in the good government of his great estate, than he did in conquering the same: whereof he reaped no other benefit, but only a vain name and glory of small continuance in his life time, which procured him the envy and hatred of his countrymen, so that he was murdered with 23. blows of the sword on his body, after he had overlived Pompey (who was vanquished by him) four years only, or little more. Histories are full of sundry such alterations, which commonly follow them that are not content with their estate: from whence wise men and of good judgement may draw this instruction, to limit their thoughts and desires. For as Diodorus the Athenian said, Two things hurtful to men. these two things are very hurtful to men, Hope and love, of which the one leadeth, and the other accompanieth them, the one seeketh out the means to execute their thoughts, and the other persuadeth them with good success. And although these two things are not seen with the eye, yet are they mightier than visible punishments. Hereof came that old proverb, that proud men fat themselves with vain hope, which by little and little choketh them, as naughty fat doth man's body. And if we be willing to keep ourselves from so dangerous a downfall, let us cure our souls of all hurtful hope, and let reason and duty (as we have already said) lead and limit all our affections and enterprises, considering wisely their beginning, namely, that we ground them upon right and equity only, knowing We must not judge of enterprises by the event. that they ought not to be judged of by the event and end of them, which oftentimes seem to favour unjust counsels and doings. And this offereth some colour & occasion to the wicked to prosecute their dealings, having no care of violating right and justice. But how soever it be, a miserable end bringeth them an over late repentance. Neither let us persuade ourselves, that the issue of our imaginations and enterprises, although they be well grounded, shall certainly fall out according to our meaning, (for this is that hope, which greatly hurteth, and most of all troubleth men) but let us know, that as in all things which grow, there is always some corruption mingled in them (it being necessary that all mortal seeds should presently Ill hap is more common than good. be partakers of the cause of death) so from the same fountain ill hap floweth unto us in great measure, yea sooner and more abundantly than good success. Which thing Homer willing to give us to understand, feigned that there were two vessels at the entry of the great Olympus, the one being full of honey, the other of gall, of which two mingled together, Jupiter causeth all men to drink. And Plutark saith, that men can never purely and simply enjoy the ease of any great prosperity, but whether it be fortune, or the envy of destiny, or else the natural necessity of earthly things, there ease is always intermingled in their life time with evil among the good, yea in the like mishap that which is worse, surmounteth the better. All these things being considered of us, they will make us more advised and stayed in all our counsels and devices, & in such sort affected and prepared with true prudence, fortitude, and magnanimity, that whatsoever happeneth unto us, we shall not be troubled or further moved, but Seneca adviseth us to prepare ourselves to all cuents. receive it, as having long before expected and looked for it. This doth Seneca very learnedly teach us, saying: that we ought not to be astonished or marvel at unlooked for chances that light upon us, but prepare and conform our hearts to all events that may come unto us, premeditating and thinking aforehand, that we are borne to suffer, and that nothing cometh to pass, which ought not to be. Destiny (saith he) leadeth those that are consenting, & draweth gainsayers by force. Neither ought we, through doubt of that which is to come, to neglect good, heroical, and far removed hopes of excellent things, having thus grounded them as we have said. For wise and famous personages, desirous of honour and glory, were always of opinion, that they ought to be entertained and kept in a sound and settled resolution of the mind, because of the variety of accidents, which daily happen contrary to the common opinions of men: wherein experience teacheth us, that according to the direction of a good spirit, and the good success that followeth and accompanieth it, whatsoever concerneth the managing of worldly affairs, is changed; and turneth about with the moving of fortune, What the author understandeth by the word Fortune. if it be lawful for us under this Heathen word to understand the ordinance of God. Therefore to end our present discourse, we will note this, that first we are to defend ourselves by the grace of God, with that happy and certain hope which can never deceive or confound any, being a certain guide to keep us in this long and tedious pilgrimage from going astray out of the way of salvation. Secondly from this, the prop, stay, and comfort of man's life against all miseries and calamities will flow and issue. Thirdly and lastly, we shall be stirred up to all great and noble works, for the good and common profit of every one, referring the events of them to the wonderful counsel of the providence of God, and receiving them as just, good, and profitable. The end of the seventh days work. THE EIGHT days work. Of Patience, and of impatiency: of Choler and Wrath. Chap. 29. ASER. IF virtue consisteth in hard matters, if that which cometh nearest to the divine nature, and is most uneasy and least of all used of all men, better beseemeth a valiant and noble minded man, than any other thing whatsoever; no doubt but Rom. 15. 5. Exod. 34. 6. patience is the very same thing: whereof the Scripture teacheth us, that God is the author, and that he putteth it in daily practice among his creatures, deferring the full punishment of their faults by expecting their repentance. Further, this virtue so much resembleth Fortitude, whereof we discoursed yesterday, that we may say with Cicero, that Fortitude is borne of her, or else with her, seeing there is nothing so great and burdensome, which she can not easily sustain and overcome, even the violentest & most common passions of man's nature, as impatiency, choler, and anger, which commonly procure the utter ruin of the soul. Therefore let us (my Companions) begin our days work with the handling of the effects of this great virtue of Patience, and of the vices that are clean contrary unto it. AMANA. Patience a salve for all sores. Patience (saith Plautus) is a remedy for all griefs. Endure patiently, and blame not that which thou canst not avoid. For he that is able to suffer well, overcometh. But this virtue is so rarely found among men, that more will offer themselves to death, than abide grief patiently. Nevertheless, it is the point of a wise man (saith Horace) to set a good face upon that which must needs be done. ARAM. By patience (saith Cicero) we must seek after that, which we cannot obtain by favour: and if we endure, all the inconvenience will turn to our profit. But learned men, whilst they resist not their perturbations, trouble and overturn with a sudden vehemency those things which they had begun with a quiet spirit & mind, throwing down at one blow whatsoever they had builded with long labour. But of thee ACHITOB we shall understand the praise and property of this virtue of Patience, with the contrary effects thereof, namely, impatiency, Choler and Anger, and the means to shun and avoid them. ACHITOB. Among all the ancients, the Stoic Philosophers were most zealous and precise observers of all points concerning this virtue of patience, which they grounded upon the fatal cause of necessity, requiring Of the stoical patience. such exactness and perfection thereof in men, that they would have a noble heart to be no otherwise touched with adversity than with prosperity, nor with sorrowful things than with joyful. For this cause Aristo said, that virtue only was to be wished, and therefore that it was all one to be sick or sound, poor or rich: briefly, that in all other human and necessary uses of nature, there was no more evil in one kind, than in another. Whereby it seemeth that these Philosophers delighted in painting out a picture of such patience, as never was, nor shall be among men, except first they should be unclothed of all humane nature, or become as blockish and senseless as a stone. For so long as man remaineth in this life, he cannot be void of affections and perturbations that draw the soul to care and to provide for the body, which continually crieth out against her for fear of grief and of wanting that which belongeth unto it. But it is the duty of a wise man to moderate all passions in such sort, that in the end reason remain mistress. Moreover we say that virtue Virtue is neither without affection nor subject to affections. which is a habit of comeliness and mediocrity in affections, ought neither to be without her motions, nor yet too much subject to passions. For the abolishing of desire maketh the soul without motion, & without joy even in honest things: as on the other side over vehement motions thereof altogether trouble her, and cause her to be as it were beside herself. Further, we seek after the common practice of men, not for that perfection which they wish for, and whereunto they ought to aspire: and we desire that affection should show itself no otherwise in virtue, than a little shadow of a hidden cloud, or a line in a picture. Of true patience. therefore true patience which we ought to embrace in all things, not as compelled and of necessity, but cheerfully and as resting in our welfare, is a moderation & tolerance of our evils, which, albeit we sigh under the heavy burden of them, cloth us in the mean while with a spiritual joy, that striveth so well and mastreth in such sort the sense of nature which shunneth grief, that in the end it worketh in us an affection of piety & godliness, joined with a free & cheerful mind, under the yoke & obedience of the just & rightful will of God, through a certain expectation of things promised, and causeth us to judge impatiency to be contumacy and rebellion to this divine will, The definition of patience. and sufficient of itself to make a man to be called wretched. Patience (saith Plato) is a habit that consisteth in sustaining stoutly all labours and griefs for the love of honesty. The law saith, that it is a very good thing to keep the tranquillity of our spirit as much as may be in adversities, and not to complain of that which is uncertain: because men know not whither that which is light upon them be good or evil for them, as also because sorrow can not help that which is to come, but rather hindereth the curing of the evil: and lastly, because there is nothing in human matters, whereof any great account is to be made. But if I must needs support them, my desire and labour is to do it nobly, honestly, and courageously. It skilleth not what we endure, but how we endure it. And then doth patience prevail most, when we know that whatsoever we have done, was executed of us for godliness sake. The conflict The fruits of patience. of Patience (saith Euripides) is such, that the vanquished is better than the vanquisher. And let us not think that there is any calamity which cannot be sustained by the nature of man armed with patience, which is an invincible tower. Patience (saith Cicero) is a voluntary and long suffering of labours, calamities, travels, and difficult matters, for the love of honesty and of virtue. And when all things are overthrown, and counsel will do no more good, there is but this one only remedy, to bear patiently whatsoever shall come upon us. Patience serveth us for a mean to attain to great matters, staying men from fainting in dangers and travels. By patience whatsoever is disordered, may be brought again to good order, as that wise emperor Marcus Aurelius would give us to understand, when he said that patience had no less helped him in the government of his estate than knowledge. Likewise it is for the most part followed of courtesy and gentleness, which make him well liked of that is adorned therewith, and sooner draw good will, the cause of men's obedience, than force or violence doth. He that is slow to anger (saith the wise man) is better than the mighty man, Prou. 16. 32. and he that ruleth his own mind, is better than he that winneth a city. True patience loveth the afflictions which she suffereth, causing him that possesseth her to give praise to God in the midst of adversities, and to submit himself to his judgement when he is pressed with diseases: neither can poverty keep him back from commending highly his bounty and goodness. To be short, as a pearl showeth her beauty even in the midst of a puddle: so a patiented man causeth his virtue to appear in all adversities. Moreover this patience which we show in adversities, moveth those to compassion and pity that see us suffer. Which thing as it greatly comforteth in affliction, so oftentimes it causeth others to reap inestimable benefit when they behold us to suffer unjustly. For it serveth to awaken and to strengthen the weak in the knowledge of their duty, that they suffer not themselves to be deceived with the poisonful sweetness of worldly goods and commodities. In a word the virtue of patience is so necessary for a good and happy life, that no part or action of man's life can be guided to their proper end without her. And as she is a branch of magnanimity, Fortitude, and greatness of courage; so impatiency is a weakness and imbecility of a Of impatiency, choler, and wrath. base, vile, and contemptible nature, wherein choler, and in the end wrath, are easily engendered, which are two very pernicious passions in the soul, and differ nothing from fury (as the elder Cato said) but only in this, that they continue a less time, and this a longer. This is that which The definition of anger. Possidonius teacheth us, saying: that Anger is nothing else but a short fury. Aristides called it the inflammation of blood, and an alteration of the heart. Cicero saith, that that which the Latins call Anger, is named of the Grecians desire of revenge. And Solon being demanded to whom a man fraught with Anger, might be compared, answered: to him that maketh no account of losing his friends, and careth not although he procure enemies to himself. But besides the sayings of all these Sages, experience sufficiently showeth us, that Choler and Anger are enemies to all reason: and (as Plutark saith) are no less proud, presumptuous, and uneasy to be guided by another, than a great and mighty tyranny: Insomuch that a ship given over to the mercy of the winds and storms, would sooner of itself receive a Pilot from without, than a man carried headlong with wrath and choler, would yield to the reason and admonition of another. For an angry man (like to those that burn themselves within their own houses) filleth his soul in such sort with trouble, chafing, & noise, that he neither seethe nor heareth any thing that would profit him, unless he make provision long time before to secure himself with reason through the study of wisdom, whereby he may be able to overthrow his impatiency and choler, which argue and accompany for the Who are most given to impatiency and choler. most part a weak and effeminate heart. And that this is true, we see that women are commonly sooner driven into choler than men: the sick than the sound: the old than the young: all vicious, gluttonous, jealous, vainglorious, and ambitious men, than those that unfeignedly hate vice. Whereby it is evident enough, that choler proceedeth from the infirm and weak part of the soul, and not from the generosity thereof. Neither doth it make against our saying, to allege the opinion of Aristotle, & of all the peripatetics, who maintained that we ought to moderate the affections and passions of the soul: but otherwise that they were necessary to prick men forward to virtue. Yea Aristotle said, that choler was as a whetstone to sharpen and set an edge upon Fortitude and generosity. Aristotle contrary in opinion to the Stoics. The academics and Stoics contend greatly against this opinion, and namely Cicero and Seneca, who say, that forasmuch as choler is a vice, it cannot be the cause of virtue, seeing they are two contrary things that have nothing common together. And considering that Fortitude proceedeth from an advised consultation and election of reason, which perfecteth the work, whereas choler hindereth and troubleth it in such sort, that an angry man cannot deliberate, it is not possible that it should stand him in any steed in the performance of excellent actions. And this is an invincible reason, because virtue cometh not of vice. Now, this being the end of all philosophy for a man to know his vices, and the means how to deliver himself from them, and seeing that the infamy and discommodity which accompany impatiency and choler, cannot but be known unto us, yea are notwithstanding so common amongst us, that the perfectest are infected therewith, let us look for some help and mean to cure How impatiency and choler may be cured. ourselves thereof. First let us know, that although men may be moved to wrath and choler for divers causes, yet unto all of them, the opinion of being contemned and despised is commonly joined. And therefore the true and sovereign remedy for this, (that so we may avoid such a cold and slender occasion of entering into choler against our neighbours, altogether unbeseeming the love we own them) will be to put from us as much as may be, all suspicion of being despised and contemned, or of bravery and boldness, and to lay all the fault either upon necessity or negligence, upon chance, untowardness, lack of discretion, ignorance, or want of experience, which are oftentimes in them that offend us. This will seem very strict counsel, and hard to practise, yea hateful to many of our Frenchmen, chief to those of the nobility, who are so curious in the preservation of their honour, with which title they would disguise the desire of worldly glory, whereunto What the wicked judge of patience. they show themselves so much affectionated. But they testify sufficiently, that they never knew wherein true honour consisteth, which is no more separated from virtue, than the shadow from the body: also that they know not what patience is, accounting it rather to be fainthartednes, and cowardliness, than a part and daughter of the virtue of Fortitude and generosity, yea judging it a dishonour to a man that is contumeliously handled, not to render the like again. But contrariwise we are to know, that to support and endure wrong & injury patiently, and even then when we have most means to revenge ourselves, is a note of a most absolute, noble, and excellent virtue. Yea, it beseemeth a Christian most of all, and such a one as hath those words of the Scripture well levit. 19 18. Deut. 32. 35. engraven in his heart, Thou shalt not avenge, nor be mindful of wrong against the children of thy people, but shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: I am the Lord, vengeance and recompense are mine. But I hope that hereafter we shall discourse of this subject by itself, which deserveth to be handled more Whereof choler is bred. largely. Following therefore our matter, we must understand, that choler is bred of a custom to be angry for small things, and afterward becometh easily a fire of sudden wrath, a revenging bitterness, and an untractable sharpness, making a man froward and furious, disliking every thing. Wherefore a wise man ought presently to oppose the judgement of reason to every little anger, and to suppress it. This will help to make the soul firm and of power to resist and beat back all fierceness of choler in matters of greater weight and consequence. For he that nourisheth not his anger in the beginning, nor inflameth it himself, may easily avoid, or at least scatter A good way to remedy choler. it. Moreover, this will be a great mean to overcome our choler if we obey it not, nor give credit unto it from the very first instant wherein it beginneth to appear, imitating Socrates therein, who, whensoever he felt himself somewhat more eagerly moved against any man than he ought (like to a wise pilot that getteth himself under the Lee of some rock) let fall his voice gently, showing a smiling countenance and more courteous look, thereby setting himself directly against his passion. Besides, it will greatly help us, if when we are moved with anger, we stay our tongue a certain space, and delay a little while our own revenge. For it is very certain that a man promiseth, speaketh and doth many things in his anger, which afterward he wisheth had never been in his thought. Unto this fitly agreeth that counsel which Athenodorus taking The counsel that Athenodorus gave to Augustus. his leave, gave to Augustus the emperor to stay the pernicious effects of quick and ready choler. This Philosopher minding to teach some remedy to be opposed at the very instant when this monarch should feel himself overtaken with anger, whereunto he easily suffered himself to be carried; willed him to rehearse the four and twenty letters of the Greek Alphabet before he did any thing in his anger. But knowing this that it is a special property of man's imbecility to be stirred up to anger and to be troubled, let us follow that commandment of the Scripture, Not to sin in our anger, neither to let the sun go down Eph. 4. 26. upon our wrath, lest we show ourselves to have less virtue and courtesy, than the ethnic Pythagorean Philosophers, who albeit they were neither of kin, nor allied, yet kept this custom inviolable, that if peradventure they were entered A notable custom of the Pythagorians. into some contention and choler one against another, before the sun went down they appointed a meeting where they embraced and shook hands one with another. Further we have carefully to avoid all occasions which we know might induce and Cotis brake his glasses to avoid occasion of wrath. provoke us to choler. As Cotis king of Thracia wisely behaved himself, when one brought him a present of many goodly vessels curiously made and wrought, but very brittle, and easy to break, because they were of glass. After he had well recompensed the gift, he broke them all for fear least through choler, whereunto he knew himself subject, he should be moved with wrath against any of his servants that should break them, and so punish him too severely. And of this matter we may also draw a good Magistrates ought not to punish any in their choler. instruction for all those that are placed in authority above others, namely, that they beware lest they correct or punish any body in their choler, but only when they are void of all vehement passions, considering the fact in itself advisedly, and with quiet and settled senses: knowing that as bodies seem greater through a mist, so do faults through choler, which for the most part carrieth Princes headlong to commit execrable and cursed cruelties. Among many examples we may note that of the emperor As Theodosius did. Theodosius, who being moved with anger against those of Thessalonica for a commotion which they made, & for staying his lieutenant, sent his army thither, with commandment that they should be utterly rooted out: whereupon fifteen thousand were slain, neither women nor children being spared. Of which fault repenting him, but too late, he made a law afterward whereby he willed that the execution of his letters Patents and commandments should be held in suspense and deferred, thirty days after signification and knowledge of them, namely, when any were to be punished more rigorously than of custom he used. Neither is it less dangerous in an estate that the administration of public charges should be committed to such as suffer themselves to be overruled with wrath, seeing there are not in a manner fewer matters which are to be winked at and dissembled, than to be punished & corrected. And although Magistrates have authority & just cause to punish vices, yet have they no licence to show themselves to be passionated. But this being a matter of policy, let us continue our moral instructions, and note that which we read of Plato, deserving to be considered of here, who being very angry with a servant of his for a great fault committed by him, and seeing Xenocrates to come Plato refused to correct his servant in his anger. towards him, requested him if he were his friend to correct that servant of his, because at this present (quoth he) anger surmounteth my reason. Whereby this wise Philosopher declared sufficiently, that if the first motions are not at all in our power through the imperfection of our nature, yet at the least reason may serve for a bridle to hinder every naughty execution: teaching us likewise, that we ought to use and exercise our power and authority over others without any extreme passion. Further, that we may have such imperfections in greater hatred, we are to note that choler hath been the overthrow of many great men, as it was of the emperor Aurelianus, who was endued Aurelianus anger was the cause of his death. with notable virtues, but otherwise easily moved to anger, whose wrath was such, that their death with whom he was displeased, was the only remedy to appease it. For being one day incensed against Mnesteus his secretary, he knowing his master's disposition, for the safeguard of his life devised to write (counterfeiting the Emperor's hand) in a little scroll the names of the principal captains of his army, putting himself in the number of those whom he had fully purposed to put to death, and bearing it unto them, said, that he saw this bill fall out of the emperors sleeve. Whereat they being astonished, and giving credit thereunto, resolved with themselves to prevent it, and so falling upon him, slew him. Moreover it is well known to every one, that choler may greatly hurt health, whereof men are for the most part desirous enough. It was cause of the Emperor Valentinians death, who through crying Valentinian in his anger broke a vein, and died thereof. out in his choler, broke a vein in his neck. From this vice proceedeth another detestable imperfection, which is swearing, a thing directly contrary to a wise man's life, and condemned by the law both of God and man: whereof Against the infamous vice of swearing. we might easily be cured by custom, if first we destroyed impatiency and Choler, which provoke blasphcmie. The Romans observed an ancient decree, which expressly commanded, that when young men would swear by the name of some God, they should first go out of the house wherein they were. Which was a commendable mean A notable decree of the Romans. both to retain & keep them from swearing lightly & upon the sudden, & also that they might have good laisure & space to bethink themselves. This would be very profitable for us towards the correction of this vice, the unmeasurable licence whereof ought to be kept back and chastised by some better means. Yea, it were very expedient and necessary S. jews his law against swearing to renew and put in practise that law of good king S. jews, that all blasphemers should be marked in the forehead with an hot iron, yea, punished with death, if they would not be corrected otherwise. Such contemners of the name of Carilaüs. God ought to learn their lesson of Carilaüs the ethnic and Pagan, who being demanded why the images of the Gods in Lacedemonia were armed, to the end (quoth he) that men might fear to blaspheme the Gods, knowing that they are armed to take revengement. Concluding therefore our present discourse, let us learn to deck our lives so well with patience, (which is so profitable and necessary to salvation, 1. Thes. 5. 14. and to a good and happy life) that we be patiented towards all men in all things, to the end we may obey the Heb. 10. 36. will of God, and reap the fruit of his promises, as the end of patience is the expectation of things promised. And let us know, that the learning and virtue of a man is known by patience, and that he is to be accounted to have less learning and virtue, that hath less patience. Further, let us learn that the office & duty of a prudent and noble minded man is to wink at many things that befall him, to redress other things, to hold his peace at some things, and to suffer much, so that he follow reason always, and fly opinion. Lastly, we are to know, that he which endureth evil patiently, shall know also how afterward he may easily bear prosperity: and that every christian offereth an acceptable sacrifice to God, when he yieldeth unto him daily thanks in the midst of infinite troubles and vexations: which benefit will work in us the utter overthrow of all impatience, choler, and wrath, sworn enemies to all reason and virtue. Of meekness, Clemeneie, mildness, gentleness, and humanity. Chap. 30. ACHITOB. A Philosopher in a great assembly of people taking a lantern and a candle lighted at midday, and going into an high place in all their sight, was demanded what he meant to do with all: I seek (said he) for a man, but can see none, no not one. And truly This word Man is in Latin Homo, from whence is derived humanitas, which signifieth curte fie or gentleness. it is a very rare and excellent thing to find one that in deed is a Man, which is as much to say, as courteous, or made of meekness and gentleness: for which cause Plato calleth him a civil creature, and sociable by nature. Now therefore let us understand of you my companions, what worthy effects this virtue of meekness bringeth forth in man. ASER. Mercy (said Plato,) ought no more to be taken away from the nature of man, than the altar out of the Temple. And every noble heart ought to be so courteous and gracious, that he be reverenced more than feared of his neighbours. AMANA. There is no nation so barbarous, which loveth not meekness, courtesy, benevolence, and a thankful No nation void of courtesy. soul: and contrariwise, which hateth and contemneth not proud, wicked, cruel, and ungrateful persons. But it belongeth to thee ARAM to discourse of this matter unto us. ARAM. Sin having deprived man of the perfection of graces, wherewith the image of God in him had enriched and beautified him: namely, with perfect goodness and holy righteousness, there remained nothing in his soul but a weak desire to aspire to that sovereign Good, of which she felt herself spoiled. For further confirmation whereof, this incomparable beauty of the visible shape of the body was left unto him, to the end that in this principal work, as in a rich picture, he might find large matter to move him to contemplate and to admire the excellency and greatness of his Creator, who is able to set him again in his former glory and brightness. By means of this knowledge a man feeleth himself effectually moved and touched with the love of his like, imprinted in every nature, which desireth usually to show forth the effects thereof to the profit of many, if it be Reasons to move us to love our neighbours. not wholly depraved and accursed. This love ought to be so much the greater & more perfect in man, by how much the nearer he approacheth to the understanding of the incomprehensible secrets of the divinity. For what thing ought more to stir us up, and to move us with zeal to do good to our neighbours, than the consideration both of their creation after the image of God, whereunto we own all honour, love, & obedience, and also of their roestablishment into the same image by his pure grace & mercy: besides the contemplation of the excellent composition and building of this frame of man? These things being well considered in our minds, whom shall we take for our enemy, for a stranger, as contemptible, unworthy, and of no account, seeing this brightness and grace of God shineth in every one, and especially in those whom the world despiseth? Moreover, when we know by his word that Man is substituted of God in his place, that we should acknowledge towards him the inestimable benefits which we have and daily receive from the help and goodness of our common Father, who promiseth to accept as done to himself, what good thing soever we procure to his creatures, so that it be done with a gladsome and cheerful countenance, and with a sweet and courteous kind of beneficence, void of arrogancy, contumely, or reproach, shall any thing stay us from exercising towards every one all duties of humanity? We read in Macrobius A Temple dedicated to mercy. that long sithence there was a Temple in Athens dedicated to mercy, into which none was suffered to enter except he were beneficial and helpful, and then also with licence from the Senate. In so much that through a desire which the people had to have access into it, they studied earnestly to exercise works of pity and piety. Yea, the greatest reproach which an Athenian could utter to his neighbour, was to hit him in the teeth, that he was never in the academy of the Philosophers, nor in the Temple of mercy, girding him by this only reproach with two shameful things, the one of ignorance and want of prudence, the other of cruelty & inhumanity. Now if among those of old time the only natural seed of the love of their like, which also is seen in beasts, was so strong and powerful, that it brought forth in them (notwithstanding they were destitute of the heavenly light) fruits worthy of perpetual memory, as they that had nothing in greater estimation than to show themselves meek, gentle, courteous, helpful and gracious towards others, even towards their enemies. What ought they to do, that say they are all members of that one head, who recommendeth so expressly unto them, meekness, mildness, gentleness, grace, clemency, mercy, goodwill, compassion, and every good affection towards their neighbour? All which things are comprehended under this only sacred word of charity, which What charity is. is the indissoluble band of God with us, whereby we are inflamed with the love of him for that which we own unto him, and thereby also are induced to love our neighbours for the love of God. But let us consider how the ancients having but the shadow of this perfect charity, praised & esteemed this virtue of meekness, from which they knew how to draw so many good commodities for the profit and secure of every one, that after we may note here certain worthy examples to stir us up so much the more unto our duty. Meekness (saith Plato) is a virtue that belongeth The definition and effects of meekness. to the courageous part of the soul, whereby we are hardly moved to anger. Her office and duty is to be able to support and endure patiently those crimes that are laid upon her, not to suffer herself to be hastily carried to revenge, nor to be too easily stirred to wrath, but to make him that possesseth her, mild, gracious, and of a stayed and settled mind. Meekness and gentleness (as he saith elsewhere) is that virtue whereby a man easily appeaseth the motions and instigations of the soul caused by choler, and it standeth him in stead of a moderate temperance of the spirit, decking him with mildness & courtesy, which draweth unto him the love of strangers, and good service of his own. Whereby it appeareth, that whosoever is mild and courteous to others, receiveth much more profit and honour than those whom he honoureth. They are not to be credited (saith Cicero) who say that a man must use cruelty towards his enemies, esteeming that to be an act proper to a noble and courageous man. For nothing is more commendable or worthy a great and excellent man, than meekness and clemency. It seemeth also that liberality, beneficence, justice, fidelity, and many other good deeds, whereof many men taste, and which procure to a man greater good will of every one, are proper to mildness and meekness, called by an ancient man the characters of an holy soul, which never suffer innocency to be oppressed, & as Chilo said, which lead noble hearts slowly to the feasts of their friends, but speedily to the succouring of them in their calamities. This virtue of meekness is truly most necessary for a valiant man. For without it he should be in danger to commit some actions which might be judged cruel. And seeing that a noble minded man cometh near to the divine nature, he must also resemble it as much as may be in gentleness and clemency, which adorneth and honoureth those especially that are lift up in dignity, and have power to correct others. True it is also, that they are deceived that commend, and as it A medioeritie must be kept between mildness and cruelty. were adore the bounty of great men and magistrates, who of a certain simplicity without prudence, show themselves gracious, gentle, and courteous towards all men. Which is no less pernicious to an Estate, than is the severity and cruelty of others. For of this overgreat lenity, among many other inconveniences, an impunity of the wicked is bred, and the sufferance of one fault quickly draweth on another. Therefore the mildness of those that have power and authority, aught to be accompanied with severity, their clemency mingled with rigour, and their facility with austerity. This is that which Plato learnedly teacheth us, saying: that the noble and strong man must be courageous and gracious, that he may both chastise the wicked, and also pardon when time requireth. And as for those offences which may be healed, he must think that no man is willingly unjust. Therefore Cicero saith, that it is the property of a noble minded man simply to punish those that are most in fault, & the authors of evil, but to save the multitude. And thus the rigour of discipline directing meekness, and meekness decking rigour, the one will set forth and commend the other: so that neither rigour shall be rigorous, nor gentleness dissolute. By the learned sentences of these Philosophers, it is very evident, that the virtue of meekness is not only a part of Fortitude, which can not be perfect without it, but hath also some particular conjunction with all the other virtues, yea is as it were the seed of them, and induceth men to practise all duty towards their neighbours. But because the order of our discourses will offer us matter and occasion to entreat particularly hereafter aswell of justice, and of revenge of wrongs and injuries which a man receiveth of his enemy, as also of other virtues here briefly mentioned, we will now come to certain notable examples of meekness, gentleness, mildness, and goodness of nature. The first that Philip a Prince of a good and mild nature. cometh to my remembrance is Philip king of Macedonia, who giveth place to none in the perfection of these gifts and graces. When it was told this good Prince, that one Nicanor did openly speak ill of his majesty, his counsellors being of opinion that he was to be punished with death: I suppose (quoth he to them) that he is a good man. It were better to search whether the fault cometh not from us. And after he understood that the said Nicanor was a needy fellow, and complained that the king never succoured him in his necessity, he sent him a rich present. Whereupon afterward it was told Philip, that this Nicanor went up and down speaking much good of him. I see well (said he then to his councillors) that I am a better physician for backbiting than you are, and that it is in my power to cause either good or evil Antigonus. to be spoken of me. The good disposition of Antigonus king of Macedonia, cometh in here not unfitly upon the like occasion. For hearing certain soldiers speak ill of him hard by his tent, who thought not that the king could overhear them, he showed himself, uttering these only words without farther hurting of them: Good Lord, could you not go further off to speak ill of me? And to say truth, such gifts and graces become a noble Prince very well: yea, he cannot more worthily and more beseeming himself give place to any wrongs, than to those that are done to Oh that Princes would consider this. his own person. As contrariwise those men are unworthy their sceptres, who cruelly revenge their own injuries, & pardon such as are done to others, yea such faults as are directly against the honour of God. A Prince well instructed in virtue (saith Xenophon in his Cyropaedia) ought so to behave himself towards his enemy, as to think & consider that at some time or other he may be his friend. Was there ever Monarch more feared of his enemies than Alexander. Alexander the Great, invincible in all things he took in hand, insomuch that he would not only force all human powers, but also times & places themselves, and yet who hath left greater proofs of meekness and courtesy than he? As he was on his voyage undertaken for the conquest of the Indians, Taxiles a king of those countries came & desired him that they might not war one against another. If thou (said this king unto him) art less than I, receive benefits, if greater, I will take them of thee. Alexander greatly admiring and commending the gravity and courteous speech of this Indian, answered thus: At the least we must fight and contend for this: namely, whether of us twain shall be A commendable combat. most beneficial to his Companion: so loath was this noble Monarch to give place to another in goodness, mildness, and courtesy. Hereof he gave a great argument, after he had vanquished Porus a very valiant Prince, of whom demanding how he would be entertained of him, this king answered, Royally. Neither would he give him any other answer, albeit Alexender urged him thereunto. For he said that all was contained under that word. As in deed the Monarch showed that he was nothing ignorant thereof. For he did not only restore his kingdom unto him, but enlarged it also, wherein he surmounted his victory, and procured to himself as much renown by his clemency, as by his valour. Had he ever any greater enemy than Darius vanquished and subdued by him? And yet when he saw himself letted from using towards him any bounty Bessus cruelly put to death for killing Darius. worthy his greatness, because Bessus one of his captains had slain him, he was so displeased therewith, that he caused the murderer to be punished (albeit he was one of his familiar friends) with a most cruel death, causing him to be torn asunder with two great trees bowed down by main strength one against another, unto each of which a part of Bessus his body was fastened. Then the trees being suffered to return back again to their first nature, with their vehement force rend asunder the body of this poor and julius Caesar. miserable wretch. julius Caesar was of such a courteous disposition, that having conquered Pompey and all his enemies, he wrote to his friends in Rome, that the greatest and most pleasant fruit which he gathered of his victory, consisted in saving daily the lives of some of his countrymen who had borne arms against him: as in truth he did so. And for a great proof of his meekness and gentleness, that speech may serve, which he uttered when he understood that Cato retiring into the town of Utica after the loss of the battle had killed himself. O Cato (said this monarch being then very pensive) I envy thee this thy death, seeing thou hast envied me the glory of saving thy life. I never yet denied clemency (said that good emperor M. Aurelius. Marcus Aurelius) to him that demanded it of me, much less have I evil entreated or offered dishonour to any that trusted in me. Neither can any victory be called a true and perfect victory, but that which carrieth with it some clemency. To overcome is a human thing, but to pardon, is divine. Hereof it is (said the same virtuous prince) that we esteem the greatness of the immortal gods not so much for the punishment, as for the mercy which they use. The clemency and bounty of Dion the Dion. Syracusian is worthy of perpetual memory. For having brought to ruin the tyranny of Dionysius the younger, & recovered the liberty of his country, one of his greatest enemies named Heraclides, being a very pernicious fellow, fell into his hands: whereupon all his friends gave him counsel to put him to death. Unto which Dion wisely answered, that other captains and heads of armies used commonly to employ most of their study in the exercise of arms and of war, but as for himself he had long since studied and learned in the schools of the university to overcome anger, envy and every evil affection and will: the proof whereof consisted not only in behaving himself well towards his friends, and towards good men, but also in pardoning, and in the exercise of gentleness and humanity towards his enemies, so that he had rather excel Heraclides in bounty and courtesy, than in power & worldly glory. And although (quoth he) men's laws avouch it to be more just to revenge an injury received, than to offer All private revenge cometh of frailty. it to another, yet nature teacheth us, that both the one and the other proceed of the same imbecility: and how soever that man is hardly altered, who hath gotten an habit of wickedness, yet are there few men of so brutish & untamed a nature, or so savage in reclaiming, that their perverseness cannot in the end be well overcome by beneficence, when they see that men return good turns again and again into their bosom. By these learned discourses it appeareth that Dion forgave Heraclides, and bestowed Lycurgus. upon him great benefits. Lycurgus' the reformer of the Lacedaemonian estate, by whose means that commonwealth so long time flourished, doth yet pass all those before alleged through the goodness and mildness of his gentle nature. This grave and gracious parsonage having received such a blow with a staff, that one of his eyes was put out in a sedition stirred up against him in the city, because of the rigour of those laws which he had established there, after the sedition was appeased, had the offender delivered into his hands to punish him as he thought good. But he not hurting or displeasing him at all, kept him in his house, and instructed him in all virtue & good discipline, and within the years end, he brought him forth into the public assembly, being no less virtuous and well nurtured than before he was vicious: using these words unto the people: Behold I restore him unto you, being mild, gracious and fit to do you service, whom ye gave to me proud, outrageous and dissolute. O act beseeming the soul of a christian rather than of an ethnic! which ought to make them greatly ashamed, who for the least wrong received of another, would not stick to slay not one man only, but a thousand, yea ten thousand rather than their worldly honour should be hurt or touched: which pretence of honour they use very often to colour their brutishness withal. Now leaving here the ancients, of whom we have a million of testimonies in the reading of histories, I think we shall do well to propound here unto our princes being too much inclined to revenge injuries, the clemency of king jews the 12. who succeeding Charles the 8. in the jews the 12. kingdom, would never revenge himself of any outrage or injury done unto him, even than when he was but duke of Orleans. In so much that being incited by some to punish one that was his great enemy during the life of his predecessor, he answered: That it would not beseem a king of France to go about to revenge injuries offered to a duke of Orleans. Neither ought we to let pass in silence the goodness and clemency of that great king Frances, who going in person to chastise the rebellion of the Rochelers, forgave them, and put not one to death, saying: That albeit he had no less occasion to revenge this injury than the Emperor Charles, who punished very cruelly those of Gaunt, yet he had rather increase his praises by preserving than by destroying his subjects. After his example king Henry the 2. having given in Henry the 2. commission to the duke of Montmorencie Constable, to chastise the rebellion of the country of Guienne, and especially the inhabitants of Bordeaux, afterward gave out a general absolution, and forgave the racing of the Town-house, the payment of two hundred thousand pounds, & the defraying of the charges of the army wherein they were condemned. And truly as it belongeth to the sun to lighten the earth with his beams: so it appertaineth to the virtue of a prince to have compassion upon the miserable. Yea so many as stand in need of mercy, and being worthy thereof crave for it, aught to find harbour in the haven of his excellency. Now to come to the end of our present discourse, if by so many examples which we have touched, and innumerable others, of which histories are plentiful, we may note amongst the famous, noble and courageous men of old time, such effects of meekness, gentleness, bounty, mildness, clemency and humanity towards their enemies, no doubt but they endeavoured to do much more for their friends, brethren and countrymen, for whose safety they feared not many times to die, as heretofore we have seen examples thereof, and may see more hereafter. And how much less would they have failed to succour them in all other duties and charitable offices? So that if we be men and not monsters in nature, let us learn what are the fruits not only of true Christians, but also of true humanity, and of nature not being wholly depraved and corrupted: to the end that framing our manners, mild, gentle, and gracious, to the succour, benefit, and profit of every one, and following the steps and traces of the virtue of Fortitude and magnanimity, which is never churlish, idle or proud, we may live a happy life directed to her proper end, expecting our renewing in that life which is immortal and everlasting. Of Good and Ill hap. Chap. 31. ARAM. THere hath been always men of great humane learning, but void of the sincere knowledge of the truth, that have maintained one of these two opinions: some, That all things were governed by nature: others, that they were ruled by fortune. They that acknowledge nature for the first cause of all things The Stoics. did attribute unto her a constellation, which through the strength and efficacy of the stars governed the counsel The Epicures. and reason of men. The other sort acknowledging fortune, maintained that all things were done at adventure and by chance. Now albeit there are too many at this day that follow this error, yet is it so absurd a thing, that in the writings of ethnics and Pagans, a thousand invincible reasons are found of sufficient force to convince such opinions of mere lying and overgreat sottishness, and to constrain those that are most impudent and shameless to acknowledge an infinite almighty power to be the creator of nature, and of all things moving therein, and to dispose and order them with an eternal and everlasting providence. True it is that I would not absolutely deny the marvelous effects which many have noted in heavenly bodies throughout nature: nevertheless I hold this for certain, that as all their virtue dependeth of one only God, so he withdraweth from them his power when and as soon as it pleaseth him. Of this I infer, that they greatly deceive themselves, who think that the seeking out of the stars, and of their secret virtues diminisheth any thing from the greatness and power of God: seeing that contrariwise his majesty is much more famous and wonderful in doing such great things by his creatures, as if he did them himself without any mean. Now that which I have touched here my companions, is not to offer any occasion to discourse of the mathematics, or of any part thereof, which would be to departed out of those bounds which we appointed to our Academy. But seeing nothing is so common amongst us as to use, or rather to abuse these words of Good and Ill hap, by attributing unto them some power and virtue over our doings: insomuch that we commonly say there is nothing but good or ill luck in this world, I think it will not be without fruit to consider narrowly what we ought to think of these words, and wherein we are to seek and desire good hap, and wherein to fear and fly ill luck. Now therefore let us be instructed of you touching this matter. ACHITOB. Good hap consisteth in that contentation which proceedeth from the perfection of the subject thereof, being adorned with a perfect habit and entire possession Wherein good and ill hap consist. of all kind of Goods, in the privation whereof all ill hap consisteth. This cannot be verified of the passions and affections of men, nor of their worldly affairs, which are always intermingled with divers & sundry accidents, turning one while on this manner, by and by after an other, and carrying the soul continually up and down Who is happy in Socrates' judgement. with these two perturbations, Desire and Grief. Therefore if there be a happy man in this world (said Socrates) it is he that hath a pure and clean soul, and a conscience defiled with nothing. For the mysteries of God may be seen and beheld of him only. ASER. A temperate and constant man that knoweth how to moderate fear, anger, excessive joy, and unbridled Who is happy. desire, is very happy, but he that placeth other vading Goods in his felicity, shall never have a quiet mind. Let us then hear of AMANA, wherein we ought to judge that happiness or unhappiness consisteth. AMANA. The continual alteration & sudden change of one estate into another clean contrary, which might always be noted in the nature, disposition, and events of men's actions, counsels & desires, gave occasion to some of the ancient Philosophers to think the sick more happy than the sound: because (said they) sick folks look for health, whereas the healthy expect sickness. For this The cause why Amasis forfooke his alliance with Polycrates. very consideration it seemeth that Amasis, almost the last of those kings that reigned peaceably in Egypt, shaken off the alliance and league with Polycrates king of Samos, who was so happy in worldly respects, that do what he could, yet could he not know what sorrow meant, but all things fell out unto him better than he desired. For proof whereof may serve that which happened unto him, after he had cast into the sea a ring of great value, which he loved exceedingly. Now, although he did so of purpose, to the end he might taste of some sorrow and grief, yet he found it quickly again in the belly of a fish taken by Fishermen, and bought for his kitchen. Whereupon this wise Egyptian judged it a thing altogether impossible; but that some great misery was to follow hard at the heels of so great happiness: and therefore he would not be partaker thereof, as of necessity he should have been, if he had continued still that league which before was betwixt them. Neither was Amasis' any thing deceived in his opinion. For within a while after Polycrates was deprived of his kingdom, and shamefully hanged, serving for a common and notable example of the instability and variableness of man's estate, as also to show that it is a very absurd thing to place happiness in so uncertain felicity. And yet among infinite imperfections borne with man, this is common in An ordinary imperfection in man. him to lose quickly the remembrance of a benefit received, but to retain a long time the memory of a calamity fallen upon him. Which is the cause that he always supposeth his mishaps to be without comparison greater than all the good hap that he can have: so that he complaineth continually of his miseries and calamities, not remembering the innumerable benefits which are daily offered & presented unto him from the grace and bountifulness of God. Notwithstanding, if all men (as Socrates said) aswell rich as poor, brought their mishaps, and laid them in common together, and if they were in such sort divided, that every one might have an equal portion, then should it be seen, that many, who think themselves overcharged & oppressed, would with all their hearts take again unto them their fortune, and be contented withal. wouldst thou (said Democritus) avoid the grief of thy misery? Behold the life of the afflicted, and by the comparison A mean to avoid the grief of our misery. thereof with thine thou shalt see that thou hast cause to think thyself very happy. He that will measure his burden (saith Martial) may well bear it. Now, with this common complaint in men of their estate and condition, this custom also is joined, to lay the cause of that which they suffer upon cruel and intolerable destiny, accusing that, another imperfection. to excuse their own fault. Wherefore we cannot more aptly compare them than to blind folks, who are angry, and oftentimes call them blind that unawares do meet and justle them. But if we desire to cure our souls of so many miserable passions, which deprive us of true rest & tranquillity necessary for a happy life, let us be careful to learn how to discern true happiness from mishap, that we may rejoice in that which is good, and as readily give thanks to the author thereof, as naturally, through a false opinion which we have of evil, we sustain humane miseries and crosses unpatiently. First then let us hear the Notable opinions of good and ill hap. sundry and notable opinions of many ancient men touching good and ill hap. If thou knowest all that aught to be known in all things (said Pythagoras) thou art happy. Let them be accounted very happy (said Homer) to whom fortune hath equally weighed the good with the evil. The greatest misery of all (said Bias) is not to be able to bear misery. That man is happy (said Dionysius the elder) that hath learned from his youth to be unhappy. For he will bear the yoke better whereunto he hath been subject and accustomed of long tyme. Demetrius, surnamed the Besieger, said, That he judged none more unhappy than he that never tasted of adversity: as if he would have said, that it was a sure argument, that fortune judged him to be so base & abject, that he deserved not that she should busy herself about him. That man (saith Cicero) is very happy, who thinketh that no human matters, how grievous soever they may be, are intolerable, or aught to discourage him: judging also nothing so excellent, whereby he should be moved to rejoice in such sort, that his heart be puffed and lift up thereby. Yea, he is very happy, who fitly and conveniently behaveth himself in all things necessary for him. Nothing is evil (saith Plutarch) that is necessary. By which word necessary, both he and Cicero understand whatsoever cometh to a wise man by fatal destiny: because he beareth it patiently, as that which cannot be avoided, thereby increasing his virtue so much the more: and so Solon said that happiness consisted in a good life and death. no evil can come to a good man. Solon drawing nearer to the truth of sincere happiness, said, that it consisted in a good life and death: and that to judge them happy that are alive, considering the danger of so many alterations wherein they are, were all one, as if a man should before hand appoint the reward of the victory for one that is yet fight, not being sure that he should overcome. Socrates speaking The doctrine of Socrates and of the papists is all one touching the hope of eternal life. rather with a divine than a human spirit, said, that when we shall be delivered from this body wherein our soul is enclosed as an Oyster in his shell, we may then be happy, but not sooner: and that felicity cannot be obtained in this life, but that we must hope to enjoy it perfectly in the other life, as well for our virtues, as by the grace and mercy of God. Not the rich (said Plato) but the wise and prudent avoid misery. They that think (saith Aristotle) that external goods are the cause of happiness, deceive themselves no less than if they supposed, that cunning playing on the harp came from the instrument, and not from art: but we must seek for it in the good and quiet estate of the soul. For as we say not that a body is perfect because it is richly arrayed, but rather because it is well framed and healthful: so a soul well instructed, is the cause that both herself and the body wherein she is enclosed are happy: which cannot be verified of a man because he is rich in gold and silver. When I consider all the above named wise opinions of these ethnics and Pagans, I cannot sufficiently marvel at the ignorance and blockishness of many The common opinion of men concerning happiness and unhappiness. in our age touching Good and Ill hap, because they labour to make these words private, and to tie them to the success of their affections in worldly matters: which if they fall out according to their desire and liking, behold presently they are ravished with extreme joy, boasting of themselves, that they are most happy. But contrariwise, if they miss of their intents, by and by they despair, and think themselves the unhappiest men in the world. Do we not also see that most men judge them happy that possess riches, pleasure, delight, glory and honour, and those men miserable that want, especially if after they had abundance, they lose it by some mishap, the cause whereof they commonly attribute either to good or ill luck, which Whereat Apollonius marveled most. they say ruleth all humane affairs? We read that Apollonius Thianaeus having traveled over all Asia, Africa and Europe, said that of two things whereat he marveled most in all the world: the first was, that he always saw the proud man command the humble, the quarrelous the quiet, the tyrant the just, the cruel the pitiful, the coward the hardy, the ignorant the skilful, and the greatest thieves hang the innocent. But in the mean while who may doubt whether of these were the happiest? that the good were not rather than the wicked? if happiness according to the ancients, & to the truth, be perfected in good Notable reasons to show that no worldly thing can be called good, and that happiness cannot be perfected by any such thing. things, than it is certain, that whosoever enjoyeth all good things shall be perfectly happy. Now nothing can be called good but that which is profitable, and contrary to evil: so that whatsoever may as so one be evil as good, ought not to be called good. Moreover it must be the possession of some firm, steadfast and permanent Good that maketh a man happy. For nothing aught to wax old, to perish or decay of those things wherein a happy life consisteth, seeing he that feareth to lose them cannot be said to live quietly. Therefore neither beauty, nor strength, and disposition of body, neither riches, glory, honour or pleasure can be truly called Goods, seeing oftentimes they are the cause of so many evils, wax old, and vanish away many times as soon as a man hath received them, and lastly, work in us an unsatiable desire of them. How many men are there to whom all these things have been the occasion of evil? And how can we call that good, which being possessed, and that in abundance, cannot yet keep the owner thereof from being unhappy and miserable? Wherefore we may say, that happiness cannot be perfected by the possession of human and mortal things, neither unhappiness through the want of them: but that Wherein true happiness consisteth. the true felicity which we ought to desire in this world, consisteth in the goods of the soul, nourished in the hope of that unspeakable & everlasting happiness, which is promised and assured unto it in the second life. And so we Who are unhappy. say, that none are unhappy but they, who by reason of their perverseness, feel in their conscience a doubting of the expectation of eternal promises: as also they that give over themselves to vice, whose nature is to corrupt, destroy, and infect with the venom that is always about it, all things whereof it taketh hold. As for the common miseries of man's life they cannot in any sort make him unhappy, whose natural disposition & manners being framed and decked with virtue, are able to give & to impart to every condition of his life, whether it be poor or rich, prosperous or adverse, honourable or contemptible; happiness, joy, pleasure and contentation, which flow in his soul abundantly from that fountain and lively spring which philosophy hath discovered unto him in the fertile field of Graces and Sciences, whereby he enjoyeth true tranquillity and rest of spirit, as much as a man may have in this mortal life, moderating the perturbations of his soul, and commanding over the unpure affections of the flesh. And than as the shoe turneth with the fashion of the foot, and not contrariwise, The happiness of man cometh from within him. so the inward disposition of a wise and moderate man causeth him to lead a life like unto the same, that is, mild, peaceable and quiet, being never carried away with unreasonable passions, because she never enjoyeth or rejoiceth immoderately in that which she hath, but useth well that which is put into her hand, without fear or repining if it be taken away: following therein the saying of Democritus, that whosoever mindeth to live always happily, must propound to himself and desire things possible, and be content with things present. Therefore seeing the fountain of all felicity and contentation in this life is within us, let us cure and cleanse diligently all perturbations which seek to hinder the tranquillity of our spirits, to the end that external things which come from without us against our will and expectation, may seem unto us friendly and familiar after we know how to use them well. Plato compared our life to table-play, wherein both the Our life compared to table-play. dice must chance well, & the player must use that well which the dice shall cast. Now of these two points the event & lot of the Dice is not in our power: but to receive mildly and moderately that which falleth unto us, & to dispose every thing in that place where it may either profit most if it be good, or do least hurt if it be bad, that is in our power, & belongeth to our duty if we be wise men. Fortune (saith Plutarch) may well cast me into sickness, take away my goods, bring me in disgrace with the people, but she can not make him wicked, a coward, slothful, baseminded or envious, that is honest, valiant, and nobleminded, nor take from him his settled and temperate disposition of Prudence, which maketh him to judge, that no tedious, grievous or troublesome thing can befall him. For being grounded, not upon vanishing goods, but upon philosophical sentences, & firm discourses of reason, he may say, I have prevented thee fortune, I have closed up all thy chances, and stopped the ways of entrance in upon me: and so led a joyful life as long as virtue, and that part which is proper to man are strongest. And if peradventure some great inconvenience happen unto him against all hope, which humane power is not able to overcome, than with joy of spirit he considereth that the haven of safety is at hand, wherein he may save himself by swimming out of the body as out of a skiff that leaketh, departing boldly and without fear from the miseries of the world, that he may enjoy absolute and perfect Alexander and Crates opposed one against an other. happiness. Alexander the great having under his dominion more than half the world, when he heard the Philosopher Anaxarchus dispute and maintain that there were innumerable worlds, he began to weep, saying, Have I not good cause to be sorrowful and to mourn, if there be an infinite number of worlds, seeing as yet I have not been able to make myself Lord of one? But Crates the Philosopher being brought up in the school of wisdom, and having in stead of all wealth but an old cloak and a scrip, never wept in all his life, but was always seen merry, and passing over his days cheerfully. By which two kinds of life contrary one to an other, it appeareth sufficiently that it is within ourselves, and not in outward things, wherein we must seek for the foundation of a certain joy which is watered and flourisheth in strength by the remembrance of good and virtuous actions proceeding from the soul guided by right Agamemnon. knowledge and reason. Homer bringeth in Agamemnon complaining greatly because he was to command so great a part of the world, as if he had an intolerable burden upon his shoulders. Whereas Diogenes when he was to be sold for a slave, lying all along, mocked the Sergeant that cried him to sale, and would not rise up when he commanded him▪ but scoffingly said unto him, If thou wart to sell a fish, wouldst thou make it arise? Cry this rather, that if any man want a master, he should buy me: for I can serve his turn well. whereby we may fitly note this, that all the happiness, rest, and contentation of man dependeth of virtue only, and not of worldly greatness and glory. For this reason the self same Diogenes beholding a stranger come from Lacedemonia, more curiously decked on a festival day than he was wont, said unto him: What? Doth not an honest man think that every day is festival unto him? And truly there is nothing that aught to move us so much to show all outward signs of joy, or that breedeth such serenity and calmness against the tempestuous waves of human miseries and calamities, than to have the soul pure and clean from all wicked deeds, wills, and counsels, & the manners undefiled, not troubled or infected with any vice. For then acknowledging the estate of mortal and corruptible things, we judge them unworthy the care of our souls, that we may wholly lift them up to the contemplation of heavenly and eternal things, wherein our happiness and perfect felicity consisteth. Hereby we learn, that in the second life only we are to seek for and Where we must seek for true happiness. to expect the fruition of true happiness, which can never increase or be diminished. For as no man can make a line straighter than that which is strait, and as nothing is more just than that which is just: so he that is happy can not be more happy. Otherwise until a man had gotten all that might be had, his desires would never be settled, & so no man should be called happy. But felicity is perfect of itself. Cicero knew it well enough, when he said: that no man standing in fear of great things, could be happy: and in that respect no man living can be so, but to speak in deed of a happy life, that is it which is perfect and absolute. To the end therefore that we may reap some profit by our present discourse, let us never think that any man may be called happy or unhappy, because he is advanced or disgraced, with honours, goods, and worldly commodities, or because he is partaker either of prosperity or adversity throughout his whole life. But he only ought to Who is happy in this world. be esteemed happy in this world, that knoweth in rest & quietness of soul how to use both estates, and never suffereth himself to be carried away or troubled with unclean desires, but with all his heart seeketh for the possession of a firm, steadfast, and abiding Good, being assured, as we said, that not one of those things wherein a happy life consisteth shall wax old, perish, or fall to decay. To conclude, he is happy that showeth in all the works and actions of his life a pattern of honesty and virtue, being moderate in prosperity, & constant in adversity. A man thus affected and disposed, will behave himself without reproof in the time present, will call to mind with joy & pleasure the time past, and will boldly and without distrust draw near to the time to come, even with a cheerful & joyful hope of better things, and with a steadfast expectation of that unspeakable and endless happiness, which is prepared for the elect. Of prosperity and adversity. Chap. 32. AMANA. BEing in our former discourse entered into the divers and contrary effects which the nature and condition of worldly affairs draw with them, whereof every one in his particular place may daily have good & sufficient testimonies: & seeing through the malice and corruption of our age, all things are at that point, as if they meant to lay more hard and difficult crosses upon us to sustain, I think we shall not departed from our matter, if we seek for some instruction whereby to govern ourselves prudently in prosperity and in adversity, considering the effects both of the one and the other, to the end we may avoid those that are most pernicious, and retain still with us that constancy and worthiness that is required in the virtue of Fortitude, which A pretty comparison. teacheth a man how he ought to behave himself nobly in every estate and condition of life. For as gold transfigured by the workman, now into one fashion, and then into another, is transformed into sundry kinds of ornaments, and yet remaineth always that which it is, without any alteration of substance: so it behoveth a wise & noble minded man to continued always the same in things that are contrary and divers, without any alteration and change of his constancy and virtue. But I leave the discourse of this matter to you my Companions. ARAM. As a man (saith Scipio) delivereth over his horses (which because they have been in many skirmishes, are become resty, furious, and untractable) to the yeomen of his horses, to bring A similitude. them into good order again: so men that are grown to be unruly through prosperity, must be brought as it were to around circle, that they may consider of the inconstancy of worldly things, and of the variableness of wretched fortune. ACHITOB. In prosperity (saith Euripides) be not lift up too much, and in adversity hope the best always. And as in a fire A similitude. (said Socrates) it is good to behold a clear brightness: so is a moderate soul in felicity. But let us hear ASER, who will handle that which is here propounded more at large. ASER. As men provide bulwarks and banks against a river that useth to overflow: so he that desireth to live happily, must fortify himself with powerful and convenient virtues, to resist the hurtful assaults which the unlooked for success of human affairs make upon him continually, both in prosperity and in adversity. For Common effects of the frail nature of man. questionless nothing is hardlier kept within compass, than he that hath all things according to his heart's desire: neither is any thing so much cast down, or sooner discouraged than the same man, when he is afflicted and misseth of his purpose. All minds are not resolute and constant enough from slipping beside themselves, and beyond the limits of reason, neither in great prosperity, which puffeth and lifteth up men's hearts, especially theirs that are base by nature, nor yet in unlooked for adversity, which through the heavy burden thereof oftentimes astonisheth and amazeth them that are thought to be best settled and assured. But if we consider apart the pernicious effects which issue from these two contraries, when reason doth not guide and govern them, we shall find nothing but pride in the one, and faintness of heart, baseness of mind, and oftentimes Prosperity more hurtful than adversity. despair in the other. Notwithstanding we may well note this, that prosperity hath always been the cause of far greater evils to men than adversity, & that it is easier for a man to bear this patiently, than not to forget himself in the other. Whereof I think we may not unfitly allege for a reason that which Menander saith: that man of all other living creatures is aptest to fall suddenly down from high to low, because he dareth undertake the greatest matters, although he be weakest. Whereupon being as it were naturally subject to falling, it is not so strange unto him being better furnished for that, (seeing he is or aught to be prepared thereto long before) then when against his natural disposition he ascendeth to some greatness not hoped for. Now, whether it be for this reason, or because vice is his proper inheritance, the memory of the time passed aswell as of the present time, furnisheth us with sufficient testimonies, seeing few are found that forgot not themselves in their prosperity, whereas many have behaved Plato was requested by the Cyrenians to give them laws themselves wisely, and taken occasion to be better in their adversity. Which being understood of Plato, when he was requested by the Cyrenians a people of Grecia, to write down laws for them, and to appoint them some good form of government for their commonwealth: he answered, that it was a very hard matter to prescribe laws to so rich, happy, and wealthy a people as they were. For commonly those cities which in short time come suddenly to great felicity, grow to be insolent, arrogant, and uneasy to range in order: neither is there any thing for the most part prouder, than a poor man made rich: as contrariwise none are so ready to receive counsel and direction, as he whom fortune hath overrun. He that is pressed greatly with adversity, is seldom puffed up with pride, or vanquished of lust, or drowned in covetousness, or overtaken with gluttony, or lift up with desire and worldly glory: all which imperfections happen commonly to those upon whom fortune too much fawneth. That felicity (saith Seneca) which hath not been hurt, cannot endure one blow: but when it hath had a long and continual combat with discommodities, and hath hardued itself by suffering and bearing injuries, then doth it not suffer itself to be overcome with any evil. Now one of the greatest benefits that a man may have in this life, is, neither to be changed by adversity, nor lift up with prosperity, but to be as a well rooted tree, which, although it be shaken with sundry winds, yet can not be overthrown by any of them. And truly it is very ridiculous that that which cometh to all worldly things by an ordinary and natural course, even by the sequel of causes linked together and depending one of another, changing the estate of mortal things, should have power to alter or to make any mutation in reason and wisdom, which ought to abide steadfast in the mind of man. For this cause Plato said, that there was nothing but virtue could tame it, and that men furnished therewith behaved themselves constantly and courageously in both kinds of fortune. Virtue (saith Cicero) abideth calm and quiet in the greatest tempest, and although she be driven into exile, yet she stirreth not out of her place and country, but shineth so always of herself, that she cannot be soiled with the spots of an other. This excellent Orator and Philosopher giveth us also wholesome counsel to oppose against Good counsel for those that are in prosperity. the dangerous effects that are to be feared in prosperity. When we are (saith he) in best estate, we must use the counsel of our friends more than we do commonly, and as long as it continueth we are greatly to beware that we open not our ears to flatterers, who are the plague & destruction of the greater sort, because all their labour is to propound unto us occasions & means to enjoy delights and pleasures, and to show out selves to be proud and arrogant, during the time of our prosperity: to the end we should put good men far from us, and reserve to them only that authority wherein they are settled. Whereas on the contrary side our true friends would lead us back to consider the inconstancy of human things, to the end that we abuse not our felicity, but behave ourselves as a wise pilot doth, who always feareth a smiling calmness in the main sea. Which consideration maketh a man constant and resolute to bear and endure all sinister chances, and not so ready and easy to be deceived, because he always feareth and distrusteth fortune. Let us now come to examples of that which we have here alleged. As touching the pernicious effects of over great prosperity, they Alexander. may well be noted in Alexander the great, who although he was endued with notable and rare virtues, yet could not use moderately the great good speed and happy success of all his enterprises, but being conquered of the Persian delights, gave himself over to commit many insolences, and then filled with prefumption and pride, julius Caesar. would have been worshipped. julius Caesar being ascended into the highest degree of favourable fortune that he could desire, and lending his ear over freely to flatterers, would be called and declared a king, (which name was most odious to the Romans since the time that Tarqvinius was banished, as we mentioned before) and retained always to himself the authority and power of a Dictator, which before continued but a certain time. He bestowed the public offices and places of honour upon whom he thought good, whereof proceeded the ill will of his subjects, and in the end his destruction. The greatness of Pompey. Pompey was that which afterward overthrew him. For employing his credit to favour others unjustly, it fell out to him as to cities that suffer their enemies to enter even into their strongest places, diminishing so much of their own forces, as they add to others that wish them no good. Which thing Sylla the Dictator did very notably give him to understand, when he saw that Pompey by his countenance and favour had brought Lepidus a wicked man to the dignity of Confulship. I see well (quoth Sylla to him) thou art very glad because thou hast prevailed in this suit; and sure thou hast great cause so to be. For it is a goodly matter, and the point of a noble man to be so gracious with the people, that through thy favour Lepidus the wickeddest man in the world hath carried away the Consulship before Catullus the honestest man in all the city. But A wise foresight of Sylla. I advise thee to beware of sleeping now, and to have a vigilant eye to thy business, because thou hast armed & made strong an adversary against thyself. Whereof Pompey had experience afterward in those wars which Lepidus raised, against whom he was sent by the Senate, and in the end obtained the victory. But the favour he bore to Caesar, entering upon the government of public affairs, came not to that pass. For he was afterward overthrown by the same means wherewith he had strengthened Caesar against others. Out of which we may draw an excellent doctrine for all that are placed in authority, or that have the ears of great men at commandment, that they never cause the wicked to be advanced. For as the worm that is bred at the foot of a tree, groweth with it, and in the end destroyeth it: so a wicked man advanced by the favour of one greater than himself, becometh afterward unthankful and treacherous unto him. This moved Archidamides the Lacedaemonian to answer in this sort one that commended Charilaüs king of Sparta, because he showed himself alike courteous to all. But how deserveth that man praise, who showeth himself courteous towards the wicked? Now to return to our speech touching the effects of prosperity, not ruled by the reason of true prudence, what is more hateful, or hath at any time been more hurtful to men than pride? Which (as Plato saith) dwelleth with solitariness, that is to say, is so hated, that in the end it is forsaken of all the world? And whereof is it bred sooner than of prosperity? Which that wise man & excellent Roman captain Paulus Aemilius knowing full well, after the victory gotten by him against Perses king of Macedonia, being desirous to admonish the men of war that were in his army, and to keep them within the compass of their duty, he used these or the like speeches An excellent oration of P. Aemilius to his soldiers. unto them. Is there any man now my friends and companions, that aught to wax proud, and to glory in the profperitie of his affairs, if he hath luck to his liking, and not rather to fear the fickleness of fortune, who even at this present setteth before our eyes such a notable example of the common frailty of man, subject to the ordinary course of fatal destiny, which turneth about continually? You see how in the moment of an hour we have beaten down and put under our feet the house of Alexander the Great, who was the mightiest and most redoubted Prince in the world. You see a King not long since followed and accompanied with so many thousands of fight men brought to such misery, that being prisoner he must receive his meat and drink at the hands of his enemies. Ought we to trust more to our good hap, and to think it more firm and assured? Truly no. And therefore let us learn to humble ourselves, and to restrain this foolish arrogancy & proud insolency, wherewith our youth seemeth to be overcome by reason of the victory obtained by us: and let us expect to what end and M. Aurelius. issue fortune will guide the envy of this present prosperity. Marcus Aurelius after he had vanquished Popilion, general of the Parthians, spoke thus unto him: I tell thee of a truth that I stand in greater fear of fortune at this present, than I did before the battle. For she careth not so much to overtake the conquered, as to subdue and vanquish the Conquerors. This self same consideration Philip king of Macedonia. caused Philip king of Macedonia, after he received news of three great and sundry prosperities in one day, to utter this speech: O fortune (said he) (holding up his hands towards heaven) I pray thee send me for a counterbuff some mean adversity. Likewise after he had overcome in battle the Athenians at Cherronesus, and by this victory obtained the Empire of Grecia, he commanded a little Page to cry unto him thrice a day, Philip remember that thou art a man: so greatly did he fear least through arrogancy arising of his prosperity, he should commit any Archidamas. thing that did not beseem him. The same thing did Archidamas the son of Agesilaus very well and wisely teach him, to whom Philip after he was a Conqueror had written a very sharp and rough letter: If thou measurest thy shadow (answered Archidamas) thou shalt find that it is not waxed greater since thou didst overcome. The prosperity which Cyrus Cyrus. Monarch of the Persians always had in all his enterprises, was the cause that trusting too much thereunto, he would not give ear to the counsel of Croesus, when he dissuaded him from that war, which he purposed to undertake against Tomyris Queen of the Scythians, (which fell out hardly for him) using these words: Know that all worldly things have a certain course, which doth not suffer them to end happily that have always had fortune prosperous, which he might well speak by experience in himself. But Cyrus having already subdued all Asia, part of Grecia, the kingdom of Babylon, with infinite other places, and beholding his army to consist of six score thousand men, thought he could not be vanquished. Whereupon giving battle to Tomyris, he lost his life, together with the renown of so many goodly victories, (being now overcome by a woman) his whole army also being hewn in pieces. And truly as one puff of wind causeth the goodliest fruits, The instability of human things. which beautify the whole Orchard, to fall from the tree: so a little disgrace, a sudden mishap in one instant bringeth to nothing, and pulleth down the greatness, wealth, and prosperity of men. And when we think to lay a sure foundation of prosperity, even than is all changed, and the order of our conceits perverted & turned into an unlooked for disorder and confusion. Now let us come to consider particularly of the effects of adversity. There are The common effects of adversity. few folks (if they be not destitute of all good judgement) that are ignorant and understand not what belongeth to their duty, so long as prosperity lasteth: but few there are, who in great overthwarts and shakings of fortune, have hearts sufficiently stayed to practise and imitate that which they commend and make account of, or to fly from that which they mislike and reprehend. Nay rather they are carried away, and through custom of living at ease, together with frailty and faintness of heart, they start aside, and alter their first discourses. This is that which Terence meaneth, where he saith, that when we are in good health, we give a great deal better counsel to the diseased, than we can take to ourselves when we stand in need thereof. Notwithstanding he that is beaten down and humbled by affliction, easily suffereth himself to be directed, gladly receiveth and hearkeneth to the advice of good men, and if there be any little seed of virtue in him, it increaseth daily, whereas prosperity would soon choke it. And if he hath profited well in the study The fruits of the study of philosophy. of wisdom, he doth as Bees do, which draw the best and driest honey out of time, although it be a very bitter herb. So out of most troublesome Accidents he knoweth how to reap benefit and commodity, resolving with himself and taking counsel according to the mishaps that light upon him. He doubteth not of this, that it is the duty of wise and virtuous men not only to desire prosperity in all things, but also to endure adversity with constancy & modesty. He knoweth that as the fruition of prosperity is for the most part full of sweetness, when it is not abused, so the constant suffering of adversity is always replenished and accompanied with great honour. And such a one may truly be called noble and courageous, yea, he showeth himself a great deal better to be so in deed when he yieldeth not, nor fainteth in afflictions, than if he were in prosperity, which puffing up the hearts of cowards and base minds, causeth them sometimes to seem courageous, when as they are lift up by fortune into a high degree of honour and felicity, whereas in truth there is no such Croesus'. matter in them. Croesus' King of the Lydians being thrown from his estate & made prisoner to Cyrus, showed greater virtue and generosity of heart at that time, than he did all the while he enjoyed his great wealth, through which being puffed up with pride, he would have had Solon judged him most happy. For being upon a block ready to be burned, and both remembering and fitly applying to himself those wise discourses which he heard Solon make unto him concerning the small assurance that we have in worldly felicity, and how no man ought to be called happy before the hour of his death, he resolved with himself to die constantly and cheerfully. And calling to mind this benefit which he received by the means of that wise man, whereupon he felt his soul filled with joy, he repeated aloud three times the name of Solon, using no other words. Whereof Cyrus ask the cause, he uttered unto him the self same discourses, which touched the heart of this monarch in such sort, that presently changing the ill will he bore to Croesus, he fully restored him to the fruition of his kingdom, and kept him near unto himself The Romans were wise and constant in adversity. for one of his chief and principal counsellors. The Romans (as Polybius saith) never observed their laws more straightly, never caused the discipline of war to be kept more severely, and were never so well advised & constant, as after the Carthaginians had obtained of them the third victory at the battle of Cannas. And contrariwise, there were nothing but part-takings and factions in Carthage, laws were never less esteemed, magistrates never less regarded, nor manners more corrupted than at that time. But within a little while after, they fell from the highest degree of their felicity, into utter ruin, and the Romans restored their own estate into greater glory than it was in before. Virtue is always like to the Date tree. For the The property of virtue oppressed. more she is oppressed and burdened, the higher she lifteth up herself, and showeth her invincible power and strength, over which fortune can nothing prevail. And although adversity somewhat troubleth a virtuous man, yet is it not able to alter his noble courage, but remaining firm and constant, he knoweth how to take all things as exercises of his virtue, which, as an ancient man said, withereth and looseth her vigour without adversity. It is evident therefore that the effects of adversity are not so pernicious to a man, as those which prosperity commonly bringeth unto him. For this latter is of a proud and presumptuous nature, always envied, and as commonly it is not freely admonished, so it giveth ear unto and receiveth as little: but the other is plain and simple, followed of compassion, and ready to receive counsel. Besides, it awaketh a Christian and stirreth him up to humble himself before the majesty of God, to call upon him, and to trust wholly to his only grace and virtue. Now if some (as I have said) are so faint hearted, that they suffer themselves to be overwhelmed under the burden of turmoils and calamities, let us attribute the cause thereof to ignorance, and want of good judgement, which depriveth them of learned & sound cogitations and discourses that tend to a constant disposition, wherein the happiness of this life consisteth. As for us if we desire to approach near to that perfection, which is required by the Sages, let us propound to ourselves their examples to follow, that we may be temperate and constant in every estate and condition of life. We The wonderful constancy of Socrates. read of Socrates that one and the same countenance was noted in him all his life time, that it was neither sadder nor pleasanter for any thing that happened unto him. He changed it not when he heard the sentence of his death pronounced, no not when he drank the poison, following P. Rutilus. therein the contents of his condemnation, albeit he was then above threescore years of age. Publius Rutilus a Roman, being unjustly banished, never changed his countenance or behaviour, neither would put on any other gown than that he used to wear, although it was the custom of such as were banished, to alter the same. Neither would he leave off the marks of a Senator, nor request the judges to absolve him, but led the rest of his days with the same greatness, gravity and authority that he used before, not showing himself any thing beaten down with Q. Metellus. sorrow for the strange alteration of his first estate. Quintus Metellus surnamed Numidicus, because he had subdued that country of Numidia, being driven into exile through a popular faction and sedition, went into Asia, where, as he beheld certain players, he received letters from the Senate, whereby he was certified that the Senators & people with one common consent had called him back again. Which good news he bore with the like modesty that he did his banishment, not departing from the theatre before the sports were ended, nor showing his letters to any of his friends that were round about him before he had assembled them together in his lodging to deliberate Diogenes. of his return to Rome. The same gravity and constancy caused Diogenes when he heard one hit him in the teeth with his banishment from Pontus by the Synopians to make this answer: And I have bounded them within the country of Pontus. We must account the whole scope of the firmament for the bonds of our country as long as we live here. Neither ought any man within those limits to esteem himself either banished, or a stranger: seeing God governeth all things by the same elements. Therefore Socrates took the whole world for his country. Socrates said, that he took not himself to be either an Athenian or a Grecian, but a worldling. And how shall we think that they who sustained so courageously their banishment from their country (which was so dear unto them that they preferred the benefit thereof before the safety of their life) their deprivation & absence from their families, friends and goods, would not much more virtuously have suffered all less adversity? Therefore to end our present discourse, let us learn that nothing belonging to this present life hath neither more evil nor good in it, than according to the end which befalleth it, & that it is our duty to keep ourselves moderate, constant, and upright, both in prosperity and in adversity, which is the property of true magnanimity and greatness of courage. Let us not lift up ourselves above measure for any temporal felicity, nor be too much discouraged because we are visited with adversity, but wisely expect what will be the end of both, which a good and virtuous man shall always find to be happy when he changeth his mortal estate for a life that is certain and everlasting. The end of the eight days work. THE NINTH days work. Of Riches. Chap. 33. ASER. YEsterday we bestowed the better part of the day in discoursing of good and ill hap, of prosperity and adversity, which with a swift pace following each other, seem to change, to turn, and to overturn incessantly the dealings and desires of men. Now forasmuch as we made mention of the ignorant multitude which placeth happiness & felicity in the vading goods of the world, & affirmed to the contrary, that this felicity was very miserable, because it maketh a man more insolent and arrogant, & giveth him greater occasion to bewail, than to rejoice in his fortune, I think we ought to consider more nearly of the nature of such goods as are no goods, beginning with Riches whereunto men are slaves, more than to any other thing, albeit they procure them the greatest evils. AMANA. Riches (saith Epictetus') are not in the number of goods. For they stir us up to superfluity, and pull us back from temperance. And therefore it is a very hard matter for a rich man to be temperate, or for a temperate man to be rich. As a man cannot use a horse (saith Socrates) without a bridle, so he cannot use Riches without reason. ARAM. It is almost impossible (said Diogenes) that virtue should dwell in a rich city or house. For riches The fruits of riches. bring with them pride to him that possesseth them, excessive desire in gathering them, covetousness in keeping them, all filthiness & dissoluteness in the enjoying of them. But let us hear ACHITOB, who will handle this matter more at large. ACHITOB. As children of three or four years of age have no other care or thought, but how they may play and pass their time with the having of daily food according to their appetite, not considering or taking any care for the means which they might have, and which would be necessary for the nourishing of their old age: so it seemeth to me that the men of our time behave themselves, when through a more than childish ignorance they labour without ceasing, to gather & to increase wealth, which will do them service but a little while, not caring in the mean time for certain and immortal goods which will nourish them for ever. And yet the soul created according to the image of God, cannot better preserve and show forth her divine nature in this mortal body, than by contemning all earthly, human, and vading things. But to the end we be not of the number of those that fill themselves with such passions, to purchase their own destruction, let us consider by the testimonies Of the nature, quality, and effects of riches. of the ancient Sages, of the nature and quality of riches, and of the visible effects which they daily bring forth in those that serve & possess them: next, we will behold some examples of these famous personages, that we may be induced thereby to contemn such pernicious goods. Men ought to make great account of riches (said Socrates) if they were joined with true joy, but they are wholly separated from it. For if rich men fall to using of them, they spoil themselves with overgreat pleasure, if they would keep them, care gnaweth and consumeth them within, and if they desire to get them, they become wicked and unhappy. It cannot be (saith Plato) that a man should be truly good, and very rich both together, but he may well be happy and good at one time. And it is a very miserable saying to affirm that a rich man is happy: yea it belongeth to children and fools to say so, making them unhappy that believe and approve it. Sloth and slug gishnes grow of riches, and they that are addicted to heap them up more and more, the greater account they make of them, the less they esteem virtue. So that if riches and rich men are greatly set by in a commonwealth, virtue and good men will be much less regarded: and yet great matters are brought to pass, and commonwealths preserved by virtue, and not by riches. Riches (saith Isocrates) serve not so much for the practice of honesty as of wickedness, seeing they draw the liberty of men to looseness and idleness, and stir up young men to voluptuousness. Men (said Thales) are by nature borne to virtue, but riches draw them back unto them, having a thousand sorts of sorceries to allure them to vices, and through a false opinion of good to turn them from those things that are truly good. They suffer not him that hath them to be able to know any thing, but draw him to external goods. They are passing arrogant & most fearful. If they use themselves, they are riotous, if they abstain, miserable. They never content their Owners, nor leave them void of sorrow and care: but as they that are sick of the dropsy, the more they drink, become the thirstier, so the more that men abound in wealth, the more they desire to have. Riches of themselves breed flatterers, who help to undo rich men. They are the cause of infinite murders and hired slaughters: they make covetous persons to contemn the goods of the soul, thinking to become happy without them. They provoke them also to delicacies and to gluttony, whereby their bodies are subject to diseases and infirmities. Briefly, riches greatly hurt both body and soul. They stir up domestical sedition, and that among brethren. They make children worse in behaviour towards their fathers, and cause fathers to deal more hardly with their children. Through them it cometh that friends suspect each other: for a true friend is credited no more by reason of a flatterer. Besides, rich men are angry with good men, saying, that they are arrogant because they will not flatter them: and in like manner they hate such as flatter them, thinking that they keep about them only to rob them, and to diminish their wealth. These are the evils, which may be said to be commonly in riches. But these also accompany them, being execrable diseases, namely, presumption, pride, arrogancy, vile and abject cares, which are altogether Riches of them selue, are the good gifts of God, but the evils wrought for, or by them, come from the corrupt nature of man. earthly, naughty desires, wicked pleasures, and an insatiable coveting. Besides, if they were not pernicious of themselves, so many mischiefs would not take their beginning from them. For men commit a thousand murders for gain. They rob churches, fidelity is lost and broken, friendship is violated, men betray their country, maidens are loosely given: briefly, no evils are left unexecuted through the desire of riches. They that give themselves (said Bion) to gather riches, are very ridiculous, seeing fortune giveth them, covetousness keepeth them, and liberality casteth them away. Men must have rich souls (saith Alexides) as for silver it is nothing but a show and vail of life. It is a naughty thing (saith Euripides) but common to all rich men, to live wickedly. The cause thereof as I take it, is this, because they have nothing but riches in their mind, which being blind, seel up likewise the eyes of their understanding. I pray God never to send me a wealthy life, which hath always sorrow and care for her Companions: nor riches to gnaw my heart. Speak not to me of Pluto, that is to say, of riches: for I make The poet's feigned Pluto to be the God of riches, appointing Hell for his kingdom. no great reckoning of that God, who is always possessed of the most wicked upon the earth. O riches, you are easy to bear, but infinite cares, miseries, and griefs keep you company. He (saith Democritus) that woondereth at such as have great riches, and are esteemed of the ignorant multitude to be happy, will surely through a desire of having, commit and undertake wicked things, and those oftentimes against the laws. As drunkenness (saith Aristotle) begetteth rage and madness: so ignorance joined with power, breedeth insolency and fury. And to those whose minds are not well The evil disposition of the mind is the true cause of the hurt that cometh by riches. disposed, neither riches, nor strength, nor beauty, can be judged good, but the greater increase ariseth of them, the more harm they procure to him that possesseth them. moreover, do we not see that the most part of rich men, either use not their riches, because they are covetous, or abuse them, because they are given over to their pleasures, and so they are all the servants either of pleasures, or of traffic and gain, as long as they live. But he that would be (as Plato saith) truly rich, aught to labour not so much to augment his wealth, as to diminish his desire of having, because he that appointeth no bounds to his desires, is always poor and needy. For this cause the liberty of a wise man's soul, who knoweth the nature of external goods belonging to this life, is never troubled with the care of them, being assured (as Plutark saith) that as it is not apparel which giveth heat to a man, but only stayeth and keepeth in natural heat that proceedeth from the man himself, by hindering it from dispersing in the air: so no man liveth more happily or contentedly, because he is compassed From whence happiness and contentation cometh. about with much wealth, if tranquillity, joy, and rest, proceed not from within his soul. Heap up (saith the same Philosopher) store of gold, gather silver together, build fair galleries, fill a whole house full of slaves, and a whole town with thy debtors: yet if thou dost not master the passions of thy soul, if thou quenchest not thy unsatiable desire, nor deliverest thy soul of all fear and carking care, thou dost as much to procure thy quietness, as if thou gavest wine to one that had an ague. Life of itself (saith Plato) is not joyful, unless care be chased away, which causeth us to wax gray-headed, whilst we desire but mean store of riches. For the superfluous desire of having, always gnaweth our heart. Whereupon it cometh to pass, that oftentimes amongst men we see Great madness in coveting money. poverty to be better than riches, & death than life. And truly there is great madness in the greedy coveting of money. For they that are touched with this malady, follow after riches with such zeal, as if they supposed that when they had gotten them, no more evil should come near them. And then also they set so light by those which they have, that they burn with the desire of having more. How then shall we call that good, which hath no end or measure? Or that which being gotten, is the beginning of a further desire to have more? A horse (saith Epictetus') is not said to be better, because he hath eaten more than another, or because he hath a gilt harness, but because he is stronger, swifter, and better made: for every beast is accounted of according to his virtue. And shall a man be esteemed according to his riches, ancestors, and beauty? If any man think that his old age shall be borne more easily by the means of riches, he deceiveth himself. For they may well cause him to enjoy the hurtful pleasures of the body, but cannot take from him sadness, horror, and fear of death: nay rather they double his grief, when he thinketh that he must leave and forsake them. In this short discourse taken from ancient men, the vanity of riches appeareth sufficiently unto us, as also the hurtful effects that flow from them, if they be not ruled by the reason of true prudence. Hereafter we are to see how we may use those riches well, which God putteth into our hands, being justly gotten by us: which is a part of justice, whereof we are to entreat. In the mean time, that we fasten not our hearts to so frivolous and vain a thing, let us call to mind some examples of Examples of the contempt of riches. wise and famous men, worthy of immortal renown, who have altogether contemned, eschewed, and despised the covetous desire and hoarding up of riches, as the plague and unavoidable ruin of the soul. We read of Marcus Curius a Roman Consul (the first of his time that M. Curius. received thrice the dignity of triumphing for the notable victories which he obtained in the honour of his country) that he made so small account of worldly riches, that all his possession was but a little farm in the country soryly built, wherein he continued for the most part when public affairs suffered him, labouring and tilling himself that little ground which he had there. And when certain ambassadors upon a day came to visit him, they found him in his chimney dressing of reddish for his supper. And when they presented him with a great sum of money from their commonalty, he refused it, saying: that they which contented themselves with such an ordinary as his was, had no need of it: and that he thought it far more honourable to command them that had gold, than to have it. Photion the Athenian being visited with ambassadors from Alexander, they presented him with a hundred Talents (being in value three score thousand crowns) which this Monarch sent unto him for a gift. Photion demanding the cause why, seeing Photion. there were so many Athenians besides him, they answered: because their master judged him only among all the rest to be a virtuous and good man. Then (quoth he) let him suffer me both to seem and to be so in deed, and carry his present back again to him. Notwithstanding, he was needy, as may be proved by the answer which he made to the Athenian council, who demanded a voluntary contribution of every one towards a sacrifice. And when there were no more left to contribute but he, they were very importunate with him to give somewhat. It were a shame for me (said he unto them) to give you money, before I have paid this man: and therewithal he showed one unto them that had lent him a certain sum of money. Philopaemen Philopaemen. general of the Achaians, having procured a league of amity between the city of Sparta, & his own, the Lacedæmonians sent him a present of six score Talents, which were worth three score and twelve thousand crowns. But refusing it, he went purposely to Sparta, where he declared to the council, that they ought not to corrupt and win honest men, or their friends with money, seeing in their need they might be assured of them, and use their virtue freely without cost: but that they were to buy and gain with hired rewards, the wicked, & such as by their seditious orations in the Senate house used to raise mutinies, and to set the city on fire, to the end that their mouths being stopped by gifts, they might procure less trouble to the government of the commonwealth. A great Lord of Persia coming from his country to Athens, and perceiving that he stood in great Cimon. need of the aid and favour of Cimon, who was one of the chief in the city, he presented unto him two cups that were both full, the one of Dariques of gold, the other of silver Dariques. This wise Grecian beginning to smile, demanded of him whether of the twain he had rather have him to be, his friend, or his hireling? The Persian answered, that he had a great deal rather have him his friend. Then (said Cimon) carry back again thy gold and silver. For if I be thy friend, it will be always at my commandment Anacreon. to use as often as I shall need. Anacreon having received of Polycrates five Talents for a gift, was so much troubled for the space of two nights with care how he might keep them, and about what to employ them best, that he carried them back again, saying: that they were not worth the Xenocrates. pains, which he had alrcadie taken for them. Xenocrates refused thirty thousand crowns of Alexander, sent unto him for a present, saying: that he had no need of them. What (quoth Alexander) hath he never a friend? For mine own part, I am sure that all king Darius' treasure will scarce suffice me to distribute Socrates among my friends. Socrates being sent for by king Archelaüs to come unto him, who promised him great riches, sent him word, that a measure of flower was sold in Athens for a Double, and that water cost nothing. And although Five Doubles in France make a penny of our coin. it seemeth (quoth this Philosopher) that I have not goods enough, yet I have enough, seeing I am contented therewith. What is necessary (said Menander) for the use of our life besides these two things, Bread and Water? Bias flying out of his city which he foresaw would be besieged without hope of rescue, would not load himself with his wealth as others did. And being demanded the cause why, I carry (quoth he) all my goods with me: meaning the invisible gifts & graces of his mind. Truly gold and silver are nothing but dust, and precious stones but the gravel of the sea. And (as Pythagoras said) we ought to persuade ourselves, that those riches are not ours which are not enclosed in our soul. According to which saying, Socrates when he saw that Alcibiades waxed arrogant because of the great quantity of ground which he possessed, showed him an universal Map of the world, and asked him whether he knew which were his lands in the territory of Athens. Whereunto when Alcibiades answered, that they were not described nor set down there. How is it then (quoth this wise man) that thou braggest of that thing which is no part of the world? One mean which Lycurgus used, and which helped him much in the Lycurgus' abrogated the use of gold and silver coin. reforming of the Lacedaemonian estate, was the disannulling of all gold and silver coin, & the appointing of iron money only to be currant, a pound weight whereof was worth but six pence. For by this means he banished from among them the desire of riches, which are no less cause of the overthrow of commonwealths than of private men. This moved Plato to say, that he would not have the princes and governors of his commonwealth, nor his men of war and soldiers, to deal at all with gold and silver: but that they should have allowed them out of the common treasury whatsoever was necessary for them. For as long gowns hinder the body, so do much riches the soul. Therefore if we desire to live happily in tranquillity and rest of soul, and with joy of spirit, let us learn after the example of so many great men to withdraw our affections wholly from the desire of worldly riches, not taking delight & pleasure (as Diogenes said) in that which shall perish, and is not able to make a man better, but oftentimes worse. Let us further know that Luke 16. 13. (according to the Scripture) no man can serve God and riches together, but that all they which desire them greedily, 1. Tim. 6. 9 fall into temptations and snares, and into many foolish and noisome lusts which drown men in perdition, whereof we have eye-witnesses daily before us. This appeareth in that example which the self same word noteth Luke 12. 16. unto us of the rich man that abounded in all things, so that he willed his soul to take her ease, and to make good cheer, because she had so much goods laid up for many years: and yet the same night he was to pay tribute unto nature, to his overthrow and confusion. Being therefore instructed by the spirit of wisdom, let What riches we ought to treasure up. us treasure up in Jesus Christ the permanent Riches of wisdom, piety, and justice, which of themselves are sufficient through his grace to make us live with him for ever. Of poverty. Chap. 34. ACHITOB. NOw that we have seen the nature of riches with the most common effects which flow from them, and seeing the chief & principal cause that leadeth men so earnestly to desire them, is The chief cause why riches are so earnestly desired. the fear of falling into poverty, which through error of judgement they account a very great evil, I am of opinion, that we are to enter into a particular consideration thereof, to the end that such a false persuasion may never deceive us, nor cause us to go astray out of the right path of virtue. ASER. Poverty (said Diogenes) is a help to Philosophy, and is learned of itself. For that which philosophy, seeketh to make us know by words, poverty persuadeth us in the things themselves. AMANA. Rich men stand in need of many precepts, as, that they live thriftily and soberly: that they exercise their bodies: that they delight not too much in the decking of them: and infinite others, which poverty of herself teacheth us. But let us hear ARAM discourse more at large of that which is here propounded unto us. ARAM. If we consider how our common mother the earth, being prodigal in giving unto us all things necessary for the life of man, hath notwithstanding cast all of us naked out of her bowels, and must receive us so again into her womb, I see no great reason we have to call some rich, and others poor, seeing the beginning, being, and end of the temporal life of all men are unlike in nothing, but that some during this little moment of life have that in abundance and superfluity, which others have only according to their necessity. But this is much more absurd, and without all show of reason, that they whom we Against those that think poor men less happy than the rich. call poor according to the opinion of men, should be accounted, yea commonly take themselves to be less happy than rich men, and as I may so say, bastard children & not legitimate, because they are not equally and alike partakers of their mother's goods, which are the wealth of the world, for the having whereof we hear so many complaints and murmurings. For first we see none, no not the neediest and poorest that is (except it be by some great & strange mishap) to be so unprovided for, that with any labour and pains taking (which is the reward of sin) he is able to get so much as is necessary for the maintenance of his life, namely, food and raiment, neither yet any that for want of these things, howsoever oftentimes he suffer and abide much, is constrained to give up the Ghost. But further, as touching the true, eternal, and incomparable goods of our common father, their part and portion is nothing less than that of the richest. Yea many times they are rewarded and enriched above others, in that being withdrawn from the care & government of many earthly things, they feel themselves so much the more ravished with special and heavenly grace (if they hinder it not) in the meditation and contemplation of celestial things: from whence they may easily draw a great and an assured contentation in this life, through a certain hope that they shall enjoy them perfectly, because they are prepared A pretty comparison. for them in that blessed immortality of the second life. For nothing is more certain than this, that as the sun is a great deal better seen in clear and clean water, than in that which is troubled, or in a miry and dirty puddle: so the brightness that cometh from God shineth more in minds not subjecteth to worldly goods, than in them that are defiled and troubled with those earthly affections which riches bring with them. This is that which Jesus Christ himself hath taught, speaking to him that demanded what he should do to have eternal Matth. 19 21. 23. life: If thouwilt be perfect (saith he) sell that which thou hast, and give it to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven: adding beside, that a rich man shall hardly enter into the kingdom of heaven. If a father dividing his substance among his children, should leave to one as to his eldest or best beloved, the enjoying of his principal manor by inheritance, and to the rest their mother's goods, which are of much less value, and that only for term of life, what folly were it to judge that these last were more preferred, and No comparison between worldly and heavenly treasures. had better portions than the other? And I pray you what comparison is there between the greatest worldly and transitory riches that can be, and the permanent treasures of heaven, seeing those cannot be compared but to a thing of nought, than which they are weaker, being moreover accompanied with innumerable hurtful evils, as we have already showed? What happiness and felicity can wealth add to rich men above the poorer sort, that these should be accounted miserable and wretched? Take away (saith Lactantius) insolency and boasting from rich men, and there will be no difference between a poor man and a rich. And if he that made the condition both of the one & the other, and that provideth nourishment for unreasonable creatures, doth distribute unto us as much as he knoweth in his eternal prescience and foreknowledge to be needful for us, whereof shall we complain, except, as inheritors, of that damnable vice of ingratitude from the first man, we forget so many benefits received, as also those that are daily proffered and promised unto us of his heavenly goodness and grace? In a feast (said Epictetus) we content ourselves with that which is set before us, thinking it an impudent and vile part to ask any other thing of him that entertaineth us. And how can we be so impudent and shameless in this world, as to ask those things of God, which he will not give us, and not content ourselves with the use of that which he hath liberally & freely bestowed upon us? But there is a further matter. For if we would consider the great, yea unspeakable fruits which The fruits of poverty. poverty bringeth with her, & whereof she is able to make us partakers in this life, without doubt she will be found to be a thousand times more happy than riches. Poverty (saith Aristophanes) is the mistress of manners. Poverty (said Archesilaus') seemeth to be sharp, hard, & troublesome, but she is nurse to a good lineage, as she that acquainteth herself with frugality and abstinence. In a word she is a school of virtue. Wealth is full of wickedness (saith Euripides) but poverty is accompanied with wisdom, and all honest men are contented with necessary things. And if they offer sacrifice to the Gods with a little incense in the palm of their hand, they are for the most part sooner heard than they that kill many beasts for sacrifice. For (as Menander saith) the poor are under the protection of God, and it is better to possess a little wealth with joy, than a great deal with fadnes. To desire but a little (said Democritus) maketh poverty equal with riches: and if thou desirest not many things, a little will seem to thee to be very great. Poverty (said Anaximenus) maketh the spirit more sharp, and men more excellent in all things belonging to this life. For she is a very good mistress of knowledge and skill. The life of poor men (said Aristonymus) is like to a navigation made alongst the shore of some sea: but the life of rich men to that which is in the main sea. For the first sort may easily cast anchor, come a shore, and save themselves, whereas the others cannot do so, because they are no more in their own power, but in fortunes. Fly not from poverty (said Hipsaeus) but from injustice and wrong. For no man was ever punished because he was poor, but many because they were unjust. Neither is a man's life commended because he is rich, but because he is just. Hunger (saith Plutark) never engendereth adultery, nor want of money, lust: so that poverty is a short kind of temperance. If thou wert borne among the Persians (said Epictetus) thou wouldst not wish to dwell in Grecia, but to live there in a happy estate. Art thou not then a very fool, because thou seekest not rather to live happily in poverty, seeing thou art borne therein, than to strive with so great labour for riches that thou Mayst live? As it is better to lie down in a very little bed with health, than in a great and large bed, being sick: so is it a great deal better to live in rest with a little wealth, than in travel and care with abundance. For neither poverty procureth trouble, nor riches driveth away fear: but reason is that which causeth men neither to desire riches, nor to fear poverty. If other things (saith Bion the wise) could speak aswell as we, and were licensed to dispute with us, might not poverty justly say unto us after this manner? An excellent defence for poverty. O man wherefore fightest thou against me? Why art thou become my enemy? Have I rob thee of any thing? Have I been the cause that thou hast received any injury, or have I deprived thee of any good thing? Have I taken from thee either Prudence, justice, or Fortitude? But thou fearest least necessary things should fail thee▪ What? Are not the ways full of herbs and fruits, and the fountains of water? Hast thou not as many beds as the earth is great, and as many coverlets and mattresses as there are leaves? Hast thou not a good cook by my means, that maketh good sauce for thee in hunger? And he that is a thirst, doth he not take very great pleasure in drinking? Dost thou think that a man shall die for hunger, because he hath no tart, or for thirst, if he have not very delicate wine cooled with snow? All such things are but for delicacy and niceness. Dost thou want a house, when there is so many goodly Churches in cities? What answer could be made to poverty, if she should speak thus? Truly he that hath virtue possesseth all goods, because that alone maketh men happy: which may be spoken aswell of a poor man as of a rich. For they (said Thales) that think poverty hindereth philosophy, and that riches are a help unto it, greatly deceive themselves. For proof that it is not so, how many more have withdrawn themselves from study through riches, than through poverty? Do we not see that the poorest study Philosophy best, which the wealthy because of their money & many matters cannot do? For this cause Theognis said very well, that many more have perished through surfeiting than through hunger. And to let you know that poverty is more happy, & better esteemed of than riches, consider the example of Aristides surnamed the just, who being very poor, was chosen to levy and to gather tribute before all the rich men in Athens. And Callias the richest man of all the Athenians, sought by Examples to show that poverty was more esteemed of than riches. all means to have his friendship, whereas the other made no great account of him. Epaminondas was not called half a God, nor Lycurgus a saviour because they abounded in wealth, and were slaves to their passions, but because they profited their country exceedingly, and were content with their poverty. Therefore we may gather out of the sayings of so many great and virtuous men, an assured testimony of the benefit and profit that commonly followeth the condition of poor men. And for invincible proofs, have we not the examples of the lives of infinite Sages and learned Philosophers, who willingly forsaking, & wholly contemning riches, went to the Academy, commonly called the school of poverty, there to enjoy the treasures of wisdom and virtue? Yea, which is more, we find that poverty hath been the only and principal cause of enriching many with this unspeakable treasure, according to that saying of Aristotle, that calamity is oftentimes the occasion of virtue. Zeno founder of the stoical Zeno. Academic, after he had possessed much wealth, and suffered many losses, had no more left but one ship of merchandise, which being cast away, he uttered this speech: thou dost well Fortune to bring me to the study of philosophy, wherein he continued ever after. The exile & banishment of Diogenes Diogenes. driven from his country, was the cause and beginning of his study of philosophy. And if any man think it a difficult and strange matter that a poor man should be skilful, seeing that whilst he studieth, he must have wherewith to nourish his body, let us see what Cleanthes Cleanthes. answered to Antigonus king of Macedonia, who asked him if he turned the millstone always: Yea sir (said he) I turn it yet about to get my living, but forsake not philosophy for all that. How great and noble was the mind of that man, who after his labour wrote of the nature of god and of the heavens, with the same hand wherewith he turned about the millstone? Others say, that he got his living by drawing water for a gardener: about which he bestowed the night only, that he might spend the day in hearing the philosopher's dispute. This man calleth to my Menedemus & Asclepiades. remembrance two other Philosophers, named Menedemus and Asclepiades, who being accused before the Areopagites the chief judges in Athens, as idle persons having no goods in possession, and being willed to declare how they lived, their answer was, that inquiry should be made of their host who was a Baker. This man being called, said, that they bestowed the whole day in the study of letters, and the night in sifting and bolting his meal, for which he gave each of them a piece of money whereof they lived. But what? These ancient Sages wanted but few things to live withal, seeing the most of them contented themselves with bread and water, and many times with Pythagoras kept a spare diet. herbs and fruits in stead of bread, and so Pythagoras always lived. And yet they found so great contentation and Philoxenus. felicity in such a life, that one Philoxenus having as yet but tasted of the first fruits of this profession of study, and being of that number which was sent by the Athenians to inhabit a new city in Sicilia, wherein a good house with great commodities to live at ease, fell to him for his part, and seeing that delicacy, pleasure and idleness, without any exercise of letters reigned in those quarters, he forsook all & returned to Athens, saying, by the gods these goods shall not destroy me, but I will rather destroy them. All these fruits which are noted to be in poverty, gave occasion to an ancient man to say, that it was a virtue of Fortitude to sustain poverty patiently, but to desire it was the praise of wisdom. Now forasmuch as it will be very hard if not altogether impossible, notwithstanding all reason that can be alleged to men, to dispossess them of the hatred and fear of poverty, which naturally they shun, let us learn of the ancients who ought to account himself poor, that we abuse no more this word poverty. Diogenes was upon a time visited by Alexander, who said Who ought to be esteemed poor. unto him, I see well Diogenes that thou art poor, and hast need of many things, therefore ask of me what thou wilt, and I will give it thee. Whereunto this excellent Philosopher despising such offers of goods whereof he stood not in need, answered: Whether of us twain Alexander, seemeth to thee to have most need, and therefore poorest, either I that desire nothing but my pile Diogenes' supposed Alexander to be poorer than himself. of wood and a little bread, or thou, who being king of Macedonta dost hazard thyself to so many dangers to enlarge thy kingdom, in so much, that the whole world will hardly suffice to bond thy ambition, and to content thy covetousness? The Monarch so greatly admired the magnanimity of this man, that he uttered these words with a loud voice, If I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes. Marius a Consul of Rome distributing land among his countrymen, gave to every one fourteen Acres only. And understanding that some were not contented therewith but demanded more, I would to God (quoth he then) that no Roman would care for any more land than would suffice to nourish him. So goodly and commendable a matter was it esteemed of these wise men to be content with a little, & with that which is sufficient, rather than to think those men only rich that were furnished with store of wealth. And to say truth, seeing God alone simply and absolutely standeth not in need of any thing whatsoever, it may easily be presupposed, that the most excellent virtue of man, and that which cometh nearest to the divine nature, consisteth in causing a man to stand in need of fewest things. This is that which Socrates said, That to desire nothing (meaning worldly things) is in some sort to resemble God. And how can we call him poor whose soul is enriched with so many great and rare perfections? Cicero writing to Atticus, said, That a friend was bound to wish but three things unto his friend, namely, A friend is to wish 3 things to his friend. That he be healthy, that he be well accounted of, and that he be not needy. Now that all these things are found in a temperate and noble minded man, we may learn by the effects of sobriety, whereof we have heretofore discoursed, and by those of honour, which is never separated from virtue, no more than the shadow is from the body. And as for the necessary use of food and raiment, it is not wanting to them that stand most in need thereof, as we have already touched it in our present speech: & so a virtuous man cannot be called poor. But let us yield a little to the common opinion of worldlings, that poverty and want of earthly riches is odious and contemptible, yet that poverty only, What poverty is odious. which proceedeth of sloth, idleness, and ignorance, or otherwise of foolish expenses, of riot and superfluity may be said to be full of reproach and shame, and is to be shunned. For when poverty is found in an honest, painful, diligent, just, valiant and wise man, it serveth for a great proof of his magnanimity and greatness of courage, because he hath set his mind upon great and high matters, and not upon such small and vile things as the riches of the world are. Amongst many others of this number we Aristides. may say, that Aristides was, being captain and governor of the Athenian estate, as we have already mentioned, who after many excellent & great offices which he bore to the good of his country, was so smally enriched thereby, that being dead, all his goods would not suffice to bury him. He used to say that none ought to be ashamed of poverty, but they that were poor against their will: & that it was a rarer matter, & worthy of greater praise to sustain poverty virtuously and with a noble mind, than to know how to use riches well. And so poverty is never accompanied with shame, except it be to them that fall into it through negligence, or misgovernment of those goods which God hath put into their hands, that they should be faithful keepers and disposers thereof in charitable works. This is that which Thucydides saith, that it is no shame for a man to confess his poverty, but very great to fall into it by his own default. Therefore to reap profit by that which hath been here discoursed, let us put off that old error which hath continued so long in men's brains, that poverty is such a great and troublesome evil, whereas it is rather the cause of infinite benefits: and let us say with Pythagoras, that it is a great deal better to have a quiet and settled mind, lying upon the ground, than to have much trouble in a golden bed. Moreover, let us know, Where the fullness of riches is to be sought. that to possess small store of earthly goods, ought not to be called poverty, because all fullness of wealth aboundeth in the knowledge and assurance of the fatherly grace and goodness of the Author and Creator of all things, which he offereth liberally to all without accepting either of pomp or greatness. And further, when as, continuing the care which it pleaseth him to take of us, he giveth us although in travel and sweat, wherewith to feed and to clothe us in all simplicity and modesty, and that according to our necessity, we should be unthankful and altogether unworthy the assistance of his help and favour, and of his eternal promises, if not contented, nor glorifying him for our estate, we complained, or wondered at, & desired the calling of other men, offering thereby in will and affection our birthrights through a gluttonous desire, whereas we ought to preserve to ourselves the possession of that heavenly inheritance, wherein consisteth the perfection of all glory, rest, and contentation. Of idleness, Sloth, and Gaming. Chap. 35. ARAM. TWo things being the cause of all passions in men, namely, grief and Pleasure, they Grief & pleasure the causes of all passions in men. always desire the one, but fly from and fear the other. But the occasion of the greatest evil that befalleth them, is, because these desires and affections being borne with them from the beginning, do also grow & increase a long time before they can have any judgement framed in them through the right understanding of things. Whereupon as well by nature, which of itself is more inclined to evil than to good, as through a long continuing in vice they are easily drawn to follow the appetite and lust of their sensuality, wherein they falsely judge that pleasure consisteth, and think it painful not to please it. Being thus guided by ignorance, and walking like blindmen, they have experience for the most part of such an end as is clean contrary to their purposes. As we may see in those men, who purposing with themselves to live at their ease in joy, rest, and pleasure, give over all intermeddling in serious matters, and such as beseem the excellency of virtue, that they may live in idleness: wherewith being bewitched they are partakers of many false pleasures, which procure them a greater number of griefs and miseries, all which they thought to avoid very well. And this we may the better understand, if we discourse of idleness, the enemy of all virtue, and clean contrary to perseverance, which is a branch of Fortitude. Therefore I propound the handling of this matter to you my Companions. ACHITOB. Although we have not a singular excellency of spirit, yet we must not suffer it to be idle, but constantly follow after that which we have wisely hoped to obtain. For (as Erasmus saith) that which is often done & reiterated, and continually in hand, is finished at last. ASER. They that do nothing (saith Cicero) learn to do ill, & through idleness the body & minds of men languish away: but by labour great things are obtained, yea travail is a work that continueth after death. Let us then give ear to AMANA, who will handle more at large for our instruction that which is here propounded unto us. AMANA. As we admire and honour them with very great commendation, in whom we may note as we think, some excellent and singular virtues, so we contemn them whom we judge to have neither virtue, courage, nor fortitude in them, and whom we see to be profitable neither to themselves nor to others, because they are not laborious, industrious, nor careful, but remain idle and slothful. And to say truth, the manners, conditions, and natural disposition of such men, are wholly corrupted, their conversation is odious, unprofitable, and to be avoided, seeing Idleness is the mother & nurse of all vice. that idleness is the mother and nurse of vice, which destroyeth and marreth all. Therefore it was very well ordained in the primitive Church, that every one should live of his own labour, that the idle and slothful might not consume unprofitably the goods of the earth. Which reason brought in that ancient Roman edict, mentioned by Cicero in his book of laws, that no Roman should go through the streets of the city, unless he carried about him the badge of that trade whereby he lived. Insomuch that Marcus Aurelius speaking of the diligence of the ancient Romans, writeth: that all of them followed their labour and travel so earnestly, that having necessary occasion one day to send a letter two or three days journey from the town, he could not find one idle body in all the city to carry it. That great Orator and Philosopher Cicero, minding to teach us how we ought to hate idleness, as being against Idleness is against nature. nature, showeth that men are in deed borne to good works, whereof our soul may serve for a sufficient and invincible proof, seeing it is never still, but in continual motion & action. And for the same cause he greatly commendeth Scipio was never idle. Scipio, who used to say, that he was never less quiet than when he was quiet. Whereby he giveth us to understand, that when he was not busied with weighty affairs of the commonwealth, yet, his own private matters, and the searching after knowledge, were no less troublesome unto him, so that even then in his solitariness he took counsel with himself. It seemeth (saith this father of eloquence) that nature doth more require of a man such actions as tend to the profit of men, than she doth the perfect knowledge of all things: seeing this knowledge and contemplation of the works of nature should seem to be maimed & unperfect, if no action followed it, whereas virtuous deeds are profitable to all men, for which end nature hath brought us forth, which showeth sufficiently that they are better and more excellent. So that unless the knowledge of things be joined with that virtue, which preserveth human society, it will seem to be dead and unprofitable. Therefore Chrysippus the Philosopher said, that the life of those men that give To what end we must study philosophy. themselves to idle studies, differed nothing from that of voluptuous men. So that we must not study philosophy by way of sport, but to the end we may profit both ourselves and others. Now, if action must of necessity be joined to study and contemplation, to make a happy life, so that otherwise it is as it were dead and idle: what shall we say of that life that is void both of study and action, but that it is more beastlike than human? And how many millions of men are there in the world, who live in this sort, and more in France than in any other nation? Yea, how many are more idle and less careful than brute beasts, neglecting the provision even of things necessary for this present life? Amongst the obscure precepts which Pythagoras' precept against idleness. Pythagoras gave to his Disciples, this was one: Take good heed that thou sit not upon a bushel: meaning, that idleness and Sloth were especially to be eschewed. Likewise, when we shall enter into the consideration of those evils that issue from idleness and sloth, no doubt but we will fly from them, as from the plague of our souls. They are greatly to be feared in a commonwealth, because they open a gate to all injustice, and kindle the fire of sedition, which setteth a float all kind of impiety. Furthermore, they are the cause of the finding out of infinite false and pernicious inventions, for the relieving of poverty, which for the most part floweth from the same fountain of idleness. This moved the wise and ancient kings of Egypt, to employ Notable examples of the redress of idleness. their idle people in digging of the earth, and in the drawing forth & building of those pyramids, the chief of which is by the Historiographers placed among the seven wonders of the world. It could not be perfectly finished before the space of twenty years, albeit that three hundred and three score thousand men wrought about it continually. The captains and heads of the Roman armies fearing the dangerous effects of idleness, no less in their host, than in their towns, caused their soldiers to travel in making of trenches, when they were not urged of their enemies, as Marius did alongst the river of Rhone. The Emperor Claudius enjoying an assured peace, Claudius. caused the channel Fucinus to be made, that Rome might have the commodity of good waters: about which work thirty thousand men were daily employed for the space of twelve years. Adrianus seeing a general peace within his Adrianus. Empire, continually undertook new and long journeys, one while into France, another while into Germany, sometime into Asia, & into other strange countries, causing his men of war to march with him: saying, that he did for fear, lest they being idle should be corrupted, & forget the discipline of war, and so be the cause of novelties. Scipio Nasica. And it seemeth that this was the cause why a wise Roman counseled the Senate not to destroy Carthage, lest the Romans being in safety by the utter subversion thereof (which only at that time made head against them) should become idle. But now we may justly say of them, that through a lazy and cowardly idleness, they have lost the dignity and virtue of their forefathers. The Ephoryes, who were governors of the Lacedaemonian estate, The Ephoryes of Lacedemonia being moved with the same reason with which the Roman Scipio Nasica was touched, after intelligence had of the taking & sacking of a great town into which their men were entered, said: that the army of their youth was lost. Whereupon they sent word to the captain of the army, that he should not after the same manner destroy another town, which he had besieged, writing these words unto him: Take not away the prick which stirreth forward the hearts of our young men. Gelon king of Syracuse Gelon. led his people oftentimes into the fields, aswell to labour the ground, and to plant, as to fight, both that the earth might be better being well dressed, as also because he feared least his people should wax worse for want of travel. So greatly did these ancient wise men fear the pernicious effects of idleness and sloth, which bring to nothing and corrupt the goodness of nature, whereas diligence & exercise in good education correcteth the naughtiness thereof. For as close waters (saith Plutark) putrefy A similitude. quickly, because they are covered, shadowed, & standing: so they that busy not themselves, but remain idle, albeit they have some good thing in them, yet if they bring it not forth, neither exercise those natural faculties that were borne with them, they corrupt and destroy them utterly. And which is worse, as concupiscence (saith Plato) and luxuriousness are quenched with great, sharp, and continual labour, so are they kindled through idleness. Aretchles and slothful man can find out nothing that is easy. But there is nothing (saith Seneca) whereunto continual labour is not able to attain, & through care and vigilancy men come to the end of most difficult matters. Fortune (saith a Poet) helpeth and favoureth them that boldly set their hand to the work, but giveth the repulse to fearful and baseminded men. Let us believe (said Pythagoras) that laborious and painful things will sooner lead us to virtue, than those Sweat is placed before virtue. that are nice and delicate. And (as Hesiodus saith) the Gods have placed sweat before virtue: and the way that leadeth unto her is long, difficult, and craggy. A good Pilot seeing a tempest at hand, calleth upon the Gods, that they would grant him grace to escape it: but in the mean while he taketh the helm into his hand, he vaileth the foresail, and bringing about the main sail, laboureth to come out of the dark sea. Hesiodus commandeth the Husbandman to make his vows to Jupiter, and to Ceres, before he either ploweth or soweth, but he must do it with his hand upon the plough tail. Plato writing his laws, forbiddeth a man to fetch water at his neighbour's house, before he hath digged and delved in his own ground even to the clay, and that it be perceived that no water springeth there. In like sort, laws must provide for necessity, and not favour sloth and idleness. By sloth we lose that which we have already well gotten, but by diligence we attain to that which we have not, and which may be necessary for us. I Proverb. 24. 30. 31. passed (saith the wise man) by the field of the slothful, and by the vineyard of the man destitute of understanding: and lo it was all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered the face thereof, and the stone wall thereof was broken down. It is sloth and negligence that causeth a man through want of good understanding and judgement not to care for the getting of that which is needful for him, because he feareth lest he should lose it. Whereupon this would follow (which is a very absurd thing) that nothing how dear and precious soever it be aught to be sought for or desired, seeing all things are subject to change, yea knowledge through great diseases, and other inconveniences may be lessened and lost. Idleness and sloth do not hurt Idleness decayeth the health of the body. the soul only, but impair also the health of the body. Yea that rest which a man taketh by negligence, is much more hurtful unto him, than painful exercise. And they which think that health needeth necessarily a continual rest to preserve it well, using that goodly pretence because they would not be troubled with more matters than needs they must, especially with those which concern public commodity, as also because they would not take pains in the study of wisdom, they cannot be better compared than to such as will not use their eyes in beholding any thing, that they might keep them the better, neither will speak at all to preserve their voice well. Every kind of life hath both sickness and health, but a sound man cannot take a better course to preserve his health, than to employ himself in the practice of many good and honest duties of humanity. Yea, we must yet go farther, and say with Socrates, that diseased men ought not to be so careful of their health, that they leave the study and exercise of virtue, seeing we are to make but small account of death itself. And therefore Plutarch is very earnest against this Epicurian sentence, Hid thy life: which was No man ought to hide his life. set down by Neocles brother to Epicurus, meaning thereby to persuade them that would live happily, not to intermeddle with any public matter. But contrariwise (saith this Philosopher) it is dishonest to live so that no man may know any thing. Art thou vicious? Show thyself to those that are able to admonish, to correct & to cure thee, that so thou mayst amend & repent. If in the knowledge of nature thou hast learned by songs to praise God, his justice, and heavenly providence: or in moral knowledge to commend the law, human society, the government of the commonwealth, and therein to respect honour, not profit, hide not this talon, but teach it others, and give thyself an example unto them of well doing, and of profiting every one. O divine counsel, proceeding out of the mouth of an ethnic, as necessary to be practised at this day, as we see it contemned of so many wise worldings, who say they have the absolute and sound reformation of our estates of France in their head, but that as yet there is no time to speak of it. Thus some live idly and like to Recluses because they will take no pain, and others do worse in maintaining the corruption of the estate, and in cleaving wittingly to the destruction thereof. But let us proceed to look upon the fruits of idleness. It is of that fountain whereof cursed ignorance drinketh and maintaineth herself, and from thence flow all pleasures followed with bitterness & grief, which withdraw us from all virtuous occupations, to employ ourselves about all kinds of trifles, that are neither good, honest, nor profitable, but rather hurtful and very pernicious. Of gaming, and of the effects thereof. Of which number we may note gaming, which is as common amongst us, and as blameworthy, as any other imperfection, seeing her foundation is laid upon lucre and covetousness, or else upon the loss of time. Those cursed effects which it bringeth forth daily, as quarrels, murders, blasphemies, cogging, overthrow of houses and families, do sufficiently testify unto us the infamous nature thereof. Likewise it hath been so abhorred of the ancient Sages, Chilon refused to make a league with dicers. that Chilon being sent from Lacedemonia to Corinth, to entreat of a league between those two peoples, & finding the rulers playing at dice, returned back again, and would not speak of his commission, saying, that he would not stain the glory of the Spartans with so great an ignominy as to join them in society with diceplaiers. How many happy ages have our forefathers passed over, & yet never heard word of so unhappy an exercise? And some say that The occasion that moved the Lydians to invent games. the Lydians were the first inventors of games, but it was when their country was brought into great necessity of victuals: to the end that by playing, they might find some help and mean to sustain and to resist hunger the better, by spending every other day in gaming without any meat. Which they continued for the space of twenty and eight years, preserving their country by that means from a general famine through the great sparing of their provision. But now a days we see, that men are so far from recompensing the fault of so vile an occupation by fasting, that contrary wise it is followed with all kind of dissoluteness, gluttony, riot and superfluity. And this is seen too much in these new faculties of careless men, who have taught us this goodly proverb, That a man were better lose than be idle. But if they knew their inestimable loss, not of money which they abuse, but of the richest and most precious thing that may be spent, and which can never be recovered, I mean of time, they would speak clean contrary, That to lose is worse than to be idle, because it is joined with a naughty action, which of necessity turneth to the detriment of himself or of his neighbour, & oftentimes of both. Among many goodly and holy ordinances, which Alphonsus son of Ferdinando king of Spain, Alphonsus' decree against play. caused those knights to observe, which he made of the order of the band, (himself and all his children being of the same order) this was straightly kept, that no knight should presume to play for any money at cards or dice, or give his consent to any such play in his house, upon pain of forfeiting his wages for one month, and himself to be forbidden another month and a half from entering into the King's palace. But because the nature of man is not able to abide continual labour, and occasion of business is not always offered, it shall be lawful for us, according to the precept of Plato his academy, to bestow our leisure How we may recreate ourselves. upon some honest pastime and game of moderate pleasure, that is not far separated from study or virtue, which will not be blameworthy in us, so we use it as we do rest or sleep, after we have dispatched and ended grave & serious affairs according to the gift and faculty of our spirits. Moreover let us propound to ourselves for example the lives of so many famous and grave men, who both in youth and age laboured to do good and to profit every one, esteeming it great honour to end their days in such a commendable exercise: according to that saying of Erasmus: Of perseverance That in vain men follow that which is good, and strive to do well, if they stand still before the end of their days. For that man looseth his time in running swiftly, who fainteth before he come to the end of his race. Nothing will be unpossible to thee (saith the same author) so that thy heart faint not. Not to go forward in the way of the Lord, is all one with turning backward: yea, it were better never to begin, than not to persever unto the end. This also is that which Cicero teacheth us, that it is not sufficient to know what ought to be done, but we must abide firm and steadfast in that wherein upon advised & good counsel we are once resolved. And though we are out of hope of attaining to perfection, yet we must strive to come unto it. Many (saith he) that are weakened with despair, will not undertake that thing which they fear they shall never be able to finish: but they that would obtain great things, and such as are most to be desired, must try every way. And if any man hath not this excellency of spirit and greatness of heart by nature, neither yet the knowledge of every good discipline, let him take that course which he is able to attain unto. For it is great praise to him that followeth after the excellentest & best things, to stay in the second and third place, if he can do no better. Those things are great, which are next to perfection. It is our duty therefore to abide firm and constant in that good and commendable kind of life, which we have chosen from the beginning, so that the end thereof be to live well. And let us shun idleness in such sort, as to say with Cato, that this is one thing whereof we ought to repent us most, if we know that we have spent a whole day, wherein we have neither done nor learned some good An excellent precept of Phocylides. thing. Phocylides minding to instruct us in this matter, said that in the evening we ought not to sleep, before we have thrice called to our remembrance whatsoever we have done the same day, repenting us of the evil, and rejoicing in our well doing. Apelles the best painter that ever was, would not suffer one day to pass without drawing of some line, meaning thereby (as he said) to fight against Examples against idleness. idleness, as with an arrow. Aeleas king of Scythia said, that he seemed to himself to differ nothing from his horse-keeper, when he was idle. Dionysius the elder being demanded if he were never idle, answered: God keep me from that: for as a bow (according to the common proverb) is marred and breaketh by being too much bend: so is the soul through too much idleness. This is that which Masinissa the Aphrican would learnedly teach us, of whom Polybius writeth, that he died when he was four score and ten years of age, leaving behind him a son that was but four years old. A little before he died, after he had discomfited the Carthaginians in a main battle, he was seen the next day eating of course brown bread, saying to some that marveled thereat, that as iron is bright and shineth An excellent comparison. so long as it is used by the hand of man, whereas a house falleth into decay when no man dwelleth therein, (as Scphocles saith) so fareth it with this brightness and glistering light of the soul, whereby we discourse, understand, and remember. The same reason moved Xerxes' father to say to Darius, that in perilous times and dangerous affairs, he increased in wisdom. Likewise political knowledge, which is such a How political knowledge must be preserved. prudence, settled mind, justice, and experience, as knoweth full well how to make choice of, and to take sit opportunity in all things that happen, cannot be maintained but by the practice and managing of affairs, by discoursing & judging. Now to conclude our present treatise, seeing we know that we are borne to all virtuous actions, let us fly from idleness and sloth, the wellsprings of all injustice The fruits of idleness. & poverty, the stirrers up of infinite passions in the soul, and the procurers of sundry diseases in the body, even to the utter destruction of them. And let us embrace diligence, care, travel, & study, which are sure guides to lead The end of our life. us to that end for which we ought to live, that is, in glorifying God to profit ourselves in honest things, and also all those with whom we live, wherein consisteth all the happiness and contentation of the life of good men. And let us not doubt but that all time otherwise spent, is lost time: knowing that all times in respect of themseluns are alike, but that which is employed in virtue is good in regard of us, and that which is unprofitably wasted, and in vices is nought. Further, let us learn never to give over the effecting and finishing of that which we once know to Matth. 10. 22. belong to our duty, seeing that without perseverance neither he that fighteth can obtain the victory, neither the conqueror the garland, but he that continueth to the end shall be saved. Therefore let us be careful to make profit of that talon which is given us to keep, that we be Matth. 12. 36. not found evil and unprofitable servants before him, to whom we must yield an account even of every idle and vain word. Of an enemy, of injury, and of revenge. Chap. 36. AMANA. Having hitherto in three days works discoursed (according to our judgement) of all the parts of the virtue of Fortitude, and of those commendable effects that issue from it, to the correcting of many vices & imperfections, which abound in man's nature, I think that to end this afternoon, we are yet to resume and to continue the speech already begun by us (as also we then promised) of one principal point concerning true magnanimity, and greatness of courage, which respecteth our enemies, thereby to know more particularly both our duty towards them, and also what good may come to us from them, if we sustain and bear courageously their injuries, forsaking all desire and lust to revenge. ARAM. A pretty comparison. As industrious Bees gather the driest & most piercing honey of bitter time: so a wise and virtuous man (saith Xenophon) knoweth how to draw profit and commodity from his enemies, upon whom we must beware of revenging ourselves, lest (as Theophrastus saith) we hurt ourselves more than them. ACHITOB. It is the property (saith Cicero) of famous personages and noble hearts to contemn injuries offered unto them by known wicked men, whose commendation of a man importeth some dishonesty in him. Now than ASER teach us somewhat of this matter wherein we have so great need of instruction. ASER. The cynic Philosopher said, that if a man would be in safety and partaker of happiness, he must of Good friends or sharp enemies are necessarily required to a happy life. necessity have good friends or sharp enemies, that the first sort by good and wise admonitions, and these by notable injuries, might withdraw him from doing of evil. And truly if we consider the profit and commodity which may come unto us from him that voluntarily without occasion given him (as it is our duty not to offend any) is become our enemy, by governing ourselves therein with the reason of a true Academical prudence, besides that we shall show forth the effects of that title which we bear, and of the end of our being, we must be so far off from hating an enemy, that we should rather think ourselves beholding and bound unto him for that great good which he procureth unto us. That this is so, is not this one property of vice to make us more ashamed before our enemies when we have committed a fault, than before our Why men are beholding to their enemies. friends? Do we not take our enemy for a spy and enuier of our life? If any imperfection reign in us, who will more freely give us to understand thereof than he that hateth us, who will not be slack to publish it every where? For this reason Plutarch calleth an enemy a schoolmaster that costeth us nothing, of whom we learn that which may greatly profit us, and which we know not. To this effect he maketh mention in his apothegms of an Athenian captain who complained to Aristo chief captain of the Lacedæmonians, that his soldiers blazed abroad the manners of the Athenians. If the Athenians (said Aristo unto him) did look well to their doings; they should not need to care what the Spartans could say of them. These things being well considered by us, if we have enemies they will be a mean to make us more fearful and restrained from offending, and more earnest and diligent to order well our behaviour, to direct our doings, and to How men behave themselves now adays towards their enemies. correct our imperfections. But let us mark a little how the noble and courageous youths of the world behave themselves now adays. The reproofs and injuries of an enemy, may peradventure be tolerated in some sort by the skilfuller sort of those that boast themselves to be so curious observers and ready defenders of their honour, so that they be not uttered in their presence: because they say that they cannot be offended at that which is spoken of them in their absence, and that they which speak so, will not avouch that slander before their faces, which they raised behind their backs. According to these weak reasons they would have other men judge of reproach and injury, either to credit or to discredit them according to their power, and not as the truth of the fact itself requireth: whereupon also they pass that over without profit and amendment of their life, which they knew was misliked in them. There are others, who upon a bare report made unto them, think themselves greatly misused & harmed by those that spoke ill of them, so that presently they purpose to be avenged of them. But herein they agree all, that if any man voluntarily offereth injury to another, they would have the sword presently to decide the controversy. What say I, for an injury? Nay, for a yea or a nay, they forthwith think that the lie is given them, and that they are outfaced: so that nothing but the death of the one, or of both together, and oftentimes of their dearest and best friends is able (as they think) to repair the prejudicate and supposed offence, and all for this vain honour of the world. O detestable fury, not to be found in most cruel beasts, which spare the blood of their sex. It is not convenient, that any time should be lost in reproving the same, being of itself so odious, that it cannot so much as be once named but with shame, trembling and horror. For no man is so dull of understanding, but he knoweth Murder forbidden. that effusion of blood is forbidden by God, and that outrage being in no sort permitted, much less may a christian forget himself so far as to kill another, except it be through necessity in defending his own body, or in the service of his prince and country in a just war. Amongst all the sententious sayings of Socrates the wise, & the wonderful works of Plato his scholar, I find none more divine, or worthy of greater praise than that sentence so often repeated by them, That revenge is not in any sort to be A notable sentence. used. It is not just (said the same Socrates) to offend any, although he had offered us wrong. For a good man never ought to do evil: yea, it is a great deal better to suffer, than to offer contumely, to be slain than to slay, because the one bringeth no detriment to man, who is the soul, but the other procureth the utter ruin and destruction thereof. This will sound very ill in many men's ears. But if they will judge without passion, and had eyes to see, and ears to understand the end of their being & calling, as also the reason of true prudence & generosity taught us in the study of philosophy, no doubt but they would subscribe to the opinion of these wise Philosophers, agreeing very well with that which is taught us by the spirit of God, who condemneth the murderer, and him that offereth levit. 24. 17. wrong and injury to another: but calleth himself Psal. 9 9 16. the defender of innocency, and such a one as returneth a Matth. 5. 10. double reward and recompense to those that suffer for righteousness and equity. Who may therefore doubt but that it is far better to receive than to do evil, to be killed than to kill, seeing by the one the good hour of our perpetual rest and felicity is hastened forward, & by the other we are utterly frustrated thereof, and thrown into a hell of eternal fire? So that if we endeavour to show forth the effects of true magnanimity and greatness of heart, there is no doubt but to bear and to endure with all modesty To suffer injury patiently, is a badge of a most absolute virtue. and patience the outrages and wrongs of our enemies, is the mark of that virtue which is most absolute and perfect. That it is so, doth it not appear in this, that virtue consisteth in difficult things? And that virtue that cometh nearest to the divine nature, which is hardest to be obtained, and least familiar with men, is it not more worthy and beseeming a noble and valiant man, than all the rest? Unto which may we attribute better this mark than to the virtue of patience, whereof we have already entreated? We see no man upon earth of so base estate, no woman so feeble and weak, no living creature so little, but if they be stricken, they will revenge themselves very willingly as well as they can. How greatly then ought this virtue to be accounted of, which forceth this natural lust of revenge, bred in all living creatures, and how noble must the mind of that man needs be, which is able to master such a violent passion, so common to all men, thereby procuring to itself the name of a mild and gracious spirit, and ready to forgive, which is proper and peculiar to the divine nature? Therefore that great monarch Alexander said, That a man wronged had need of a more noble heart to forgive his enemy, than to be revenged of him & to kill him. Behold the saying of as noble a prince as ever the earth bare: What can the Courtiers of these times say to the contrary? It is a great virtue (saith Epictetus') not to hurt him of whom thou A commendable kind of revenge. art misused. It is a very commendable thing to pardon him whom thou mightest hurt, and it is a praiseworthy kind of revenge to let them go in peace that are overcome. Therefore Pittacus the Sage having one in his power that had dealt contumeliously with him, he suffered him to departed unharmed, saying, That pardon was better than revenge, the one being proper to the spirit of a man, the other of a cruel beast. But further, although it were only in respect of our own benefit during our life, we ought to shun all motions of injury, and all desire of revenge: forasmuch as we cannot either determine or execute the same, but with a thousand perturbations, which cause us to want the rest and tranquillity of our souls, wherein all our happiness and felicity consisteth. Good counsel of Seneca. And therefore Seneca saith, If he that wronged thee be weaker than thou, forgive him: if he be mightier, spare thyself. For whosoever nourisheth his neighbours anger, whosoever provoketh & incenseth him more, when he seethe him vehement and importunate against him, he committeth two faults. First he hateth himself by procuring his own trouble and grief: Secondly, his brother, because he maketh We must do nothing in choler. him sad, and vexeth him. Moreover prudent men (as Theophrastus saith) ought to do nothing in choler. For that unreasonable part of the soul being moved, foreseeth nothing wisely, but being driven forward with a contentious desire, suffereth itself to be carried hither and thither, as if it were drunken. Also we must take great heed, that we do not always put in execution whatsoever we have a mind unto, but only that which moderate reason commandeth us. Wherein we shall deserve the praise of true Magnanimity, if I say, we can command ourselves and all vehemency of choler, which driveth men forward to be avenged on their enemies, & is an act that savoureth more of a vile and abject heart, drawing near to brutish fierceness, than of a noble mind, which despiseth whatsoever is earthly, mortal, and vading, that it may think of nothing but of heaven and immortality. This is that which the study of our philosophy teacheth us: & even as expert physicians know how to draw medicines apt for the preservation of life out of serpents, poisons, & other deadly and venomous things: so we ought to draw An apt similltu le. from our enemies, not their life, which ought to be only in the power of God and of his justice, but profit & commodity by their backbitings, reproaches, and injuries. Which will easily be done, if we make small account of How a man may profit by the backbiting of his enemies. their intent, and consider narrowly the fact which they speak ill of, to the end that if we be guilty of that which they condemn in us, we may purge and correct ourselves. And if so be they harm us wrongfully, their impudency will cause their reproaches and injuries to be turned back, and sent against themselves, together with that shame and damage, which they thought to procure unto us, whereas we shall be no less honest and virtuous men than before. So that the best revenge and most honourable victory, which we can carry away from our enemies, will be to The best kind of revenge. surpass them in diligence, bounty, magnanimity, good-turns, and in all virtuous actions: whereby they will sooner perceive and confess themselves vanquished & constrained to stop their mouth, and to repress their tongue, than by any other force, which we can oppose against them. Then may we say, that as he who enterprised to kill Prometheus the Thessalien gave him so great a blow with a sword upon an aposteme which put him in danger of death, that by lancing it he saved his life contrary to his meaning: so the injurious speeches of our enemies uttered in wrath & of ill will to hurt us, have been the cause of curing many evils in us whereof we made no account, and of making us much better than we were before. But because injury seemeth so hard and uneasy to be tolerated by the imbecility of man's nature, which is so soon offended, and by the heart of man being full of revenge, let us yet see whether we can find any remedy, if not to cure that which is incurable, at least wise to purge and to cleanse How many ways a man may receive injury. the Accidents of this evil. Injury is offered either to the goods, to the honour or to the person of a man. As touching the first and last, namely, the spoiling of our goods, and violence offered to our person, what other revenge either by the law of God or of man can we have, than to repulse force with force, I mean, when we are constrained thereunto, or else by way of the prince his justice, which is open to every one? If any have rob thee, must thou become a thief or satisfy thyself by thine own strength? Much less oughtest thou to set thyself against him that is not faulty, as many do. If thou being the weaker art overtaken, hurt and wronged, oughtest thou to use new force, violence and murder to revenge thyself, and to repair thy injury received? The sword is in the hands of the king and of the magistrate that representeth his person: and it belongeth to him only to use it against them that trouble public tranquillity and civil society: to the end there should be no show, that any other either would or durst meddle with the sovereignty, whose greatness and preservation consisteth in the administration of justice. Yea the laws have always so abhorred violence and private force, that they have restored Men must not take the law into their own hands, although it be not rightly executed. thieves and robbers into those places which they unjustly possessed, if they had been driven from them by violence. But some man will say, that these things ought in deed to be duly considered of if justice were executed, and had not forsaken the earth to dwell in heaven. And how then canst thou execute it, seeing thou art not called to do, but to demand justice? Tarry, and the just judge will return double that which hath been unjustly taken from thee, which thou hast suffered, or which hath been denied thee, even then when thou shalt have greater need than now that thy days are so short: and then thou shalt live for ever of that which thou hast reaped in this poor and miserable life. Concerning honour, the injury whereof we Of the offence done to honour. fear more than of the other, let us know, that it cannot be hurt in a good man, because virtue, which is invincible, protecteth and defendeth it. But now a days we fetch it not so far off. For we will have our honour tied to the vain opinion of the world, which rejecteth and contemneth those men as cowards and baseminded, that have but once put up the least injury offered by another: but honoureth as noble and courageous those that can lustily kill their enemies. This is the cause why many, who would willingly forget an injury received, dare not do it for love of their friends: as also because they see, that it would rather be imputed unto them as a token of a faint heart, than of a desire to follow reason. But let all these bloodsuckers, inclined to revenge & to murder, cover their beastly The excuse of quarrelers. cruelty aswell as they can, yet have they no other reason to disguise it but this, that it is a usual kind of behaviour now a days amongst men, to the end they may be welcomed, praised, and favoured of Kings, Princes, and great Lords, otherwise they must take a cool, and shut up themselves in some cloister. But they must needs affirm this withal, that they had rather undo and condemn themselves with the multitude, so they may have worldly honour, than be saved with the small number of honest men: except peradventure they will say, that they know no other life but this, & that they live only for the world, without belief or hope of a second and eternal life. And albeit they confess a second life with their mouth, yet their deeds declare sufficiently, that they are altogether ignorant of the nature and happiness of the other life, and that they care not greatly to come unto it. But let us that Socrates' void of revenge. are better instructed imitate Socrates, who, being counseled to revenge a wrong received, made this answer: What? If a Mastie had bit me, or an ass given me a blow, would you have me serve writs upon them? So let us behave ourselves towards them that are froward & vicious, making a great deal less account of their injuries, than of a blow that hurteth: which they cannot do at all to our honour. As for good men we shall never be hurt by them. Now, if we draw near, although never so little, to the perfection We must not be moved with mocks. of such a nature, much less ought we to be provoked & stirred up through any laughter or gibing, which cannot touch or offend any, but those that are troubled and carried away with passions. Thus much did Socrates wisely give one to understand, who told him that certain mocked him: I do not (quoth he) think that I am mocked. Hereupon I remember a notable answer made by one Ptolemaeus Ptolemaeus. king of Egypt, who was counseled to punish a Grammarian. The king demanding of him by way of gibing, who was father to Peleus, he made this answer, that he desired first to know who was Lagus his father, noting thereby that the king was borne of base parentage. If it be unseemly (quoth Ptolemaeus to his friends) for a king to be mocked, it is also as undecent for him to mock another. Now although it be our duty to tread under foot all desire of revenge, & to make no account of injuries and mocks, yet is it lawful How a man may repulse a mock for us sometime, if we be disposed, and no greater offence arise thereof, to stop the mouths of such as are injurious & impudent, with a little short reply: not in wrath or choler, but with a certain meekness and grave smiling, and somewhat nippingly, so that it pass not the Cato. bounds of modesty. Cato knew well how to behave himself after this sort, who being injuriously dealt with all by one that had always lived wickedly, said thus unto him: I am not able to deal with thee in this manner by contending with injuries. For thou hast thoroughly used thyself both to utter reproaches freely, and to suffer with ease when any man offereth thee wrong or injury. But as for me, I delight neither in hearing, nor in uttering them. Likewise Demosthenes answered another in Demosthenes. this sort: I will not enter into this combat with thee, wherein the vanquished is better than the vanquisher. Plato also being touched Plato. with injurious speeches, said: Go on to speak ill, seeing thou didst never learn to speak well. Lysander, admiral of the Lysander. Lacedæmonians, being reviled with many bitter speeches, said to him that offered the injury: Spew out boldly my friend, spew out boldly and often, and spare not, to see if thou canst empty thy soul of that evil and wickedness wherewith it is replenished. Shall we think now, that these famous men, making so small account of injuries & wrongs, had any other bound than right and justice only in the hatred of the vices of The limits that are to be used in hating the wicked. wicked men, or that they would have sought by any other way for the satisfying of those wrongs, which they received? Let us consider how Scaurus behaved himself towards Scaurus. his enemy Domitius, against whom he was to put up a complaint by way of justice. There was one of Domitius his servants, who before judgement was given of their process, came to Scaurus, and said, that he would disclose unto him a matter of great importance against his master, which undoubtedly would cause him that was his adverse party to gain his suit. But he not minding to hear him any further, took order that he should be straightly bound, and so sent him to his master. The means which Agesilaus used to make his enemies his friends, in steed of revenging himself upon them, are worthy of eternal How Agesilaus made his enemies his friends praise, and aught to move us greatly to correct our natural imperfections, so much inclined to revenge. For when he could come to the knowledge of them without any further show, he thrust them into public offices and charges. And if it fell out so that they committed any offence whereby they were drawn into judgement, he holp them as much as he could, by that means winning the friendship of every one. For although we commonly say, that as one and the same sun softeneth the wax, and hardeneth the clay: so good deeds win the hearts of good men, but provoke the wicked, yet there is no man of so perverse a nature, whom a man cannot make his friend by plying him often with benefits, and when occasion is offered, by binding him with some notable good turn. Augustus. For this cause Augustus, after the conspiracy of Cinna was discovered, notwithstanding that he had him in his power, being convicted by his own letter, yet he did not only forgive him, but taking him also by the hand, swore friendship with him, and bestowed upon him great estates and dignities, wherein Cinna afterward served him faithfully. The Venetians. And it seemeth that for the same reason the Venetians having taken the Duke of Mantua their deadly enemy, in steed of taking his estate from him, they made him their general captain: so that ever after he abode their Pontinus. faithful friend. Pontinus also an ancient captain of the Samnites, said, that they were either freely to set at liberty the Roman army, which was surprised in the straits of the mountain Apenninus, and so make them loyal friends through the bond of so great a good turn, or else to put them all to death, thereby to The prudence of Dionysius in punishing evil speakers. take from the enemy a great part of his strength. Neither may we here let go in silence the discretion of Dionysius the elder, king of Syracuse, in punishing an injury. Which example ought to cause all them to blush, who in fury and choler, after an injury received, or after some report thereof, seek presently for some cruel revenge. This king being told that two young men as they were drinking together, had spoken many outrageous words of him, he invited them both to supper. And perceiving that one of them, after he had taken a little wine into his head, uttered and committed much folly, and that contrariwise the other was very stayed, and drunk but a little, he punished this fellow as one that was malicious, and had been his enemy of set purpose, but forgave the other, as being drunken, and moved by the wine to speak ill of him. Concluding therefore our present discourse, let us learn that it is the property of a great and noble mind to be mild, gracious, and ready to forgive, and that it is a greater point of magnanimity to surmount the common nature of men by a wonderful divinity of the soul, than to follow after that which beasts are able to do better than we. For many of them in this earthly generosity, whereof many men make so great account, excel & surpass the best of them all. In all debates & controversies with our enemies, let us retain (as Cicero counseleth us) gravity & constancy, and chase away all choler: because nothing that is done through perturbation can be done constantly, or be approved of any. Let us not be afraid Antisthene▪ counsel. (said Antisthenes) to wish all the good in the world to our enemies, except valour, which may make them rash to venture upon our life: and let us give over all will to procure them any hurt or displeasure, or any manner of revenge. Let us rather desire not to be spared of them in those things which are blame-woorthie in us, that so we may be more ready to amend and correct them. Let us Math. 5. 44. love our enemies, bless them that curse us, do good to them that hate and persecute us, overcoming evil with good, and leaving Rom. 12. 19 all vengeance to him that hath reserved it to himself, who by his power directeth the nets, swords, hatchets, instruments and scourges of his wrath, all which are our enemies for the amendment of our life: and then shall we show forth those true effects of the virtue of Fortitude & magnanimity, which our heavenly Father requireth of us. The end of the ninth days work. THE TENTH days work. Of justice. Chap. 37. ASER. TRue philosophy (saith Socrates) What true philosophy is. is to know and to practise both privately and publicly those things that are honest & just. This is that Prudence which teacheth us well and nobly to govern both domestical and civil affairs, the name whereof is Temperance and justice. By which speech this wise Philosopher taught us the strait and unseparable conjunction and knot of the four moral virtues, being nevertheless distinguished by their proper and particular effects. Which having hitherto offered us matter wherein to rejoice our spirits about the three first rivers flowing out of the fountain of honesty, there remaineth now for us to consider of the last of them, which although it be but one particular, yet in truth it is the very perfection of all duty, and is called justice: the precepts whereof if we keep diligently, we shall truly become images of God his essence, & be made according to his likeness. Let us then begin my companions, to entreat of this great and heavenly virtue. AMANA. justice (saith Cicero) is the mistress of all the The fruits and effects of justice other virtues, and as it were their Queen. She is the groundwork of everlasting glory and renown, and without her nothing can be praiseworthy. She putteth a difference between the good and the bad, which being taken away (saith Seneca) nothing followeth but confusion. For to reward the wicked and not the good, to afflict the virtuous, and not to chastise the evil man, is to make a gallimaufry of vice and virtue. ARAM. What justice is. What is justice but godliness (saith Lactantius) and what is godliness but the knowledge of God our Father? Notwithstanding in respect of us, justice is commonly taken for an equal distribution of right and of laws. But of thee (ACHITOB) we shall presently understand the greatness and riches of this precious virtue, and the unspeakable fruits which she distributeth liberally for the profit of all men. ACHITOB. No kingdom, commonwealth, or city (saith Plato) can be either well ruled or instituted in the beginning, or Three things necessary in every commonwealth. preserved and kept in a happy estate without divine or human justice, without the counsel of the aged, or without the favour of the heavenly wisdom. Now that is divine justice (as Lactantius saith) whereby we are joined to God by devotion and good will: and human justice knitteth us unto men by mercy and humanity. Whereby we see that the foundation The ground of all justice. of all justice is grounded upon that honour & service which we own to God, whereupon we are induced to be dutiful to our neighbours according to charity. Therefore we must above all things love justice, and apply all our study thereunto, seeing it is the first and principal point that concerneth the direction of a Christian man's life, yea more are partakers of the fruit thereof, than of any other virtue. Justice (saith Seneca) is the law of God, and the bond of human society. For avoiding therefore of confusion in this matter, we say with Plato, that justice observed and kept The distinction of justice. towards God, taketh unto it the name of piety. But we will enter into the handling of that justice only, which hath respect to our dealings with men, being by the same Plato called an equal distribution towards all the world, according to the deserts of every one, and a sure foundation of cities and commonwealths. He saith also, that justice requireth upright dealing throughout a man's calling and charge, and that nothing is more like to the greatness of God, than a man perfectly just. Aristotle calleth justice Whosoever hath justice perfectly, hath all the virtues. a general virtue, because he that hath her perfectly, may boast that he hath within him all the other virtues. For he could not know what were just and unjust, nor make choice of the one and fly from the other, if he were not prudent, to which virtue that thing doth properly belong. Neither could he exercise the precepts of justice, if by temperance he knew not how to moderate all his passions and private affections, not suffering himself to be overcome either with wine, gluttony, lust, covetousness, or with any other desires and motions, which hinder the use of reason. Besides, he could not practise one principal & divine point of justice, which is to secure with all his might the afflicted and oppressed, and to provide that no man be wronged, if it lie in his power, notwithstanding any danger whereinto he may fall, although it be certain loss of life, and of all earthly and transitory goods, I say he could not practise this, if through Fortitude and generosity he contemn not death, the earth, and whatsoever savoureth of the world, that he may be (so far forth as his human nature will suffer) a follower of the divinity. Justice (saith Cicero) is a constant and perpetual will and desire to give to every one his right. She is the proper virtue of a noble minded man, because she is profitable to others, but to herself fruitless, laborious, and perilous. Yea that man only may be called just, that profiteth as many as he can, but hurteth none, that is always at agreement The praise of justice. within himself, and is a friend to God, to men, and to himself. Justice (saith Diogenes) worketh great tranquillity and perfect felicity in our souls. For to be afraid of none, and not to blush at the sight of any man's person, bringeth with it great contentation, and is as it were the perfection of life, which is proper only to a just soul. Justice (saith Hesiodus) is a chaste and reverent virgin, not violated or defiled, but lodged always with shamefastness, chastity, and simplicity. Pindarus calleth her the Queen of all the world. Pythagoras' teaching by his riddlelike precepts, how a man ought to beware of transgressing justice, saith: Go not beyond the balance. If we purpose Respect of persons is not to be used in the practice of justice. (saith Plato) to exercise justice perfectly, we must make no difference of men in regard either of their friendship, kindred, wealth, poverty, or dignity. This virtue (saith Cicero) requireth of us the forsaking of our pleasures and private commodity, that we may procure the benefit of the commonwealth, although it be to our peril and loss. And those men command and govern very well, who forbidden us to do any thing whereof we doubt whether it be just or unjust: because equity is so clear of itself, that when we doubt of any thing, we may be assured that there is some injustice in it. Aristotle and Cicero divide justice The division of justice. The difference between commutative and distributive justice. into these two parts, distributive and commutative. Distributive justice consisteth in giving to every one according to his desert, whether it be honour and dignity, or punishment. Commutative justice is in keeping fidelity and in causing it to be kept in promises and contracts, & in behaving ourselves no otherwise to another, than we would be dealt withal. Many parts and particular duties are also attributed by the Philosophers to justice, as liberality and sundry other, whereof we will particularly discourse hereafter. But we must here learn, that the end of The end of justice. all justice tendeth to the preservation of the common society of men. For the preservation of the laws (which are the guardian and Tutor of good men, and a mortal enemy to the wicked) is so necessary for every estate and condition of life, that (as Cicero saith) the very Pirates, The necessity of justice. thieves & robbers could not live together without some part thereof. If we desire to know more of her unspeakable fruits, let us consider that which Paulus the Pythagorean hath written, saying, justice among men ought in my opinion to be called the Mother and Nurse of all the other virtues. For without her no man could be either temperate, valiant or prudent: the profit whereof will be very evident if we consider all her effects. divers names agree to justice in divers respects. For the providence of God is that justice which governeth the world, and hath the principality over it. In cities and towns justice is rightly called equity and Peace: in particular houses between the husband and the wife, unity and Concord: in respect of servants towards their masters, Good will: of masters towards their servants, humanity and gentleness: and in men's bodies Health and perfection of the members. Thus you see that justice is the beginning and perfection of all the virtues. By these short sayings of ancient and grave personages, the excellency of this holy and sacred virtue justice appeareth sufficiently unto us. Yea it is so earnestly commanded by the spirit of God unto Magistrates in these words jerem. 21. 12. & 22. 3. of exercising judgement and justice, so often repeated, that whosoever infringeth and violateth it, can not avoid the curse and wrath of the almighty, which will both light upon their own heads, and also work the destruction of them that are committed to their charge. It belongeth to What justice and judgement are. justice, to receive the innocent into protection and safeguard, to maintain, defend, sustain, and deliver them, and to judgement, to resist the boldness of the wicked, to repress their violence, and to punish their offences: because magistrates are therefore armed with the sword and with power, that public peace should not be disturbed. This also is that which Solon meant to teach us, when he said: that the greatness and preservation of all commonwealths consisted in two things, in the reward of the good, & in the punishment of the wicked: which being taken away, the whole discipline of human society must needs be dissolved and come to nothing. For there are many that have no great care to do well, if they see not virtue recompensed with some honour: although this beseemeth not a nobleminded man, who ought to do nothing but only for the love of virtue. And again, the malice of the wicked cannot be bridled, if they see not vengeance and punishment prepared for offenders. All these above specified considerations did so greatly recommend justice to the men of old time, and caused them to esteem so much of it, that whensoever occasion was offered to maintain and execute it, it was preferred before all things: insomuch that the father did not pardon his own son. The Egyptians were the The Egyptians were zealous of justice. How they painted judges. ancientest Lawmakers, as Historiographers report, and were very careful and diligent observers of justice. In their cities they painted judges without hands, and the precedent or chief justice with his eyes blindfolded: to teach, that justice ought not to be either a briber, or respecter of persons, that is, she must neither take any thing, nor judge for any favour. The kings of their country observed this order, to cause judges when they were installed by them in their offices, to swear, that albenit they were commanded by them to judge unjustly, yet they should not obey them. Since their time, the ancient Grecians The Grecians and Romans. and Romans showed themselves great, true, and zealous followers of this virtue of justice, and that towards their greatest enemies. They judged it a very noble act to accuse the wicked, so it were not upon any private occasion or passion: they delighted greatly to see young men by way of justice to pursue transgressors, as grayhounds well fleshed follow after wild beasts. This caused Solon being demanded what city seemed to him best What city is best governed. governed, to answer: that city wherein they that are not wronged, do as eagerly follow after satisfaction in the behalf of another man wronged, as if themselves had received the injury. For the truth is (quoth he) that they which violate and break laws, do not offend one man alone, but the whole city and commonwealth: therefore every one ought to desire and seek after just punishment. Moreover, the severity which the Lacedæmonians observed in their judgements, procured such a public safety, that for a long time they used not to put either locks to coffers, or bars to gates. Aristotle maketh mention of a certain country, where the inhabitants were to assure the safety of the ways, and to repay unto passengers that loss, which they had received by thieves and robbers. Neither is it long since the like statute was observed in many places of Italy. But I stand greatly in doubt, that at this day it is ill-favouredly kept. O happy, yea an hundred times happy was the golden age of those famous men, full of heavenly spirit, because under their government justice was had in such honour and reverence. But let us rub up the memory hereof by some notable examples. If any thing causeth Examples of the love of justice. Magistrates to commit injustice, it is chiefly the favour which they bear, & the bond wherewith they are bound more to some than to others. Therefore Cleon the Lacedaemonian Cleon. minding to deal in public affairs, gathered all his friends together, and told them, that he renounced & discharged himself of all their friendship, because friendship many times caused men to yield, and to step aside from their good and right purposes in matters of judgement. True it is that when we have none but good men to our friends, who are moved and possessed with the same zeal to virtue that we are, as before was mentioned, we shall never fall into these inconveniences. The example Aristides. of Aristides the Athenian his love unto justice, is worthy of special remembrance. For calling into the law an enemy of his, after he had set down his accusation, the judges were so moved against the accused party, for the impiety of the fact in controversy, that they would have condemned him unheard: so greatly did they trust to the honesty of the accuser, that he had set down nothing but the very truth. But Aristides, who for his great and rare virtue had before deserved the surname of just, went with the accused party and cast himself at the judges feet, beseeching them, that he might be heard, to justify and to defend himself, according as the laws commanded. Further, one writeth of him, that when he was upon a time judge between two parties that pleaded before him, one of them said: my adversary hath done thee great wrong Aristides. But he forthwith interrupting his talk, made this answer: My friend, declare only whether he hath wronged thee. For I am here to do thee right, and not myself: showing thereby, that justice ought to be executed without any private passion, revenge, or choler, I. Brutus. wherewithal many at this day are overcome. junius Brutus Consul of Rome, condemned his two sons Titus & Tiberius to be beheaded, being convicted for conspiring the re-entry of Tarqvinius race unto the kingdom of Rome, from whence they had been vanquished for wickedness and whoredom. Truly a notable example, and clean contrary to those that are favourers and accepters Photion. of persons. Photion refused to help his son in law charilus in judgement, being accused for taking certain money unjustly, saying unto him: that he had made him his Alexander. Ally in all just and reasonable matters only. Alexander the Great used this commendable custom as he sat in place of justice to hear criminal causes pleaded, that whilst the accuser declared his accusation, he stopped one of his ears with his hand, to the end he might keep it pure & upright, not admitting thereinto (as he gave them to understand) any prejudicate or false impression, that so he might hear the accused party speak in his own defence and justification. Truly an example meet for kings and princes, that they should not lightly believe slanderers, nor give sentence of execution presently upon their report and persuasion: because they ought not to take pleasure, or to glut themselves as it were, with some pleasant pastime, in the corrections and punishments of men, which is the property of a tyrant. Neither ought they, after the punishment is inflicted, to repent them thereof, which is a token of ignorance, and baseness of mind: but justice must see execution done when reason and judgement require, and that without either grief or pleasure. Augustus▪ Augustus. Caesar knowing that Asprenas a very familiar friend of his, was accused in judgement, and fearing that if he went to the place where the matter was to be heard, he should offer wrong to justice, as also that if he went not, he should seem to abandon his friend, as judging him culpable: he asked counsel of the Senate, with whom he resolved to be present at the judgement of his friend, but to speak nothing, because in so doing he should neither do him wrong, nor violate justice. Agesilaus king of Lacedemonia Agesilaus. deserved likewise great praise for this virtue, albeit he were a very assured friend to his friend, and of a gentle nature, ready to employ himself in the behalf of all them that stood in need of him. Nevertheless, when a friend of his contended with him about a matter, which he desired to obtain of this prince, saying, that he had made him a promise thereof: If the thing (quoth he) be just, I have promised it; but if it be unjust, I have not promised, but only spoken it. He used also to say, that he esteemed prows without justice is worth nothing. justice as chief of all the virtues, and that valour was of no value if it were not joined therewith, yea, would be needless if all men were just. And when certain men who were sent unto him to confer about some agreement, said one day unto him, that the great King would have it so: wherein (quoth he unto them) is he greater than I, if he be not more just? Whereby he judged very well, that the difference between a great and a little king The difference between a great and a little king. ought to be taken from justice, as from a kingly measure and rule, according unto which they ought to govern their subjects, seeing they were at the first established to do justice, as Herodotus speaking of the Medes, and Cicero of the Romans, make mention. This is that which a poor Philip. old woman signified to Philip king of Macedonia, when she came to him to have her complaint heard. To whom when the king made answer that he had no leisure at that time to hear her, she cried with a loud and clear voice, Be not then king, Whereupon this meek prince (by which name he said he had rather be called for a long time, than by the name of Lord for a little while) was so touched at the heart with the consideration of his duty, that he returned presently into his palace, where, setting aside all other affairs, he gave himself many days to hear all their complaints and requests that would come before him, beginning first with the said poor woman. Another time being overtaken with sleep, and not well hearing the justification and defence of one Machetas, he condemned him in a certain sum. Whereupon the said party cried out aloud, that he appealed to Philip after he should be thoroughly awake. Which being noted by the said Prince, he would needs hear him again: and afterward declared him not guilty, paying notwithstanding with his own money that sum wherein he had before condemned him, that so he might keep inviolable the authority of Traianus. his sentence. The emperor trajan is justly commended of Historiographers, because he alighted from his horse, as he was going to war, only to hear the complaint which a poor woman was about to make unto him. And truly nothing doth so properly belong unto, or is so well beseeming a prince of a good and gentle nature, as the practice and exercise of justice. Therefore when the Hebrews asked 1. Sam. 8. 5. a king of Samuel, they added this, To judge us like all nations. Yea these heads which had the sovereignty over them before were only in the nature of judges. It is justice only, What causeth kingdoms to flourish. which through the grace of God causeth kingdoms & monarchies to flourish: as Archidamus did very well signify to one, who asked of him what were those governors of the Lacedaemonian commonwealth, by whose means it was maintained in such and so great glory as was then to be seen. They are (said he) the laws first, and next the magistrates observing the laws. Moreover the law must be the rule of justice, as justice is the end of the law. In some other place we shall understand more at large by the grace of God, what the law is, and how we are to obey it, where also we will consider particularly of the duty of magistrates, and of their dignity. In the mean time let us mark well for our instruction the notable sayings and examples of ancient men here mentioned of us, which do sufficiently testify unto us how greatly they recommended the preservation of this virtue of justice. Whereof if we believe (as the truth is) that God is the author, that he doth continually God is the author of justice. exercise the same amongst us by visible testimonies, and that he will bring it to a full period and perfection at the appointed time, which is only known to him, let us take good heed that we neither contemn nor violate it. Let such as are decked with diadems for the administration of justice, who nevertheless commit this duty to others under them, make choice of sufficient and able men to bear so heavy a charge, I mean able, both What manner of men magistrates ought to be. for their learning, and also for their good example of life. Otherwise let them be sure, that this great judge will require at their hands the wrong that is offered to innocency. One mean whereby the abuse of justice may be taken away. To meet with which inconvenience, & to take away the cause of so many abuses & naughty dealings, which now a days are known to such as are most ignorant, to the utter overthrow of a million of poor families, I think that this is one of the best and surest means, not to leave justice, which is so precious a thing, to the licence of any whosoever will take it upon him, whereby it is set to open sale, as it were some merchandise of small account. Which dealing (that I may speak my mind freely) giveth occasion, The inconvenience that cometh by setting offices to sale. Exod. 18. yea constraineth those men to take bribes, and to be covetous, who (according to the counsel of Jethro given to Moses) ought to be farthest from it. For so long as the places of judgement shall be vendible, and bestowed upon him that offereth most, we shall always see that for money, such as are most ignorant, worst livers & unworthiest will be the first & chiefest. Now what justice can be hoped for of such men? For after they are once placed therein, the chiefest respect is to reap gain, profit and advantage, according to that value & rate of money which they laid out upon it. Did my office cost me so much? than it must be thus much worth unto me. For if I had employed my money elsewhere, I might have had thus much of revenues and inheritance. Truly this saying full of impiety never caused them to blush that have uttered it sundry times, although it hath wrought the same effect in many The saving of Alexander and jews the 12. that have heard it. The Emperor Alexander, and after him jews the 12. used this speech long since by way of prophecy, That buyers of Offices would sell by retail as dear as they could that which they bought in gross. And for this cause a wise Politician of our time hath written very learnedly, that they which set to sale estates, offices and benefices, sell withal the most sacred thing in the world, which is justice. They sell the commonwealth, they sell the blood of the subjects, they sell the laws: and taking away the reward of honour, of virtue, of knowledge, of godliness, of religion, they open a gate to thefts, to bribes, to covetousness, to injustice, to ignorance, to impiety: in a word, to Against buyers of offices. all kind of vice and filthiness. Neither do I doubt but that they which buy them are as greatly to be reproved and blamed, as those that sell them: because they minister life and nourishment, as much as in them lieth, to this monstrous Hydra of covetousness and lucre, which sucketh up and devoureth the substance of the poor. But they will say, if we lay not out our money hereupon, others will do it that are as well provided with coin, and yet peradventure are not so zealous of justice as we are. What? wilt thou do evil for fear lest another should do it before thee? Besides, if thou considerest thyself well, what leadeth thee hereunto but ambition or covetousness? And if peradventure some one among an hundred is touched with a good desire to profit and to serve his country, what can he do alone amongst ten that are corrupted? But let this be spoken without offence to good men, who for the most part bewail their estate and condition being in such company. And let not such buyers of offices think, that because of their bought estates they deserve any honour, (if for other respects they are not worthy) which is the reward of virtue only: but rather let them know, that they deceive themselves no less than those men did, who thought to fly with the golden wings of Euripides: making that thing of the heaviest matter that could be, which ought to be most light. The Emperor Aurelianus was so Aurelianus. fearful of placing an unworthy man in the seat of judgement, that he never preferred any to the dignity of a Senator, but with the consent of the whole Senate. But to end our speech, we will hold this, that nothing is more necessary to guide and to order the life of man to her proper & happy end, than the virtue of justice: which being taken from amongst us, all other virtues sequester themselves far from us, giving place to the perturbations of our souls, which draw us into ruin and confusion. And A mean to preserve policies. when as the greater sort being well instructed in their duty, bestow the administration of justice upon those men only that deserve it, opening that gate unto them only for their virtue, then do they put in ure the first point requisite for the preservation of their estates, namely, the recompensing of good men. This will cause every one to seek out the way that leadeth to virtue, whose property it is to bring men to honour. And from this good beginning will proceed the other point no less necessary, being the entire ornament and preservation of justice, namely, the punishment of the wicked: so that all things shallbe maintained in good order, to the benefit, rest, profit and greatness of this French monarchy. Of injustice, and of severity. Chap. 38. ACHITOB. A pretty comparison. AS there is but one only way to hit the white, and many to miss it, by shooting either higher or lower than is requisite: so fareth it with our actions, which cannot be good but after one sort, but are evil many ways. This is that which Every virtue is in the midst of two vices. we noted before in discoursing of three principal virtues, called moral, which consist in the midst of two vices, namely: too little and too much. And this may also be noted in the fourth of those virtues, whereof we entreated even now, whose defect and contrary vice is injustice, and her excess and counterfeit follower is severity. Of which vices, according to the order begun by us, we are now to discourse. This matter therefore I leave to you my Companions. ASER. They make themselves guilty of great injustice, who being appointed of God to persecute the wicked with the sword drawn, will (forsooth) keep their hands clean from blood, whereas the wicked in the mean while commit murder, and offer violence uncontrolled. But it is no less cruelty to punish no offence, than not to forgive any in whomsoever it be: the one being an abuse of clemency, the true ornament of a sovereign: and the other, to turn authority into tyranny. Nevertheless magistrates in the execution of justice ought to take great heed, least by overgreat severity they hurt more than they heal. AMANA. As a Goldsmith can make what vessel he will, when the dross is taken from the silver: so when the froward man is taken away from the King's presence, his How the thrones of kings may be established in justice. throne shall be established in justice. Notwithstanding the seat of a judge that is too severe, seemeth to be a gibbet already erected. But we shall understand of thee ARAM, the nature and effects of these vices, injustice, and severity. ARAM. None are so perverse, nor given over so much to the desires and concupiscences of their flesh, that they can utterly deface through oblivion the knowledge of good and evil, or the inward apprehension of some divine All men have some knowledge of good and evil, and some inward sense of a divine nature. nature, both which are joined together in all men. Insomuch that by reason of that which urgeth them within their souls, they are constrained to confess themselves culpable for their unjust deeds before the judicial throne of this deity. Therefore with what impudency soever the wicked outwardly gloze their corrupt dealings, as if they gloried in them, yet seeing they have, aswell by the testimony of their conscience, as by proof and experience, this knowledge even against their wills, that injustice is unfruitful, barren, and ungrateful, bringing forth The fruits of injustice in the wicked. nothing worthy of any account, after many great labours and travels which it affordeth them, the remembrance of their unpure deeds abateth their courage, & maketh it full of trouble and confusion. So that although a corrupt and naughty man, during the sway of his vicious passion, persuadeth himself, that by committing a wicked & execrable deed, he shall enjoy some great and assured contentation, yet the heat, thirst, and fury of his passion being overpassed, nothing remaineth but vile and perilous perturbations of injustice, nothing that is either profitable, necessary, or delectable. Moreover, this troubleth his mind, that through his dishonest desires he hath filled his life with shame, danger, distrust, & terror of the just judgement of God. For these causes the Philosophers speaking of injustice, said very well, that there was no vice whereof a man ought to be more ashamed than of that, because it is a malice and naughtiness that hath no excuse. For seeing men have this inward sense and feeling, that their very thoughts do accuse or absolve them before God, they ought to make account thereof, as of a watchman that watcheth & prieth into them to discover all those things which they would gladly hide if they could. This caused Cicero to say, that it is more against nature to spoil another man, and to see one man to increase his riches by the hurt of another, than either death, or poverty, or grief, or any loss of goods, belonging either to the body or to fortune. And if a good man neither may nor aught for Virtue is to be preferred before all worldly things. profit sake, to slander, deceive, lie, or execute any such like thing: it is certain, that there is nothing in this world of so great value, no treasure so precious, which should move us to forego the brightness and name of virtuous Injustice is a general vice. and just. Now, as we learned before, that justice was a general virtue, so injustice also comprehendeth all those vices whereinto men commonly fall. For this is injustice, not to give to every one that which belongeth unto him. In respect of God it taketh the name of impiety, in regard of men, of denial of rights and laws. Our discourse is of this latter, which bringeth forth pernicious effects after divers manners, destroying all duties of honesty. But not to stay overlong in the kinds of injustice, we will note How many ways a man may be unjust. this, that we are so many ways guilty of injustice, as we deny to our neighbours those duties which we own unto them, and which our vocation requireth of us: as also when we seek to enrich ourselves by their hindrance, whether it be openly, or by sinister and subtle means against christian sincerity, which ought to shine in all our dealings. Let us see how the Ancients hated this vice, and spoke of the pernicious effects thereof. No man (saith Socrates) ought to commit any unjust act, how small soever it be, for any treasure, wealth, or profit, which he may hope to reap thereby: because all the treasures of the earth are not to be compared to the least virtue of the soul. For this cause all men jointly aught to have this one end and intent, that when they profit themselves, they should also be beneficial to every one. For if all men should have respect but to their own, their unity would soon be dissolved. And although it were so (said Cato) that injustice did procure no peril to him that doth practise it, yet would it to all others. Plato calleth it a corruption of the soul, and a civil sedition which never looseth strength, no not in those that have it only within themselves. For it causeth a wicked man to be at variance within himself. It urgeth, troubleth, and turmoileth him continually, until it have plunged him in the gulf of all vices: whereupon afterward he easily overfloweth in all impiety, not caring for any thing but to satisfy his unbridled desires. And if it fall out that they who have the sword in hand to correct injustice, do either authorize or practise it themselves, then is the gate of all miseries opened upon every one, through the unruly licence of the wicked, who wallow in all kind of cruelty: from whence all disorder and confusion proceedeth, to the utter ruin and final subversion of most flourishing towns and cities, and in the end, of empires, kingdoms and monarchies. Thus doth injustice disannul the force of laws, which are the foundation of every estate: it is an enemy to good men, and the guardian and Tutor of the wicked. Briefly, it bringeth forth all effects contrary to those which we mentioned to be the fruits of justice, and is the wellspring of the other vices that hinder duty. Is it not injustice that The effects of injustice. giveth authority to murders, robberies, violent dealings, & to other damnable vices, which at this day are unpunished, and are the cause that of many great, goodly, & wealthy families, poor widows only and orphans quite undone, do remain, crying for vengeance, and expecting it from above, for the wrong that is offered to their innocency? How many such are set before our eyes by histories, which are the light of truth? But alas the unhappiness of our age is grown to greater measure. How many of the greater sort, I mean of the governors & magistrates of this desolate kingdom, may justly challenge that praise, whereby Pericles, captain and governor of the Pericles. Athenians, thought himself more honoured, than by all his brave exploits done in his life time, either in war, or in politic government, wherein he was the chiefest of his time, and which his friends laid before his eyes, being ready to die, thereby to assure him, and to cause him to rejoice in a true immortality of glory? O my friends (said he unto them) Fortune hath had her part in those exploits: but I make greater account of this, that I never caused any of my countrymen A notable example for every civil Magistrate to lament, or to wear a mourning gown, which only thing ought to be attributed to my virtue. O excellent and honourable praise, which every good man ought to seek after, and to desire: namely, to be no cause of bringing sorrow and grief to the commonwealth through any act of injustice. Moreover this virtuous Athenian died willingly and without repining, taking delight in an acceptable remembrance of those good turns, which he had done to his countrymen. But contrariwise it will be a very hard matter for others, who have been the cause of many evils to their country, and for all those that delight in committing injustice, not to die in great fear, horror, and trembling, tormented with remorse of conscience for Why the life of the wicked cannot be happy. their life past. The whole course whereof cannot be much more happy, seeing every wicked act engendering it own torment from the very instant wherein it is committed, through the continual remembrance thereof filleth the soul of the malefactor with shame and confusion, with freights and perturbations, with repinings and terrible disquietness of spirit. This is that which Plutarch saith, That every wicked man committing a trespass, is the prisoner of justice as soon as he hath done it. This life is his prison, out of which he hath no mean to departed, or to fly, but is to receive the execution of that sentence which is given against him by A comparison. the sovereign judge. And if in the mean time he feast it out, send presents and gifts, yea if he solace himself with sundry sports, delights and pleasures, it is all one as if condemned men that were prisoners should play at dice and cards, and use other pastime, with the halter over their heads wherewith they must be strangled. But there are many men that cannot be better compared than to little children, who seeing men worth nothing, to dance and play upon a theatre, appareled with cloth of gold and silver, A comparison. or with other rich garments, and crowned with precious ornaments, have them in great estimation and admiration, and thinking them happy, until in the end they see them pierced through with great thrusts of a spear, or hewn in pieces with swords, or behold fire coming out The wrong conceit which men have of the wicked that prosper. of those goodly precious robes of gold, which consumeth them. The self same thing is done by them, who when they see many wicked men, either placed in great authority and dignity, or descending of good & famous houses, they honour, admire, and esteem them the happiest men & most at ease in the world: never considering that they are chastised & punished for their offences, before they see them either put to death, or else quite fallen from the height of their fortune. Now seeing it is a thing flatly confessed of those that have any knowledge of our philosophy, and proved sufficiently by our former discourse, that nothing can be called honourable or profitable which proceedeth of injustice, or of malice, that excuse, which men given over to vice, do commonly allege to cloak their impiety withal, namely, that injustice bringeth with it very ripe and ready fruit, and that the punishment if there be any, cometh very late, and long time after the delight taken by the offence, hath no more any show of reason in it. For, as we have already learned, the punishment of any sin is equal with it both for age and time. Furthermore God The punishment of sin is equal with it both for age and time. permitteth oftentimes his divine judgement to be publicly known and showed upon the unjust: yea he declareth himself so much the more openly, by how much the less men exercise justice and upright dealind. And yet in respect of his majesty, we must not look unto time, which is always one and the same to him, and not future or past: yea the whole continuance of man's life is as nothing unto All things are present with God. him, and less than the present instant. But if according to our carnal senses, we desire examples of the greatness and swiftness of his wrath, justly kindled over our heads for our execrable impieties, contrary to the nature of his gentleness and benignity, which moved him to wait for us a long time, who can be ignorant of them in the unspeakable affliction of this poor France, wherein it were very hard in man's judgement to discern, whether is most lamentable, either injustice, or the misery and calamity, which by the vengeance of God followeth it, the horrible punishment whereof the fautors of iniquity both have & daily do feel upon their heads? Those commonwealths (saith Cicero) which are ready to be overthrown, & have all things forlorn and desperate in them, fall into this A sure token of a desperate commonwealth. miserable issue, that they whom the laws condemn are restored, and judgements given are revoked and broken. And when such things come to pass, let none be ignorant of this, that destruction is at hand, neither can any man justly conceive hope of safety. What other thing can The miserable estate of France. I say of France (I would to God I were deceived) seeing that all justice is turned topsy-turvy therein, the wicked are placed in authority, & good men driven away: suits in law are commenced against every one more upon knavery than equity, corruption than integrity, favour than uprightness? But to the end that the greater sort, and every particular man may open his eyes and behold this shipwreck that threateneth us: let us consider in our Ancestors, through the reading of histories, the like causes of the ruin, alteration, and subversion of many very flourishing Estates, proceeding from the reign of injustice, which being the daughter of tyranny (as Dionysius the elder said) must needs be of the same nature: namely, that by usurping an unjust and intolerable dominion, it must of necessity fall speedily into a miserable and wretched end. We have in all our former discourses alleged sundry examples of vices, which (as we said even now) take their beginning, or at least wise are inseparably joined with injustice, and hereafter we will make mention of others, when we handle certain points, which properly depend of this self same original. In the mean time we The denial of justice dangerous. Philip. will here note that the denial of justice hath procured to many their death or undoing. Philip the first, king of Macedonia, was slain by Pausanias a mean gentleman, because he would not let him have justice against Antipater, Demetrius who had offered him wrong. Demetrius the besieger, having received many requests and supplications of his subjects, threw them all into the water, as he went over the bridge of a river: whereupon his subjects conceived such hatred against him, that within a while after his army forsook him, and yielded themselves to Pyrrhus his enemy, who drove him out of his kingdom without battle. Henry king of Sweathland. In our time, Henry king of Sweathland, striking with a dagger a gentleman that asked justice of him, stirred up the nobility and people in such sort against him, that putting him into prison, where he is at this present, they elected his younger brother to be their king, who now reigneth. But for a more wonderful matter, we might here rehearse, how God, to show unto us his detestation of injustice, hath sometimes suffered his judgement to fall out in that very hour and time, which such as were unjustly condemned did assign to their unjust judges. In the lives of the kings of Castille, we find that Ferdinando the A notable historic of the death of Ferdinando the 4. fourth of that name, putting two knights to death more through anger than justly, one of them cried aloud in this sort: O unjust king, we cite thee to appear within thirty days before the tribunal seat of Jesus Christ to receive judgement for thy injustice, seeing there is no other judge in earth to whom we can appeal from thy unjust sentence. Upon the last of which days he died likewise. True it is, some man may say, that death is so natural, and the hour thereof so uncertain, although determined, that no other cause thereof aught to be supposed, but only necessity. But yet when it followeth so nearly some notable wickedness committed, and some disquietness and torment of mind is mingled therewith in the soul, as it commonly falleth out, we may take such a death for a testimony and beginning of the justice of God, who will not suffer the unjust man to rule any longer, but exerciseth his judgements diversly in due time and season, upon those that are not to give an account of their doings to men like themselves. And as for such as are of meaner estate, and lower in degree, God suffereth also many times their punishment to be notorious, and that sometime by such as are not much better than themselves. Hereupon Apollonius that great Philosopher said, that in his peregrination over three parts of the world, he marveled most at two things, whereof the first was, that he always saw the greater thieves hang the less, and oftentimes the innocent. And thus it fell out in the time of king Philip the Notable injustice committed by a provost of Paris. long, wherein a provost of Paris, named Henry Lapperell, caused a poor man that was prisoner in the Chastelet to be executed, by giving him the name of a rich man, who being guilty and condemned, was set at liberty by him. But his reward followed him hard at the heels: being for the same accused, convicted, hanged, and strangled. Not long after a precedent of the Parliament, named Hugues Hugues of Crecy. of Crecy, met with the same fortune, for a certain corrupt judgement given by him. Therefore let every one of us learn to fly from this pernicious vice of injustice: namely, from every action repugnant to the duty of christian charity, and destroying the bond of human society, through the utter spoiling of the rivers that flow from the fountain of honesty. And let us be afraid through such impiety to fall into the indignation and wrath of the almighty, to whom only (as to the author of justice, and to whom all time is as nothing) it belongeth to define and to determine thereof, when, after what sort, and how far it standeth with reason, all which things are unknown to us. If he defer sometime the punishment of injustice, let us know, that it is for their greater and more grievous condemnation, who multiply and heap up daily upon their heads iniquity upon iniquity. And for an example, which great men ought to follow, and not suffer injustice to be practised according to every man's fancy, or under any other pretence whatsoever, we will propound unto them the fact of a Pagan king, who shall rise up in Artaxerxes. judgement against them, if they do otherwise. The Prince I mean is Artaxerxes, surnamed Longhand, and king of the Persians, who being requested by a chamberlain of his whom he greatly favoured, to do some unjust thing, & having by his diligence found out, that he undertook this suit for another, who had promised him thirty thousand crowns, called of them Dariques, he commanded his Treasurer to bring the like sum unto him, and then said unto his chamberlain, Take this money which I give thee. For in giving it unto thee, I shall be never the poorer, whereas if I had done that which thou requiredst of Alexander Severus. me, I should have been more unjust. Alexander Severus the Emperor handled after another fashion, yea more justly, a servant of his, who used like a horseleech of the court to suck their blood that had to deal with his master, by thrusting himself forward, and proffering his means to fulfil their request for a good reward, by reason of the favour which he bore him: which turned to the great dishonour of his imperial majesty, because a Prince ought not to make greater account of any thing, than of the grace and favour of his gifts and benefits. This monarch caused him to be tied to a post and choked with smoke, making this proclamation by sound of trumpet, The punishment of one who sold his master's favour. That they which sell smoke, should so perish with smoke. Now to enter into the last point of that matter which is here propounded unto us, we must diligently note, that as it is the duty of all Magistrates, and of such as have authority over others to chastise & to punish every malefactor, so likewise they must beware lest under pretence of exercising justice they fall into another kind of injustice through overmuch rigour, which is as hurtful or rather more than that vice whereof we discoursed even now, namely, into severity, which causeth them to be misliked for cruelty, Of severity. and belongeth rather to a beastly and savage nature, than to the nature of man. For clemency and compassion never ought to be separated from a good & just sentence, which is to hold small faults excused, or but lightly to punish them, provided always that justice be not violated. Clemency Clemency preserveth a prince his throne. Prou. 20. 28. (saith the wise man) is the true preservation of the royal throne. And therefore one of the ancients said, that it was ill to be subject to a prince under whom nothing was tolerated, but worse when all things were left at random. We may allege here for an example of overgreat severity, the fact of Manlius Torquatus a consul of Rome, who caused his M. Torquatus. sons head to be cut off, because he fought against his enemy body to body, contrary to the Edicts, and out of his rank, albeit he came away victor. The act of Ausidius Ausidius. the Roman was more cruel & barbarous than just, when he slew his son for withdrawing himself to take part with Catiline: uttering this speech unto him: I did not, wretch as thou art, beget thee for Catiline, but for thy country. Such murders and cruelties deface all the commendation of justice, whose ways ought to be ordinary and usual, ruling rigour with gentleness, as the rigour of discipline ought to moderate gentleness, that the one may be commended by the other. Seneca rehearseth a crueler fact than any of the former, committed by Piso the Proconsul, who seeing a soldier return alone to the camp, condemned him to Most cruel seucritie of Piso. withstanding he affirmed that his fellow came after him. At the very instant of the execution his companion came, whereupon the captain that had charge to see the condemned party executed, returned to the Proconsul with both the soldiers. But Piso being offended therewith, put them all three to death: the first, because he was condemned: the second, because he was the cause of the condemnation: and the captain, because he obeyed not: so that he put three to death for the innocency of one man, abusing his authority and power in most cruel manner, what soever rigour was used in those times in the ordinance of warlike discipline. Now to take from us all taste of such Augustus Caesar. barbarousness, let us call to mind an act of Augustus Caesar worthy of eternal praise, who would not condemn one that was accused of seeking his death, because the arguments and proofs were insufficient, but left him to the judgement of God. Let us learn therefore for the conclusion of our discourse to hate all kind of injustice in such sort, that every one of us seek to profit his neighbour, rating at an high price (as Euripi▪ saith) the violating of right, which is holy and sacred. And thus through the good order of magistrates, and reformation of every one by himself, the wicked shall have no means to rob, to spoil by force, to take bribes, and to deceive others, when breakers of just laws shall be punished. Then will the effect of those two sentences take place which are taken out of the holy scriptures, and written in a table in the great chamber of the palace belonging to the head city of this kingdom, and which ought to be well engraven in the hearts of all judges: the first sentence is contained in these words, Execute judgement and righteousness: or otherwise I jer. 22. 3. 5. have sworn by myself (saith the Lord) that this house shall be waste. The other sentence is this: O ye judges, take heed what 2. Chr. 19 6. ye do: for ye execute not the judgements of man, but of the Lord: Matth. 7. 2. and with what judgement ye judge, ye shallbe judged. For truly the crown of praise and immortal glory is kept and prepared for them that walk in truth and righteousness, but shame and dishonour, with eternal fire for those that persever in unrighteousness. Of fidelity, Forswearing, and of Treason. Chap. 39 ARAM. Such is the corruption of our age, wherein impiety and malice are come in place of ancient innocency, that virtue seemeth very unfit to be received and employed in affairs, seeing the gate Of the corruption of our age. is quite shut up against hit. So that a man might aptly say, that whosoever should think to bring back again, amidst the perverse lives and corrupt manners of this present time, the uprightness and integrity of ancient behaviour, he did as much as if he offered fruits out of season, When virtue seemeth to be out of season. which being fair in sight, were notwithstanding unfit to be used. Nevertheless we must not doubt to bring her in sight, and to maintain her with all our power, who knoweth how to cause her enemy Vice both to reverence and fear her, and in the end also to triumph over him, maugre all the power and underpropping, which he receiveth from the wicked. In the midst therefore of so many treacheries and treasons, whereof men glory now adays, let us not be afraid to paint them out in their colours, thereby giving honour to fidelity, which is a part of justice, or rather justice itself: which I leave to you my companions to make plain unto us. ACHITOB. It is impiety to violate faith. For God who is truth, detesteth all lying: and is a terrible revenger of the contempt of his name. To love or to hate openly (saith Cicero) doth better beseem a noble heart, than for a man to hide and to dissemble his will and affection. ASER. Guile and fraud (saith Seneca) are meet weapons for a cowardly and baseminded man. Therefore we must take good heed (as Pittacus said) That fame speak not evil of us to them unto whom we have given our faith. But it belongeth to thee AMANA to handle this matter. AMANA. Amongst the famous and great personages What Faith and fidelity is. of old time, no virtue was more commended, or straightlier kept and observed than Faith and fidelity, which they affirmed to be the foundation of justice, the indissoluble bond of friendship, and the sure supporter of human society. Of this Faith we mind now to speak, not touching at all that religious and sacred faith, concerning the holy mysteries of true piety, which is a singular gift of God his spirit, and peculiar to those that appertain to his eternal election. This therefore which respecteth the mutual conversation and promises of men, hath been always kept unviolable of honourable men, & aught to be so amongst us: because he that giveth his faith, layeth to pawn whatsoever is most precious & divine in his soul. Of the violating of faith. So that if he forget himself somuch as to break and violate the same, he committeth manifest impiety, showing that he careth not to offend God by abusing his name to levit. 19 12. Deut. 5. 11. colour his lying. It were a great deal better never to take God to witness, than to forswear him in mockery: seeing Matth. 5. 34. the Scripture so often forbiddeth us to take his name in vain, to swear falsely by it, or in any sort to defile the same. It is true that this question hath always been, and is at this day more than ever in controversy: namely, whether a man is bound to perform that which he hath Whether a forced promise is to be kept. promised and sworn to by compulsion, or no? And this sentence is received & approved of many, that nothing but our Will bindeth us to perform those things, which necessity forceth us to promise. But to speak according to truth, and without any particular passion, we say, that true and perfect magnanimity suffereth us not to promise any thing, and to pawn our faith thereunto, except we were willing to perform it: because no virtuous and A wise man must never promise any thing against duty. wise man ought to forget himself so far, as to do or to promise any thing contrary to his duty for any necessity, no not for death itself. Neither is there any thing whereby a fool is sooner discerned from a wise man, than by promises: forasmuch as an undiscreet man lightly promiseth whatsoever you will, and oftentimes more than is required of him: but a man of good judgement weigheth his speech with sense and reason, before he gauge it to any body, and having once given his word, he revoketh it not, what loss or damage soever may ensue thereof, as he that esteemeth a great deal more of the honour of truth and fidelitic, than of his own life, being touched Psal. 15. 4. with untruth and perjury. And if it were lawful for every one to allege necessity or constraint, thereby to cloak the breach of faith, to whom might a man trust in any matter? Who doubteth but that all agreements made between men, whether in time of war or of peace, or in any particular affairs between party and party, are grounded upon a benefit, which every one supposeth to be necessary and profitable for himself, and so consequently that they ought not to be kept? Who doubteth but that the breach of them may easily be coloured with the like necessity, and so under this goodly pretence of false right and equity should be allowed? But what? May we be judges for ourselves, and in our own cause? First our adverse parties to whom we are bound must be called, and must agree with us of judges to determine of our promises, whether they were lawful or unlawful, forced and necessary or no: according to the law, which releaseth a man of his promise if it be unjust or unreasonable, or if it be too burdensome unto him, or if he were circumvented by deceit, fraud, error, force, just fear, or grievous hurt. But when we are both judge and party, and in stead of justice seek after force and violence, it is soon seen, that all show of excusing the breach of faith given, is only grounded upon malice and subtlety. This did Lysander Lysander a forsworn and deceitful man. admiral of the Lacedæmonians usually practise, who made no reckoning of justice but when it was profitable, accounting only profit to be honesty, and saying, that children must be deceived with the play of cock-all, and men with oaths. Which kind of dealing argueth a man to be in truth worse in behaviour towards God, than towards his enemies: because he that beguileth his enemy through the means of fidelity sworn unto him, doth sufficiently testify, that he feareth him, and dares not discover unto him that which lieth hid in his heart: and yet in the mean time he hath no reverence or fear of the divine majesty from which nothing is hid, but useth that for a covering We must keep promise with our enemy. and mask of his wickedness. We must (saith Cicero) keep that promise unviolable, which we have made to our enemy, albeit the mishaps of war have constrained us to yield unto it. How much less therefore ought we to break our faith given to Of the neglect of fidelity cometh a custom of lying. our friends, and to those of whom we never received any thing but profit and pleasure? Through this neglect of faith we fill our souls with lying, nourishing and delighting them therein, and separating them far from the truth (the fountain of all goodness) to lie unto our neighbours, to deceive and beguile them in those things, which we are able to perform, thereby destroying the bond of human society, yea of nature itself, which bindeth us both to will and to procure their good. This is that which Epenetus the Lacedaemonian would teach us, when he said, that liars were the cause of all the sins and crimes in the world. And therefore Plutarch also saith, That to lie is a servile vice worthy to be hated of all, and not to be pardoned in any, no not in slaves themselves. All they (saith Cicero) that speak one thing, and mean another, aught to be taken for faithless, wicked and malicious men: whereas a good man will neither feign nor dissemble in any sort, either to buy better cheap or to sell dearer. It is not the point of a plain, open and sincere man, or of him that is just and virtuous, to conceal from the buyer the It is wickedness to conceal the fault of that which a man selleth. fault of that thing which he selleth, but rather of a malicious, deceitful, crafty, subtle, and wicked man. And if this be a vice and sin, not to declare the fault of that thing which is sold, how shall they be termed, who use a thousand words and lies to set forth their merchandise? Whereas good men have always been very scrupulous & precise in keeping the truth from all kind of pollution, as that which ought to be as well in the heart as in the mouth, in the works as in the words of every honest man. But if Lying in a prince is most odious. lying procure blame and dishonour to all men, it doth much more to kings and princes. For seeing they are placed in such authority, that they may do what pleaseth them, what need they to lie? If Machiavelli and his followers, favourers of tyranny, had well weighed that which we read in infinite places of scripture, that God will overthrow dissemblers and liars, with all their lies & subtleties, hardly could they commend dissimulations, deceits, treacheries, and such like pranks, wherewith they seek to poison the noble minds of good princes, to cause them to degenerate both from their natural disposition, & from the steps of such virtuous men as have gone before them. And to this purpose I remember a decision of right concerning princes, which deserveth to be graven in letters of gold within their lodgings & palaces: namely, That if the prince go against his promise, it ought to be reckoned amongst the cases that fall out by chance, neither may any man suppose the contrary. For the obligation is double: the one in respect of natural equity, which will have covenants and promises kept: The promise of a prince is tied with a double bond. the other in regard of the Prince his faith, which he must observe inviolable, although he receive loss thereby, because he is the formal warranty unto all his subjects, of that fidelity which is amongst themselves: so that no fault is more detestable in a Prince than perjury. For if he that is debtor and pledge for justice be disloyal, there is no more trust to be given to him in all his oaths: but if he be upright, his bare word ought to be unto him for a Of the word & faith of a prince law, and his faith for an Oracle. God himself (saith the master of the sentences) is bound by his promise. Gather together (saith he) all the nations of the earth, that they may judge between me and my people, if there be any thing which I ought to have done, and have not performed it. What is he then that will call in question, whether a Prince is bound to that which he hath sworn to and promised, seeing all sovereign power is no less bound to the laws of God and of nature, than the simplest that is subject thereunto? If faith ought not to be kept with enemies, it is not to be given unto them: and if it be lawful to capitulate with them, it is as necessary to keep promise. Yea we may further add, that perjury is not to be revenged or called in question, after that peace and agreement together is made: otherwise there would never be any assurance of peace, or end of perjury. From the self same fountain of the profanation of faith, and custom in lying (it being the property of vice to engender another vice for a punishment of itself) proceedeth that pernicious Of Treason. plague of kingdoms and commonwealths, I mean Treason, hated of God and men, wherewith perjured persons being bewitched, fear not to betray themselves, so they may betray others also, and their country. Whereupon they become odious to every one, even to those who used them to serve their own turns in disloyal and wicked actions, and in the end they receive the reward due to their execrable impieties. For this is the common affection that men bear towards such people, so to seek them out (which notwithstanding is not the property of a noble heart) when they stand in fear of them, as they that want gall, or the poison of some venomous beasts: afterward to give them over and to reject because of their wickedness. If a man be called slothful, he may become diligent: if talkative, hold his peace: if a glutton, temperate himself: if an adulterer, abstain: if furious, dissemble: if ambitious, stay himself: if a sinner, amend: but he that is once called a traitor, there is no water to wash him clean, nor mean to excuse himself. Notable examples. now, let us come to the examples of the Ancients, and know what zeal they bore to fidelity and hatred, to perjury and treason, as also what recompense commonly followed and accompanied such things, and with what reward nobleminded men did requite those that were A. Regulus. disloyal and traitorous. Attilius Regulus, a Roman of great credit, being taken prisoner in the Carthaginian war, and sent to Rome upon his faith to entreat about a peace and the exchange of captives, so soon as he arrived, gave clean contrary advice in the Senate: showing that it was not for the profit of the commonwealth to make such an agreement. Afterward, having resolved with himself to keep faith with the enemy, he returned to Carthage, where he was put to death very cruelly. For his eyelids being cut off, & himself bound to an engine, he died with the force of waking. Demaratus king of Sparta, Demaratus. being in Persia with the king, against whom a great man of Persia had rebelled, was the means of their reconciliation. Afterward this barbarian king having his said vassal in his power, would have been revenged of him, thinking to put him to death. But the virtuous Lacedaemonian turned him from it, declaring unto him, that it would redound to his great shame, not to know how to punish him for his rebellion when he was his enemy, and now to put him to death being his servant and friend. A reason truly well worthy to be marked, but very slenderly put in ure at this day. Augustus' having made proclamation Augustus. by sound of trumpet, that he would give 25000. Crowns to him that should take Crocotas' ringleader of the thieves in Spain, he offered himself to the Emperor, and required the sum promised by him, which he caused to be paid him, & pardoned him withal, to the end no man should think that he would take his life from him, thereby to frustrate him of the promised recompense: as also because he would have public faith and safety kept to every one that came according to order of justice: although in truth he might have proceeded and given out process against him. Cato the elder being in war against Cato. the Spaniards, was in great danger by reason of the multitude of enemies, who sought to enclose him round about. And not being then in possibility to be succoured of any but of the Celtiberians, who demanded of him 200. Talents (which are 120000. crowns) in hand for their wages, the council told him, that it was not by any means to be gotten presently, but yet promised to furnish them with such a sum, and that within any time which they would appoint: otherwise that it was more expedient not to meddle with them. But this wise and well advised captain used this occasion to very good purpose, by resolving with himself and with his soldiers, either to overcome their enemies, or else to die, (after they had agreed with the Celtiberians) that the Roman glory should not be stained by the falsehood of their promises. For (quoth he to his soldiers) if we get the battle, we will pay them, not of our own, but at the charges of our enemies: but if we lose the victory, none will be left alive either to pay, or to demand any payment. There was no talk among the council of these noble Romans, how they might deceive their enemies, or those whose service they were urged to use, but they determined rather to die, than to be wanting in their promise. Likewise we may note, that as their enterprises Perjury and faithless persons have always had ill success. thus grounded had good success, so perjury and violating of right were through the vengeance of God pursued for the most part with unhappy effects, contrary to the platforms and desires of perjured and faithless men: or at leastwife that themselves were speedily punished Tissaphernes. for their wickedness. And therefore when Tissaphernes, Lieutenant to the king of Persia had broken a truce, which he had made with the Grecians, they gave him thanks by his own Herald, because he had placed the Gods, in whose name the truce was sworn, on their side. And in deed he smally prospered after that in his enterprises. Cleomenes. Cleomenes king of Lacedemonia, having taken a truce for seven days with the Argians, assaulted them the third night after, knowing that they were in a sound sleep, and discomfited them: which he did under this crafty subtlety, because (forsooth) in the foresaid truce mention was made of the day only, and not of the night. Whereupon the Grecians noted this as a just judgement of his perjury and breach of faith, in that he was miraculously frustrated of his principal intent, which was, by the means of that overthrow to have suddenly taken the city of Argos. For the women being full of wrath and just grief for the loss of their husbands, by the cowardly treachery of this Lacedaemonian, took those weapons that were in the said town, and drove him from the walls, not without great murder and loss of the greatest part of his army. Whereupon within a while after he became furious, and taking a knife he ripped his body in smiling manner, and so died. Caracalla the Emperor, traveling with his army towards Caracalla. the Parthians, under pretence of marrying the daughter of Artabanus their king, who came for the same purpose to meet him, he set upon him contrary to his faith, and put him to flight, with an incredible murder of his men. But within a little after being come down from his horse to make water, he was slain of his own men: which was noted as a just punishment sent from God for his unfaithfulness. The Corinthians saw before their eyes The Corinthians. their cities razed to the ground, because they had offered violence to the Roman ambassadors, contrary to the law of nations. The Emperor Justinian received infinite justinianus the Emperor. losses and damages for breaking his faith with the Barbarians, and for violating the peace which he had made with the Bulgarians. Which thing procured him so great hatred of his own subjects, by reason of the unlucky exploits of war which followed after, that being returned to Constantinople, Leontius usurped the kingdom upon him, sending him into banishment after he had cut off his nostrils. Rastrix Duke of Cleaveland, having falsified Rastrix Duke of Cleaveland. his faith with Lewes' king of germany, was put to the worst and vanquished: and being prisover, his eyes were put out for a mark of his faithless dealing. But what need we search in antiquity for testimonies of the fruits which commonly proceed from the breach of faith, seeing examples are daily before our eyes to our cost? What do we behold at this day but a doubling, yea a heap of all miseries, The cause of the present misery of France. because faith, which is so precious & exquisite a thing that it admitteth no comparison, hath so often been valued at so small a price? The history hereof is but too common, and the truth too apparent (to the great hurt of every one) to stand upon the proof thereof, whereas it ought rather to be buried from all memory, if it were possible, as well to deface all spots of infamy, for which we are blamed of nations farthest of, as to take away the distrust that one hath of an other, which is so great amongst us, that it hath been one principal cause of kindling the fire of division so often in this desolate kingdom. But to leave such a pitiful matter subject, let us consider Examples of the entertainment which the ancients gave to traitors. Lasthenes. what honour and entertainment men in old time gave to traitors, who are now adays so welcome to the greatest. Lasthenes having helped Philip king of Macedonia to become master of the city of Olynthum whereof he was an inhabitant, and complaining to the king, that certain called him traitor, he received this only answer: that the Macedonians were naturally rude and gross, calling a spade a spade, and all things else by their proper name. When Rymetalces. Caesar Augustus heard Rymetalces king of Thracia (who had forsaken Antonius to join with him) boast of his fact, the monarch drinking to others, said with a loud voice: I love treason well, but I love not traitors. And in truth what man of any good judgement will trust him? He that betrayeth his prince, his benefactor, his city, his country, his kinsfolks and friends into their hands to whom he is nothing so much bound, how may not he betray them also another Agis. time? This did Agis, son of Archidamas king of Sparta very well signify to the Ephories, who had commanded him to take the young men of the city with him, and to go to the country of one whom they would make known unto him, who had promised to guide and bring them within the castle of his city. What (quoth he unto them) is it a reasonable matter to commit the safety and Pausanias. life of so many valiant young men to one that betrayeth his country? Pausanias, captain of the Lacedæmonians having received 500 talents of gold of king Xerxes, promised to betray the city of Sparta unto him. But his enterprise being discovered, Agesilaus his father pursued him into a temple where he thought to have saved himself, and causing the gates thereof to be walled up, suffered him to die there of hunger: and afterward his mother cast his body to the dogs, and would not bury it. The like befell to Cassius Brutus, who would have sold Rome: his father handling him after the same sort. Darius' king of Persia, caused the head of his son Ariobarzanes to be cut off, because Ariobarzanes. he sought to betray his army to Alexander. Brutus did the like to his children, who had conspired against their country, that king Tarqvinius might re-enter into Rome. Mahomet having taken Constantinople through the cowardliness and treason of john Justinian of Genua, justinian a Genoan cause of the taking of Constantinople. after he had made him king according to promise, he cut off his head within three days. A meet recompense for such a wretch, who was the cause of so great a plague to Christendom, whereby the Emperor Constantius, the patriarch, and all the Christians were slain. The Empress with her daughters, and with the noblest damsels she had, were led before Mahomet, and after a thousand villainies offered unto them, their bodies were cut in pieces. True it is that Histories are divers touching this fact of Justinian. For some say, that perceiving himself to be hurt in fight, he fled: whereupon most of the men of war were discouraged: and that after he had saved himself in the isle of Chios, he died, either of his wound, or for grief & sorrow, because he was the chief cause of so great a mischief to Christendom. Neither may we pass over in silence the heroical fact of Sultan Solyman the last that died, A famous and heroical fact of Sultan Solyman. but propound it to Princes as a pattern of the hatred and punishment of perjury and treason. For sending a Bascha of his into Valona to pass into Italy both by sea and land, this general landed at the haven of Castro, where at the inhabitants being astonished, yielded themselves unto him under his oath and fidelity, whereby he promised that they should departed, their lives saved, with bag & baggage. Nevertheless this Barbarian slew them all, except those whom he saw were fit to serve for slaves. But after his return to Constantinople, the great signior being advertised of his disloyalty, caused him to be strangled, & sent back all his prisoners with their goods into Italy. Truly an act worthy such a Prince, who, if he had been endued with the true knowledge of God and of his Church, deserved the first place amongst the great ones of his time. Now to end our discourse, let us learn to know the excellency of faith, which is such a thing, that whosoever layeth it in pawn, bindeth his safety, his honour, and his soul to him, unto whom he giveth it, and committeth manifest impiety against God, when he breaketh and violateth the same: unless he had vowed it for the performance of some wicked deed, with which both divine and human law dispense. Let us know also, that it is the beginning and foundation of a great and notable Cato commended for his truth virtue to be given to truth, that it was of such credit amongst the Ancients, that in Cato his time, when any man rehearsed a strange thing and hard to be believed, this proverb went of him, (because he was known throughout the whole course of his life to be a lover of truth) This is not credible, although Cato himself should speak it. And thus by the examples of so many famous men, let us in such sort be stirred to hate lying, whereof Satan is the father Ephes. 4. 25. Luk. 10. 37. and author, that following the counsel of S. Paul, we speak the truth every one to his neighbour, who is every one that needeth our help, and let all feigning and dissimulation be banished from us, and all roundness and integrity of heart and manners appear in all our actions: let us hate perjury and treason, perjured and traitorous persons, knowing that faith being taken away, the whole foundation of justice is overthrown, all bonds of friendship broken, and all human society confounded. Of Ingratitude. Chap. 40. AMANA. AS the remembrance of an evil is kept a long time, because that which offendeth is very The memory of evil things is fruitful, but of good things barren. hardly forgotten: so we commonly see, that the memory of benefits received is as suddenly vanished & lost, as the fruit of the good turn is perceived. Which thing doth so ill beseem a man well brought up and instructed in virtue, that there is no kind of injustice, which he ought more to eschew. And therefore my Companions, I think that according to the order of our discourse, we are now to speak of the vice of Ingratitude, that knowing the ignominy thereof, and the pernicious effects which flow from it, we may beware of spotting our life therewithal. ARAM. An ungrateful person can not be of a noble mind, nor yet just. And therefore (as Sophocles said) a man is to remember him often of whom he hath received courtesy and pleasure. For one good turn begetteth another, and every gentle heart easily pardoneth all injuries, except unthankfulness, which it hardly forgetteth. ACHITOB. Ingratitude maketh men impudent, so that they dare join together to hurt those that have been their friends, and them to whom they are bound both by blood and nature. Let us then hear ASER discourse more amply of this pernicious vice. ASER. If man had not showed himself unthankful for the unspeakable benefits which he had received of Ingratitude the cause of the sin and death of man. his Creator, by eating of the fruit of the tree of life at the persuasion of Satan, contrary to his express commandment to whom he owed all obedience, it is certain that neither sin nor death, neither through them any kind of misery and calamity should have had any power over him. But as by his Ingratitude he neglected his obedience to his Lord and Creator, so it seemeth also that his punishment was according to the manner of his offence. For his own members, which before were in subjection to the will of his spirit, rebelled against it, and that with such force, that they led him often captive into the bondage of sin. Now although we are necessarily and justly made inheritors of the same curse both of sin & death, yet how become we so dull of understanding, as to desire with cheerfulness of heart, and without constraint, to succeed him in the cause thereof, I mean Ingratitude, which we ought to hate in greater measure, and to sly from it more than from death itself, by reason of the evils which No man's life void of Ingratitude. it hath brought upon us? Notwithstanding, if we look narrowly into the justest man's life that is, it will be a hard matter, yea altogether unpossible, to find it purged and exempted of this detestable vice, aswell towards God as towards his neighbours. But this is far worse, to behold the greatest part of men to nourish and feed their souls with Ingratitude, as if they took singular delight therein, by accustoming their minds to keep very diligently the memory of the adversities and injuries which they suffer, and to let the remembrance of those graces and benefits which they receive, slip away incontinently, even as soon as the pleasure of them is past. Whereas duty bindeth all persons to esteem as a great benefit, all favour, how little soever it be, which the heavens or mer impart unto them, and to preserve it in perpetual memory, as in a most safe treasury, wherein they may keep & lay up those good things which they receive. But contrariwise, unthankful men suffer the remembrance of their greatest felicities to slide away suddenly: which is the cause that they are always void of happiness, of rest, and tranquillity, and full of unquietness & uncertain desires, which is an argument of the imperfection of their reason, and of their ignorance of that which is good. This is that The life of the ignorance is unthankful. which Seneca saith, that the life of the ignorant is unthankful, wavering, & unstaid in things present, through the desire of things to come. And as it is the property of an ignorant man to be always troublesome to himself, so from Ingratitude and the forgetfulness of our prosperity, proceed cares & melancholy passions to no purpose, which consume men, & pull on age upon them more than years. For it is unthankfulness that causeth us to be never contented with our present estate, but to complain and murmur, in steed of giving praise (as it becometh us) to him that sendeth us far better things than we deserve. Upon the least touch of affliction, the Ingratitude for a million of graces received before, causeth us to cry out that we never had any thing but mishap: whereas rather we ought to take adversity for a blessing and testimony of the love of God towards us, being assured that by justice God disposeth all things by justice. rightly ordained, he dispenseth poverty and riches, health & sickness, honour and contempt, according as he seethe it expedient for every one of us. Yea, it is necessary, by reason of the intemperancy of our flesh, which is ready to cast off the yoke of the Lord when he handleth us overgently, that he should reive us in hard with the bridle, and keep us within the compass of some discipline, lest we wholly give over that service & obedience which we own unto him. But to vex ourselves upon every occasion, and as often as things fall out contrary to our inconstant & rebellious will, which for the most part is ignorant of that which belongeth unto it, is that which Pythagoras said, To eat our heart, or to offend & wound our soul and spirit, by consuming them with cares & griefs: as also not to know that one cause which most of all troubleth this miserable life, is the sudden entrance of sorrows and irksomeness into the heart, which afterward will not departed out of it but by little and little. These are melancholy passions void of reason, which (as Plato saith) proceed from naughty fumes and bitter vapours gathered together within us, and which ascend and mingle themselves amidst the passages of the soul. Even as our strange and unwonted dreams testify & signify, that there is within us repletion of gross & gluish humours, & perturbations of the vital spirits: so are those evil vapours which darken our senses, & dim the eyes of our The vapours wherewith the eyes of the mind are dimmed. soul: namely, ignorance, rebellion, arrogancy, murmuring, unsatiable desires & other inward corruptions which ingratitude stirreth up and nourisheth, and which hinder us from acknowledging the benefits that God bestoweth upon us, either towards him by thanksgiving, or towards his creatures by good deeds, which he accepteth as done to himself. For only God needeth nothing, neither asketh any thing for himself, but only willeth us not to be unthankful for that which it pleaseth him to give us. And through this self same fountain of the corruptions of our soul we are bewitched with unthankful forgetfulness of those good turns which we receive from our like: yea upon the least dislike of them, which either with, or without reason we forge in our brains, we say, that never any did us good. The vassal, for the least denial or hard countenance which he receiveth of his lord, forgetteth all the good turns, furtherances and favours, which before that time he had done unto him. The son complaineth of the father, the brother of the brother, the friend of the friend, the servant of the master. Alas we see but too many such ungrateful wretches in France, who even betray & sell daily them, of whom they hold all their advancement & greatness. And if unthankfulness be familiar with the meaner sort, let us not think that it is farther off from those of Of the ingratitude of great men. higher calling. For upon every light occasion, especially if a man frame not himself to that vice which they have in greatest recommendation, they easily forget all the service that hath been done unto them by reason of some newcome guest, who will show himself a serviceable minister of their pleasures. This cometh to pass soonest, when they grow up and increase in calling and greatness, because commonly as they mount up in calling (not being well instructed in virtue) they wax worse and worse in behaviour. But let them boldly take this for an infallible rule, that an unthankful prince cannot long retain a good man in his service. For the hope of reward (saith Plutarch) is one of the elements and grounds of virtue, and of that honour, bounty and humanity, wherewith the prince recompenseth virtuous men, thereby provoking Reward and honour nourisheth virtue & Artes. and alluring them to seek the welfare of his estate. This also is that which procureth the proceed of arts and Sciences, and that which bringeth forth notable wits: as contrariwise, all these things languish that are extinguished by little and little through the ingratitude and covetousness of those that rule. The ancients said not without Impudency & Ingratitude are companions. cause, that impudency was the companion of ingratitude. For if no beast (as they say) is so shameless as an The description of impudency. impudent, who is he that may be said to have less shame, than an unthankful body? Impudency (saith Theophrastus') is a contempt of glory, wrought in a man through the desire of vile and filthy gain: and that man is impudent that borroweth some thing of him whom he purposeth to deceive. Are not these the proper effects of the vice of Ingratitude, which seeketh nothing else but to draw away the commodity and profit of every one, being unwilling to do good to any, or to requite a pleasure received, neither caring for true glory and immortal honour, which followeth every virtuous action grounded upon duty and honesty? And truly it is a very hard matter for them to be answerable to their honour, who seek their own profit as much as may be. For we must know that in equity and reason there is a difference between duty, and that which we commonly call profit: yea they are distinct things, and separated Duty and profit are two distinct things. one from the other, as honesty is from such earthly commodity. This latter maketh men void of fear to break a sunder and to dissolve whatsoever was ordained and joined together both by the law of God and man, so that they may gain thereby. But the other clean contrary, causeth them to employ liberally their goods, travel, industry, and whatsoever else is in their power, that they may profit every one, and that without hope of any recompense: albeit they that receive good turns are bound to return again the like to their benefactors according to their ability, and to acknowledge their kindness. For this cause amongst the laws of Draco established among the Athenians, there was a commandment, that if any man had received a benefit of his neighbour, and it were proved against him long time after, that he had been unthankful for it, & had ill acknowledged the good A law against unthankful persons. turn received, I say, that such a one should be put to death. And although no histories are able to show unto us any kings or princes, which surmounted, yea, which matched Alexander the great in munificence and liberality, or julius Caesar in pardoning injuries, yet we read of them, that when they had knowledge of an ungrateful person, Alexander never gave unto him, nor Caesar ever forgave him: so greatly have virtuous men always hated The stork a graceful bird. ingratitude. It is reported of the stork, that as often as she hath young, she casteth one out of the nest for the hire of the house, and reward of him that lodged her. O barbarous ingratitude, to behold him that hath been lodged, served, and brought up in a house, and that with the sweat and labour of another, to seek and to endeavour the spoil of all that is therein, even to the honour, & oftentimes the life of his host! Is it not the same vice of unthankfulness that soweth dissensions and quarrels between the children The fruits of ingratitude. & the father, between brethren, kinffolks' & friend's, and all for want of acknowledging one towards another, that bond of nature wherewith we ought to be tied, and that secondary supply of good turns, which knit us unseparably, and make us daily beholding unto them, if we consider exactly the nature of our estate, which cannot stand without the succour and aid of many, how great so ever we be? But what? We see by experience that which one of the Ancients said, That all human things grow to be old, and come to the end of their time, except Ingratitude. For the greater the increase of mortal men is, the more doth unthankfulness Examples against ingratitude. Pyrrhus. augment. And yet we may note many examples in histories against this vice, which ought to awaken us in our duty. Pyrrhus is exceedingly commended by Historiographers, because he was gentle, and familiar with his friends, ready to pardon them when they had angered him, and very earnest and forward in requiting & recompensing those good turns which he had received. Which caused him to be grieved above measure for the death of a friend of his: not (as he said) because he saw that befall him which is common and necessarily incident to the nature of man, but because he had lost all means of acknowledging unto him those benefits which he had received: whereupon he reproved and blamed himself for delaying and deferring it overlong. For truly money lent may well be restored to his heirs that did lend it: but it goeth to the heart of a man that is of a good, noble, and excellent nature, if he cannot make the self same man that benefited him, to feel the recompense of those pleasures which he received. This caused the ancients not only to fear the note of ingratitude towards their friends, but also to contend with their enemies which of them should do most good, and show greatest courtesy to his companion, as the same Pyrrhus did behave himself towards the Romans, who had given him intelligence of a treason that was in hand against him. For he to acknowledge this good turn, sent back unto them a great number of prisoners taken in war, which were then in his custody, and would not let them pay any ransom. But the Romans, being unwilling that he should excel them in any kind of beneficence, as also because they would not give occasion that any should think they meant to receive occasion that any should think they meant to receive a reward for not consenting unto a wicked act, sent him as many prisoners of his for a counterchange. Circerius Circerius. who had been secretary to the great Scipio, when he perceived that he was a competitor, and joint-suter for the praetorship with the son of the same Scipio, he feared so greatly lest he should be noted with ingratitude towards his son, unto whom he was so greatly bound, and of whom he had received his advancement, that putting off the white garment which they used to wear that sued for offices, he became a solicitor for Scipio, and procured him that honourable estate wherewith himself might have been furnished, preferring immortal renown before that, as one that would not show himself unthankful towards them unto whom he was beholding. We read of a barbarous Turk, by country an Arabian, A notable history of an Arabian Turk. and Admiral of the Infidels in their war against Baldu in king of Jerusalem, who not willing to suffer himself to be overcome in beneficence, much less to bear the name of an unthankful body towards the said prince, who had once set him & his wife at liberty when they were his prisoners, went by night unto him into a town whither he was retired after the loss of a bartell, & declared unto him the purpose of his companions: whereupon he led him out of the town, and conducted him until he had brought him out of all danger. Moreover as concerning that which we have already touched, that great men ought to have special regard to this, that they be not unthankful, but reward liberally men of desert, forasmuch as this point belongeth principally to the virtue of liberality, which subject is sufficient for a several discourse, we will content ourselves without any further addition, with the propounding Bajazet. of a notable example of Bajazet, Emperor of the Turks touching this matter. This man being advertised at the taking of the town of Modona from the Venetians of the valour of a young janitsarie of the age of 22. years, who was the first that mounted upon the wall, whereupon 30000. Janitsaries more being moved therewith were emboldened to do the like, gave him presently an office of Sangeat, which is one of the greatest & richest estates next to the Baschas, and is valued at 10000 ducats in yearly revenues. Now if we desire to follow to the uttermost of our power, the noble courage of these famous personages, that so we may not fall into the shameful vice of ingratitude, this will help us greatly, if we always esteem the benefit which we receive of another, greater than it A mean to keep us from ingratitude. is: and contrariwise, repute that less than it is, which we give. For thereby we shall feel ourselves urged, and as it were bound voluntarily to continue to do good to our like, and so preserve the bond of human society inviolable. Neither let us (as proud and vainglorious men do, who vaunt that they stand in need of none) disdain to receive a pleasure of our friends, although they be of less calling than we, when they desire our friendship. For if it be an honest thing to do good to all, it cannot be dishonest to receive likewise of all, because a receiver is as needful as a giver for the accomplishing of a Another mean for the same. good turn. Furthermore, this will be another great occasion of preserving the common & mutual bond, whereby we stand bound one to another, and of banishing all ingratitude from amongst men, if we observe this point Artaxerxes thankfully accepted a little water. always, to requite double if we can that good turn which we receive of another. Artaxerxes king of Persia disdained not the water which a poor handycraftsman, as he saw him pass by, brought from a river in his hands and gave him, but received it with a smiling and cheerful countenance, measuring the grace of the gift, not according to the value of the present, but according to his good will that offered it. He thought it no less an act of magnanimity and kingly bounty to take small presents in good part, and to receive them with a good countenance, than to give greater. Again, we are to know, that a good man must never give over to do good to all, notwithstanding any pretence of Ingratitude wherewith they may be noted, whom he hath already bound unto him. For (as Plato saith) that is true virtue, which setteth itself Virtue is a sufficient recompense to itself. on work, in respect of no other end than of itself: yea virtue is a very sufficient recompense unto itself. So although a man have occasion to be grieved at an unthankful person, yet he hath no liberty to repent him of the good turn which he hath done him. Yea the unwoorthier he is that receiveth a benefit, the more is he to be commended from whom it cometh. And we may assure ourselves that that thing only is given, which is given without any respect. For if there be hope of recompense, the benefactor deserveth not at all the name of a liberal man, but of one that giveth out to usury. Therefore Cicero misliketh the rehearsing of duties done one to another, saying: that those men are odious which upbraid the good turns they have done, the remembrance of which the receiver ought to retain, and the giver must pass them over in silence: seeing the greatest contentation, which an excellent and nobleminded man can take in his glorious deeds and actions, is to see himself adorned with that virtue which is profitable to others, but to itself is fruitless, painful, and perilous. To the end therefore that we may reap profit by all that hath been here discoursed, seeing we know by overmany experiences unto what mischief Ingratitude hath made us subject, let us awaken The sleep of the spirit is worse than death. our spirits out of the deep sleep of ignorance, which hath so long time possessed them, considering that (as Pythagoras said) the sleep of the spirit is worse than death. Therefore let us watch in spirit, that both with heart and voice we may sing and set forth the unspeakable benefits that are daily offered unto us by the goodness of God, whereof we shall be made partakers through his grace, if our frowardness be no let unto us. Let our joy, contentation and pleasure be in them that destroy and drive far from us all irksomeness, and sad melancholy, and let us take singular delight in profiting one another by good turns and benefits: yea let us show that we have such noble minds, that no Ingratitude can turn us aside from the desire of doing good to all. Lastly, let us recompense double, & reward withoutreckoning those good turns, which we receive of others, rather fearing lest we should be overcome in beneficence, than in worldly reputation and glory. The end of the tenth days work. THE ELEVENTH days work. Of liberality, and of the use of riches. Chap. 41. ASER. Divine Plato handling good and evil things, saith: That Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, & justice, are good things, and that their contraries are evil, namely: want of Prudence, Intemperance, cowardliness, and injustice. As for the goods of Fortune, and of the body, as riches, glory, friends, & honour, beauty, health, strength, and dexterity, he calleth them mean or indifferent things, which of themselves are neither good nor bad, but become either the one or the other, as they are used with prudence, or abused by imprudence and want of discretion. Now seeing we entered yesterday into those points that depend of justice, I think the sequel of our matter requireth of us the handling What liberality is. of liberality, which is nothing else but an excellent use of those means which God putteth into our hands for the succouring of many: which virtue (as Cicero saith) is altogether joined to justice, and aught to be guided by moderation and reason. Now my Companions, I leave the discourse of this matter to you. AMANA. The unstable riches of earthly treasure (as Agapetus wrote to Justinianus) imitate the course of the Riches 〈…〉 the waters. floating waters. They abound for a little while to such as think they have them, and suddenly they return back again and go to others: but the treasure of liberality and largesse, only abideth still with him that possesseth it. ARAM. The habit of liberality is a garment that never waxeth old, and charity towards the poor is an incorruptible ornament. Diligence is sufficient to make a man rich when means are offered, but nobility of mind is requisite in the bestowing of great riches upon commendable things. To this purpose Plato saith, that a niggard sometime is not wicked, but never good. Now than ACHITOB, instruct us sufficiently in this goodly matter. ACHITOB. Seeing liberality is a virtue between these two vices, covetousness, and prodigality, and seeing the judgement of reason ought to be the director and master of giving, and of free liberality, that it be not abused in delights, or favour of the wicked, but used with a prudent and ripe deliberation; Where, When, and as much as aught to be, I am of opinion that we may not unfitly appropriate the effects of this virtue of liberality, to the good use of Riches, which of themselves are not able to make a man better or more happy, as we were before sufficiently taught: but if they be joined with the knowledge of true honesty, and perfect goodness, they offer How riches may be well used. means unto him whereby he may the better execute his good and honest inclinations, to the profit and relief of all them that stand in need. Hereupon we must bestow only whatsoever we have more than necessary: first upon them that are of our blood and kindred, then upon all indifferently that want our help. And this is such an excellent and commendable deed, that Aristotle and all Aristotle's opinion concerning a happy life destitute of bodily and outward goods. the Peripatecians maintained this opinion, that a happy life which consisteth in the perfect use of virtue, could not be in all respects absolute, if it wanted the assistance of bodily and external goods, which are as instruments to further a man in the good and virtuous execution of his honest desires. But we showed heretofore by good reason, and according to the opinion of the academics and Stoics, that virtue only is sufficient of itself to make a man live happily, and that his virtue cannot be either more honoured, or disgraced through the abundant having or not having of the goods of fortune, and of the body, seeing all other things receive their glory from virtue, and are not able to add any thereunto. And therefore A poor man may be liberal. a poor virtuous man is not kept from any perfect use of virtue, no not of liberality, which consisteth not in wasting much wealth, but in succouring the afflicted willingly, and in helping every one according to ability. For this cause the poor woman's mite was esteemed of God for a greater gift, than were all the presents of the rich, because they gave of their abundance, and she of that little which she had. In this manner than every good man may justly deserve the name of liberal, neither may any man excuse himself for not practising liberality according to his ability. But chief rich and mighty men are bound thereunto by that commandment given unto them in Luke 16. 9 the scripture, to make them friends with the riches of iniquity. They must take good heed that they pass not the bounds of this virtue of liberality, but strictly observe those three points already touched by me, namely: that they be liberal, Where, When, and as much as is requisite. For when Princes bestow estates, offices, or money, upon unworthy persons, they give where, and more than they How princes pass the limits of liberality. ought. And if in time of war, or calamities of their people, they give to flatterers, dancers, and ministers of their pleasures, and consume much upon feasts, plays, tourneys, and Masks, they spend when and where they ought not, deserving thereby the name of prodigal men, and lovers of riot and superfluity, howsoever flattering courtiers labour to disguise such wasteful spend with the name of largesse and liberality. But such superfluous expenses bring forth effects contrary to the virtue and duty of a king, causing princes to levy extraordinary taxes and tributes upon no just necessity, which is wholly to overthrow the use of liberality. And this is done also by men of meaner When the inferior sort pass the bounds of liberality. calling, when in their actions and expenses they propound to themselves an other end than good works grounded upon the love of their neighbours according to charity. Cicero giveth us a very good precept against the opinion of many in our time, who give out in speech, that they are borne to do great things, namely, to practise liberality, and being poor of worldly goods, seek to enrich themselves by unlawful and unjust means, that they may bring to pass their lofty desires: thinking afterwards through good-deeds and great liberality to make amends for that fault which they have committed. But (as that father of philosophy saith) our goods and patrimony must be justly gotten, not by dishonest and hateful gain: secondly, we must profit as many as we can, so that they be worthy thereof. Moreover a man may and aught to increase it by reason, diligence, and sparing, but to maintain liberality rather than to minister unto lust, voluptuousness, or heaping up of treasures. And yet now a days these are the principal occasions for which riches are desired, which as they increase, so we will have our train augmented, and our table to be answerable thereunto. Then although overgreat abundance remain, yet we exercise very coldly the true works of liberality, which are to succour the needy. But this is to be far separated from the commendable end, and good use of riches, whereof all that we have over and above our necessity ought to About what we are to bestow the overplus of our wealth. be employed in the service of the commonwealth, in relieving the poor, diseased, afflicted, and prisoners, in procuring the good bringing up of youth, and generally in exercising all other deeds of piety: accounting it great gain to help the poor, seeing God is the rewarder thereof. Amongst the ancient Romans there was a law kept A notable law amongst the Romans. inviolably, That no man should presume to make a public feast, except before he had provided for all the poor of his quarter. And they accounted it a great shame and offence to the commonwealth to see any man beg in the streets. Therefore Plato said, that where there are beggars in a town, there are also thieves & church-robbers. Now if we that bear the name of Christians, and acknowledge the poor to be members of Jesus Christ, are not ashamed to banquet and feast, when as in the mean time the needy cry at our gates, and almost die of hunger, do we not think that these Heathen men shall rise in judgement before that great and just judge, to accuse and condemn us as thieves and church-robbers, and chiefly them that maintain their delights and pleasure with the goods of the poor, towards whom the liberal distribution of our own wealth especially aught to be extended both by the law of God and man? We must feed the poor, and not kill them: but to deny them nourishment, or to How Epaminondas compelled a rich man to be liberal. drive them from us, is to kill them. For this cause Epaminondas captain general of the Thebans, having knowledge of a very rich man that had no care of the poor in the town, sent a poor needy fellow unto him, and commanded him under great penalty to give presently without fail 600. crowns to that poor man. The citizen hearing this commandment, came unto him to know the occasion and cause thereof: It is (quoth Epaminondas) because this man being honest is poor, and thou which hast rob greatly the commonwealth, art rich: compelling him thereupon to be liberal in despite of his teeth. So careful were the ancients to help them that had need, and to show themselves enemies unto them that made no account of the poor. But if we should diligently search all histories and deeds of famous men, yet could we not find a more notable example, Cimon a notable pattern of the true use of riches. or worthy to be followed than that of Cimon the Athenian, who having gotten great wealth honourably, both for himself and his country, by the taking and overthrow of many Barbarians and towns belonging unto them, knew nevertheless how to bestow it liberally with greater glory and honour, by relieving all his poor countrymen to whom his house was as an hospital wherein they were all nourished and fed at an ordinary that was common to so many as would come thither, which was furnished, not with dainty and delicate fare, thereby to occasion rich folks to seek it out, but with many common sorts of victuals in all plenty and abundance, and that for a great number of persons. This he did chief, as he said, to the end that poor honest men might have the more leisure to employ themselves about the affairs & service of the commonwealth, and not be diverted from that through travel and care to get their living by the exercise of handicrafts. Besides, he caused all the enclosures, hedges and ditches of his lands and inheritance to be taken away, that strangers which passed by, and his own countrymen that wanted, might take of the fruits that were there according to their necessity. Now if this virtue of liberality be praiseworthy in all persons that use it well according to their ability, it is most of all necessary, honourable and profitable for kings and princes, heads Liberality most necessary for princes and great men. and captains of armies, governors of estates and commonwealths, as that which procureth unto them, more than any other thing, the good will of every one, wherein the chief strength and stay of their greatness consisteth. But withal they have great need of prudence and justice, especially sovereign princes, to distribute liberally and according to harmonical proportion their gifts, graces, and good turns, whether they be estates, offices, benefices, knighthoods, exemptions, freedoms, and other recompenses due as rewards to their subjects, according as every one deserveth. It belongeth principally to them to The laws of liberality. keep religiously and from point to point the laws of liberality, marking well to whom they give, how much is given, at what time, in what place, to what end, and their own ability that give. Moreover a sovereign must look that recompense go before gift, by rewarding first those that have deserved, before he give to them that have deserved nothing: and above all things he must measure his largesse at the foot of his power. But when the just rewards of subjects and honest men are distributed amongst the vicious, strangers, and unworthy persons, this is that which oftentimes setteth flourishing estates on A common mischief which followeth the greater sort. fire. There is never any want of flatterers and of impudent cravers about kings, whose only drift is to sup up the blood, gnaw the bones, and suck the marrow of princes and their subjects, to satisfy their foolish & unprofitable expenses, which are such and so great, that a man is well at ease to give them any thing, they are always so needy and monylesse, and stick not to say that they never receive good of their masters. In the mean while, they that have best deserved of the commonwealth, are commonly removed furthest from their majesties: which cometh to pass both by the ignorance of the greater sort, who make but a bad choice of servants worthy their favour, as also because the honour & credit of good men forbiddeth them by flattery and begging to seek after the rewards of virtue, which should be offered unto them. But not to wander far from our matter subject, let us now consider of some notable examples of the Ancients concerning this whereof we have here discoursed. It was by his The liberality of Alexander, magnifical and incomparable liberality, that Alexander the great made a way for his noble platforms, whereby he became monarch of three parts of the world, distributing To the Macedonians, liberally all his demains amongst the Macedonians, as before we mentioned. But what a notable testimony of this his liberality did he give a fresh, when during the To all debtors in his army, war he caused this to be published in his army, that all they that were indebted upon any occasion whatsoever, should bring their creditors unto him, and he would discharge all their debts? Which thing he likewise performed. Moreover, who will not admire the liberality which all his life time he exercised towards the learned men of his time? We read that he gave at one time to his master To Aristotle. Aristotle, 800. Talents, which amount to 480000. crowns, as a reward for his pains, travels, and expenses which he had been at in describing the nature and property of living To Anaxarchus. creatures. He sent to Anaxarchus the Philosopher 50. Talents, which are 30000. Crowns, but he refused them, saying: that he knew not what to do with so great a sum. What (said Alexander then) hath he no friends to pleasure, seeing all king Darius' wealth will not suffice me to distribute To Perillus. amongst mine own? Perillus besought him to give him some money towards the marriage of his daughters, whereupon he gave to him also 50 Talents. And when he told him that it was too much by half, he replied thus: If half be enough for thee to take, yet is it not enough for me to give. Likewise To an Egyptian. he gave to a poor Egyptian ask his alms, a rich and populous city, & when the other all astonished supposed that he mocked him: Take (quoth he to him) that which I give thee: for if thou art Biace that demandest, I am Alexander Caesar a liberal Prince. that giveth. The first Monarch of the Caesars, is he not also exceedingly praised of Historiographers for the liberallest Prince of his time, and for such a one as showed in deed, that he loved not riches in war, that afterward he might at his pleasure live in delight, or abuse them about his own pleasures, but that they were the common price and reward of virtue, which he laid up to recompense valiant and honest men withal? Of which reward he said he would have no part, but only distribute it to every Antonius a magnifical Prince, but voluptuous. one according to his desert. Antonius' one of his successors, sought to imitate him in this bountiful liberality. For proof hereof may serve that commandment, which he gave to his treasurer to double the half of 2500. Crowns, which he had given to one of his favourits, whereas his treasurer that brought him the said sum, when he beheld it, thought that he should have diminished the gift. But he stained this virtue with a perpetual blot and infamy, which caused his destruction, in that he applied it to the service and maintenance of his delights and pleasures, and abused it in the favour and behalf of the wicked, which is all one in great men as if they Archelaus gave not to the unworthy. themselves were authors of vice and iniquity. Archelaus king of Macedonia, may serve unto them for a notable example, whereby they may learn to keep themselves in their estates from such a pernicious evil. This king being requested by a Minion of his Court to give him a cup of gold wherein he drank, delivered it to his Page, commanding him to bear and give the same to Euripides, who was there present, and then said to the other: As for thee, thou art worthy to ask, and to be denied also: but Euripides How Antigonus denied one that was importunate. is worthy of gifts, although he ask not. Antigonus the elder being importunately desired by one that was good for nothing, and that counterfeited the cynic Philosopher, to give him a drachma, which might be in value about four pence halfpenny, made answer: that it was no meet gift for a king. And when the other replied, that he should then give him a talon, he answered: it is Titus a good & liberal Prince. no present for a cynic. Titus the emperor was so greatly in love with liberality all his life time, that remembering one evening with himself, that he had given nothing the same day, he cried out: O my friends we have lost this day. He used to bless those days wherein the poor came unto him, or when he sought after them to do them good, A notable precept of Phocylides. putting in practice that precept of Phocylides, which saith: Sleep not at night before thou hast thrice called to mind thy works that day, and repent thee of the evil, but rejoice in that which was well done. For this great good nature Titus was loved whilst he lived, and bewailed after his death, and upon his tomb was written this Epitaph: The delights of mankind Ptolemaeus the Theban. are ended. Ptolemaeus the Theban, captain over a great army, had so acquainted himself not to deny any that stood in need of his liberality, that when a poor soldier demanded his alms of him, he having at that present nothing to bestow upon him, gave him his shoes, saying: My friend, make thy profit of this, seeing I have no better thing to give thee. For I had rather go barefoot, than see thee suffer so much. Denys the elder, entering into his sons lodging, and Denys the elder beholding there great store of rich jewels of gold and silver, and of incredible treasure, said unto him: My son, I did not give thee these riches to use in this sort, but to impart of them unto thy friends. For thou must know, that no man in all the world is so rich as he that is liberal, who with his liberality preserveth his friends, and mollifieth his enemies. This is that which Cyrus by experience showed unto Croesus, and how smally Cyrus. those gifts which he had bestowed upon worthy persons had impoverished him. For sending to every one of them to secure him with money, they sent him altogether as much as they had received by gift from him, bestowing moreover great rewards upon the bearer of his message. So that the wealth which proceedeth from liberality is unconsumeable, as that which is gotten by giving, and by Pertinax. scattering abroad is gathered together. Pertinax, who succeeded Commodus in the Empire, surpassed all the Emperors that ever were for exceeding liberality, which he used to the benefit and profit of all his subjects. For first he gave freely all the waste and desolate ground in Italy, and in other his provinces, to them that could and would till them, and to the labourers thereof he gave freedom and exemption from all taxes and subsidies for ten years, with perpetual assurance that they should not be troubled in their possession. He forbade also that his name should be set in any castle or place within his dominion, saying: that his lands were not proper to him only, but common to all the people of Rome. He abolished all customs, tributes, and toll laid upon the havens of rivers, at the entries into towns, ways and passages, which he called inventions of tyranny to get money, & placed all such things in their ancient liberties. Which actions beseemed rather a father of the country, than a lord and master: and there are few Princes that use to do so, but many to whom their own will seemeth to be a most just law. But contrariwise let them know, that they ought to be subject to the eternal law, namely, to right, reason, truth, and justice, which are the proper will of God only, whose people they must rule with right and equity, by comforting them through beneficence, and continual good turns. Let us learn then by our present discourse to deck ourselves with this virtue of liberality, every one according to those means that are given unto him from above, and are justly gotten by him: taking good heed, that we abuse it not in any kind of voluptuousness or vice, neither yet upon the wicked, as though we purposed to nourish and maintain their impieties. For this is utterly to destroy justice, and consequently the bond and preservative of human society. But if we, being well instructed by the Matth. 25. spirit of wisdom, feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, lodge them that want harbour, and cloth the naked, sowing in this manner by the works of piety that talon which is committed to our keeping, we shall reap abundantly in heaven the permanent riches & treasures of eternal life. Of covetousness, and of prodigality. Chap. 42. ACHITOB. IF that diviue rule of Cicero were aswell written in our heart, as he desired to have it settled in his son, that only that thing is to be judged profitable No wicked thing ought to be judged profitable. which is not wicked, and that nothing of that nature should seem profitable, we should not behold amongst us so many cursed acts, as are daily committed through the unbridled desire of the goods of this world. For that which most of all troubleth men, is when they think that the sin which they purpose to practise is but small in respect of the gain, thereby craftily separating profit from honesty, and so suffering themselves to be overcome of covetousness, which is the defect of liberality, whereof we discoursed even now, whose excess also is prodigality, of which two vices we are now to entreat. ASER. Every one that coveteth treasures (said Anacharsis, one of the wise men of Graecia) is hardly capable of good counsel and instruction. For the covetous man commonly murmureth at that which God permitteth and nature doth, so that he will sooner take upon him to correct God, than to amend his life. AMANA. It is a hard matter (said Socrates) for a man to bridle his desire, but he that addeth riches thereunto, is mad. For covetousness neither for shame of the world, nor fear of death, will not repress or moderate itself. But it belongeth to thee ARAM, to instruct us in that which is here propounded. ARAM. Since the greedy desire of heaping up gold and silver entered in amongst men, with the possession of riches, covetousness followed, and with the use of them pleasures and delights: whereupon they began to sail in a dangerous sea of all vices, which hath so overflown in Covetousness hath overflown all. this age of ours, that there are very few towers how high so ever seated, but it hath gone up a great deal above them. For this cause I see no reason why men should esteem so much, or judge it such a happy thing to have much goodly land, many great houses, and huge sums of ready money, seeing all this doth not teach them, not to be carried away with passions for riches, and seeing the possession of them in that manner procureth not a contentation void of the desire of them, but rather inflameth us to desire them more through an insatiable covetousness, which is such a poverty of the soul, that no worldly goods can remedy the same. For it is the nature of this vice to make a man poor all his life time, that he may find himself rich only at his death. Moreover it is a desire that hath this thing proper and peculiar to itself, to resist and to refuse to be satisfied, whereas all other desires help forward the same, and seek to content those that serve them. Covetousness (saith Aristotle) is a vice of the soul, whereby a Covetousness will never be satisfied. man desireth to have from all parts without reason, and unjustly withholdeth that which belongeth to another. It is sparing and skantie in giving, but excessive in receiving. The Poet Lucretius calleth it a blind desire of goods. And it mightily hindereth the light of the soul, causing the covetous man to be never contented, but the more he hath, the more to desire and wish for. The medicine which he seeketh, namely, gold and silver, increaseth his disease, as water doth the covetousness like to a dropsy. dropsy: and the obtaining thereof is always unto him the beginning of the desire of having. He is a Tantalus in hell, who between water and meat dieth of hunger. Now it is very sure, that to such as are wise and of sound judgement, nature hath limited certain bounds of wealth, which are traced out upon a certain centre, and upon the circumference of their necessity. But covetousness working clean contrary effects in the spirit of fools, carrieth away the natural desire of necessary things, to a disordinate appetite of such things as are full of danger, rare, and hard to be gotten. And which is worse, compelling the avaricious to procure them with great pain and travel, it forbiddeth him to enjoy them, and stirring up his desire, depriveth him of the pleasure. Stratonicus Stratonicus derided the superfluity of the Rhodians. mocked in old rhyme the superfluity of the Rhodians, saying, that they builded as if they were immortal, and rushed into the kitchen as if they had but a little while to live. But covetous men scrape together like great and mighty men, and spend like mechanical and handycraftesmen. They endure labour in procuring, Covetous men compared to Mules. but want the pleasure of enjoying. They are like Mules that carry great burdens of gold and silver on their backs, and yet eat but hay. They enjoy neither rest nor liberty which are most precious, and most desired of a wise man: but live always in disquietness, being servants and slaves to their richesses. Their greatest The miserable life of covetous men. misery is, that to increase and keep their wealth, they care neither for equity or justice: they contemn all laws both divine and human, and all threatenings and punishments annexed unto them: they live without friendship and charity, and lay hold of nothing but gain. When they are placed in authority and power above others, they condemn the innocent, justify the guilty, and find always some cleanly cloak and colour of taking, and of excusing (as they think) their corruption and bribery, making no difference between duty and profit. Wherefore we may well say in a word, That covetousness is the root of all evil. For what mischiefs are not 1. Tim. 6. 10. procured through this vice? From whence proceed quarrels, The fruits of covetousness. strifes, suits, hatred and envy, thefts, pollings, sackings, wars, murders, and poisonings, but from hence? God is forgotten, our neighbour hated, and many times the son forgiveth not his father, neither the brother his brother, nor the subject his Lord, for the desire of gain. In a word, there is no kind of cruelty that covetousness putteth not in practice. It causeth hired and wilful murders (O execrable impiety) to be well thought of amongst us. It causeth men to break their faith given, to violate all friendship, to betray their country. It causeth subjects to rebel against their princes, governors and magistrates, when, not able to bear their insatiable desires, nor their exactions and intolerable subsidies, they break forth into public and open sedition, which troubleth common tranquillity, whereupon the body politic is changed, or for the most part utterly overthrown. Moreover, the excess of the virtue of liberality, which is prodigality, may be joined to covetousness, and than there is no kind of vice but reigneth with all licence in that soul that hath these two guests lodged together. And because it is a thing that may seem hard to conceive, how two vices so disagreeing by nature, may be found to agree in the same subject, we will soon believe it, if we say with the ancients, How prodigality and covetousness may in some sort be linked together in one subject. that it is the point of covetousness to gripe, and to take, Where and When it ought not: and that this dealing is put in practice necessarily upon one of these two occasions, either of niggardliness and sparing, or for prodigality, as they do that unjustly seek for means to satisfy their fond desires, and their unprofitable and superfluous expenses. The common opinion is, that they who put to no use the richesse which they get so covetously, are more miserable than those that abuse them after they have obtained them by ill means: because many may reap profit by these, but of the other none, no not their Covetous men compared to hogs. only heirs receive more benefit than they do of hogs, which is after their death. But it falleth not out so altogether with kings and princes, whose covetousness joined with prodigality is more hurtful to their subjects than that which is joined with sparing. For this latter, although it maketh them commit much injustice, and polling of their people to fill their treasuries, yet when any need happeneth to the commonwealth, either of foreign war, or of any other calamity, a good groundwork is laid in the bottom of their coffers for to redress the same. But the other maintained with the like injustice, leaveth nothing behind for prodigal princes, wherewith to help themselves in time of necessity. Whereupon oftentimes proceedeth the final subversion of their estate, weakened by exactions, to the overthrow and undoing of many who would have been the sinews of their strength: and all to enrich a few who then will stand them in small stead, or else because they wasted it upon riot and superfluities, whereby the warlike virtues both of themselves and of their subjects become degenerate & bastardlike. Of this we note, that after a prince groweth to be prodigal and desirous of superfluity and foolish expenses, no riches he hath will ever suffice him: so that to satisfy his spending, he must needs become covetous and unjust. The like happeneth many times to the meaner sort, and to men of all estates, that they are covetous and prodigal both together, namely, when they gather wealth by unlawful means, & spare to spend it in the works of piety, that they may sow it plentifully upon delights and pleasures. But the humour of Covetous men compared to rats and conduit pipes. niggardliness and nearness is most common in covetous men, whom Plutarch compareth to rats and mice that are in gold mines, which eat the golden oar, and yet nothing can be gotten from them but after their death. Likewise he compareth them to pipes through which water being conveyed into a cistern nothing remaineth for them. So covetous men heap up treasures to leave them to their heirs, that they also may afterward leave them to their heirs as their predecessors did: and so neither the one nor the other reap any good or benefit by them, until in the end either some Tyrant take all away by violence from that holdfast, or else some one that is the worst of the race succeed, spending all dissolutely upon pleasures. This caused Diogenes, jesting at covetous men, to say It is better to be the sheep than the son of a covetous man. that he had rather be their sheep than their son, because they are very careful to give their cattle meet pasture, but in steed of feeding their youth with convenient and profitable nourishment, through good and virtuous education, they mar, spill, & corrupt them, by grafting covetousness in the souls of their children, as if they meant to build within them a strong fort wherein to keep their succession safely. Whereas contrariwise they should learn of Cicero, that the glory of virtue, and of praiseworthy and honourable deeds, is the greatest riches which fathers can leave to their children, and more excellent than any other patrimony whatsoever. Socrates' called a young man brought up in ignorance, and rich withal, a golden slave. And that servant answered not unfitly, when, being demanded what his master did, (who was a covetous man, and one that having great quantity of good wine, sold it to others, and sought for sour wine in taverns for his own drinking) he said: Albeit he hath great store of good, yet he seeketh for evil. But let us now consider of some notable examples, showing forth the pernicious Examples of the fruits of covetousness and of prodigality. Muleasses. effects, which, as we said, proceed from these two vices, covetousness, and Prodigality. Muleasses king of Thunes, had his eyes put out by his son, that he might seize upon his treasures. Priamus' king of Troy, fearing the taking of his city, sent Polydorus his youngest son to his son in law Polymestor, with a great quantity of gold and silver: but Polymester. he being desirous to possess the same, slew the child his brother in law, for which afterward he received his deserved hire. For Queen Hecuba coming unto him, and taking him aside into a chamber, not showing countenance of any discontentment, with the help of her women put out his eyes. The Emperor Caligula was so much touched Caligula. with covetousness, that there was no kind of lucre, or mean to get money by, how unlawful and wicked soever it were, which he sought not out: insomuch that he laid a tribute upon urine, and sold his sister's gowns, whom he had violated and sent into banishment. And yet in one year of his reign he spent prodigally 67. Millions of gold, which Tiberius his predecessor had gathered together. Nero. Nero using great cruelty, polling, exaction, and confiscation towards his subjects, gave to the ministers of his tyranny in those fifteen years wherein he reigned, the value of 55. Millions of crowns. He caused a very stately gilt palace to be built, which took in compass a great part of Rome, but it was overthrown after his death, that the memory of such a cruel tyrant might be rooted out Against the superfluity of sumptuous buildings. of the earth. A notable example for such as think to get a vain glory by buildings that are more stately than necessary, and yet leave behind them a notorious mark of their tyranny, and a perpetual testimony to posterity, that they have raised their houses with the blood of their subjects. Henry the seventh Emperor, a Prince endued An Italian monk. with most excellent virtues, was poisoned with an Host, which an Italian monk corrupted with money caused him to take. But what need we seek for such examples of ancient men to know the fruits of covetousness, when as the unhappiness of our age daily affordeth us new before our eyes, wherein we hear nothing almost spoken of, but poisonings and murders hired with money, and all committed to this end, that the authors of them may have their goods whom they kill, for the satisfying of A cruel murder of a Gentlewoman and of her household. their insatiable covetousness? Amongst many other, who hath not heard of the cruel wilful murder of a Gentlewoman of a good house, and of her men and maids, by her own brethren in law, done a few days past? A cruelty exceeding that of the Cannibals, who yet spare domestical blood. But God the just judge would not that such an execrable wickedness should be long concealed & unpunished. For when it could not be found out by any inquiry of man, one of the murderers touched with the hand of God, and taken with an extreme sickness, being as it were mad, and as Cain was in times past, disclosed his sin of himself, the heinousness whereof so troubled him, that he said he could hope for no mercy. Afterward recovering his health, he was taken upon his own confession, and being convicted of the fact, accused all the authors thereof, of whom some are executed, and the rest expect no better event. That covetousness causeth subjects to rebel against their covetous Princes, and that oftentimes to their overthrow: we have an example in Mauritius the Emperor, who was deprived of the Empire, Mauritius deprived of the Empire for his couctousnes. and had his head cut off, besides the death of his five children, & of his wife, by reason of the ill will of his people and men of war, which he had purchased, who could bear no longer his covetousness, whereby he was moved to wink at spoils and murders, and to keep back the pay of his soldiers. In the time of S. jews the king, the people of five cities & five villages of high Almaigne, which at this day we call Switserland, raised such a great The nobility of Switserland destroyed for the same cause. tumult & sedition, that they put to the edge of the sword all their Princes, Lords, and noblemen, the chief cause thereof was their covetousness, which made them oppress their subjects with unjust exactions. The niggardlye sparing of king jews the eleventh, moved strangers greatly Lewes' 11. to contemn him, and was in part the cause of the rebellion of his subjects. For having put away in a manner all the Gentlemen of his household, he used his Tailor always for his Herald of arms, his Barber for ambassador, and his physician for his chancellor: and in derision of other kings, he ware a greasy hat of the coursest wool. We find in the chamber of accounts a bill of his expenses, wherein is set down 20. sauce for two new sleeves to his old doublet, and an other clause of 15. deniers for grease to grease his boots. And yet he increased the charges of his people three millions more than his predecessor had done, and alienated a great part of his demain. Sparing may well be used, (which at this day is more necessary than ever) and yet the majesty of a king nothing diminished, neither the dignity of his house, and without the abasing of his greatness. Likewise those men, who after they have hoardward much treasure, are so besotted and blinded with a covetous love of their wealth, that they will not upon any necessity employ it, can no more avoid Calipha. their destruction, than the other before mentioned. This doth the history of Calipha king of Persia, teach us, who having filled a Tower with gold, silver, jewels, and precious stones, and being in war against alan, king of the Tartarians, was so ill succoured of his own people, because he would not give them their pay, that he was taken in his town, and by alan committed prisoner in the said Tower, with these words: If thou hadst not kept this treasure so covetously, but distributed it amongst thy soldiers, thou mightest have preserved thyself, and thy city. Now therefore enjoy it at thy ease, and eat and drink thereof, seeing thou hast loved it so much. And so he suffered him to die there of hunger, in the midst of his riches. How Dionysius punished a covetous wretch. The punishment which Dionysius the elder, king of Syracuse, laid upon a rich covetous subject of his, was more gentle, but worthy to be well noted, being full of instruction. For being advertised that he had hid great store of treasure in the ground, he commanded him upon pain of life to bring it unto him: which he did, although not all of it, but retained part, which he took with him, & went to dwell in another city, where he bestowed his money upon inheritance. When Dionysius understood thereof, he sent for him, and restored all his gold and silver, saying unto him▪ forasmuch as thou knowest now how to use riches, not making that unprofitable, which was appointed for the use of man, take that, which before thou wast unworthy to enjoy. And to speak the truth, there is no reason wherewith the covetousness of such men may be coloured. For if they say, that they spend not because they care not for spending, it is a point of great folly in them to labour to gather more wealth than they want. But if they desire to spend, and yet dare not for niggardliness do so, nor enjoy the fruit of their labour, they are a great deal more miserable. Whereby it appeareth unto us what a goodly and commendable thing it is to be content and satisfied with a little, which freeth us from the desire of unnecessary things. Now if we are to take those things for superfluous, which we will not use, we ought, for the reasons already set down, to make no less account of those which we would abuse in riot and superfluity. The covetousness of Darius, king of the Persians, was beguiled and laughed to scorn through the subtle invention of Nitocris Queen of Babylon (some attribute it to Semiramis) How Darius his covetousness was beguiled. who, being desirous to welcome her successors that were touched with avarice, which she abhorred above all things caused a high sepulchre to be erected over those gates of the city through which there was most passage, with these words engraven therein: If any king of Babylon that shall come after me find want in his treasury, let him open this tomb and take as much as he will. Otherwise let him not open it, for it will not be best for him. After many ages were passed, and none of the kings of Babylon had touched the said sepulchre, Darius' conquering the kingdom caused the coffin to be opened, thinking to find there that which was promised. Nevertheless he found nothing there but a dead body, with this writing: If thou wert not insatiable and very covetous, thou wouldst not have opened the tomb of the dead. moreover, that covetousness oftentimes blindeth men so far, as that it causeth them to take away their own life without fear of condemning their souls, many examples thereof are left in memory: of whom some through grief for some great loss of goods, others to leave their children rich, have voluntarily procured their own death. Cassius Licinius C. Licinius strangled himself to leave his goods to his children. was of this number, who being accused, attainted, & convicted of many thefts and briberies, and beholding Cicero precedent at that time, about to put on the purple gown to pronounce sentence of confiscation of goods, and of banishment, he sent word to Cicero that he was dead during the process and before condemnation: and presently in the field he smothered himself with a napkin, having no other meaning therein but to save his goods for his children. For then the laws concerning the punishment of such as had rob the commonwealth, or of such as being prevented slew themselves, were not made: so that they that were accused might save their lives by forsaking their goods, yea by paying so much only as their accusers demanded. But there are some of a clean contrary disposition to Licinius, who being ready to give up the ghost, would gladly carry their wealth with them, as we read of Hermocrates bequeathed his goods to himself. Hermocrates, who by his will made himself heir of his own goods. Athenaeus maketh mention of another, who at the hour of his death devoured many pieces of his gold, and sewed the rest in his coat, commanding that they should be all buried with him. Valerius Maximus telleth of one, who being besieged within the town of Cassilina by Hannibal, preferred the hope of gain before his own life. For A rat sold for 200. pence. he chose rather to sell a rat which he had taken, for 200. Roman pence, than to satisfy his hunger, whereof he died quickly after: and the buyer being the wiser man, saved his life by that dear meat. Crassus' Consul of Rome is likewise noted by Historiographers to be extreme covetous, which caused him to swim between two factions Covetousness caused Crassus to play on both sides. divided for Caesar and Pompey, serving his own turn by them both, and changing many times from one side to another in the administration of the commonwealth. He showed himself neither a constant friend, nor a dangerous enemy, but soon forsook both amity and enmity, when he saw it would be profitable to him, whereof the increase of his substance gave great proof. For when he first began to intermeddle in affairs, his riches amounted but to 300. talents, which according to our money came to about 180000. crowns: but after when he purposed to go from Rome to war with the Parthians, he would needs know how much all his wealth came to. And first he offered to Hercules the tenth of all his goods: secondly, he made a public feast for all the people of Rome of a thousand tables: and thirdly, he gave to every Wonderful riches. citizen as much wheat as would find him three months. Notwithstanding all this, he found that he was worth 7100. talents, which amounted to four millions, two hundred and threescore thousand crowns. He used to say, that he accounted no man rich, except he were able of his own charges to hire and maintain an army: because, as no man can set down a ready reckoning of the expenses of war, as king Archidamas said, so the riches that is to sustain it, may not be limited. But in the end his covetousness and ambition, which commonly are not far separated one from another, led him to a violent death, as we declared elsewhere. Now as Crassus was blamed for covetousness, so Pompey was as much Pompey abhorred covetousness. commended and well thought of, because he abhorred & contemned it. Whereof he gave good proof, as also of great piety at the taking of the city of Jerusalem from the Jews. For when he entered into the Temple, & beheld the great riches thereof, the table of gold, the golden candlestick, a great number of vessels of gold, with great abundance of good & exquisite spice for smells, & knew moreover that there was in the treasury about two thousand talents of sacred silver, yet he would not touch it in any wise, nor suffer any thing to be taken from it. We that say we are christians, follow a far off the pierie of these heathen men, when as both great and small watch for nothing more than how to entrap the goods of the Church to make them serve our delights and pleasures. Moreover we see that this cursed plant of covetousness groweth as much in the house of prayer, as in the courts of kings and princes. The corruption also that hath followed the same, is known sufficiently in those men, who to satisfy their unsatiable desires call themselves protectors of this Hydra Ignorance, to the destruction and perdition of their own souls, and of ten thousand more for whom they are to answer. jovian Pontanus rehearseth a pleasant history of a Cardinal The great covetousness of a Cardinal. named Angelot, who was well punished for his covetousness. This cardinal used when his horse-keepers had in the evening given oats to his horses, to come down all alone without light by a trap door into the stable, & so steal their oats and carry it into his garner whereof he kept the key himself. He continued his doings and comings so often, that one of his horse-keepers not knowing who was this thief, hide himself in the stable, and taking him at the deed doing, (being ignorant who it was) bestowed so many blows on him with a pitchfork, that he left him half dead, so that he was feign to be carried by four men into his chamber. john Maria Duke of Milan, The cruel punishment of a covetous curate. chastised very justly, but over-severely, the covetousness of a Curate, who denied the service of his office in the burying of a dead body, because his widow had not wherewith to pay him the charges of the burial. For the Duke himself going to the funerals of the dead, caused the priest to be taken and bound to the corpse, and so cast them both into one pit. A cruelty no less detestable than the vice of those wretches that sell the gifts of God, and make merchandise of that, which they ought to give freely to the people. Now to end our matter, we maintain this, 1. Tim. 6. 10. that covetousness and unlawful desire of riches, is the root of all evil, misery and calamity. Moreover it is more to be misliked in great men when it followeth riot and prodigality, than if it be joined with niggardliness, as well for the reasons before touched, as also because niggardly and covetous princes use more carefully in their estates and dignities to provide such men as are prudent and stayed, for the preservation of their subjects, knowing that their own ruin dependeth of their undoing. Which thing voluptuous What magistrates are best liked of covetous princes. princes neglect, because they dream of nothing but of their pleasures, and so provide none but such as will serve their humour therein, and flatterers, or else such as will give them most money wherewith to maintain their delights. And let us further know, that all covetous men go astray from the right way of truth, and enfold themselves in many griefs and miseries, and become odious to every one. Besides, not being content with their daily bread, when contrariwise their desire is infinite, they evidently mock God as often as they make that petition: because they labour to conceal and to dissemble before him that knoweth all things, their covetous & greedy affection, whereas true prayer ought to declare and to open the inward meaning of the heart. Let us therefore 1. Tim. 6. 6. Matth. 6. 19 that are better instructed learn, that godliness with contentation is great gain: and let us not weary ourselves in the heaping up of treasure, which the rust and moth may consume and eat, and the thief steal, but We must renounce unjust riches. let us renounce riches and the world, over which Satan beareth rule, least in that terrible day he accuse us before the great judge, and convince us of taking some thing of his, and then the judge being upright and just, deliver us into his hands to throw us into darkness, where there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth for evermore. Of envy, Hatred, and Backbiting. Chap. 43. ARAM. THe mind of man, which of it own nature is created sociable, gracious, and ready to help every one, yea, which by the force of charity working together with it, feeleth itself as it were constrained to mourn with those that weep, and to rejoice with them that laugh, is able to show nothing more Nothing more unworthy the spirit of man than envy. unworthy itself, than to be overcome of envy, which is a wild plant in the soul, bringing forth clean contrary effects to that good will which we own to our neighbour, & comprehending in it all injustice generally, & all wickedness of men: as we may see if you think good (my companions) to search more narrowly into the nature of this vice. ACHITOB. Envy proceedeth of a naughty disposition, and provoketh light brains (as Pindarus saith) to rejoice in beholding the adversity of some, and to be vexed The nature of envy. at the happy success of others: causing men also to delight in backbiting honest men, especially such as are praised. But take heed (saith Pittacus) lest, seeking to avoid envy, thou becomest miserable. ASER. Hatred and Ill-wil are the companions of envy. glory and virtue (saith Virgil) are always envied: which vice is commonly accompanied with Hatred and Ill-will, whereby men are driven forward to detract and slander others. But he that keepeth his mouth (saith the wise man,) keepeth his soul. Let us then hear AMANA, who will instruct us more at large in this which is here propounded unto us. AMANA. That wicked and subtle enemy of mankind, not being able to abide the glory whereunto God had called men, of which he deprived himself through What execrable ruits envy hath broughtf oorth. his pride, was driven with envy to tempt our first parents: whose ingratitude conceiving sin in the soul of man, the first fruit brought forth by this cursed plant, seemeth likewise to have been envy, with which Adam's eldest son being moved, slew his only brother. Oh cursed and furious envy, oh fruitful branch of execrable evils, seeing by thee man was first beguiled, and induced afterward to admit murder into his heart, and to water the earth, being yet virgine-like, with his brother's blood: whereby he began his chief work upon innocency, to the end that wicked men might from father to son have this prerogative to oppress the good! Is there any vice then amongst us which we ought to hate and fly from more than from envy, which having nothing of her first evil nature diminished, leadeth men to most unjust and detestable actions? Nevertheless, to what passion are we more inclined, or do we nourish more willingly than this? Let every one enter into himself, and undoubtedly he shall find there a thousand envies, which are never without hatred and rancour, grafted in the secretest place of his soul. True it is, that envy according to the subjects which it meeteth withal, bringeth forth more pernicious effects in some, and less hurtful in others. But how soever it be, this passion is always blame-woorthie, and aught to be eschewed of every good and virtuous man, whose desire is, not to wander out of the path of duty and honesty. What envy is. We say therefore that envy is a grief arising of another man's prosperity, and that malignity is commonly Malignity is defined of some to be the effect of that malice which one man beareth to another. joined with it, whether it be the fountain thereof, as some say, or one part thereof, as others will have it. This malignity is a delight & pleasure taken in another man's harm, although we receive no profit thereby: and it seemeth to be accidental, that is, procured by hatred or ill will, arising of some evil affection that one man beareth to another. For this cause Plutark distinguisheth hatred from envy, saying: that hatred is bred in our hearts through an imagination The difference between hatred and envy. and conceit which we have, that he whom we hate behaveth himself wickedly, either towards all men generally, or particularly towards us: but that men envy only those whom they know to be in prosperity. And so it seemeth, that envy is indefinite and not limited, much like to sore eyes, that are offended at every clearness and light, but that hatred is limited, being always grounded and stayed upon some certain objects in regard of itself. Moreover, no man hath just cause to envy another man's prosperity. For he doth no man wrong, because he is happy: whereas on the contrary side many are justly hated for their vices and impieties, and aught To hate the wicked is a property of a good man. to be shunned of good men: which hatred of the wicked is a property that belongeth to good men. But the hatred that is borne towards good men, is a passion not much separated from envy. And thus may these two passions, resembling two plants, be said to be nourished, preserved, & increased by the self same means, albeit they succeed one another. The same Plutark being desirous to teach us, Envy compared to sorcery. how we ought to abhor envy, calleth it sorcery: because through the poison thereof, it doth not only fill the envious body with a naughty and hurtful disposition, but the infection disperseth itself also through the eyes, even upon them that behold it, so that they are touched therewith, as it were by some poisonful influence. Likewise he compareth it to the flies called Cantharides. To Cantharides For as they alight especially upon the fairest wheat, and most blown roses: so envy commonly setteth itself against the honestest men, and such as have most glory & virtue. Power, honour, strength, riches, are but brands to The firebrands of envy. kindle the fire thereof. Therefore Thucydides saith, that a wise man desireth to be envied, to the end he may do great things. Bias said, that envy and an old house oftentimes light upon a man, and never knock at his gates. Envy most of all hurtful to the envious person. But if envy be hurtful to others, it is much more noisome to him that possesseth it, tormenting him within continually with a thousand turbulent passions, which shorten his days, diminisheth powers of his body, and are a great deal more pernicious to his soul. For it will not suffer him to taste or conceive any good speech, or sound instruction, from whomsoever it cometh: but causeth him to reject and speak against it, as if he were jealous and envious of his own good. The occasion whereof is the ill will which naturally he beareth against all them that deserve more than himself, whereupon he striveth rather to blame, or to wrest in ill part whatsoever was well meant, than to reap any profit thereby. And if he hear a man commend other men's devices, or any of his own doings contrary to his mind, he thinketh that he hath so many blows given him with a cudgel. Thus we see, that envy wishing well to none, doth no less torment and hurt his soul that is infected therewith. And to speak in a word, it comprehendeth the general injustice, which is all kind of wickedness, and destroyeth all duties of humanity, causing men to hurt those whom they ought to love and secure. Of this wild plant of envy, backbiting is a branch, which delighteth and feedeth itself with slandering and lying, whereupon good men commonly receive great plagues, when they overlightly give credit to backbiters. Of backbiting. therefore Diogenes the cynic being demanded what What biting of beasts is most dangerous. biting of beasts was most dangerous, answered: of furious and wild beasts, the backbiters; and of tame beasts, the flatterers. To the same purpose Themistocles the Theban said, that it was the greatest grief in the world, to see the honour of a good man in the mercy of a venomous tongue, and wronged with slanderous speeches. For seeing good fame and credit is more precious than any treasure, a man hath no less injury offered When backbiting hurteth most. him when his good name is taken away, than when he is spoiled of his substance. But backbiting and slandering do then bring forth most pernicious effects, when Princes are ready to hear slanderers, of whom they themselves are in the end corrupted. For the envious & backbiting person doth as a naughty painter did, who having ill-favouredly painted certain cocks, commanded his boy to drive the natural cocks far from his picture: so he laboureth as much as may be to withdraw good men from those whom he would govern. But because he cannot do it openly, fearing their virtue whom he hateth from his heart, he will seem to welcome, to honour, and to admire them, and yet under hand, and behind their backs he will cast abroad and sow his slanders. And if so be that his privy and secret reports, which prick behind, do not presently bring forth the end of his intent, yet he keepeth in memory that which Medius uttered long since, who was as it were the master and captain of the whole flock of flatterers, banded together about Alexander against all the honest men in the court. This fellow taught, that they A pestilent precept of Medius given to backbiters. should not spare to nip boldly and to bite with store of slanders. For (quoth he) although he that is bitten should be cured of the wound, yet the scar at the least will still remain. And by such scars of lies and falf accusations, or rather to give them a better name with Plutark, by such fistuloes & cankers Alexander being gnawn, unjustly put to death calisthenes, Parmenion, and Philotas, giving himself over to the will and possession of three of four flatterers, of whom he was clothed, decked, set forth and adored as it were a barbarian image. Such is the force & efficacy of lying joined with flattery over that soul, which hath no sound judgement of reason to discern truth from falsehood, or a good nature from a malicious. True it is, that this comfort cannot be taken away from good men, The comfort which cannot be taken away from good men. namely, to be persuaded that the sleights of backbiters and slanderers are able to prevail but little against the invincible tower of sacred virtue, & of an assured hope well grounded, which, whatsoever cometh to pass, triumph always, and victoriously hold envy and backbiting under their feet. And although these vices by reason of their force cause them to suffer sometimes, yet patience keepeth them from being overcome, so that they never sink down under adversities, but even then lay hands upon the haven of their deliverance. So that if princes would Good counsel for princes against flatterers. not fall into those inconveniences, nor be deceived as this great Macedonian monarch was, they must, upon the reports of backbiters, thoroughly and with reason weigh all things, and not suffer themselves to be persuaded by slanderers, but discern their words with a sound judgement. Further let us note, that they which lend their ears We must not lend our ears to slanderers. to their lies and detractions, are no less to be blamed and reprehended, than the slanderers themselves, because they are both touched with the same imperfection, I mean, of taking delight in the evil report of another. And as the slanderer hurteth by accusing those that are not present, so doth he that suffereth himself to be persuaded before he hath learned the truth of things. Moreover, they that accustom themselves to hear willingly Who delight most in reading of fables. reports and lies, commonly also take more pleasure in reading and learning fables and dreams, faults and vices noted in peoples and nations, than in true narrations and goodly sentences made & written with good judgement and diligent study, or in perusing the honours, heroical facts, and commendations given to virtuous and famous men, which doth touch and grieve them no less than it doth the envious and backbiter: whereas they ought to accept of those things as of spurs to drive them forward unto virtue. Therefore whosoever considereth well all those pernicious effects that are procured through backbiting, he shall know that it is a great point of modesty, and most necessary for him that hath profited well in moral philosophy, not to suffer any man to be blamed and evil spoken of in his presence, although he were his A subtle practice of envious men. capital enemy. We see also that this crafty & subtle kind of wickedness is usually practised of backbiters and envious persons, when they perceive that they cannot cause themselves to be accounted as honest men as they are whom they purpose to slander, than they labour to prove that these men are not so honest, as some others whom they commend & prefer, seeking by that means to cover their hatred & il-will, and to get credit to their slander by that praise, which they give indirectly to others. They spare not the dead many times, neither is there any let in them why through their envy they draw them not out of that rest wherein they are, which is detestable impiety. Now seeing we know what evil proceedeth from these wild & naughty plants of envy, hatred & backbiting, & that naturally, as inheritors of the vice & sin of our first parents, we carry in our hearts, I know not what envy, jealousy & emulation against some one or other, let us beware that we nourish not such vicious passions, but weaken their force, & make them A mean to resist envy and hatred. altogether unable to cause us to departed from duty: let us accustom ourselves not to envy the prosperity of our enemies, neither to backbite them in any sort. And if it be possible, let us not be sparing in giving unto them their praise & honour, whensoever they do any thing that deserveth justly to be commended: because that also bringeth greater praise to him that giveth it. For then if it fall out so that he reproveth somewhat in his enemy, his accusation carrieth more credit and force with it, as that which proceedeth Equity and justice are the only bounds of a good man's hatred. not from the hatred of his person, but from a dislike of his doings, thereby declaring that equity & justice only are the bounds of his hatred. Besides we shall reap a greater benefit than is hitherto rehearsed. For when we accustom ourselves to praise our enemies for well doing, and are not grieved when any prosperity befalleth them, we shall utterly drive from us the vice of envy and jealousy over the good success of our friends & acquaintance, when they attain to honour. Whereas on the contrary side if we acquaint ourselves and take delight in envying the welfare of our enemies, we shall do the like many times to our friends: as we see experience thereof in many at this day, who are so touched with this vice, that they rejoice at the evil which happeneth to their well-willers, and to such as are the occasion of their good & preferment. But if we be desirous to discharge our duty towards our neighbours for whose profit we are borne, let us seek to practise that sentence of Cicero, that an honest man & good citizen never ought to be moved with hatred or envy upon supposed crimes, no not towards his enemy, wishing to die rather than to offend against justice, which is an utter enemy to that vice. This also will be a good help and mean to keep us from backbiting, if What scoffing is, and how it is to be avoided. we eschew all kind of scoffing, which (as Theophrastus saith) is nothing else but a close and coloured reproof of some fault, which by little and little inureth him that mocketh to back bite another openly and untruly. This great imperfection of gibing is very familiar amongst us, although it be as unseemly for an honourable parsonage as some other more infamous vice. But to the end we may have better occasion to keep us from it, let us know that many A scoff is many times worse taken than any other injurious speech. times a man is more moved with a gibing gird, than with an injury: because this latter proceedeth commonly from the vehemency of sudden choler, even against his will that uttereth it, but the other is more taken to heart, as that which seemeth to come from a settled will and purpose to offer wrong, and from a voluntary maliciousness without any necessity. If we be disposed to be merry, How mirth is commendable. as sometimes opportunity, place, and persons invite us thereunto, let it be done with a good grace, and without offence to any. Now although envy and backbiting, by reason of their pernicious effects, are so odious to all honourable and virtuous personages, yet no other revenge is to be sought or desired, than that punishment which followeth and groweth with the vice itself, which never suffereth him that is touched therewith, to enjoy any rest in his soul, as we have already learned. Neither is there any great care to be had for the matter, seeing envious persons and backbiters are no ways able to bite the deserts of good men. But if we would have their punishment A notable way how to be revenged upon the envious. augmented and doubled, there is no better way, than to study so much the more to do well, as we see them labour more earnestly to envy and to condemn our dealings. For as the sun being directly over the top of any thing whatsoever, if it leave any shadow at all, yet is it but short and little, because the light thereof is dispersed round about the same: so the excellency of virtue, glory, & honour, in the end constraineth the venomous tongue to drink and to swallow down her own poison, not daring to bring it again in sight, whereby envy and blame are as it were wholly extinguished, and unable to hurt good men any more. This reason caused Philip king of Macedonia to make this answer to certain, who told him, that the Grecians spoke ill of him behind his back, notwithstanding he did them much good, and therefore willed him to chastise them: What would they do then (quoth Philip took occasion through backbiting to do better. this noble and gentle Prince) if we should do them any harm? But they make me become a better man. For I strive daily both in my words and deeds to prove them liars. And another time, as his friends counseled him to put to death, or to banish a Gentleman of Macedonia, who continued in slandering him, he would not do either of both, saying: that it was no sufficient cause to condemn him to death: and as for banishing him, he said: that it was a great deal better if he stirred not out of Macedonia, where all men knew that he lied, than if he went amongst strangers to speak ill of him, who because they knew him not well, might peradventure admit his slander as true. Whereby this virtuous Prince at one time showed forth the effects of three excellent virtues: first, of clemency, in that he would not put him to death, of whom he had received great injury: then of magnanimity, in contemning injury: and lastly, of wonderful Prudence, in that he did not banish him. And in deed he was of such a gentle nature, that he would never punish them that gave him an evil report, but rather took away the occasion thereof, as heretofore we have in part mentioned it. And for a greater testimony of the goodness of this Monarch, the answer he made to them that counseled him to destroy the city of Athens, deserveth well to be here set down. I do all things (quoth he to them) for glory, how then should I destroy Athens, which by reason of learning, is the theatre of glory? The example of Demetrius Phalerius, Athens the theatre of glory. a Prince of immortal renown, serveth fitly to teach us what small account we are to make of the dealings of envious men, so far ought we to be from caring either for their doings or sayings. When word was brought to this Prince, that the Athenians, moved with envy against him, had broken down those three hundred images, which were before erected in their street of Ariopagus to his honour, and thereupon was provoked by his council to be revenged of them, he said: The Athenians may well throw down my images, but they are not able to abase my virtues, for whose sake my images were heretofore erected for a public spectacle. And truly those acts of Princes, which, being done in their life The best monument for a Prince. time, are worthy of memory, may serve them for an everlasting monument, and not Images & Tombs made with men's hands, which length of time, besides a thousand other accidents may bring to powder. Neither are they deprived of the same glory that live under the government of great men, when, according to their places and callings, they direct their actions to the benefit and safety of the commonwealth. For whensoever envy laboureth to hurt them with supposed crimes, their innocency innocency is a tower of brass against slanderers. (as Horace▪ saith) will be unto them in place of an inexpugnable tower of brass: so that being assured of that, they need not stand in any fear of the cruel teeth of slanderers. Therefore Socrates being reproved by Hermogenes, because he did not once dream of defending himself when he was accused, made this answer: I have dreamt of that all my life time, by striving to live well. To conclude then our present discourse, let us learn to unclothe our hearts of all envy and hatred, which procure so many turbulent and hurtful passions in the soul, and overthrow all that charity and love, which we ought to bear towards every one. Let us fear 1. John 3. 15. this sentence pronounced by the holy spirit, that whosoever hateth his brother is a man slayer. And if we see that vice and imperfections reign in our like, let us hate their evil manners, and love the welfare of their souls, by endeavouring to bring them back again into the path way of virtue, until we see that all hope of remedy is taken away by reason of their long settled habit and continuance in vice: for than we are to shun altogether the hurtful conversation of such forlorn men. Let us take heed that we please not ourselves in detracting and backbiting, or in speaking rashly of any without advisement taken of whom, to whom, and what we speak. Let us not be given to lying, or to hearken to slanderers, but following the counsel of the Scripture, let us lay aside 1. Pet. 2. 1. 2. all maliciousness, and all guile, and dissimulation, and envy, and all evil speaking, and as new borne babes desire the milk of understanding, which we may as it were boast that we have in the true and right knowledge of justice, which is to render to God that which is due to him, according to piety, and to our neighbours whatsoever belongeth to them, according to the duty of charity, 1. Cor. 13. 4. which is gentle, not easily provoked to anger, nor envious, nor rejoicing in iniquity, but always in the truth. Of Fortune. Chap. 44. AMANA. IF I be not deceived (my Companions) we have hitherto sufficiently discoursed of the four moral virtues, being rivers that flow from the fountain of duty and honesty, as also of all the parts that belong unto them, and of their contrary vices. Therefore from hence forth we are to make choice of some other matter, and to apply that which we might have learned in the discourses of our moral philosophy, unto Estates, charges, and conditions of life, whereunto every one of us may be called during this life: yea, let us assay to give advice and council to superiors, according to the measure of our judgement. But because, as I think, the entry to so high a matter, requireth some leisure to think upon it, I am of opinion, that we were best to defer this point until the next days work: and in the mean time, for the spending of the rest of this afternoon, look out some matter subject, apt, and fit to recreate our spirits withal: which, because naturally they delight in variety and diversity of things, cannot have a more convenient matter, than to make sport with the divers and sundry effects of Fortune, which, according to Fortune is constant in her inconstancy. the saying of the Ancients, is very constant in her inconstancy. Further, let us consider how we may use this word of Fortune, which is so common amongst us, and not abuse it. ARAM. To him (saith Cicero) whose hope, reason, and cogitation dependeth of Fortune, nothing can be so certain or assured unto him, that he may persuade himself it will abide by him, no not one day. But he is most happy that is of himself sufficient in every respect, and that placeth the hope of all his affairs in himself, in regard of men. ACHITOB. I am she (saith virtue, speaking in Mantuan) that surmounteth Fortune, and the scourge that punisheth sins. Vice and virtue (saith Plutark) have no masters to rule over them: and they are very blind, who, calling Fortune blind, suffer themselves to be guided and led by her. But we must learn of thee (ASER) what we are to think of this counterfeit goddess. ASER. If we are persuaded, that he who is justice itself, and the essential truth, maketh Princes contemptible Psal. 107. 40. 41. (as it is said in the Scripture) and causeth them to err in desert places out of the way, raising up the poor out of misery, and making him families like a flock of sheep, there is no doubt but that Fortune being an Epicurian word, rather than an Heathenish, is nothing else What Fortune is. but a feigned device of man's spirit, and an imagination without truth: upon which (as Plutarch saith) a man can not settle his judgement, nor yet comprehend it by the discourse of reason. So that we must confess, that all things are guided & governed by the providence of God, God ordereth casual things necessarily. who knoweth and ordereth casual things necessarily. Which albeit we easily confess with the mouth, as also that prosperity and adversity depend only of the will of God, yet we may daily note in many of us, effects clean contrary to the word, in that, when we deliberate about our affairs, we presently cast our eye upon human human means are but second causes. means, to come to the end of them, although they are but second causes, casting behind our backs that help, which is from above. And when we want the blessing of God, through his anger and just indignation, (which we care not to appease) and so for the most part stumble upon the clean contrary of all our platforms and goodly enterprises; then we accuse, not our ignorance and ingratitude towards his majesty, but the unfortunate mishap and chance of human things, which through the common error of men, we attribute to Fortune. Now, Acts. 17. 28. Rom. 11. 33. knowing that we live, and move, and have our being in God only, that his mysteries are great and wonderful, and such, that if we should go about to sound the bottom of them, it were all one as if we sought to pierce the heavens, after the manner of the Giants, set forth unto us by the Poets: that our way is not in our power, and that jer. 10. 23. Exod. 21. 13. Deut. 19 4. 5. Prou. 16. 33. of ourselves we cannot direct our steps: that it is the Lord that offereth a man into his hands, who unwittingly killeth him with the head of his Axe slipped from the helve: that lots cast at adventure, fall out according to his judgement, and that generally all things are done by the ordinance of God, I say, knowing all these things, yet because the order, reason, end, and necessity of those things which are so strange, uncertain, and mutable in the world, are for the most part hidden in the counsel of God, and cannot be comprehended by the How we may use these words of Fortune and Chance. opinion and reach of man, we may well call them casual and chancing, in respect of ourselves. The like we may both conceive of all future events, holding them in suspense, because they may fall out either of the one or the other side, (and yet being resolved of this, that nothing shall come to pass which God hath not ordained) and also note them out by this word Fortune, not attributing thereunto any power over the inconstancy and continual alteration of human things: especially seeing they are so changeable, that it would be a very hard matter (speaking after the manner of men) to comprehend them under a more proper and fit word. The definition also, which the Ancients gave of Fortune, is very agreeable to the effect of the thing signified, and of that whereof we have daily experience: namely, that there is no other final end of change & alteration in man, than that of The opinions of ancient Philosophers touching Fortune. his being. Plato saith, that Fortune is an accidental cause, & a consequence in those things which proceed from the counsel of man. Aristotle saith, that Fortune is a casual & accidental cause in things, which, being purposely done for some certain end, have no apparent cause of their falling out otherwise: so that a man may well say, that such a thing came to him by Fortune, which falleth out besides his thought, when he undertaketh any work with deliberation. Epicurus said, that Fortune was such a cause, as agreed neither to persons, times, or manners. Theophrastus' speaking of Fortune, saith, that she looketh not whereat she shooteth, that oftentimes she delighteth in taking away that, which is gotten with very great pain, but especially in overturning those felicities, which, as men think, are best stayed and assured. Juvenal saith, that when it pleaseth her, she maketh a Consul of a rhetorician: & likewise clean contrary, having this property in her to rejoice greatly in the variety of chances, & to deride all the devices of men, oftener lifting up into the place of sovereign authority such as are unworthy thereof, than those that The Romans gave great honour to Fortune. deserve the same. Amongst the Ancients, the Romans honoured Fortune more than all the rest, esteeming of her (saith Pindarus) as of the patron, nurse, & upholder of the city of Rome. They builded for her many sumptuous Temples, wherein she was adored under sundry names, & honourable titles for a goddess of singular power: insomuch that they thought themselves more beholding to her for the greatness & prosperity of their Empire, than to virtue. Sylla having attained to the sovereign authority of a Monarch, and of Dictator, yielded himself & all his actions to the favour of Fortune, saying, that he reputed Sylla surnamed himself happy. himself to be fortune's child, and thereupon took unto him the surname of happy. Which opinion seemeth to have prevailed greatly with him, in causing him, after he had committed infinite proscriptions, murders, & cruelties, voluntarily & without fear to give over the Dictatorship, to lead the rest of his years in all assurance & quietness, & as a private man to pass & repass through all Italy without any guard, even in the midst of them whom he had so much offended. We read also, that when Mithridates' king of Pontus wrote unto him concerning the war, which he had undertaken against him, saying, that he marveled how Sylla durst buckle with his great fortune, especially knowing that she had not deceived him at any time, whereas she never knew Sylla Consul, he returned this answer. For this self same reason thou shalt now see, how Fortune doing her duty, will take her leave of thee to come to me. julius Caesar gave a certain argument I. Caesar. of the assurance he had in Fortune, when, entering upon the sea in a little frigate in a very tempestuous weather, and the Pilot making some doubt of weighing up the Anchor, he said thus unto him: Be not afraid my friend, for thou carriest Caesar and his Fortune. Augustus' Augustus. his successor sending his Nephew to the war, wished that he might be as valiant as Scipio, as well beloved as Pompey, and as fortunate as himself: attributing to Fortune, as a principal work, the honour of making him so great as he was. To this purpose also it is reported, that great acquaintance and familiarity growing between Augustus and Antonius his Companion in the Empire, they often passed away the time together with sundry sorts of plays and pastimes, wherein Antonius always went away vanquished. Whereupon one of his familiar friends well seen in the art of divination, A true foresight of a Soothsayer. took occasion many times to utter his mind unto him in these or the like speeches. Sir, what do you so near this young man? Separate yourself far from him. Your fame is greater than his, you are elder than he, you command more men than he, you are better exercised in feats of arms, you have greater experience: but your familiar spirit feareth his, and your fortune, which of itself is great, flattereth his, and if you sequester not yourself far from him, she will forsake you and go to him. Thus we see what great estimation the Romans had of Fortune, yea they stood in so great awe of her power, P. Aemilius. that Paulus Aemilius that great captain said, that amongst human things, he never feared any one of them, but amongst divine things he always stood in great fear of Fortune, as of her in whom there was small trust to be placed, because of her inconstancy and mutable variety, whereby she never useth to gratify men so liberally, or to bestow such absolute prosperity upon them, but that some envy is mingled withal. Oh deceitful Fortune (said Demetrius) thou art easily found, but hardly avoided! They that have laboured most in painting The description of Fortune. out this feigned goddess, say, that she hath a swift pace, a lofty mind, and a haughty hope. They give her light wings, a globe under her feet, and in her hand a horn of abundance, full of all such heavenly and earthly things as are exquisite and precious, which she poureth forth liberally, when and where she pleaseth. Some put a wheel into her hands, which she turneth about continually, whereby that part which is above is presently turned downward: What is meant by fortune's wheel. thereby giving us to understand, that from her highest preferment she throweth down in one instant such as are most happy, into the gulf of misery. In a word, we may well compare her to a glass, which, the brighter it is, the sooner it is broken & dashed in pieces. Histories, the treasury Examples of the contrary effects of Fortune. of antiquity, set before our eyes innumerable examples of common and contrary effects, which are wrought by this inconstant Fortune, and those oftentimes practised upon the same persons, whom of small she hath made very great, and after taken them down lower, yea made them more miserable (if I may so speak) than they were Hannibal. at their beginning. Hannibal, that renowned captain of the Carthaginians, that redoubted enemy of the Romans, after notable victories obtained sundry times against them, was in the end utterly overthrown and compelled to fly hither and thither, and to have recourse to foreign princes, into whose arms he cast himself for the safety of his person: and after long wandering, being old & spent, Flaminius' oration against Hannibal. he settled himself with the king of Bythinia. But Titus Flaminius whom the Romans had sent ambassador to that king, required to have him, that he might put him to death. For (quoth he) as long as he liveth he will be a fire for the Roman empire, which wanteth but some one or other to kindle it. When he was in the vigour and strength of his age, neither his hand nor his body had procured so great damage to the Romans, as his good understanding and sufficiency in the art of war had done, being joined with the hatred he bore them. Which is nothing diminished through old age, neither yet through the alteration of his estate and fortune: because the nature and quality of manners continueth always. Hannibal being advertised of this request of Titus, stieped poison in a cup of drink which he had kept a long time against an extremity. But before he drank thereof, he uttered these words. Go to, let us deliver the people of Rome from this great What speech Hannibal used before he poisoned himself. care, seeing it lieth so heavy upon them, and the time seemeth unto them overlong to stay for the natural death of this poor old man, whom they hate so extremely. And yet Titus shall not obtain a victory greatly honourable, or worthy the praise of the ancient Romans, who, even then when Pyrrhus their enemy warred against them, and had won battles of them, sent him word to beware of poison that was prepared for him. Thus did this great & virtuous captain finish his days, being utterly overthrown, and trod under foot by fortune, which for a time had placed him in the highest degree of honour that could be. Eumenes a Thracian, one of Alexander's lieutenants, Eumenes. and one that after Alexander's death had great wars and made his party good against Antigonus king of Macedonia, came to that greatness and authority from a poor potter's son: & afterwards being overcome and taken prisoner, he died of hunger. But such preferments of fortune will not seem very strange unto us, if we consider Pertinax. how Pertinax came to the Empire, ascending from a simple soldier to the degree of a captain, and afterward of governor of Rome, being borne of a poor countrywoman. And having reigned only two months, Aurelianus. he was slain by the soldiers of his guard. Aurelianus from Probus. the same place obtained the self same dignity. Probus Maximianus. was the son of a gardener, and Maximianus of a blacksmith. justinus. Justinus, for his virtue surnamed the Great, from a hogheard in Thracia, attained to the empire. Will you have a worthy example agreeable to that saying of Juvenal which Gregory 7. we alleged even now? Gregory the 7. from a poor monk was lift up to the dignity of chief bishop of Rome: & Henry Henry 4. the 4. emperor, was brought to that extreme misery by wars, that he asked the said Gregory forgiveness, & cast himself down at his feet. And yet before this miserable monarch could speak with him, he stood 3. days fasting and barefoot at the Pope's palace gate, as a poor suppliant waiting when he might have entrance & access to his holiness. jews the meek. jews the meek, Emperor, & king of France, was constrained to give over his estate, & to shut himself up in a monastery, through the conspiracy of his own children. Valerianus. Valerianus had a harder change of his estate, ending his days whilst he was prisoner in the hands of Sapor king of the Parthians, who used the throat of this miserable emperor whensoever he mounted upon his horse. But was not that a wonderful effect of fortune, which happened not long since in Munster, principal town in the country of Westphalia▪ john of Leiden. wherein a silly butcher of Holland, being retired as a poor banished man from his country, called John of Leiden, was proclaimed king, was served & obeyed of all the people a long time, even until the taking & subversion of the said town after he had born out the siege for the space Mahomet. of 3. years. Mahomet the first of that name, of a very small and abject place, being enriched by marrying his mistress, and serving his own turn very fitly with a mutiny raised by the Sarrasins against Heracleus the emperor, made himself their captain, took Damascus, spoiled Egypt, & finally subdued Arabia, discomfited the Persians, and became both a monarch & a prophet. Will you see a most wondered effect of fortune? Look upon the proceedings of that great Tamburlaine, who being a peasants son & keeping cattle, corrupted Tamburlaine. 500 shepherds his companions. These men selling their cattle, betook them to arms, rob the merchants of that country, & watched the high ways. Which when the king of Persia understood of, he sent a captain with a 1000 horse to discomfit them. But Tamburlaine dealt so with him, that joining both together they wrought many incredible feats of arms. And when civil war grew betwixt the king and his brother, Tamburlaine entered into the brother's pay, who obtained the victory by his means, & thereupon made him his lieutenant general. But he not long after spoiled the new king, weakened & subdued the whole kingdom of Persia. And when he saw himself captain of an army of 400000. horsemen, & 600000. footmen, he made war with Bajazet emperor of the Turks, overcame Bajazet. him in battle, and took him prisoner. He obtained also a great victory against the soldan of Egypt, and the king of Arabia. This good success (which is most to be marveled at and very rare) accompanied him always until his death, in so much that he ended his days amongst his children, as a peaceable governor of innumerable countries. From him descended the great Sophy who reigneth at this day, and is greatly feared and redoubted of the Turk. But that miserable Bajazet who had conquered before so many peoples, and subdued innumerable cities, ended his days in an iron cage, wherein being prisoner, and overcome with grief to see his wife shamefully handled, in waiting at Tamburlanes' table with her gown cut down to her navel, so that her secret parts were seen, this unfortunate Turk beat his head so often against the Cage, that he ended his life. But what need we draw out this discourse further to show the strange dealings, and marvelous changes of fortune in the particular estates and conditions of men, which are to be seen daily amongst us, seeing the sovereign Of the four sovereign Empires. Empires of Babylon, of Persia, of Graecia, and of Rome, which in man's judgement seemed immutable and inexpugnable, are fallen from all their glittering show and greatness, into utter ruin and subversion, so that of the last of them, which surpassed the rest in power, there remaineth only a commandment limited and restrained within the confines of Almaigne, which then was not the tenth part of the rich provinces subject to this Empire? Is there any cause then why we should be astonished, if little kingdoms, commonwealths and other civil governments end, when they are come to the utmost, & full point of their greatness? And much less if it fall out so with men, who by nature are subject to change, and of themselves desire and seek for nothing else but alteration. Being assured therefore, that there is such uncertainty in all human things, let us wisely prepare ourselves, and apply We must prepare ourselves for all events. our will to all events, whose causes are altogether incomprehensible in respect of our understandings, and quite out of our power. For he that is able to say, I have prevented thee O fortune, I have stopped all thy passages, and closed up all thy ways of entrance, that man putteth not all his assurance in bars or locked gates, nor yet in high walls, but stayeth himself upon philosophical sentences and discourses of reason, whereof all they are capable that employ their wills, travel and study thereupon. Neither may we doubt of them or distrust ourselves, but rather admire and greatly esteem of them, being ravished with an affectionate spirit. He that taketh least care for to morrow (saith Epicurus) cometh thereunto Who taketh greatest joy in outward goods. with greatest joy. And (as Plutarch saith) riches, glory, authority and credit, rejoice them most, that stand least in fear of their contraries. For when a man seeketh after any of them with an over-burning desire, whereby also too great a fear of losing them is imprinted in him, the pleasure which he hath by enjoying the same, is very weak and unstable, much like to a flame blown up and down with the wind. But as for the power of fortune (saith the same Philosopher) it bringeth down those men that of their own nature are cowards, fearful and of small courage. Neither must we attribute cowardliness to Of the power of fortune. misfortune, nor valour and prudence to fortune, who is not able to make a man great without virtue. For what good will weapons do a man without experience, riches without liberality, victory without bounty and clemency, fight without valour and boldness: briefly all fortunes goods without knowledge how to use them well? Let us learn also that it is too great blockishness to attribute the cause of the change of monarchies, commonwealths, estates, of battles lost, and generally of all casual mishaps, both general and particular, to certain second causes: one while accusing the ambition of some, the ignorance or negligence of others, the small courage, want of money, of men, or of munitions. But we must Whether we must look in the change and success of things. look higher, and turn towards him who useth such means in the execution of his wonderful counsel, when he mindeth to chastise and to punish men for their offences. Example hereof we have in those great monarchies of Babylon, of Persia, and of Graecia, whose marks are no more to be seen, than the path of a ship in the water, or way of a bird flying in the air. And yet they were overthrown and vanquished by such as had a thousand times less human force and chief sinews of war, as treasure, men, munition and other furniture, than their monarchs and emperors had, who abounded every way. But God purposed to punish their pride and iniquity. Let us therefore stand in awe, not of the goddess fortune, which is but the dream of man, and cannot (as Cicero saith) greatly hurt him, that judgeth hope grounded upon virtue more firm, than that which is built upon her forces, but let us fear him who directeth and disposeth in wisdom all things created to their proper end, The proper end of all things. which is the glory of his name, and salvation of his elect: albeit the order which he observeth, the cause, reason, and necessity of them, are for the most part hid in his secret counsel, and cannot be comprehended by the sense of man. And yet not so hid, but that we ought prudently to consider of those means which he offereth unto us for our use, after we have endeavoured to mitigate and to appease his wrath and anger through the amendment of our life, and have called for aid and help of him in all our enterprises grounded by reason upon duty. The end of the eleventh days work. THE TWELFTH days work. Of marriage. Chap. 45. ASER. IT is great perfection (as Seneca writeth) for a man to take in hand and desire to A wise man is not desirous of many things. obtain but one only thing. But no man is one and the same, except a wise man: all other men are of divers forms. Who knoweth not with how great disquietness the mind of man is set on fire, with what lightness it is carried hither & thither, and with what ambition and desire it is stirred up to take hold of many sundry things at Distinctions of callings appointed from the beginning. Gen. 4. 2. once? Notwithstanding we must diligently mark, how the heavenly wisdom hath made a distinction of estates and kinds of life amongst men from the beginning, appointing that of Adam's two first children, the one should be a husbandman, the other a shepherd. Since that, the Every one must abide in his calling. 1. Cor. 7. 20. self same providence hath always commanded, that every one of us should look unto his calling in all the actions of his life, accounting thereof as of a station assigned unto us by his majesty, and as of a perpetual rule whereby we must direct the end of our intents, and following the will of God, strive to continue such men to the end of our days, as we once purposed with ourselves to be. For we may assure ourselves, that there is no work so small and contemptible, which doth not shine and appear precious before the heavenly throne, if we do it in All things done in faith are precious in God's sight. faith according to our calling, and give glory to the eternal for our whole condition and state of life. Now we know that after God had created man by his almighty power and unspeakable goodness, to make him partaker of his glory, and to rule over the earth, the sea, and all things contained in them, he gave him presently the woman for a faithful companion, and sweet solace to his life, and for the preservation of his kind, instituting and Gen. 2. 24. sanctifying marriage from that time forward. Therefore I think my companions, that we ought to handle this first, because it is the first calling of man, most common, and most honourable: to the end that we may, as we said yesterday, begin to apply the actions and practice of the virtues, of which we have hitherto entreated, to estates and conditions of life, whereunto each of us may be called. AMANA. If we could (saith Plato) behold with bodily eyes the beauty that honesty hath in her, we would Honesty is always beautiful. be far in love with her: but she is to be seen only with the eyes of the mind. And truly with the same eyes we may behold it in marriage, if we consider narrowly the honesty of the coupled life, when it is in every respect absolute, than the holy bond whereof, the earth hath nothing more beautiful or honest. ARAM. Marriage is honourable among all. Heb. 13. 4. Prou. 18. 22. marriage (as the scripture saith) is honourable among all, and the bed undefiled. He that findeth a wife, findeth a good thing, and receiveth favour of the Lord. Therefore of thee (ACHITOB) we desire to understand more at large what thou hast learned concerning this matter discussed with so many contrary opinions both old and new. ACHITOB. Nature having brought us forth to Man borne to live in society. live in society, and not alone, like to brute beasts, it must needs be (saith Aristotle) that he which liveth solitarily, The definition of society. is either a very beast, or more than a man. Now a society is an assembly and agreement of many in one, seeking after some good thing that is profitable, pleasant, and honest, at least that seemeth to be so: or else labouring to The end of society. fly from and to eschew some evil. Every society respecteth the maintenance and preservation of Monarchies, kingdoms, and commonwealths. But because no one whole and general thing can be known (as the Philosophers say) except the parts thereof be first known, it agreeth very fitly with the cause of our meeting together, and is also very necessary for us, to learn what the society of wedlock is, which being the seminary and preservation The definition of wedlock. of all societies, is nothing else but a communion of life between the husband and the wife, extending itself to all the parts that belong to their house, of which The author and antiquity of marriage. we are to consider hereafter. The original and antiquity of this society, called marriage, is especially worthy of memory, because God himself was the author thereof. The end thereof. For he had no sooner created the first man, but he purposed to give him a wife, for a faithful companion, a comfortress of his life, and a help like unto himself. Which he performed, as soon as he thought upon it: forasmuch as with him to will, is to be able, and to do: as likewise to Another end. be able and to do, is to will. Furthermore, he instituted this divine mystery for the general increase of mankind, and lawful propagation of nature, even in the time of innocency before man had sinned, sanctifying it at the same time with his blessing. Unto which necessity of marriage, man had made himself a great deal more subject through the curse of sin, which hath given place in his The necessity and third end of marriage. soul to the concupiscences of the flesh. Whereby it appeareth that we have need of this remedy in two respects, namely: in regard of the end and condition of our first nature, as also by reason of sin, which came in afterward, except in those to whom God hath granted the special grace and gift of continency, which is as rare a thing as Continency a rare gift. any other whatsoever. Notwithstanding there hath always been a thousand contrary opinions as touching this matter, namely, whether marriage is to be desired & sought after, or rather to be hated and eschewed, neither part wanting reasons, oftentimes more glorious in show than forcible to conclude for the defence of their saying. Among the Philosophers, Pythagoras the first of them, was The variety of opinions touching marriage. one of the greatest enemies of marriage, as may be proved by that which is written of him. For being requested to be at the marriage of a friend of his, he excused himself, saying: Pythagoras' opinion of marriage. that he was never desirous to go to such a feast, or to be at such a funeral: judging that it was all one for a man to marry a wife, and to wed a coffin, and to put himself into a tomb, or to take a sheet for the beginning of his burial. Many other Philosophers were of his opinion, yea they said, that nature appointing a contrary to every living creature, hath also given to man (to whom all other things are subject) the woman for his contrary, whose malice is a sworn enemy to the reason of man. Secundus was of this sect, who Secundus opinion of a wife. being demanded what a wife was, the contrary (quoth he) of a husband. Moreover they said, that a woman's nature was such, that although she had continued 30. years with her husband, yet he should daily find in her new fancies, and sundry sorts of behaviour: so that nature seemed a stepmother to men rather than to beasts, because these know and shun their contraries, but man is naturally led to love and to seek after his enemy. His misery therefore is very great in that so weak flesh is able to force a heart that is at liberty, causing a man oftentimes to procure to himself that which doth him hurt, and to make great account of that which he contemneth, as experience showeth the same in regard of women. Thales one of the Sages of Graecia, minding Thales judgement of marriage. to show that it was not good for a man to marry, when one asked him why he married not being in the flower of his age, said, that it was not yet time. Afterward, being grown to further age, and demanded the same question, he answered, that the time was passed. Marius the Roman asked Metellus would not give away himself to a wife Metellus, being a man also of great credit, why he would not take his daughter to wife, seeing she was beautiful in body, stayed in countenance, eloquent in speech, noble by race, rich in dowry, happy in good name, & adorned with virtues? To whom he replied, That he knew all this to be true, yet (quoth he) I had rather be mine own than hers. They that follow this opinion now touched, & abhor marriage, allege commonly these or the like reasons: that although the name of husband be sweet and honourable, yet whosoever Reasons against marriage. will well consider of it, shall find it full of great and intolerable burdens: & that the time is yet to come, wherein many thorns are not found amidst the roses of marriage, and wherein great store of hail falleth not together with that sweet rain. Who is able (say they) patiently to abide the charges of marriage, the care of children, the want which is sometimes in the house, the imperfections of servants, but especially the insolency and arrogancy of wives, and the yoke of so unperfect a sex? Who is able fully to satisfy, Women compared to ships. either their fleshly lust, or their insatiable pomp? Doth not the old proverb say, that women and ships are never so well rigged, but that still there remaineth something to be amended? Whereupon I would conclude willingly, that if a married man never loathe his estate, yet he tireth himself at the least. Riches breed care, poverty grief, sailing terrifieth, eating hindereth, walking wearieth. All these troubles are (we see) dispersed or divided amongst many, but married men have them altogether. For if we mark a married man, we shall seldom see him, but either pensive or sad, or weary, or hindered, and sometime amazed or afraid of that which may befall him, or may peradventure be committed by his wife. Concerning good advise and choice for the obtaining How hard a matter it is to marry well. of a good marriage. If thou takest a poor wife, she will be contemned, and thyself less esteemed: if thou takest her rich, she will look to command thee, and of a free man to make thee a slave. So that when thou thinkest to take an equal companion to wife, thou shalt wed an intolerable mistress, I know not whether I should say, a she devil. If thou mariest a fair woman, thou puttest thyself in great danger, lest thy round head become forked, which would be a fearful metamorphosis and alteration, if it were visible and apparent. Every castle is hard to keep, how well soever it be watched, when it is assaulted by many: and his victory is in a desperate case, who being alone, is compelled to fight against many. What shall I say more? Wealth maketh a woman proud, beauty suspected, and hardness of favour loathsome. Is there any thing (as Plutarch saith) more light than the tongue of an unbridled woman? more nipping than her injuries? more rash than her boldness? more execrable than her naughty disposition? An unruly woman is full of all evil. more dangerous than her fury? These evil speakers of women further enrich their sayings with a thousand histories & examples, as testimonies of the infinite miseries & inconveniences which have been procured by them First they allege the deceiving of the first man by his wife, whereupon sin & death, and through them all miseries entered into the world. Samson betrayed by LOVE, Solomon became Examples of miserable events procured by women. brutish through his concubines, Achab rooted out through jesabel, Marcus Antonius slew himself for the love of Cleopatra, the destruction of Troy because of Helena, the Pandora of Hesiodus, the pitiful death of Hercules by Deïanira, and many other miserable events procured chief by women, & plentifully declared in histories. Neither do they Two good days in marriage. forget the saying of Hipponactus, That of one marriage only two good days are to be hoped for, namely, the marriage day, and the day of the wives death. They say that the wedding day (according to Alexandreïdes' speech) is the beginning of many evils: that in no estate fortune showeth herself more in constant, & less faithful in performing her promise than in marriage, as Polyhistor saith: because there is not one to be found, wherein there is not some deceit, or some occasion of complaint given to the man. They say as Philemon said, That a wife is a necessary and perpetual evil to her husband: that (as Diphilus said) nothing is hardlier found in all the world than a good wife. whereunto that old proverb agreeth, that a good wife, a good mule, and a good goat, are three naughty Three evil beasts. beasts. The answer also made by a noble Roman, is not forgotten of these scuere Censorers of women, to whom when some of his acquaintance and friends said, that he had great cause to hold himself happy and contented, because he had a wife that was fair, rich, and come of noble parentage, he showed them his foot, saying: My friends you see that my shoe is very new, fair and well made, but none of you Alphonsus' opinion of a perfect marriage. can tell whereabout it pincheth me. Likewise the saying of Alphonsus king of Arragon is alleged by them that blame marriage, namely, that if a man would see a perfect and well agreeing marriage, the husband must be deaf, and the wife blind, that he may not hear his wives brawling, nor she see her husband's faults. He that trusteth to a woman (said Hesiodus) is as safe as he that hangeth by the leaves of a tree in the end of autumn when the leaves begin to fall. I remember yet three things which I have heard uttered in contempt of marriage: the saying of a merry conceited man, the deed of another, and the answer of a good fellow that was in talk Three merry conceits. of a certain marriage. They have reason (quoth the first) who say, that when a young man is to be married, he must be arrested. For truly I think we should fly up to heaven, if this arrest kept us not back. The second hearing this preached, that whosoever will be saved, must bear his cross, ran to his wife & laid her upon his neck. Thirdly, when one said to a good fellow that he should tarry until his son were wise before he married him. Be not deceived my friend (quoth he to him) for if he once grow to be wise he will never marry. These & such like reasons are commonly Notable reasons in the defence of marriage. alleged by them that mislike marriage. But now mark what we say to the contrary. First we have to consider the beginning and antiquity of marriage, the place where it was instituted, and who was the Author thereof, and that in the time of innocency, of which things we have already spoken. Moreover we must remember, Christ honoured a wedding with his presence, and with a miracle. that the heavenly word honoured with his presence, and set forth a wedding feast with a miracle, even with the first which he wrought in this world. Can any thing then be found more holy, than that which the holy of holies, the father and creator of all things hath established, honoured and consecrated with his presence? But what greater equity can we use than to leave to our successors that which we hold of our predecessors? By wedlock copulation we came into the world, and by the same we must leave others behind us, to continue that propagation which hath endured from our ancestors unto us. Can there be any greater want of consideration than to seek to fly from that, as profane which God hath taken for holy? as evil, which he hath reputed good? As detestable, which he esteemeth holy? Is there any greater inhumanity, than to reject the fountain of humanity? Is there any greater ingratitude than to deny to those that are to come, that which we hold of them that are past? When God created woman, not of the slime of the earth, as he did man, but Wherefore the woman was created of the rib of man. of his bone, did he not show thereby that he should have nothing faster cleaving, nearer joining, or surer glued to him than his wife, especially when he added these words, that it was not good for man to be alone, as though he had said, Gen. 2 18. that his life would be miserable, irksome & unpleasant, if he had not given him a wife for a faithful companion? How dare we say, that we know better what is meet for us, than he that made us, & knew all our life before we came out of the bowels of our mother? then he that honoured the bond of matrimony so far as to say, that a man shall leave his father & mother, and cleave to his wife? Is there any thing more holy than that honour which we own to them that have begotten us? And yet the fidelity of wedlock is preferred before fatherly and motherly honour, that it The great pre-eminence of marriage. should be kept & preserved even to the last gasp of life. Further we see how the spirit of God speaking by his prophet Psal. 45. honoureth marriage so far, as to use it for a similitude and representation of that holy & sacred unity, which he hath with his church. What could any man say more to extol the dignity thereof? That which God hath begun, only death endeth: what God hath conjoined, death only separateth: what God hath made sure, man cannot shake: what he hath established, man cannot abolish. Oh what & Marriage ever used and received of all nations. how great is the dignity, pre-eminence, & prerogative of marriage? Again, do we not see how it hath been continued throughout all ages past until this present, received & approved of all nations, both Hebrews, Greeks, Latins & Barbarians, so that there is no nation under the cope of heaven, how barbarous soever it be, & far from civility, which showeth not great joy & delight at wedding feasts? Besides, who shall defend common-welths without armour and weapons, and who shall wear armour if men be wanting? If that be not supplied by generation which through death necessarily endeth, how can the lineage and race of mankind endure? The laws of the Romans (who were the pattern of virtue to all nations) with rigour punished such as would not marry, forbidding them all public dignities, & depriving them of those which they had obtained. And The Romans had laws in favour of marriage. to invite them the rather to marry, they appointed privileges for them that had children, so that he was most benefited and preferred to public honours that had most children. When Augustus Caesar was Censor, inquiry was made by his authority of a Roman knight that had broken the law and would not marry, whereupon he should have been punished, but that he proved that he had been father of Augustus' his care to repress the uncleanness of his subjects. 3. children. The same Augustus being come to the empire, & desirous to correct the detestable uncleanness of his subjects, & to compel them to contract matrimony, levied an impost by way of a fine, upon their legacies & windfalls coming by the death of others that did not marry after 25. years of age, or that had no children. Whereby he greatly chastised whoredoms, adulteries & sodomitry: & furnished Rome with good citizens which then was greatly destitute of them by reason of civil wars. What is the cause Why the dowries of women have always had great privileges. (saith Vlpianus the lawyer) that women's dowries had such great privileges? It was for no other reason, then because of the profit that cometh to all commonwealths by marriages. He that had 3. children amongst the Romans could not be compelled to carry a message, or public embassage: he that had 5. was exempted from personal charge: & he that had 13. from all charge. And in our time in the commonwealth of Florence (as Raphael Volteranus rehearseth in his philology) The privileges of them that had children. Every▪ citizen that is father of 5. children either males or females, is exempted, freed, & discharged of all public tax, loan, & subsidy. If nothing be more blessed, nor happiness more to be desired than immortality, line all propagation maketh us immortal through the continuing of kind. whereupon we may infer by way of conclusion, that no greater happiness can come to man & wife in this world, than to leave issue as a testimony to posterity, that once they were in the world, & have left behind them a token of their life. It was enacted by Lycurgus' laws, that no citizen preferring the estate of continency before that of marriage, should be at public plays: which at that time was a note of great ignominy. We account not him a good gardener that painfully dresseth those fruitful trees which he hath in his garden or orchard, if he have no care to plant and graft new, A comparison between a good gardener and a citizen. thereby to substitute others in their place, which by succession of time wax old & die. And how shall we take him for a good citizen, and such a one as zealously seeketh the good of the commonwealth, that contenteth himself with those citizens that are alive, and neglecteth the engendering of new in good and lawful matrimony, whereby to supply the want of such as daily decay? Further, if I should go about to rehearse here the happiness, pleasure & contentation which man & wife living holily together, & according to the duty of their vocation, do mutually receive one of another, who doubteth that a whole day would not suffice me? What greater solace in the whole world can be found than for a man to live with her unto whom he is coupled, The happiness, pleasure and contentation in marriage. not by good will only, but also by a mutual communication of bodies? If we take great delight to confer with our friends & familiar acquaintance about our secret affairs, shall we not receive greater joy without comparison to disclose our thoughts to her unto whom we speak as safely as to ourselves, who is also partaker as well of our adversity as prosperity, and accounteth our weal or woe to be her own? We are joined to our friends by good will and liking only, but to our wife we are conjoined and linked by sovereign charity, by bodily commixtion, by sacred confederacy, & by an inseparable fellowship & society in all The near conjunction of married couples. weathers. If the man abound in temporal goods, the wife will keep them faithfully for him, and increase them by her industry and labour If he be poor & persecuted by fortune, she will comfort him. If through fear, sickness, or any other mishap he be constrained to shut up himself in his house, his wife will take away that irksomeness from him, which otherwise would seize upon him being solitary. If he go abroad, he is glad that he hath left that party in his house which he most trusteth. In youth she is a sweet and amiable companion, & in old age a very convenient comforter Marriage increaseth friends and kinsfolks. and solace. Moreover, by marriage a man increaseth his friends, allies, kinsfolks & neighbours, which is a very great benefit and invincible strength. Brethren & sisters, nephews & nieces are doubled. Peace is many times procured between monarches & princes by marriages, and infinite quarrels & dissensions appeased. But what unspeakable pleasure doth every father take to see his lively picture engraven in the face of his children, and that so near the quick, as neither Lysippus, Mentor, Polycletus, Phidias, Praxiteles, Zeuxis, Apelles, nor Parrhasius had ever the skill to grave or paint so well? Again, what joy receiveth he by hoping, that when his children shall wax great, they will be the staff of his age, the stay of his weakness, the pillar of his house, and that overliving him according to the course of nature, they shall close up his eyes, and cause such funerals & ceremonies to be done for him as are requisite in that case? For the conclusion therefore of this present matter Motives to marriage. we say, that no man can justly blame marriage, unto which all laws both divine and human exhort us, nature provoketh us, honesty draweth us, infinite commodities invite us, all nations show us the way thither, and lastly, necessity of continuing our kind constraineth us. And briefly to answer the grounds alleged to the contrary, they may be overthrown by one only dictinction, which is, that most of them that dispraised marriage were heathens, and blinded in their vain wisdom, or to speak better, in their folly, wanting then that knowledge of the truth, which God of his grace hath since revealed unto us. And no marvel if they erred in dispraising marriage, seeing they could never attain to the knowledge of the true and sovereign good of man, as we have handled already. But yet it can never be found that Socrates, Plato, and such The best Philosophers praised and used marriage. as were most excellent among the Philosophers, blamed it, but rather honoured & commended it, the most of them also being married, as namely, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, Plutarch, and others. As for their strongest reason that mislike marriage, namely, the deceiving of men by women, the fault ought to be imputed rather to the men, than to the women, because men, according to the perfection of their sex, aught to be wiser than women, who are by nature more changeable by will, and more frail in counsel, although all are not so. So that if there be any imperfection, it ought not to be objected to them by way of reproach, but rather to nature than to them. And they that upbraid them therewith, show that they wander out of the path of reason, are destitute of all good sense, and are unworthy that women should have conceived them, brought them into the world, given them suck, and nourished them. Of a house and family, and of the kinds of marriage: of certain ancient customs observed in marriage. Chap. 46. ACHITOB. IN the beginning of my present speech of marriage, I noted this, that the communion of the husband and wife extendeth itself unto all the parts that depend of their house. Therefore I suppose (my Companions) that for the sequel and understanding of that matter which we have propounded to ourselves to entreat of, I mean economy or government of a family, we must seek after a more ample and large declaration of a house, which consisteth not in many stones, and long pieces of timber joined together with A house consisteth in living stones. great cunning, but in stones that have life, and are partakers of reason, tending to the benefit and profit of the house, as to their end. Also if you think it good, and our hour give us leisure, we may enter into the consideration of the sundry sorts of marriages, and of certain ancient customs observed therein, which I touched not in my discourse, because I would not be overlong. ASER. First, it is necessary (saith Aristotle) to join those together, which can not be the one without the other, What assemblies are most necessary for the institution of a family. as the male and female for generation. Next, he that is able to execute the commandments of his master by the strength of his body, is a subject and slave by nature. And of these two assemblies a house or family is first instituted. AMANA. The definition of a house. A family or house is an assembly framed by nature, to communicate daily together: and they are called of the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as live of the same provision, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as use the same Chimney. But we shall understand of thee ARAM the whole discourse of that which is here propounded unto us. ARAM. When I consider of the excellency & greatness of Plato his skill, who was greatly admired of the Grecians, as he that for virtue & honesty of life, for eloquence Plato established a community of all things in his commonwealth. of speech, & persuasion by true and learned philosophy, went far beyond all other Philosophers, I cannot sufficiently wonder, how, amidst so many good laws & profitable statutes for a commonwealth, which we have received from him, he imagined to establish therein the community of goods, wives, & children, amongst his Citizens, not suffering them to have any thing proper & peculiar: to the end (as he said) to banish from his city these two words, Thine & Mine, which in his opinion were the cause of all evils & desolations that befall commonwealths. The Nicholaites The Nicholaites revived Plato's community. revived the same error in the primitive Church, & many others have laboured by frivolous reasons to defend & maintain it, chief to root out (as they say) utterly from within the soul, those human affections, which commonly carry men rather towards their wives, children, & goods, than to other things. Which affections so long as they bear sway amongst the Citizens, cause them oftentimes to turn aside from their duty towards the commonwealth, whereby it is made weaker, & of less continuance. Now among many grounds confuting this error, The confutation of this error. (which being received, would fill all with disorder & confusion, to the overthrow of human society) this is most certain & cannot be impugned, that forasmuch as the lawful distribution of goods, & manner of marriages, are the ordinance of God (as it is manifest) & seeing the ordinance of God may not be altered by any counsel of man, it followeth, that aswell the division of goods, as of wives and children, are immutable, and consequently, that the community of goods, wives, & children, is a thing flatly gainsaying the institution of God, & therefore to be reproved. Moreover, if goods were common, an infinite multitude of do-litles, of idle & negligent persons, borne (as Horace saith) only to devour & to consume the benefits of the earth, being unwilling to labour, & resembling wasps that eat the honey of the Bees, would feed and clothe themselves with their goods, who get their living with great sweat of their bodies, & vexation of their minds. Which is against the express commandment of God, who will have us eat our bread in the sweat of our face. But what greater shame & offence, utterly defacing all honesty of life, can there be amongst men, than the community of wives, whereby all fornications & adulteries would be maintained by authority? This showeth plainly, that we are not to lose time in confuting such an opinion of theirs, who seek to take away from amongst men all marks of a commonwealth. For there would not be any public thing, if nothing were private, nor common, if nothing were peculiar. Yea Plato afterward did wisely leave that opinion, & quietly renounced his first commonwealth, to give place to a second. And the Heralds of God's word condemned this error, when it was raised up in the Apostles time by an arch-heretik called Nicholas of Antioch, who maintained this opinion, that goods, wives, & children, aught to be common among christians, & for example to others, communicated his wife to whosoever would, albeit she was young and very beautiful. Thus following the order established of God, and continued always through so many ages, until our The definition of a house. time, and having seen the first institution of marriage, we must also contain it within the house, which is a society and communion of life between the husband and the wife, the master and the servant, for daily profit. Hesiodus putteth the ox in steed of the servant, so far forth (faith Aristotle) as the ox being fit to labour, is to poor men in the place of a slave. This house thus described is simple, but when children are contained therein, it is absolute The division thereof. and complete. Therefore a house that is perfect and accomplished, may be divided, according to the saying of Philosophers, into these four parts: into matrimonial, parental, Lordly or Maisterlie, and possessory part. The matrimonial part comprehendeth the husband & the wife: the parental containeth the father, mother, & children: the lordly hath under it the master, manservants, and maidservants: the possessory part includeth within it movables, immooveables, and chattels. Now to follow our matter already begun, and to discourse of things in order, we have here to handle and to observe diligently this first part of a house, called the conjugal or wedlock part, and the sequel of our discourses shall instruct us in the other parts. He that hath tasted of learning, and four kinds of marriage. been well instructed in the study of wisdom, shall find that there are four kinds of conjunctions and marriages, namely, the marriage of honour, the marriage of love, the The marriage of honour is of three sorts. marriage of labour, and the marriage of grief. The marriage of honour is divided into the highest, middlemost, and lowest degree. The highest is that supernatural marriage, whereby God and man's nature meet together, even by a mystery, which overpasseth the understanding of all human capacity. We saw the effect and truth thereof in the incarnation and nativity of the eternal son of God. The middlemost marriage of honour is, when God and the soul meet, and are joined together by grace and glory. The lowest degree of the marriage of honour is when God and the Church are coupled together, and are made one mystical body. These three sorts of marriages are supernatural, and appointed of God after an unspeakable manner: but the cause of our assembly requireth not that we should speak any more of them. Now to come to the other kinds of conjunctions, which 2. The marriage of love. respect only the estate of mankind: the marriage of love, is that which is between an honest man and a virtuous woman, linked together by God for the preservation of the lineage of man. It may be called a charitable conjunction, unity, and society of them that are good, being made by grace, peace, & concord. Of this marriage spoke that wise Iewe, saying: that three things among others, Ecclus. 25. 1. were approved of God and men, the concord of brethren, the love of our neighbour, and the husband and wife that agree well together. And to say truth, it is one of the greatest benefits, yea one of the rarest felicities in the world, when a marriage is well and duly kept, when both the husband & wife fear God, and keep their promise one to another: according Ecclus. 26. 1. to that saying of the wise man: Blessed is the man that hath a virtuous wife: the wife also being no less happy that hath a good husband. The other kind of marriage, The marriage of labour. namely of labour, is that which is commonly practised in our days, wherein many, yea almost all, marry for covetousness, not for the virtue, chastity, or good report, which Plautus would have a man choose his wife by the ears, not by the fingers. they hear of women and maidens. Plautus the comical Poet said, that in marriage a man must take his wife by the ears, and not by the fingers: that is to say, for her good report, not for her dowry, which is told with hands. Lycurgus' being desirous that his Citizens should put the same in practice, established a law, which forbade all giving Lycurgus forbade all dowries. of dowries with maidens in marriage, to the end that every maid should labour to endow herself with virtue: for love whereof, and not of riches, they should be demanded in marriage. The same reason moved Themistocles, when Themistocles. two men required his daughter in marriage, to prefer the honest man before the wealthy: saying, that he had rather have a man to his son in law without goods, Olympias. than goods without a man. We read that Olympias the mother of Alexander, hearing of one that had married a very fair woman, but scarce chaste, being ravished with by'r love, said, that he was a brainless man, otherwise he We must not marry by the lust of our eyes, nor by the report of our fingers. would not have married by hearsay, nor by the lust of his eyes. We may say as much of them that marry by the report of their fingers, counting upon them how much their wives bring to them by marriage, not considering before whether they be so qualified, that they may live with them. But let us know, that every marriage made through covetousness, especially where there is inequality of riches, as namely, when the husband is poor, and the wife rich, will be always riotous, and very hardly will there be Menander. any peace between them. Which thing Menander desirous to teach us, said, that when a poor man marrieth a rich wife, he giveth himself in marriage to the woman which he weddeth, and not the woman to him. And the satirical Poet saith, that nothing is more intolerable Pittacus answer to a young man that asked his advice in marriage. than a rich wife. This caused a young man to go to Pittacus, one of the Sages of Grecia, and to ask his counsel, saying: I have two wives offered me, the one is equal to me in goods and parentage, the other goeth far beyond me, which of them shall I take? Mark (said this wise man) where children are ready to play at fence, go to them, and they will counsel thee. He did so, and as he drew near, they began to set themselves one against another to skirmish. And when they saw this young man coming, who exceeded them in strength and bigness, and supposed that he would make one amongst them, they said aloud, let every Every one must marry his equal. Martia. one go to his match. Whereby he learned what he was to do concerning his marriage. Martia, a noble widow, being demanded why she married not again, seeing she was rich, and as yet in the flower of her youth, made this answer. I can find none (said she) that loveth not my goods Venda Queen of Ruscia. more than my person. The same reason moved Venda Queen of Ruscia to throw herself into the water, thereby to revenge herself of them that made war with her, to have her in marriage, seeing they could not win her by gentleness. For she knew well, that they desired her for hit kingdom, and not of any good will they bore unto her: as it is the custom of Princes to respect only their alliance and profit, marrying oftentimes by substitutes and proxies Against marriage by substitutes and proxies. Elizabeth Q of England. those whom they never saw but by picture. But I find that Elizabeth that wise Queen of England, was of a better judgement, when she wrote to Henry Prince, and since king of Sweathland, who demanded her in marriage, that he was the only Prince in the world, whom she ought to love most, because he required her when she was a prisoner: but she was resolved never to marry any man before she had seen him. The like answer she sent to the Archduke of Austria, which was in part the cause why neither of them would come unto her, fearing belike, that if they were not well liked, they should be sent back again into their country. Of this that hath been hitherto discoursed, together with the experience which is daily seen, we may infer, that marriages made through covetousness, are in deed marriages of labour. And of this number may those be reckoned, Of marriages made only for beauty. wherein bodily beauty, and other outward graces, are only regarded. For it seldom falleth out, but that the spirit of dissension troubleth all in those houses, and that all love and liking vanisheth together with age, which causeth the lively hue of colour to whither away. Likewise amongst these marriages of labour, we place those wherein there is disparity of age, & especially of manners. Therefore Of the disparity of age and manners between married couples. Dionysius the elder said to his mother, who being very old, would needs marry a young man, that it was in her power to violate the laws of Syracuse, but not the law of nature. Aristotle saith, that men and women ought to marry together in such an age, that both of them should leave of to beget and to conceive children at the same tyme. According to this rule the husband must be At what age men and women ought to marry. twenty years, or there abouts, elder than his wife: because naturally women conceive and beat children until fifty years, and men may beget children until 70. Lycurgus also forbade that any man should marry before he were ●7▪ years old, & a woman before 17. Whereof this reason may rather be rendered, that the wife may more easily acquaint herself with her husband's manners, he being then of ripe judgement, and she coming into his power from her tender years. For (as the same Aristotle saith) diversity of manners and callings hindereth friendship and true love. But because of the shortness of man's days, I Why a man ought to have ten years more than his wife. think it were good for him to marry at thirty years of age, taking a wife of twenty years old, to the end that her age may not be too much unlike his: that so living according to the common course of nature, they may leave their children provided at the same years, and such as might be well able to live without them. A maiden also of that age is able to judge a great deal better what is meet for her, and what duty she oweth to her husband, and of his commandments, than if she were younger. Now, seeing we are about this matter, I think I shall not Of the marriage of widows. digress from the same, if I speak of the marriage of widows. It is certain that those women that have already learned the disposition of their former husbands, are oftentimes very hardly altered. Whereupon some allege the example of Timotheus, the best player on the flute of his time, who, when he took a scholar, used to demand of him whether he had made any entrance in that play: Timotheus. Which if he had, he took a greater reward by half than he did of them that knew nothing: saying, that his pains were greater in taking away from his scholars that which was nought and unskilful, than in teaching that which was good to such as understood nothing at all thereof. Chilons' opinion of second marriages. Chilon one of the wise men of Grecia, said, that he accounted him a very fool, who having saved himself from a perilous shipwreck by painful swimming, would return to sea again, as though a tempest had not power over all barks. Plato's Androgyna teacheth, that second marriages can never be fitly made. Concerning this matter, we can 1. Cor. 7. 39 have no better counsel than that of S. Paul, whether I refer the solution of this matter. But experience daily The discommodities of second marriage. teacheth us what infinite miseries, quarrels, suits, and overthrow of houses, proceed from such marriages, through the donations and profits which those young men crave that marry widows, who forgetting all natural duty, doubt not to enrich strangers with the goods of their own children. Valeria of Rome may serve for a notable Valeria. example to women, who said, that her husband died for others, but lived to her for ever. S. Jerome rehearseth a history quite contrary to this here spoken of, avouching that he saw at Rome a woman that had been married Of a woman that had been married to 22. husbands. to 22. husbands, who afterward marrying one that had had 20. wives, died in his life time. Whereupon the Romans crowned him with laurel, in token of victory, and caused him to carry a branch of palm in his hand at his wives funeral. He maketh mention also of another widow, who of alms brought up a little child The notorious looseness of a widow. and abused it at the age of ten years, by whom she became great with child, contrary to the order of nature, God so permitting it, to discover the vile filthiness of that woman. Second marriages were a great deal more honourable for such widows. The fourth kind of marriage remaineth yet, which we called the marriage of Of the marriage of grief. grief, which is nothing else but the assembly and conjunction of the wicked and reprobate, of whom that common proverb is spoken, that it is better one house be troubled with them than twain. Their life can not but be full of wretchedness and misery, the grief whereof will abide by them for ever. But to return to our first speech of the marriage of love, which is holy and lawful, guided by good reason, and according to the ordinance of God, mortal men beholding the holiness and necessity of this mystery, have enriched and set forth the same with all kind of joy and delight, with the assembly of kinsfolks, and calling together of friends and guests, Commendable ornaments of marriages. with banquets, feasts, ornaments, jewels, Tragedies, Comedies, and such like pastimes, uttering joy, and not to be misliked: so that all dissoluteness and overgreat superfluity be set aside, and honesty and comeliness observed. But especially the wedding songs, used by the Wedding songs used in old time. Ancients both Greekes and Latins, and made to beautify and enrich their weddings, are worthy of eternal divers customs used at the celebration of marriages. praise. Moreover, they had amongst them infinite and sundry customs kept at the knitting up and celebration of marriages, some being good, others bad, of which we will here allege certain, because we may find instruction in them. The Assyrians had certain magistrates called Triumairs, and precedents of weddings, approved and grave men, whose office was once a year in every town and Village to bring all the young maidens that were to be married, into one public place, and to cause them to be proclaimed one after another, beginning The Assyrians custom. with the fairest, who were given to them that offered most, and bade last. With this money that came by them, they married those that were hard-favoured, as good cheap as they could: and otherwise than after this sort, it was not lawful for any body to contract matrimony. Wherein they showed a marvelous care in providing The custom of the Grecians. equally for all their daughters. The ancient Grecians had a custom to burn before the door of the new married wife, the axle-tree of that chariot wherein she was brought to her husband's house: giving her to understand thereby, that she was to dwell there with him, whether she were willing or no, and never to departed from thence. Lycurgus would not have the husband and wife to lie together in the beginning of their marriage, nor to see one another, but by stealth and secretly: to the end (said he) that amity and love might be the better preserved between them, that they might be healthy, and that their children which should come of them, The customs of the Romans. might be stronger. The Romans passed all other nations in pomp, ceremonies, and comeliness of marriage. They observed this inviolably, that their maidens and widows should not be constrained to marry. On the wedding day they used that fashion, which at this day is very common. The new married wife was richly appareled, with her hair hanging about her shoulders, and her head crowned with a garland of flowers. The mother of the Bride went before her daughter, bearing a coffer of trinkets, jewels, rings, and other little ornaments belonging to women. The maidens that came of wealthy houses, had a chariot prepared for them, drawn with two white horses, to declare the purity of body, and innocency of mind, which the young woman ought to have. The new married wife was led from her father's house to her husband's house, alongst the broadest streets in the city, to note thereby, that a wife ought always to pass by the greatest way, and not be found at any time in suspected and secret places, whereupon some suspicion of evil may arise. When she was come to the entry of her husband's house, before she went over the threshold of the door, he took her with both his arms by the wings, and lift her aloft in such sort, that he struck her head and the door post together, and so set her within the door before ever her feet touched the ground. This was done, that the married wife should remember through the grief of the blow, not to go often forth out of her husband's house, if she would have the report and name of an honest woman. Her garments, behaviour, gesture and gate, were correspondent to all modesty, honesty, & shamefastness. She ware a jewel hanging by a riben about her neck, to signify, that she was bound, and put in subjection to her The Roman brides used to present fire and water to their husbands. husband. She presented also to her husband water in one hand, and fire in the other. Which some interpret thus, that as the communication of man's life consisteth chief in the use of these two elements, of fire & water, so there cannot be any fellowship more familiar or nearer linked together, than that of the husband and the wife. Now, because fire and water signify communication, others have thus understood it, that as fire and water are clean contraries aswell in the first as in the second qualities, so are man and wife, the one being hot and dry, of the nature of fire, and the other cold and moist, of the nature of water: which contrarieties being joined together, make a harmony & temperature of love. Again, some would have the dissensions, murmurings, & complaints, that are often in marriages signified thereby: wherein laughter is not without weeping, nor rest without labour, nor sweet without sour, according to the nature of all earthly things, in which we cannot taste honey without gall, nor sugar without Aloes. Many other ceremonies were used of the Ancients, which for brevity sake, as also because there is small instruction in them, I omit for this present. Therefore to conclude What is signified by the name of a house. our discourse, we learn that the name of a house doth not only signify the walls and roof of a building, but that it ought to be taken for a family gathered together to communicate one with another in all necessities. We learn also that in every marriage we ought to have regard to the ordinance and institution of God, and to those politic laws under which we live, to the end we trouble not common tranquillity: that we must avoid all disparity of goods, of houses, of age, and especially of nature and manners. Let us not suffer ourselves to be carried away with any foolish passion, but look chief to this, that under a gracious & honest behaviour may shine forth clear and evident steps of an upright and sincere soul, void of dissimulation: saying with the Wise man, Prou. 31. 30. Favour is deceitful, and beauty is vanity, but a woman that feareth the Lord, she shall be praised. We must also rid our wedding assemblies of all dissoluteness, of all kind of allurements to voluptuousness and niceness, that they may rather seem to be schools of honour and chastity, than of intemperancy and looseness. If we lay such foundations in marriages, no doubt but God will bless them, and make them happy and prosperous, to the glory of his name, and to the quietness and contentation of us all. Of the particular duty of a husband towards his wife. Chap. 47. ARAM. AS physicians stand more in fear of fevers engendered of hid causes gathered together by little and little of a long time, than of those which proceed of very apparent causes: so the small jars and daily quarrelings of married folks, being unknown Small jars must be avoided in a house. to strangers, and drawing by little and little to an incurable hardness, do more separate them one from another, than any other cause whatsoever. Therefore it is necessary that all the roots of such naughty sprigs should be cut off, and all occasions eschewed, which might provoke one another to the least and lightest anger that may be. The industry of the man ought to aim especially at this, being called to the honourable estate of Head of a family, looking diligently that he perform such duty towards her, who is so straightly linked unto him, that such dissensions never take their beginning through his default. Let us then (my Companions) take occasion of this subject to be better instructed in the duty of a husband towards his wife. ACHITOB. Prou. 5. 18. 19 20. 21. rejoice (saith the Wise man) with the wife of thy youth. Let her be as the loving hind, and pleasant Roe: let her breasts satisfy thee at all times, and delight in her Every man must content himself with his own wife. love continually. For why shouldest thou delight in a strange woman, or embrace the bosom of a stranger? For the ways of man are before the eyes of the Lord, and he pondereth all his paths. ASER. Ephes. 5. 25. 26. How husbands ought to love, their wives. Husbands (saith S. Paul) love your wives, even as Christ loved the Church, and gave himself for it. So ought men to love their wives as their own bodies: he that loveth his wife, loveth himself. But it belongeth to thee (AMANA) to handle us this point at large. AMANA. Gorgias an excellent Orator, commended of Cicero in many places, exhorted the Grecians long since to peace and concord, by an oration of wonderful art. Which when he had ended, one Melanthus stood up before all the company that was present, and said: My Lords, behold Gorgias, who by his eloquent oration exhorteth us that are in number infinite to concord, and yet he cannot play the orator so well as to cause his wife and her chambermaid to live quietly with him in his house, wherein there are but they three. For ye shall daily see them at strife and continual dissension. Therefore, my Lords, I think it great rashness in him to exhort us to concord, when he cannot have it himself in his private house. And truly, besides the unspeakable torment that is joined with such riots, janglings, and controversies in a house, it is a shameful offence when they are known to strangers. The Ancients Lar the household God of the Heathen. had a private and household God, whom they called the God Lar, which we may translate into our language, the God of the hearth. He was had in such veneration, that if any man withdrew himself to the hearth and house of his deadly enemy, his enemy durst not offer him any violence as long as he was there, the hearth being unto him a sanctuary and place of immunity. For so we read Themistocles saved by flying to the hearth of his enemy. of Themistocles, that being banished from Athens, and pursued by some that would have laid violent hands upon him, he fled to the hearth of his deadly enemy, who for that cause durst not strike him, nor offer him any injury. This hearth was dedicated and consecrated to the goddess Vesta, and was placed where the chief fire of the house was made. Now I pray you, if it were prohibited, and accounted an unjust thing for a man to quarrel, to injury, or to offer violence, even to his utter enemy, being fled to his hearth, how infamous an act (think you) and unworthy the nature of man, did these men judge it to be, to offer any violence to them that were of the same hearth, but chief to the wife, who What place the wife hath next to the man. is a principal person belonging to the bed, table, hearth, yea to the whole house of the husband, and is called by the law, a companion both of the divine and human house? At this day we commonly observe this, not to offend in any sort those that come to see us: and if we have any occasion of quarreling, it shall not be showed as long as they are in our house, if we have any care not to be accounted uncivil, and void of discretion. And how shall we not use the same reason towards them that are unto us a second self, with whom we are to live and die? Let us then have regard to those principal points that are to be desired for the establishment and continuance of love, upon which every holy marriage ought first to Love the first foundation of every holy marriage. be grounded, as we have already said. Secondly, it must be grounded upon the conformity and agreement of good and honest conditions: and lastly, it must hold & depend of prudence, which breedeth a continual, lively, and mutual affection of one towards another, the true testimony whereof is a reverent behaviour of each to other. It is a maxim and principle granted by wise men, that no The best must command. man is worthy and meet to command, unless he be better than they over whom he commandeth. Therefore it seemeth that nature commonly giveth more vigour, strength, authority, gravity, and prudence, in deeds and words to men than to women. The effects of which graces he cannot better show forth, than by governing himself The husband must command over his wise as over a free person. with reason, and according to duty towards his wife: first, in loving her, then in governing her graciously, as being a free person, as Aristotle saith, persuading her more by reason than authority. He must not offer her any injury, either in deed or word, but honour and make much of her. For the husband that honoureth his wife, honoureth himself. The Lawyer saith, that married women are and aught to be set forth with the beams of their husbands, and that the husband ought to give example to others to honour his wife: whereby also he shall provoke his wife to honour him. But on the other side, by offering her wrong, he shall incense her, and give her occasion to reply upon him with bitter speeches, which in the end will provoke him to wrath, and to behave himself The fruits of hard dealing with one's wife. worse towards his wife, thereby constraining her, as it falleth out oftentimes, to invent some mischief against him and his honour. There are a thousand examples hereof in good authors, and experience affordeth too many proofs of the same. We read of Clytaemnestra the wife Clytaemnestra. of Agamemnon, that, to revenge an injury received from her husband, she committed adultery, and afterward consented to his death. It is true that this is but a simple revenge of women, and such a one as lighteth upon themselves. But what? This sex is frail, spiteful, and given to revenge: and therefore men are to use the greater prudence in the governing and managing of them. The proverb is, that a man is bitten of his dog, by provoking him overmuch, and that an eel is oftentimes A husband must never beat his wife. lost, when it is strained overhard. Therefore let a wise husband know this, that he must never deal injuriously with his wife, especially before others: and that he must abstain most of all from laying violent hands upon her. If the Ancients would have their slaves corrected, rather with words than blows, much more ought the Marcus Aurelius precept to husbands. wife to be so dealt withal, whom God calleth a help like to us. To this effect Marcus Aurelius said, that a wise husband and one that mindeth to live peaceably with his wife, aught above all things to observe this rule, namely: to admonish her often, to reprehend her seldom, but jupiter. never to lay hands upon her. Homer bringeth in Jupiter reproving his wife, and threatening her when she is rebellious, but never maketh him go farther. We read in the life of Cato. Cato, of whom it was given out that he was a sworn enemy to women, that he never struck his wife, accounting that sacrilege: and yet he knew well how to use the place and dignity of a husband, which keepeth his wife in obedience. But above all that hath been hitherto spoken, A husband must especially avoid adultery. a husband must observe this as an inviolable law, that he abstain from touching any other woman but his own, aswell in respect of the fear of God, who excludeth all whoremongers & adulterers from his heavenly mansion, as also because his wife should have no knowledge or suspicion thereof. For otherwise he will cast himself into a more dangerous Labyrinth, than was that of king Porsenna or of Dedalus: yea, he shall hardly have a good countenance of his wife at any time, except she dissemble the matter, that she may the better be revenged of him, either by rendering like for like, thinking that she hath just occasion to break her faith made to her husband, seeing he hath broken his to her, or else by some other mean upon his person. Of this suspicion which the wife hath of her husband's incontinency, or the husband of the wives, is bred a great passion, or to speak better, What jealousy is. fury and rage, which we call jealousy. Chrysippus calleth it a disease of the mind, proceeding from a fear which a man hath, that that thing is communicated to another, which he would not have common but private to himself. Or otherwise we may say, that jealousy is bred of that love, which will not suffer a partner in the thing beloved. Some writ (saith Plutarch) that Cats are troubled with the smell of perfumes and sweet savours, in so much that they wax mad withal. Likewise if it should so fall out that a woman should be offended and have her brain troubled with the perfumes of her husband, he were of a very strange nature if he would not abstain from it, but for the enjoying of a little pleasure would suffer her to fall into so great an inconvenience. Now seeing it is so that such accidents come upon them, not when their husbands are perfumed, but when they give over themselves to the Whoredom is great injustice. love of harlots, it is great injustice in them to grieve, offend and trouble their wives in such heinous sort. At least wise they should behave themselves as they do that draw near to Bees, who abstain from touching even their own wives. For it is reported of Bees, that they hate and make war more against them than against others, because they have such false hearts, as to lie near their wives, being defiled and polluted with the company of any other women. The wild boar (saith one of the Poets) pursued of dogs, the lioness bitten with hunger, the tiger rob of her young ones, or the Viper whose tail is troad upon, are not more terrible than a woman that is offended: but nothing will sooner cast her into a frenzy & fury, than jealousy. Ariadna buried alive Zenon Isauricus the Emperor, that she The cruel revenge of Ariadna. might be revenged on him. He that taketh to himself those pleasures which he forbiddeth his wife, doth as much as if he commanded her to fight against enemies, to whom he had already yielded himself. And if vice, whoredom, curiosity, superfluity, choler and other imperfections reign among men, how should they drive them away from women? So a husband must correct himself first, and after use learned instructions towards his wife. Let him (as Bees do) gather together and carry to his wife, so much of his studies as may serve for her profit. For seeing Women are capable of philosophy. women (as Plato saith) have a soul as well as we, and as quick a spirit, yea oftentimes a more excellent spirit than we, we must not think them uncapable of the goodly reasons of philosophy, wherein many of them have gone beyond many Philosophers. Knowledge and skill will keep a woman from other unmeet exercises, and being ravished with her husband's brave discourses, she will contemn the loss of time in unprofitable matters. She will never fall into that danger which oftentimes befalleth women, who conceive and bring forth by themselves strange counsels, and extravagant passions, when they receive not from elsewhere the seeds of good speeches, and when their husbands impart not unto them any sound doctrine. The same (as fables feign) prevailed more than the Northern wind. For the more the wind laboured to get away a man's gown, and to that end blew more violently, the harder did he gird up and restrain A tale of the sun and the wind. his garment. But when the sun waxed hot after the wind, the man feeling himself heated, cast off his gown, and afterward burning with heat, he put off his coat and all. So if husbands go about to order their wives with their bare authority and by force, they will strive against it, and be offended: but contrarywife, being Women must be led more by reason and gentleness, than by force. admonished with reason they yield of themselves and take it patiently. The fools of this world commonly gird and mock that man, who peradventure seemeth to be led a little too much by his lawful wife & loyal spouse, using more gentleness and courtesy towards her, than rigour and commanding: and yet you shall see themselves so strangely bewitched by some strumpet, that they fear not to hazard their life and honour in her service. But it beseemeth a man a great deal better to be well liking, gentle and acceptable to an honest and virtuous wife, than to abase himself to a common harlot. And those men deceive themselves, who, having married rich wives and of noble houses, study not to make them more honest The best way to bring an unruly wife into good order is to make her more honest. and better qualified, but to pull them down, persuading themselves that they will come to better order when they have abased & brought them low. Whereas every one ought to maintain the dignity of his wife as he would do the just height of a horse, and be skilful both in the one and the other to use the bridle well as it becomemeth him. Besides, a husband is not to rule his wife as a lord or master doth his slave, but as the soul doth a wise man's body, through a mutual love and joint affection, whereby he is bound unto her. And as the soul may well be careful over the body, although it become not a slave to the pleasures & inordinate affections thereof: so a wise husband will behave himself by pleasing and gratifying his wife in honest things, and by showing that he loveth honour and virtue above all things. This will be a mean to make her as wise, virtuous and honest, as otherwise: if himself be given to voluptuousness, he shall cause her to like of courtesans conditions, and to become slippery and lascivious. No man (saith Cleobulus) ought to chide or to No man must chide or fawn upon his wife before others. fawn upon his wife before others: for the one is the point of a fool, the other of a mad man. Socrates practised one of these points very well, when Xantippa his wife reviling and chiding him, in the end being carried headlong with wrath, overthrew table and all. Whereupon Euthydemus whom he had brought home to sup with him, rose up to departed. But Socrates not showing himself greatly Socrates' patience in sustaining the infirmities of his wife. moved or angry with his wife, stayed him, and said: What? do you not remember my friend, that as we were at dinner with you the other day, a hen leapt upon the table and did as much to us, and yet we were not angry therefore? Solon ordained that the husband should go see his wife thrice a month at the least, not for pleasure, but to yield unto her, as it were by obligation, the pledges and gauges of friendship through honour, grace and loyalty, which ought to increase daily. And as cities at sundry times renew these alliaunces, which they have one with another: so this lawmaker would have the alliance of marriage, that I may so speak, renewed by the speeches Husband's must be careful in looking to their families. used at such greetings and visitations. We see daily what miseries and offences light upon houses, when the head of the family hath no care to rule and guide it: whereupon also the women think that they are despised and smally beloved. And in truth they have occasion given them so to think, when their husbands seldom keep them company. The pilot that giveth over his ship to the mercy of the waves, declareth evidently that he careth not for losing that which is in it. A wife without her husband is exposed to many ambushes and assaults that are hardly sustained. Women married their servants in the absence of their husbands. To this purpose I remember a notable history written in the chronicles of Russia, namely, that the inhabitants of Novogradum, which at this day is the chief & principal seat of that country, being gone into Graecia to besiege the town of Corsun, where they continued for the space of seven years, their wives in the mean while wearied with their long abode there, married their servants. The husbands afterward returning conquerors, found their slaves in the field, who gave them battle, and had the better of them. Nevertheless in the end the slaves were vanquished, and the most part of the women moved with indignation for that overthrow, hung themselves. Now as touching that other point mentioned by that Men must not dally with their wives in the presence of others. wise man Cleobulus, namely, that a man must not dally with his wife in the presence of others, Cato deprived a Senator of Rome from the Senatoriall dignity, because he kissed his wife in his daughter's presence. This was somewhat too extreme. But howsoever it be, as Plato admonisheth men grown in years to show themselves shamefast before the younger sort, to the end that they also should learn to behave themselves reverently and warily, so surely this precept is especially to be kept between man and wife, that they may be an example of honour and chastity unto all. What household affairs are to be divided between the man and the wife. Likewise the man must divide the offices and affairs of the house with his wife, giving her authority over all things in his absence: and in his presence also over household matters, & such things as are more proper & agreeable to that sex: causing her to be feared, reverenced, and obeyed of the children, manservants and maidservants, as himself. But as if one take two sounds that agree well, the base is always more heard: so in a well ruled and ordered house, all things are done by the consent of both parties, but yet so, that it is always apparent, that things are done by the direction, counsel, and invention of the husband. For a family will suffer but one head, one master There must be but one head in a family. & one lord: otherwise if there were many heads, the commandments would be contrary, and the family in continual trouble. Now the foundation of all duties here mentioned by us of the husband towards the wife, and of all others which daily communication may require, is that true and unfeigned love that ought to be the unseparable bond of every good marriage. We have handled Love the band of marriage. heretofore the great effects of friendship: which if they be required among common friends, no doubt but they are much more between those, whom God, nature, the laws, and love, have so straightly joined together. Also let husbands know, that they ought to reverence their wines more than any other person: and perceiving them to be wise and virtuous, (as they may make them if they be not altogether forlorn and corrupted) let them never seem a hu band must not distrust his wife. to distrust them in any respect. The Romans when they returned from a voyage, or from a far country, or only out of the country into the city, if their wives were at home, they sent word before to give them intelligence of their coming, to the end they should not conceive this opinion, that they meant to deal craftily or maliciously with them. Forasmuch therefore as love and friendship is the fountain of every good duty of the husband towards his wife, and that which as it were stealeth away, and maketh the will of his half-partner to be wholly his own, let us consider for the conclusion of our speech, of some notable Examples of the love of husbands towards their wives. examples of great love in the behalf of men, to the end we may be drawn on to love and to honour them that are in the same place towards us that the church is towards God: which he so loved, that he sent his only son T. Gracchus. to die for the redemption thereof. Tiberius Gracchus, a noble man of Rome, finding two serpents in the chamber wherein he slept, inquired for the meaning thereof by soothsaying, whereunto he gave absolute credit. Answer was made him, that if he slew the male first, he should die before his wife, but if the female, his wife before him. As soon as he understood thereof he slew the male, and within a little while after he died. Whereupon Historiographers doubt whether his wife Cornelia were more happy in finding a husband that loved her so well, than miserable in losing him. Baptista Fregosa maketh mention of a Neapolitan, The great love of a Neapolitan towards his wife. whose wife being taken on the sea coast by the moors, he presently cast himself after her into the sea, and following their foist besought them to take him also. Which they did, so that both of them were brought before the king of Thunis to whom the vessail belonged: who hearing the discourse of the fact, and being moved with compassion over such perfect friendship, delivered them both. Orpheus. Orpheus (as the Poets writ) loved his wife so entirely, that she dying on the wedding day, he kept his love inviolable and would never set it upon any other. Ninus king of the Assyrians, falling in love with Semiramis the wife of Menon a vassal of his, besought him to let him have her to wife, in recompense whereof he offered him his daughter in marriage. Menon. But Menon bore such great love towards her, that he would not yield thereunto. Whereupon the king being moved with wrath, and threatening to pluck out his eyes and to take her away by force, as he did in deed, Menon for Periander. very grief & sorrow hung himself. Periander king of Corinth loved his wife so tenderly, that after she was dead, he caused her to be laid by him certain days. Marcus Lepidus M. Lepidus. being driven into banishment, heard that his wife was married to another, whereupon he died for sorrow. When P. Numidius. word was brought to Plautius Numidius a Roman Senator, that his wife, whom he loved as himself, was dead: he Sylanus. thrust himself into the bosom with a dagger, whereof he died. Sylanus a Roman slew himself after his wife, whom he singularly loved, was taken from him, and given to Nero the Emperor. Dominicus Catalusius prince of Lesbos Dominicus Catahusius. loved his wife so well, that although she grew very leprous, yet he never deprived her therefore of his board or bed. We read of a great lord of Spain, called Roderigo Sarmiento, Roderigo Sarmiento. that through grief which he received for the loss of his wife, he slept for a years space in his clothes, did never eat upon a table cloth, nor sat him down in any chair, but afflicted himself diversly. Therefore let us learn by our present discourse to love our wives perfectly, yielding due benevolence unto them and behaving ourselves discretely towards them, without offending them, or going beyond the bounds of our duty. And as nature mingleth us together by our bodies, to the end that taking part of the one and part of the other, and putting All things must be common between the husband and the wife. all together, she may make that which cometh thereof common to both, and that in such sort, that neither party can discern or distinguish that which is proper to itself from that which belongeth to the other: so let us have all things common together, even our will, affection and authority. Nevertheless this must be done in such sort, that as in one cup, although there be as much or more water than wine, yet we call it wine, so in the authority of the wife the husband's name must be written, as he that directeth the same. But in the mean while let these words Mine and Thine be banished far from them, unless it be in this respect, that, according to the opinion of the physicians, as blows given on the left side are felt on the right, so the wife must through compassion feel the harms of her husband, and the husband much more those of his wife: to the end that as knots have their strength by interlacing the ends one within another, so the society of marriage is preserved and strengthened when both parties afford a mutual affection of good will, being assured, that both together shall be made heirs of grace and life. Of the duty of a Wife towards her Husband. Chap. 48. AMANA. NAture having honoured woman with a The natural gifts of women. gracious alluring of the eyes, with a sweet speech, with a beautiful countenance and modest behaviour, hath given her great means to win the good liking and love of her husband, if she be honest and shamefast: as likewise she may easily deceive man by offering him pleasure, if she be wickedly minded. This did Olympias wife to king Philip, know full well, when she took the Thessalonian woman by the hand whom her husband loved so well, and by whom (as they said) he was charmed and bewitched. But the Queen seeing her so fair, and of so good a grace, and as her speech declared, a woman of a good house and well brought up: Away (quoth she) with all slander, for I see well that your charms are in yourself. And let us not think that the power of a lawful wedded wife is less, if, by taking all things unto her, her wealth, her nobility, her charms, and the whole web of Venus, she study by meekness, good behaviour and virtue to obtain her husband's love. Go to then, let us see if we can give the wife some instructions touching this matter how she may keep herself within the limits of her duty towards her husband. ARAM. Eph. 5. 23. 24. wives must be subject to their husbands. As the Church is in subjection to Christ, even so (saith the Scripture) let the wives be to their husbands in every thing. For the husband is the wives head, even as Christ is the head of the Church. ACHITOB. wives must be modest, wise, chaste, keepers at home, lovers of their husbands, and subject unto them. But it belongeth to thee ASER to be now unto them in stead of a schoolmaster. ASER. When kings and princes honour Philosophers and learned men, it is certain that they honour themselves: but philosophers that court it, and become servants to riches, are not thereby honoured. We may say as much of wives. For when they submit themselves to their husbands, It is an honour to a woman to obey her husband they are praised: but if they will become mistresses over them, it beseemeth them as ill, as it doth such as yield to that subjection: and both of them reap more shame than honour thereby. Therefore those women that make choice of effeminate husbands, & delight in commanding them, are like to such as had rather guide the blind, than follow the wise and clear-sighted. So that if a wife love, esteem, and honour her husband, I think that all honest duty will flow from thence, to their common contentation & comfort, & to the benefit, quietness, and honour of the whole family: I mean, if she love him as herself, and esteem and honour him, as her nearest lord. A wise woman ought to think that her husband's manners are the laws of her life, which (if they be good) she is wholly to follow: but if they be bad, she must patiently bear with them. For as a looking glass serveth to no purpose, although it be gilded and A wife compared to a looking glass. decked with precious stones, if it doth not lively represent his face that looketh into it: so a woman is not to be liked albeit she have store of goods, if her life be not thereafter, and her behaviour & conditions be not conformable to her husbands. If a looking glass represent a sad and mourning countenance to one that is joyful and merry, or contrariwise a smiling face to him that is sorrowful, it is a false glass and worth nothing. So is she a bad wife and unreasonable, which frowneth when her husband is desirous to be merry with her, & to take some honest recreation: or contrariwise, which laugheth and sporteth herself when she seethe him full of business and greatly troubled. For the one is a token of her froward disposition: & the other, that she despiseth the affections of her husband. And as lines and superficial parts, as the Geometricians say, move Notable similitudes. not of themselves, but as the bodies move wherein they are: so a wife must have no proper and peculiar passion or affection to herself, but must be partaker of the pastimes, affairs, thoughts & laughters of her husband. The farther the moon is from the Sun, the clearer it is, and shineth so much the more: and contrariwise, it hath less light, & is Evil wives resembled to the moon. obscuved the more, as it cometh nearer thereunto: so evil women deal with their husbands when they love not their presence. For in their absence you shall see them as jocund and frolic as may be, but when they are with their husbands and at home, then are they sorrowful & pensive. Moreover, a wife must not trust too much either to her wealth, or to the nobility of her race, or to her beauty, but to that which setteth nearest her husband's heart, that is, to her behaviour, manners and conversation, taking order that An overthwarting wife maketh herself odious. these things be not hard, troublesome, or irksome to her husband every day, but such as please him and agree with his conditions. For the troublesome conversation of a wife that always jarreth, in the end maketh even her honest behaviour odious, as her overgreat pinching & niggardliness causeth her sparing & good huswiferie to become hateful. As this custom was observed amongst the Persians, that when their enemies came rushing upon them with great clamours, they received them with silence, & contrariwise, if they were set upon with silence, they made head against How a wife must deal with her choleric husband. them with open mouth: so discreet women hold their peace when their husbands cry out with choler, & contrariwise if they utter not a word, they labour to appease and pacify them with their comfortable speeches. A wise woman that loveth her husband as becometh her, sometime tolerateth & dissembleth an evil entreaty, trusting so much to her constancy & virtue, that by continuing in her duty she is able to bring him back again to his. She must govern herself A woman must not disclose her husband's imperfections to any body. so discreetly, that neither her neighbours, nor other of her familiar friends be made acquainted in any sort with her complaints & grievances. For by discovering them, either she shall make herself a laughing stock to others, or else give occasion to the enemies of her honour, to provoke & solicit her to naughtiness. And if any one knowing the imperfections of her husband, under this pretence of seeing her hardly dealt withal, persuade her to decline from her duty, she must answer him after the example of king Philip, who being wronged by the Grecians entreated them courteously, what then would my husband do unto me, if I begin to hate him, & to offer him injury? If she perceive that any woman of her acquaintance laboureth by her talk either to sow or to increase some domestical dissension, she may wisely say with herself: In what case would this woman that seeketh to make me jealous, desire rather to see me, than maliciously to play the ill housewife with my husband, & to forsake my house & marriage bed, whereupon it may be she would gladly take my place? Thus a discreet woman will give small ear, & much less give place to the light speeches & feigned promises of such disturbers of domestical peace. Neither will she admit & nourish those vain & sottish opinions, which commonly busy the minds of such women as are ruled & governed only by passions, but containing her desires through reason within a convenient compass, the confidence which she hath in her husband's virtue will breed perfect ease to her soul, by taking from her all doubting & occasion of complaining. Now upon this discourse we give this note by the way, that when any Married couples must not make two beds for any jar between them. displeasure falleth out between married folks, they must have a special regard then that they make not two beds. For by this mean their anger will indune the lesser while. Also they must shun all occasions of quarreling in bed. For as a great bellied woman ready to lie down, & even feeling the pangs of her travel, said to those that willed her to lie down upon the bed, How can the bed cure me of this evil which When is the best time and place to pacify strife between man and wife. came unto me upon the bed: so those quarrels, injuries, wrath, & choler that are bred within the bed, can hardly be appeased & healed at any other time or place. But to continued our matter of the duty of a wife, she must never suffer any to enter into her husband's house without his express commandment or licence. For every honest wife ought to fear that which is commonly spoken of the looseness of women, & labour as much as may be to convince those slanderers of lying, who know no other song than to speak of their incontinency. A woman must be free from all suspicion of incontinency. Caesar said, That a woman must not only be free from that fault, but also from all suspicion thereof, which was the cause why he put away his own wife. And seeing it is the duty of an honest woman She must not love to gad abroad or to be seen. to take upon her the care & overfight of household affairs, she must keep at home, and not love to gad abroad, or be desirous of meetings, but so far forth as her husband would have her do so. The greatest virtue of a woman (said Euboïdes) is not to be known but of her husband: and her She must be modest in her attire. praise (said Argeus) in a strange mouth is nothing else but a secret blame. A wife ought to be modest in her garments and ornaments of her body, and not use such sumptuous apparel as the law or custom of the country permitteth: The true ornaments of a woman. because neither rich works of gold, nor precious attire, nor bodily beauty make not a woman so praisewoorthy as her modesty doth, which consisteth in deeds, words, countenance & apparel. That is an ornament (said the Philosopher Crates) that adorneth, & that thing adorneth a woman, which marketh her more honourable. And this is not done by jewels of gold, emeralds, precious stones, or purple garments, but by every thing that causeth her to be accounted honest, wise, humble & chaste. Those women that curiously prick up themselves, & enrich their bodies with ornaments full of pomp, make men more dissolute & inclined to looseness, especially when they make great window-works before their dugs, & give licence to their eyes to wander & gaze about. Whereas contrariwise a wise woman through her honest behaviour, together with her lowly & settled look, leadeth so many as cast their eyes upon her to continency and chastity. But a discovered dug, a naked Certain tokens of an adulterous heart. breast, frizzled locks, paintings, perfumes, & especially a rolling eye, & a lascivious & unchaste look, are the forerunners of adultery. He that will not credit me, let him read Tibullus, Propertius, & Ovid, who are of the same opinion. It may well be said of such women, whose number is too great Shamefastness is the best dowry of a woman. amongst us, that they have lost all shame: albeit the best dowry, the best inheritance and most precious jewel which a woman can have, is to be shamefast. Yea the fortress and defence that nature hath given to a woman for the preservation of her reputation, chastity, and honour, is shame, whereof whensoever she maketh no account, she is undone for ever. Socrates' used to counsel those young men that beheld themselves in looking glasses, if they were hard favoured to correct their deformity with virtue, by making themselves virtuous: and if they were fair, not to blot their beauty with vice. In like manner it were very good, that when the married wife holdeth her looking glass in her hand, she An excellent use of looking glasses. would speak thus to herself if she be foul: what then should become of me if I were also wicked? And if she be fair, how shall this be accounted of, if I continue honest and wise? For if a hard favoured woman be loved for her good behaviour and honest conditions, it is greater honour unto her than if it were for beauty. Moreover a woman must have a special care to be silent, and to speak A woman must be silent and secret. as seldom as she may, unless it be to her husband, or at his bidding: reserving household wants and affairs secret to herself, and not publish them abroad. Thus doing, if any evil, any reproach or dishonour come to the house through any of them that are within it, the fault will be her husbands and not hers. Likewise a woman that respecteth her honour, aught to be ashamed to utter any A woman must avoid filthy speeches and jests. dishonest speeches, flouts & jests, and no less ashamed to give ear unto them. For if she once give herself to gibing, they that laughed at some little word of hers, will afterward mock the author thereof: seeing the honour of women is such a nice & chary thing, that it is not lawful for them so much as to think, much less to speak of many things, which men may freely both talk of & put in practice. Therefore those dames that mind to preserve their gravity, must be silent not only in unlawful, but even in necessary matters, unless it be very requisite that they should speak of them. To be short, that woman that is borne to virtue, and purposeth A short sum of the ductie of a wife. to perform her duty towards her husband, must please him in all honest things, and in such as draw nearest to his inclination, she must love him entirely, and esteem of him above all others, she must be patiented and know how to wink at, and to bear with many things done by him, she must be prudent to govern her house, skilful in huswifrie to preserve her goods, careful to bring up her children, fair-spoken and courteous to her neighbours, plentiful in honourable works, a friend to honest company, A woman must be desirous of knowledge. and a very great enemy to the lightness of youth. Moreover she must bestow as much time as she can steal from domestical affairs, in the study of notable sayings, and of the moral sentences of ancient Sages and good men. And it were a seemly and honourable thing to hear a woman speak to her husband in this sort: Husband, you are my teacher, my governor and master in philosophy, and in the knowledge of most excellent and heavenly sciences. For by such honest occupations, women are withdrawn and turned aside from other unworthy exercises, Exercises unseemly for women. whereunto we see them so apt and inclined now a days, which maketh them very offensive, as plays, dancing, masking, hunting, and discharging of harquebuses, with such other dealings very unmeet for their sex. Whereas if in am of all these things a wife would embrace the love of knowledge, so far forth as her wit and leisure require, & as her husband shall like of, she should be partaker not only of the flowers and songs, but also of the fruits, which the Muses bring forth and bestow upon them that love letters and philosophy: which will greatly help her towards the leading of a happy life with her husband. Now considering that love is always the wellspring of every good duty, especially between those that are linked together What great love the law of nations requireth in a wife towards her husband. by marriage, (which ought to be so great in regard of the wife, that the civil law and law of nations, will have a woman follow her husband, although he have neither fire nor place to resort unto, or be banished and driven from place to place) let us here call to remembrance some notable examples of the great love that hath been in virtuous women towards their husbands, as well when they Examples of the great love of women towards their husbands. Hipsicrates. were alive, as after their death, by refusing to overlive them. Queen Hipsicrates the wife of king Mithridates cometh first to mind, who bore such love towards her husband, that polling herself for his sake (although she was young and very fair) she acquainted herself with the wearing of armour, and road with him to the war. And when he was overcome by Pompey, she accompanied him in his flight through all Asia, whereby she mollified the grief and sorrow which he received by his loss. Triara, wife to Triara. Lucius Vitellus brother to the Emperor Vitellus, seeing her husband in a dangerous battle, thrust herself amongst the soldiers to bear him company, and to help him both in death and life, and fought as well as the valiantest amongst them. When king Admetus his wife saw her husband very sick, and heard the answer of the oracle, which was, That he could not recover except one of his best friends died for him, she slew herself. When the wife of Ferdinando Gonçales a prince of Italy, knew The wife of Ferdinando Goncales. that her husband was prisoner, and in danger of death, she went to visit him, and putting on his apparel, abode in his place, whilst he being clothed in her garments saved himself. Zenobia Queen of Armenia, Zenobia. seeing her husband Radamisus fly from a battle, and not being able to follow him because she was great with child, besought him to kill her. Which when he thought to have done, she was stricken down with the blow of a sword: but being taken of the enemy and thoroughly healed, Tyridates the king, who had vanquished her husband, married her afterward for the great love that was in her. The Princess Panthea loved her husband Panthea. Abradatus so well, that when he died in Cyrus' camp, she slew herself upon his body. Artemisia Queen of Artemisia. Caria, for the great love she bore to her husband that was dead, drank all the ashes of his body, meaning thereby to be his sepulchre. When Julia the wife of Pompey julia. saw a gown of her husbands all bloody wherewith he had offered some sacrifice, she imagined that he was slain, and so died presently after. When Porcia the wife Porcia. of Brutus heard of her husbands death, and perceived that her kinsfolks took away all means of killing herself, she drew hot burning coals out of the fire, and threw them into her mouth, which she closed so fast, that she was choked thereby. Sulpitia being carefully restrained Sulpitia. by her mother Julia from seeking her husband Lentulus in Sicilia, whither he was banished, she went thither being appareled like a slave, banishing herself voluntarily rather than she would forsake her husband. Octavia. Octavia sister to Augustus, and wife to Antonius, notwithstanding the injury that her husband offered unto her in preferring before her a Queen that was nothing so young or fair as she, bore such great love towards him, that setting aside all entreaty of her brother, she would never leave her husband's house, but still brought up his children by his first marriage as carefully as if they had been her own. Moreover she sought by all means to reconcile those two emperors, saying, that it was an unworthy thing, that two so mighty princes, the one for the evil entreaty of his sister, the other because he was bewitched by a wicked woman, should war one against another. As this virtuous princes had taken her journey as far as Athens, where she meant to take shipping, & to seek out her husband being then in war with the Parthians, bringing with her soldiers, money, furniture, & other munitions, he sent her word that she should pass no farther, but stay for him at Rome. This she performed, and sent him all the above named things, not seeming at all to be offended with him. Whereas he in the mean while scorned her, sporting himself with Cleopatra in the sight and knowledge of all men, and afterward dealt worse with her when the war was begun between him and Augustus. For he sent a commandment to Octavia at Rome to go out of his house, which she presently obeyed, albeit she would not therefore forsake any of her husband's children, but wept and bewailed her mishap which had brought her to be a principal cause of that Aria. civil war. Aria, the wife of Cecinna, followed in a little boat unto Rome her husband, who was taken prisoner because he had borne arms against the Emperor Claudius. Being there condemned to die, she would have borne him company, but that her son in law and her daughter stayed her. When she saw that, she struck her head so hard against the wall, that she fell down amazed: and being come to herself again, said unto them: You see that you can not hinder me from dying cruelly, if ye stay me from a more gentle death. They being astonished at the fact, and at her words, suffered her to do what she would: who then ran to the place where her husband was, and slew herself first, after she had spoken thus courageously unto him. I am not, Cecinna, sorry for that which is done, but because the race of thy life must end. When Seneca was condemned to die by Nero, The manner of Seneca his death. Paulina. and had liberty to choose what kind of death he would, he caused his veins to be opened in a bath. His wife Paulina of her own accord did the like to herself in the same bath, mingling together their blood for a greater union and coronation of their long and perfect love. Whereof Nero being advertised, presently commanded that her veins should be stopped, constraining her thereby to live a little longer in continual grief. Hipparchia, a very fair Hipparchia. & rich woman, was so far in love with the Philosopher Crates, who was hard-favoured and poor, that she married him against all her kinsfolks mind, and followed him throughout all the country, being poorly appareled & barefoot, after the cynic fashion. Pisca seeing her husband Pisca. pine away daily through a great and strange disease, which he had concealed from her of long time, having at the length knowledge thereof, and perceiving it to be incurable, she was moved with pity for the evil which he suffered, whom she loved better than herself: and thereupon counseled him with great courage to assuage his grief by death, and the better to stir him up thereunto, she offered to bear him company. Whereunto her husband agreeing, they embraced each other, and cast themselves headlong into the sea from the top of a rock. The king of Persia taking prisoner the wife of Pandoërus, whom Pandoërus' wife. he had vanquished and slain, would have married her. But she slew herself after she had uttered these words: God forbidden, that to be a Queen, I should ever wed him that hath been the murderer of my dear husband Pandoërus. Camma, a Greekish woman, of the country of Galatia, Camma. bore such love to her husband, even after his death, that to be revenged of a great Lord called Synorix, who had put her husband to death, that he might marry her, she gently denied him at the first when he became a suitor unto her, but after, in process of time, she consented thereunto. When they were come to the Temple of Diana to solemnize the marriage, before the altar she powered forth a little of that drink, which she had prepared in a cup, and drinking part thereof, she gave the residue to Synorix to drink. The liquor was made of water, honey, and poison, mingled together. When she saw that he had drunk all, she fetched a great and loud groan, and using reverence towards the goddess, said unto her: I call thee to witness, that I have not overlived Sinatus my husband, for any other intent than to see this day: neither have I enjoyed any good or pleasure in all this time, wherein I have since lived, but only in hope, that one day I should be able to revenge his death, which being now performed by me, I go cheerfully and with joy unto my husband. But as for thee most wicked man (quoth she to Synorix) take order now, that thy friends and kinsfolks, in steed of a wedding bed, prepare a burial for thee. And so within a little while after, both of them ended their Macrina. days. Macrina, the wife of Torquatus, loved her husband so fervently, and was so sorrowful for his absence, that for one years space, wherein he was gone upon a voyage, she never went out of her house, nor looked out of her window. We read that many women of Lacedemonia, when their husbands were condemned to die for conspiring against their country, came one evening clothed in black to the prison, under colour to take their final farewell of them: and changing their apparel, they covered their husbands with their veils, who went out and left their wives in their place, which sustaining the punishment due to others, were beheaded, contrary to humanity, not without great patience showed on their behalf. Histories are plentiful in showing the great love of women towards their husbands. Yea, I will not be afraid Men are inferior to women in perfecton of love. to speak it, men are far inferior unto them in perfection of love. Wherefore we will conclude that it is easier for them to be dutiful to their husbands, whom, as we have already said, if they love, esteem, and honour, no doubt but they are the chief cause of all peace and concord in their families, and of the prosperous success of their household affairs, to the quietness and contentation of their happy life, and to the immortal praise and honour of their good name. The end of the twelfth dates work. THE THIRTEENTH days work. Of the duty of the Head of a family in other parts of the house, namely, in the parental, Maisterlie, and possessory part. Chap. 49. ASER. IT is not without great show of reason which many Philosophers maintain, that The definition of economy and of policy. the economical science, that is to say, the art of ruling a house well, is one of the chiefest parts of policy, which is the art of skilful governing a great multitude of men. The reason is, because a town or city is nothing else but an assembly of many families and houses together, which will be very hard for one only man to order well and justly, if he know not how to set that order in his family, which is necessary, and to guide it with sound reason and true prudence. Moreover, when families are well governed, no doubt but it goeth well with the commonwealth, as we see, that the whole body is in good health, when every several member doth his duty. Now that we have considered particularly of that which concerneth the first and principal part of a house, and of the mutual duty of the husband and wife, I think (my Companions) we are to begin this days work with instructing ourselves in that which the head of a family ought to keep and observe in other parts of his house, mentioned before by us, namely, Every head of a family must provide for his household. 1. Tim. 5. 8. his children, servants, and possessions, seeing we are taught by the Apostle, that he which provideth not for his own, and namely for them of his household, denieth the faith, and is worse than an infidel. AMANA. Every house must be ruled by the eldest, as by a king, who by nature commandeth over every part of the house, and they obey him for the good preservation thereof. ARAM. Every man by right (saith Homer) hath rule over his wife and children, and he is not worthy to have any, that wanteth sufficient virtue and prudence to govern them well. Go to then (ACHITOB) let us learn of thee what belongeth to the parts of a house now mentioned by us. ACHITOB. Anacharsis, one of the wise men of Grecia, said, that a house is not to be called good, because it is well built, and of good stuff, but men must judge thereof by that which is within, & which belongeth to the house, What maketh a house to be called good. as namely, by the children, wife, & servants: with whom, being wise and well qualified, if the father of a family communicateth, and imparteth of that which he hath, whether it be in the bottom of a cave, or under the shade of a bough, he may be said to dwell in a good and happy house. Therefore it is no small happiness and felicity for them that are called to the government of a family, when they see it wise and well nurtured in every part. But as nerves and sinews, being the instruments of sense and motion, proceed and are derived from the head, which by them infuseth into all parts of the body, the Animal spirit, without which the body could not exercise any natural function of sense and moving: so the parts of a house commonly receive the habit of manners and conditions All good order in a house proceedeth from the head of the family. from the father of a family, as from the head thereof: but then especially, when he is prudent and wise, and employeth his care, diligence, and industry thereupon. Therefore a good householder must begin the right government Where a householder must begin to rule his house well. of his house at himself, by letting his household see, that he is prudent, chaste, sober, peaceable, but chief religious and godly: as also by bringing forth plentiful fruits of his duty towards those that are under his charge. For as the anger and threatenings of the head of a family astonisheth his children and servants, so his good works harteneth them on to do well. Now, because there is variety of houses, whose difference is commonly taken from the goods and ability of men, which abound to some, and are wanting to others, I will propound here, as my purpose and meaning was before, a mean house, in all points perfect, and as we use to say, neither poor nor rich, from which notwithstanding both great and small may draw instruction for their government. We have already seen, that a house is divided into four parts, whereof the conjugal or wedlock part hath been already handled by us. Now we must consider of the other three, I mean of the parental, Maisterlie, and possessory parts. And I think it will be best to follow that order which is most usual in the perfection and progress of The progress of a family before it come to perfection. marriage, and in the accomplishment of a house, which, both before and after the consummation of marriage, is first compounded of the goods and wealth of men: next of manservants and maidservants: and lastly, it is made absolute and perfect by those children which God sendeth. The possessory part than is that which we call movable goods, immooveables, and such goods as What a householder must first look unto. move of themselves. This part of a house (as Aristotle saith) belongeth so to economy, that it should go before it, and serve it, to the end that victuals, and other necessary goods, might not be wanting in the house: wherein otherwise (saith the same Philosopher) a man can not live, much less live well. For as in arts that have their limits determined, it is necessary that convenient and proper instruments be had to finish their work: so must it Goods are instruments tending to the maintenance of life. be in economy, in which goods are instruments serving to maintain life: and to possess goods, is nothing else but to have a multitude of instruments serving that Two sorts of goods. action wherein life consisteth. We may divide all these goods into two principal kinds: namely, into those that come from the father to the son by succession, which we call patrimony, and those that are gotten by industry and labour. It is the duty of the father of a family to preserve that for his, which his predecessors left him, to have What interest a father of a family hath in his goods. the use thereof only as they had, and to use them well, as a faithful guardian and disposer of those goods which God giveth for the succour & profit of his creatures. Yea, from that day wherein he taketh a wife, & much more when he hath children, he must think that he is no more Lord of his goods, but only a Tutor: & that if they should be wasted or lost through his negligence, he were no less faulty than he that should steal them. Secondly, he must increase his patrimony by travel, care, & good husbandry: he must get goods for his family, by just & civil means, observing decency and honesty in all things. After the first functions of a holy & christian duty, which are to go before, & to be joined inseparably to all the actions of life, Two sorts of getting goods. as elsewhere we have handled, & shall see more hereafter: we find two sorts of getting, the one natural, the other artificial. The natural way consisteth in pasturing, or feeding of cattle, in tillage, in hunting & fishing, unto which we may say, that an honest pray and booty, agreeable to nature, is joined, if it be practised in just and lawful wars. Hereunto also is referred the vent and sale of his increase, that those things which are sold, and whereof we have abundance, may procure us from elsewhere such other things as we want. The artificial kind of getting, consisteth in works, arts, handicrafts, traffic, and merchandise, The end of arts, sciences, and traffic. exercised for gain. The end of which kind of getting aught to be aswell public profit as private: Therefore whatsoever is grounded upon domestical profit only in this second sort of acquisition, is to be avoided and misliked. For whereas it was first brought in of necessity to help men to live, this were craftily to turn it to another end, and to apply it only to one private man's gain, not without the oppressing and detriment of our neighbour, for whose benefit a man must labour no less than for his own. Amongst filthy gains, usury Biting usury a detestable gain. is most to be misliked and most detestable, which the Hebrews call biting, and which doth not only gnaw the debtor to the bones, but also sucketh out all the blood and marrow from the bones, engendering money of money, contrary to nature, and to that intent for which money was first brought in: namely, that exchange might Why money was first invented and used. be made of such things as are uneasy to be transported, and that the commodity of traffic might be continued for public profit. Now a days there is no trade so common, as that of usury: although it be altogether reproved by the laws of God & men. And surely we have a goodly cloak to cover the shame thereof, I mean the name of * The question of interest hath weighty reasons on both sides. interest, or profit of money, when as it hath been always unpleasant in the sight of God, who forbiddeth all kind of usury whatsoever it be, and therefore it ought not to have any place amongst men that live uprightly. There was a law amongst the ancient An ancient law against usury. Grecians and Romans, which forbade all usury surmounting one penny for a hundred by the year, and they called it Vnciarie usury. If any usurer took greater profit, he was condemned to restore fourfold: because (as Cato saith) they judged, that a usurer was a more wicked and vile man than a thief, who was condemned but in double as much. Again, this law was since that brought to a halfpenny a year among the Romans, and not long after, usury was The law Genutia forbade all usury. clean taken away by the law Genutia, because of usual seditions which arose through the contempt of laws concerning usury. Whereupon, we may note, that what moderation soever is appointed in usury, if men be suffered to take never so little, they will ascend to the highest degree of all. Therefore we must conform Exod. 22. 25. Deut. 23. 19 ourselves to the law of God, which taketh away all liberty herein so plainly from us, that it cannot be called into question. Concerning arts exercised for gain, although there are some of them very vile and contemptible, yet those also after a sort respect public profit. But those arts wherein there is more prudence, or no small commodity, as physic, Architecture, and other points of knowledge in liberal arts and sciences, are honest and seemly for them that exercise them according to their estate. Now in all these divers sorts of getting, and in many The praise of husbandry. others about which men are but too diligent, husbandry is very commendable, yea, nothing is more fruitful, nothing more pleasant, nothing more worthy and beseeming a free man, and nothing more agreeable to nature. We will note therefore touching this part of a house, called Possessorie, that it belongeth to the duty of the father of a family to attend diligently to his house, carefully to provide for his family whatsoever is needful & necessary for it, and to preserve for the same that which is already gotten, only by well using the possession thereof. What good husbandry is. This is that which is signified by the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or good husbandry: which is as much to say, as industry in getting goods, and discreet government in spending them to good purpose. And truly he that hath no care over his goods and household, will be easily persuaded to live unjustly, and to take that which belongeth to another. For sloth and unwillingness to do any thing, is the beginning and wellspring of all injustice. And so, whilst a good father of a family laboureth to profit every one, he must also be careful for himself and his. Let us now Of the Maisterlie part of a house. come to the second part of a house, called the Maisterlie part, which comprehendeth under it manservants and maidservants. If prudence and reason are most necessary in all parts of housekeeping, their effects are well worth the nothing, and to be desired in this part, of which we will now entreat. For power and authority are of themselves too surly and imperious in him that knoweth not how to repress them wisely: yea, they are easily turned into intolerable arrogancy, if the bridle of reason restrain them not. Therefore seeing we live in a free country, wherein the ancient absolute power of life & death over slaves hath no place, they, to whom God hath granted this favour Instructions touching the duty of a master towards his servants. to excel, and to go before others, whether it be in gifts of nature, or in graces of the soul, or otherwise in the goods of Fortune, they, I say, must in no wise contemn those that seem to have been forgotten and stripped of all these good things. Besides, a father of a family must consider, that he ruleth not slaves, but free persons. Therefore he must use their service, although not frankly for nothing, yet as that which cometh from a willing and free mind, not dealing roughly with them upon every occasion, but rather handling them gently, as the creatures of God made after his image: seeing the poorest man is The poor and rich are both created to one end. created for the self same principal end that the mightiest and richest is. Aristotle granteth this, that although a master is not bound in any respect to his vassal, so far forth as he is a vassal, yet, because slaves are men, he is of opinion, that all laws of humanity ought to be kept with them. What then ought we to do to such as submit themselves freely unto us, to whom also we are united and linked by christian charity, as to brethren and inheritors of the same goods and promises? And yet we see that masters fall into bitter anger, cry Against rigorous masters. out, offer outrage, use violence, and lay hands of their servants upon small or no occasion at all, as if they were unreasonable creatures, yea handling them worse than they do their brute beasts. That this is true, we see not one of them but he hath great care that his horses be well fed, daily looked unto, harnessed and decked. Besides, he taketh great heed that they be not tired, nor over-laboured: but as for their servants, they neither spare nor comfort them one whit, nor have any respect to their ease and rest. For mine own part, I think that such masters deserve rather to be seized upon, as mad men, than admonished as sociable persons, I wish Two properties requisite in a master. therefore, that every master of a house had these two properties in him: namely, that with all clemency and meekness he would use the service & obedience of them that are under him, by considering of them with reason, and by looking rather to the good affection and desert of his servant, than to the great and profitable service, which he draweth from him. The other point is, that the master using the sweat and service of his, should not seem to be displeased, tasty, or hard to content, but rather always show forth a gentle kind of favour and courtesy, or at least a severe familiarity, seasoned with a cheerful and merry countenance. Whosoever show themselves to be such men, besides the glory which they shall obtain by being taken generally for gentle and courteous men, their household servants will love them the more, and will reverence them as their fathers, not standing in such awe and fear of them, as men commonly do of intolerable tyrants. Moreover, as this assembly of a master and of servants tendeth, as every other society also, unto some good end, the master having regard to that which concerneth him and his house, and his servants servants must not be defrauded of their pay. to the hope of profit and commodity; order must be taken, that they, which have with all carefulness discharged their duty, and yielded that fidelity and diligence that is requisite to their superior, be not defrauded of the price, reward, hire, and desert of their travels. For if we think it great villainy to rob another man, let us esteem it nothing less to keep back the fruit of life, and to defraud the labours, perils, watchings, and excessive cares of our servants, in not recompensing them. Therefore concerning this part of a house, called the Maisterlie part, we will note this, that as the Ancients made their slaves free, thereby to draw from them voluntary and unconstrained service, and to deliver themselves of that fear and distrust, which they always had of their slaves, accounting that proverb true: As many enemies as slaves: so ought we to bring up and to nourish our hired and mercenary servants, which serve us in these days with a free and liberal kind of love, by dealing graciously with them, by persuading them with reason, and by rewarding them liberally: and this will induce them to serve, honour, and esteem us, as if our weal and woe were wholly common with them. The last part of the house remaineth now to be entreated of, which is the Of the parental part of a house. perfection thereof, and is called the parental part, comprehending under it, the Father and Mother, or one of them, with the children. The head of a family (saith Aristotle) commandeth over wife and children, but over both, as free persons, and yet not after one and the same The difference between commanding over a wife and over children. manner of commanding, but over the wife, according to government used in a popular state, and over the children, royally or princelike. This commandment over children, is called royal, because he that begetteth, commandeth The word Father is a kingly and sacred title by love, and by the prerogative of age, which is a kind of kingly commanding. Therefore Homer calleth Jupiter the father of Men and of the Gods, that is king of all. For a king must excel by nature, and must be of the same kind, as it is with the aged in respect of the younger sort, and with him that begetteth, in regard of his child, over whom he ought to be as careful, as a king is over his subjects. Unto this part of the house a Father of a family must have a careful eye, because heereuppon chief dependeth the honour and quietness of his house, and the discharge of his duty towards God and his country: namely, by making his children honest and of good conditions. As the desire and prick of nature (saith Dion) driveth us forward to beget children: so is it a testimony of true love and charity, to bring them up, and to entreat them after a free manner, and to instruct them well. Therefore a Father of a family shall satisfy his duty concerning this part of a house, by the good education and instruction of his children, and by exercising them in virtue. For manners and conditions are qualities imprinted in us by long tract of time, and virtues are gotten by custom care, and diligence. Hereafter we are to consider more amply and particularly of the instruction of youth, and therefore at this time we will content ourselves with the giving of certain general precepts, worthy to be diligently observed of every good father of a family towards his children. For in vain (saith Plato) doth he hope for a harvest, that hath been negligent in sowing. I say, he must be passing careful, and employ all possible Youth is the seede-corne of the commonwealth. labour, that his children and youth may be well instructed, because they are the seede-corne of the city: insomuch that careful heed is to be had even of their words, gestures, sports, and other actions, that nothing may lead them unto vice. For otherwise if no reckoning be made of this age, a man shall labour no less in vain to prescribe good laws for them afterward, than the physician doth that ministereth plenty of medicines to a diseased party that keepeth no diet at all. The best gifts The gifts of nature are soon corrupted. of nature, if they be not well trimmed and looked unto, become nought at the first, and afterward passing evil. Therefore a father of a family ought not to be more careful of any thing than of the bringing up of his children, according to whose good or evil education, the whole house will be governed. This first institution of their life from the first age, is called discipline, which by little and little leadeth the spirit of the child to the love of virtue, even of that virtue, whereby, being come to man's estate, he knoweth both how to command, and how to obey, and to follow after nothing but that which the law commandeth and affirmeth to be good. The vices of children are sword which pass through the hearts of their Fathers, who are for the most part the cause of them through their negligence in correcting them, and overgreat liberty which they grant to this age that needeth a stay and bridle, yea spurs, whereby to be broken and made tractable, as men use to deal with yoonge colts. Therefore PLATO said, that it is not in our own power to cause our children to be borne such as we would have them, but yet that it lieth in us to make them good. Whereunto this will be a good mean, if from their young A father must be loved, feared, & reverenced of his children. years we imprint in their hearts a love, fear, & reverence of us. For if these things concur not together in the child's heart, he will never yield due obedience to his father. Pythagoras' said, that a prudent father was better to be liked than a choleric, because prudence serveth to procure love and good will in those that aught to obey: whereas choler maketh them odious that command, and causeth their admonitions to profit but little. For this cause Aristotle requireth perfection of moral virtue in a father of a family, saying: that his office is a kind of building, The office of a father resembled to building. & that reason is as it were the builder, by whom he guideth & bringeth that economical work to his perfection. And in deed the Ancients took great pains in teaching their children themselves, not suffering them to be far from their presence during their youth: because they judged (and that upon good reason) that sonlike respect & love were good pricks to drive them forward to A child will learn better of his father than of any other. the study of virtue. And no doubt but if a skilful father would execute this duty of instructing his child in knowledge and learning, he would conceive and take it a great deal better of him than of any other. Therefore Marcus Portius Cato would needs beschoole-maister to his own M. Cato. children, which institution did greatly avail them, not so much because he was Cato, as because he was their father, I. Caesar. whose virtue they imitated. julius Caesar adopted his nephew Octavian, & brought him up himself. Which did him so much good, that being come to the empire, he was Augustus. called Augustus for his goodness. He also performed as much afterward to his nephews Lucius & Caius, whom in like manner he had adopted. Noah, Lot, Jacob, and all the fathers, Noah, Lot, Jacob, etc. God commandeth fathers to instruct their children. instructed their children themselves: and God commanded the Israelites in the wilderness to teach their children the law, which themselves had received from their fathers. To this purpose an ancient man said, that it was the greatest sloth that could be, for a man to be negligent towards his children, & to teach them nothing. Great heed therefore must be taken, that they be not left to the government of their own fantasy, considering that Prou. 23. 13. 14. & 13. 24. Correction necessary for children. Ecclus. 30. 8. 9 11. 12. youth is very tender to resist vice, and of itself uncapable of counsel. Withhold not (saith the Wise man) correction from the child: for in smiting with the rod, thou shalt deliver his soul from hell. He that spareth his rod, hateth his son, but he that loveth him▪ chasteneth him betime. As an untamed horse becometh fierce: so a child suffered to do what he list, waxeth rebellious. If thou bring up thy son delicately, he shall make thee afraid: & if thou play with him, he shall bring thee to heaviness. Give him no liberty in his youth, and wink not at his folly. Bow down his neck while he is young, and beat him on the sides while he is a child, lest he wax stubborn, & be disobedient unto thee, & so bring sorrow to thine heart. And yet I would not that fathers should be oversharpe & hard to their children, not bearing Severity must be mingled with clemency in the correcting of children. with any fault in them. But as physicians mingling & steeping their bitter drugs with some sweet juice, have found the means to make a passage for profit through the midst of pleasure: so must fathers intermingle the sharpness of their reprehensions & corrections with the facility of clemency, & sometime let loose a little the bridle to the desires of their children, so that they wander not far from that which becometh them. Again, they must by & by let down the button, & hold them hard in with the bridle, but yet supporting gently and patiently their faults committed through youth, & not of malice. And if it be so that they cannot but be angry, at the least let their anger be presently appeased. For it is better that a father should be quickly angry (although that be an imperfection) so that he be soon pacified, than slow to anger, and hardly brought to forgive. But if a father be so severe that he will forget nothing, & be never reconciled, it is a great argument, that he hateth his children. And then he maketh himself unworthy of so excellent & divine a name, showing forth effects clean contrary thereunto: whereas parents commonly love their children too much, & use towards them rather too much lenity, than just severity. Oh how the father (saith Seneca, speaking of one that thrust his son out of his house) cutteth off his limbs with great grief, how many sighs he fetcheth in cutting them off, & how earnestly he wisheth to have them again in their place? moreover, fathers must have a special care, that they commit no fault, nor omit any thing appertaining to their duty, to the end they The father's life must be a mirror of virtue to the child. may be lively examples to their children, that looking into their life, as into a clear glass, they may abstain after their example from speaking any thing that bringeth shame. Again we know, that all those fathers which lead an evil life, leave not to themselves any courage so much as to reprove their slaves only, so far off are they, that they can frankly chide their children. And, which is worst of all, by their naughty life they are unto them in steed of masters & counsellors of il-doing. For where old men are shameless, there it must needs be, that young men become impudent & graceless. Father's therefore must strive to do whatsoever their duty requireth, that their children may wax wise and well qualified. This we may comprehend in few words: namely, if they bring them up well in their infancy, & let them have due correction in their youth. Which two When fathers may be justly charged with their children's faults. 1. Sam. 3. 13. things being neglected of fathers, the faults of their children are for the most part justly imputed unto them. Hely the Priest was not punished for any sin which himself had committed, but because he winked at the sins of his children. We read in the story of the Helvetians or Swissers, of the The story of a father appointed to execute his own child. judgement of a tyrant condemned to death, where order was taken that the execution thereof should be done by the father, who was the cause of his evil education: that he might come to his death by the author of his life, and that the father might in some sort be punished for his negligence used towards his child. moreover, they that have many children, must be passing careful to bring them up in mutual friendship, causing them to give each to other that honour and duty, unto which nature bindeth them, and sharply chastising those that in any respect offend therein. The Ephoryes of Lacedemonia long since condemned A father must bring up his children in mutual love. a notable citizen in a very great sum, when they understood that he suffered two of his children to quarrel together. The best mean, which I find to avoid so great an evil, is to love and entreat them all alike, and to accustom them to give honour, duty, and obedience one to another according to their degrees of age. They must remove from them all partialities, and not suffer them to have any thing several or divided one from another, that as it were in one heart and will all things may be common amongst them. Example hereof was that good father of a family Aelius Tubero. Aelius Tubero, who had sixteen children of his own body, all of them married, and dwelling all in one house with their children, and living with him in all peace and concord. For the conclusion therefore of our present discourse, we learn, that a father of a family must begin the government of his house with himself, and become an example to his of all honesty & virtue. That he must not neglect the care of providing goods, & necessary means for the maintenance of his family, remembering always that in nothing he go beyond the bounds of that seemliness and decency, which duty hath limited & prescribed unto him. That he ought to love & to entreat his servants courteously, putting away threatenings (as it is said in the Eph. 6. 9 Scripture) and knowing that both their and his master is in heaven, with whom there is no respect of persons. And for the last point, that it belongeth to his duty to bring up his children in the holy instruction and information of the Lord, not provoking them to wrath, that God may be glorified, and he their father may rejoice in the presence of his friends, and that his country generally may receive benefit, profit, and commodity. Of the duty of children towards their parents: of the mutual love that ought to be among brethren: of the duty of servants towards their masters. Chap. 50. ACHITOB. Upon a day when one said in the hearing of Theopompus king of Sparta, that the estate of that city was preserved in such flourishing manner, because the kings knew how to command well, the prince replied▪ that it was not so much for that cause, as because the citizens knew how to obey well. And to speak the truth, to obey well (as also the virtue of commanding) Obed great. is a great virtue, and proceedeth from a nature, which being noble of itself, is helped by good education. Therefore Aristotle said, that it was necessary that he which obeyeth should be virtuous as well as he that commandeth. Now seeing we have entreated of the duty of a father and head of a family, exercising his office upon all the parts of his house, let us now consider of the duty and obedience that is requisite in servants and children, and of the mutual and reciprocal amity which ought to be between brethren, desirous to preserve the bond of economical society in a happy estate. ASER. Col. 3. Eph. 6. 2. Children (saith the Scripture) obey your parents in all things: for that is well pleasing unto the Lord honour thy father and mother (which is the first commandment with promise) Obedience to parents commanded of God that it may be well with thee, and that thou mayest live long on earth. AMANA. Ecclus. 3. 4. 5. Who so honoureth his father, his sins shall be forgiven him, and he shall abstain from them, and shall have his daily desires. And he that honoureth his mother, is like one that gathereth treasure. 1. Pet. 2. 18. And you servants be subject to your masters with Obedience to masters commanded of God. all fear, not only to the good and courteous, but also to the froward. Let us then hear ARAM discourse more at large of that which is here propounded unto us. ARAM. Nature (saith Plutark) and the law which preserveth nature, have given the first place of reverence and Reverence to parents placed next to the honour due to God. honour after God, unto the father and mother: and men can not do any service more acceptable to God, than graciously and lovingly to pay to their parents that begot them, and to them that brought them up, the usury of new and old graces which they have lent them: as contrariwise, there is no sign of an Atheist more certain, than for a A token of an Atheist. man to set light by, and to offend his parents. The father is the true image of the great and sovereign God, the universal A father is the image of God. father of all things, as Proclus the Academike said. Yea the child holdeth his life of the father next after God, and whatsoever else he hath in this world. Therefore a man is forbidden to hurt others, but it is accounted great impiety and sacrilege for a man not to show himself ready to do and to speak all things, I will not say, whereby they can receive no displeasure, but whereby they may not receive pleasure. And in deed one of the greatest good turns that we can do to those of whom we are descended, is not to make them sad. Which cannot possibly be done, if God the leader and guide to all knowledge disposeth not the mind to all honest things. The children of Ecclus. 3. 1. 2. etc. wisdom are the Church of the righteous, and their offspring is obedience and love. Children, hear the judgement of your father, and do thereafter, that you may be safe. For the Lord will have the father honoured of the children, and hath confirmed the authority of the mother over the children. He that honoureth his father shall have joy of his own children, and when he maketh his prayer he shall be heard. He that honoureth his father shall have a long life, and he that is obedient to the Lord, shall comfort his mother. He that feareth the Lord, honoureth his parents, and doth service unto his parents, as unto Lords. Honour thy father and mother in deeds and in word, and in all patience, that thou mayest have the blessing of God, and that his blessing may abide with thee in the end. For the blessing of the father establisheth the houses of the children, & the mother's curse rooteth out the foundations. Help thy father in his age, and grieve him not as long as he liveth. And if his understanding fail, have patience with him, and despise him not when thou art in thy full strength. For the good entreaty of thy father shall not be forgotten, but it shall be a fortress for thee against sins. In the day of trouble thou shalt he remembered, thy sins also shall melt away, as the ice in fair weather. He that for saketh his father shall come to shame, and he that angreth his mother is cursed of God. By these holy speeches we see how we ought The fist commandment only hath a special promise annexed unto it. Eph. 6. 2. to love, honour, reverence, and fear our parents. This is comprehended under the first commandment of the second table, and this only of all the ten articles of the Decalogue beareth his reward with him: albeit no recompense is due to him that is bound to do any thing, namely by so strȧight a bond as this, whereof all laws both divine and human are full, and the law of nature also doth plentifully instruct us therein, as it hath been diligently observed of very Infidels, ethnics, and Pagans. Amongst the Lacedæmonians this custom took place, that the younger sort rose up from their seats before the aged. Whereof when one asked the cause of Teleucrus, It is (quoth he) to the end that in doing this honour to whom it belongeth not, they should learn to yield greater honour to their parents. The arrogancy of a child was the cause, that one of the Ephories published the law of Testaments, whereby it was permitted to every one The law of Testaments to keep children in awe. from that time forward to appoint whom he would his heir. This law served well to make children obedient and serviceable to their parents, and to cause them to be afraid of displeasing them. Among the Romans the child was not admitted to plead his father's will after his death by way of action, but only by way of request, using Children might not the out their liveries by way of action but of request. very humble, honourable, and reverent speech of his dead father, and leaving the whole matter to the discretion and religion of the judges. Contend not with thy father (said Pittacus the wise) although thou hast just cause of complaint. And therefore Teleucrus answered aptly to one, who complained unto him, that his father always spoke ill of him: If (quoth he) there were no cause to speak ill of thee he would not do it. So that it belongeth to the duty of a child to believe that his father hath always right, and that age and experience hath endued him with greater knowledge of that which is good, than they have that are of younger years. Philelphus' said, that although we could not possibly render the like good turns to our parents, nor satisfy those obligations by which we stand bound unto them, yet we must do the best we can unto them: we must entreat them courteously and lovingly, and not go far from them: we must hearken unto their instructions, and be obedient The duty of children towards their parents. to their commandments: we must not gainsay their deliberations and wills, no more than the will of God, whether it be that we are to departed from them, or to tarry still, or to enter into some calling agreeable to the will of God: we must not stand in contention with them when they are angry, but suffer and bear patiently, if they threaten or correct us. And if they be offended with us when we think there is no cause why, yet we must not lay us down to rest before we have by all kind of honest submissions Humility towards parents most commendable. appeased them. Humility is always commendable, but especially towards our parents. The more we abase ourselves before them, the more we increase in glory and honour before God and men. This is very badly put in ure at this day, when the son doth not only not honour his father, but even dishonoureth him, and is ashamed of him. He is so far from loving him, that he rather hateth The description of a disobedient child. him, so far from fearing him, that contrariwise he mocketh and contemneth him: and in stead of serving and obeying him, he riseth up and conspireth against him. If he be angry, he laboureth to anger him more: briefly, scarce any duty of a child towards his father is seen now a days. And if some point thereof be found in any towards his father, yet is it clean put out in regard of the mother: as if he that commanded us to honour our father did not The mother is no less to be honoured than the father. presently say, and thy mother, unto whom in truth we own no less honour, respect, and obedience, than to our father, as well in regard of the commandment of God, as of the unspeakable pains and travel which she suffered in bearing and bringing us into the world, in giving us suck, & in nourishing us. But alas, what shall we say of those that spoil their parents of their goods, houses and commodities, and desire nothing more than their death, that they may freely enjoy, even that which oftentimes their parents have purchased for them? O execrable impiety! It is unworthy to be once thought upon amongst us, & the judgement of God doth of itself sufficiently appear upon such cursed children. Whose behaviour that it may be more odious unto us, let us learn of Pittacus, that our children will be such towards us as we have been towards our parents. But let us be more afraid to provoke our fathers in such sort through our default unto wrath, that in stead of blessing us, they fall to curse us. For (as Plato saith) there is no prayer which God heareth more willingly than that of the father for the children. And therefore special regard The blessings and cursings of parents towards their children is of great weight. is to be had unto the cursings and blessings, which fathers lay upon their children. Which was the cause (as the scripture teacheth us) that children in old time were so jealous one of another, who should carry away the father's blessing, and that they stood in greater fear of their curse, than of death itself. Torquatus the younger being banished Torquatus. from his father's house, slew himself for grief thereof. And to allege another example out of the writings of ancient men, of the love which they bore to their fathers, that of Antigonus the second son of Demetrius, is most worthy to be noted. For when his father being prisoner sent him word by one of his acquaintance to give no credit, nor to make account of any letters from him, if it so fell out that Seleucus, whose prisoner he was, should compel him thereunto, and therefore that he should not deliver up any of those towns which he held, Antigonus contrariwise wrote to Seleucus, that he would An example of great love in a child towards his father. yield up unto him all the lands he had under his obedience, and would also himself become his pledge, if he would deliver his father. We may not here pass over with silence the rare example of daughter-like piety, with which all the painters in the world have set forth their science, I mean of the daughter that gave suck to her An other of a daughter towards her father. father who was condemned to die of that ancient and usual punishment of famine, which never suffereth a sound man to pass the seventh day. The iailour espying this act of piety gave notice thereof to the magistrates, which being known to the people, the daughter obtained pardon for her father's life. Moreover, seeing we must labour to obey and to please our parents in all things, it is certain that no action, gift or disposition in Children can not please their parents better than to love one another. us is more acceptable, or contenteth them better than to see goodwill, and an assured and certain friendship among brethren. Which may easily be known by these contrary signs. For if parents are offended when their children offer wrong to a servant whom they love, and if hearty old men are grieved when no account is made of a dog or horse bred in their house, and are vexed when they see their children mock & despise those pastimes, stories, and other such like things which they sometime loved, is it likely that they could patiently abide to see their children whom they love best of all, to hate one another, to be always quarreling one with another, to speak ill one of an other, and in all their enterprises & actions to be divided, and set one against another, and to seek to supplant and defeat each other? I think no man will affirm it. Therefore contrariwise we may judge, that those brethren which love and cherish one another, which join together in one bond of self-same wills, studies & affections, that which nature had disjoined & separated in bodies, & lastly, which have all their talk, exercises, plays & pastimes common amongst them, they I say undoubtedly give occasion to their parents of a sweet and happy contentation in their old-age for this brotherly love & friendship. For no father (saith Plutarch) ever loved learning, honour or silver so much as he did his children. And therefore they never took so great pleasure to see their children good orators, rich, or placed in great offices and dignities, as to see the love one another. To this purpose one rehearseth that Apollonida Apollonida. mother to king Eumenes and to three other of his brethren, accounted herself happy as she said, and gave great thanks to God, not for her riches or principality, but because she saw her three younger sons, as it were a guard to their elder brother, who lived freely and most safely in the midst of them with their sword by their sides, and their javelins in their hands. Contrariwise, when Xerxes. king Xerxes perceived, that his son Ochus lay in wait for his brethren to put them to death, he died for displeasure thereof. Therefore Euripides said, that wars between brethren are grievous, but most of all to their He that hateth his brother, hateth his parents. parents: because he that hateth his brother and cannot abide to look upon him, must needs also be offended with him that begat him, and her that bore him. Whereas good children that love one another for the love of their parents, are so much the more provoked to love and honour them, saying and thinking always with themselves, that they are bound unto them for many causes, but chief in regard of their brethren, who are unto them as precious, pleasant and gracious an inheritance as any they could receive from them. This meant Homer to teach us when he brought in Telemachus reckoning Telemachus. this amongst his calamities, that Jupiter had ended the race of his father in him, and had not given him a brother. Let us not then doubt, but that this is a certain demonstration to the parents that their child loveth them, when he loveth his brethren. And this also serveth for as great an example and instruction to his children to love one an other, as any can be. Therefore let us utterly banish away all hatred of our brethren, which is both condemned by God who commendeth above all things concord unto us, and also a naughty nurse for the old age of fathers and mothers, and a worse for the young years of children. And seeing we are about this matter of brotherly love, so precious and excellent, whereunto now adays men have so small regard, I think we ought to insist and stand longer upon it, and allege some precepts and examples of ancient men, whereby to confirm us in it more and more. First, nature hath bred from our birth in regard of us the beginning The beginning of brotherly love is in our nativity. and occasion of this amity, and hath taken away from our judgement all former motions to procure love. Therefore we must beware that we seek not too exactly after the faults and imperfections one of another, but cover & bear with them, because they are of our own blood: knowing that no man's life can be sincere & clean from all vice, so that we were better to support the domestical imperfections of our brethren, than to make trial of those that are in strangers. That brother (saith Plutark) that warreth with his brother, & seeketh to procure a stranger to friend, seemeth to me to cut off voluntarily a member of his The benefit that cometh to brethren by having common friends. own flesh belonging to him, that he may apply and fasten to that place one taken from another man's body. We note also, that nothing more preserveth the love of brethren, than to have the same common friends. For several familiarity, conversation & company keeping turneth aside & alienateth them one from another, because thereby they acquaint themselves with divers natures, and take pleasure in things that are contrary. But there is a further matter in it. For as tin doth solder & join together broken copper, by touching both ends of the broken pieces, because it agreeth as well with the one as with the other: so a common friend serveth to confirm, to preserve, to increase & to reunite their mutual friendship and goodwill, when upon light occasion sometimes it is as it were in danger of breaking. Which is so much the more to be feared, Enmity between brethren is prodigious & unnatural. as it is certain, that all enmity breedeth within our souls a thousand passions that torment us, but especially that enmity which a man beareth towards his brother, as that which is most prodigious and against nature. And as bodies that were once joined together, if the glue or band wax lose, may be rejoined and glued again; but if a natural body break or rend asunder, it is hard to find any solder that is able to reunite and knit them well together again: so those mutual friendships, which we contract It is a hard matter to reconcile brethren once fallen at variance. voluntarily with such as are not of kin or allied unto us, if peradventure they fall asunder sometimes, may easily be undertaken again, but when brethren are once estranged and fallen from that love whereby nature doth necessarily link them one with another, they are hardly reconciled again together. And if they be friends again, yet it is always with some distrust and suspicion. Questionless it is impossible but that affairs should breed in these times wherein we live many occasions of dissension and debate between brethren, namely, for goods How brethren must behave themselves in the partition of lands & goods. and successions, as this word of Parting importeth, and bringeth with it division, every one being desirous to have his own. But herein also they must suffer their matters to fight by themselves, without adding any headstrong passion, covetousness, or choler, which are as a hook that taketh hold of them, and seeketh to set them together by the ears. They must, as it were in a balance, consider jointly together on which side right and equity declineth, and as soon as they can possible, let them remit the judgement and deciding of their controversies to the arbitrement of some good men. Yea, a good brother ought rather to rejoice and to boast that he hath overcome and gone beyond his brother, in gracious behaviour, in courtesy, in voluntarily giving of place, & in every good duty towards him, than in the division of some goods. Now let us consider of some notable examples amongst the ancients, of great brotherly love. Although we had searched all histories, yet could we not find a more memorable act, or worthier to be set forth at this day, and to be rather followed, especially of the greater sort, who Examples of brotherly love. quarrel for their possessions and revenues, than that which fell out between the children of Darius' monarch of the Persians. Ariamenes the eldest, and Xerxes the younger, being in great strife together for the succession of the empire, the eldest alleged his birthright, the younger, that he was the son of Atossa, daughter to Cyrus the great, and that he was borne since his father was crowned king, and so next inheritor of the kingdom now that Cambyses was dead. Each of them had great confederates, and many Persian Lords were divided into factious about this matter. But Ariamenes came out of Media, not in Ariamenes. arms to make war, although he had great means thereunto, but only with his ordinary train, as one that purposed to pursue his right by way of justice. Xerxes' Xerxes. before his brothers coming, exercised in Persia all duties belonging to a king: but as soon as his brother was arrived, he willingly put off his kingly diadem and hat, and went out to meet him and to embrace him. After that he sent presents unto him, with commandment given to those that bore them, to say unto him in this manner: Xerxes thy brother honoureth thee now with these presents, but if by the sentence and judgement of the princes and Lords of Persia he be declared king, his will is that thou shouldest be the second person in Persia after him. Ariamenes returned this answer: I receive my brother's gifts with all my heart, and think that the kingdom of Persia belongeth to me: but as concerning my brethren, I will give them that dignity and honour that is due unto them next to myself, and to Xerxes first of all. Now after that by their common consent Artabanus their uncle had decided and brought to an end their controversy, and adjudged the kingdom to Xerxes; Ariamenes presently arose from his seat and went to do homage to his brother, and taking him by the right hand, led him to his royal and kingly throne. From that time forward he was always the greatest next unto him, and showed himself so well affected towards his right, that in the Salamine battle by Sea he died, fight valiantly Antiochus. in his service. Antiochus' surnamed the holy, making war with his Elder brother for his part in the kingdom of Macedonia, declared even in his ambition, that all brotherly love was not quite extinguished and clean put out in him. For in the hottest time of their war, when his brother Seleucus had lost the battle with great destruction of his men, and was supposed to have been dead because no news was heard of him: Antiochus put off his purple rob, and clothed himself in black, and shutting up his palace royal, mourned and lamented very much for his brother. But being afterward advertised that he was safe and sound, and preparing an other army, he went in open show from his lodging, and sacrificed to the gods by way of thanksgiving, commanding the towns that were under his jurisdiction to offer the like sacrifices, and to wear hats of flowers in token of public Athenodorus. joy. Athenodorus the Grecian having a brother elder than himself, called Zeno, who being convicted of a certain crime, had lost all his goods by confiscation, parted again with him all his own goods, and gave unto him the just half. When the king of Lydia demanded of Pittacus whether he had any Pittacus. goods, yea (quoth he) twice so much more than I would I had, being heir to my brother that is dead. The love of that Persian woman, of whom Plutarch Great love of a Persian woman towards hit brother. maketh mention, was very great, who being asked why she had rather save the life of her brother than of her own son: because (quoth she) I may well have more children, but not more brethren, seeing my Father and Mother are both dead. How much more than ought we to prefer our brethren before all other our friends and acquaintance. For many may be gotten of this kind, and others if these fail: but it is no more possible to get a new brother, than to get an hand again that is cut off, or an eye that is plucked out. Agrippa, brother in law to the Emperor Agrippa. Augustus, used to say, that he was greatly beholding to that sentence of Sallust, Small things increase by concord, but perish through discord: because it procured unto him all his wealth, by seeking to live in peace and friendship with his brother, and with every one. This is that which Scilurus leaving Scilurus left 80. sons behind him. behind him fourscore male-childrens, meant to teach them, and how they should be invincible being joined and united together, by offering to each of them a bundle of darts to break, which when they could not do, he broke them one after another before their eyes. I would further enlarge this discourse with examples of the love of brethren, shining greatly in ages past, were it not that we must here speak somewhat of the ductie and obedience of servants towards their masters, according to that order which was propounded unto us. This we will briefly comprehend into four general points. The first is, that they must The duty of servants comprehended in sour points. be priest and always ready to put in execution their masters will and commandment, and to do their business most diligently, not being slothful, slack and negligent, nor doing any thing grutchingly. The second point is, that they must be faithful unto them, not beguiling nor defrauding them of any thing, nor affirming that before their faces to flatter them, which they will unsay behind their backs. The third thing is, that they must seek their master's profit and commodity more than their own, and take good heed that no harm, loss, or trouble come unto them. And if any go about to procure any such thing, they must undertake the defence thereof diligently, even to the hazarding of their lives if need be. The last point which good servants are to keep, is to use a double silence: the first, that they reply not again to their master's commandments, although sometimes they suppose that they know better what is to be done than they that command them. The second, that they reveal not to others their master's secrets, nor sow them out of his house. To be short, we cannot give them better instruction than that of Saint Paul, saying: Servants be obedient Col. 3. 22. 23. 24. unto them that are your masters according to the flesh in all things, not with eyeservice as men-pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing God. And whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, as to the Lord, and not unto men, knowing that of the Lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance: for ye serve the Lord Christ. And elsewhere he exhorteth them again, Tit. 2. 9 10. to be subject to their masters, and to please them in all things not answering again, neither pickers, but that they show all good faithfulness, that they may adorn the doctrine of GOD our saviour in all things. now for examples to all Examples of the love of servants towards their masters. servants that are desirous to effect their duty towards their masters, we will propound two, the one old, the other of late years, which give sufficient testimony of a sonlike rather than of a servile affection. Antonius being overcome of Augustus, and despairing of his Erisychthon the servant of Antonius. safety, urged the promise of Eros his servant in whom he trusted, because he had given his faith long before that he would kill him when he required the same at his hands. But the servant drawing his sword, and holding it out as though he would have killed him, turned his face on the one side, and thrust it into himself clean through his body. Maurice duke of Saxony being in The servant of Mauritius duke of Saxony. Hungary against the Turk, and walking out of the camp only with his servant, was set upon by certain Turks, and his horse being slain, he was thrown to the ground. But his servant cast himself upon him, covered and defended him with his body, sustained and kept back the enemies until certain horsemen came and saved the Prince, but died himself not long after being wounded on every side. Therefore to end our present discourse, let us learn, that it is a great and commendable virtue, and beseeming every good and gentle nature, to know how to obey well, and to give honour and service to those that occupy the degree of fathers, Lords, and masters over us: as also to love our brethren with an indissoluble love, to reverence one an other, the younger honouring the elder, and the elder yielding all duties of sincere love to the younger. Let us not be less afraid of the curse repeated so often in the Scripture against disobedient children, than the ancients were of that law which condemned them to be stoned to death when they would not obey the voice of their Parents, nor hearken unto them when they instructed them: but let us much more fear that punishment, which will continue for ever, where there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth. Of the education and instruction of Children. Chap. 51. ARAM. WHen we entreated of the duty of a father of a family towards his children, we said, that the chief mark whereat he ought to aim, was to make them honest and good of condition, which was to be performed by instruction and good bringing up in the knowledge and exercise of virtue. Now because the chief foundation of a The chief foundation of a happy life. happy life, is good instruction begun in youth, so that if the infancy of any be well brought up (as Plato saith) the rest of his life cannot but be good, we ought as I think (my Companions) to take this matter again in hand to follow and handle it more at large, to the end to provoke Fathers and all such as have authority over the younger sort, to be careful and diligent in the well ordering of the seed of youth, which is the spring and root of all prosperity both public and private. ACHITOB. A father of a family must be most careful to bring up his youth. We must not (saith Plato) be more careful of any thing whatsoever, than of the good education of children. For if upon their good bringing up they become moderate and stayed men, they will easily discern every thing that is good. And if good wits have like education, they will grow from better to better every day. ASER. The beginning, middle, and ending of a happy life (saith Plutarch) consisteth in good education and bringing up. But it belongeth to thee AMANA to instruct us in this so excellent a matter. AMANA. As a man cannot reap good wheat if he A fit comparison. hath not sown good seed, nor gather good fruit of his trees, if he had no care at the beginning to dress them well, nor to graft them with good sciences afterward: so the corruption of man's nature, which of itself is more inclined to evil than to good, hindereth virtue from taking sure footing and root in the souls of men, if they be not from their very youth well and diligently The spring of corruptions in common-welths instructed, stirred up, and pricked forward to that which is honest and decent. And truly that commonwealth is most miserable, wherein this tillage of infancy is neglected. For from this fountain proceed rebellions, seditions, open murders, contempt of laws and commandments of princes, pollings, briberies, heresies, and atheism. Therefore nothing was more esteemed from time to time among the ancients, than the institution of youth, which Plato calleth Discipline, whereby children are led to this reason, not to follow any thing but that which the law commandeth and alloweth for good. The monarchy of the Persians, the commonwealth of the Lacedæmonians, and since, that also of the Romans Laws that constrained fathers to see to their children instructed. had certain laws compelling fathers to provide that their children might be instructed, not suffering them to be cast away and corrupted to the detriment of the commonwealth. Amongst other laws there was one called Falcidia, whereby it was enacted, that the child should The law Falcidia be admonished for the first offence, chastised for the second, and for the third hanged, and his father banished, as if he had been partaker in the fault, for want of good education and instruction of his son. Heretofore we heard many testimonies of the care and travel which famous and worthy men took to instruct their children themselves. trajan the Emperor, and after him Adrian A worthy act of trajan and Adrian. at their own costs and charges caused five thousand noble men's children of Rome to be brought up in learning, virtue and feats of arms. Our ancient kings, knowing how necessary this education of youth was, builded long ago and caused to be framed so many goodly colleges as we see in the universities of France: yea, the monasteries were partly founded to this end. But how careful are we at this day to imitate those ancients in this earnestness of good bringing up of children in the study of sciences and good discipline? Have we not very good occasion to say with Crates the Philosopher, that it is most necessary that one should ascend up into the highest place of this kingdom, and cry aloud: Oh ye men, whither do ye throw yourselves Crates proclamation most necessary for these times. headlong in taking all the pains that may be to heap up goods and treasures that perish, and in the mean while make no reckoning of your children, but suffer them to continue long, and to grow old in ignorance which destroyeth them both body and soul, and turneth to the confusion and overthrow of your country? For it is Evil education corrupteth a good nature. most certain, that a good nature ill brought up, waxeth very pernicious, and that the minds and hearts of men Evil education corrupteth a good nature. that are corruptly instructed, become most wicked. Do you think (saith Plato) that execrable villainies and horrible vices proceed rather of a naughty nature, than of a noble nature corrupted with evil education? In like manner a good nature well tilled will attain to the top of virtue, but if it be negligently looked unto, it will be nothing but vice. But let us see what goodly instructions the ancients have given concerning this matter. Of the excellent education of children required by Plato. The same Plato was so careful, and searched out so exactly the good education of children, as that which is as precious and necessary a thing as any can be in the life of man, that he taketh them even from their mother's womb, yea before they are begotten. First, he willeth that the husband and wife that are desirous of children should keep themselves from drunkenness, and from entering into the bed when they are choleric and full of trouble, because that many times is the cause of vices in children. Next he requireth that great Women with child must walk much. bellied women should give themselves to walking, and beware of living either too delicately, or too sparingly: that they should have quiet minds, with many other things, which he allegeth to that purpose. He saith also, that children being in their mother's womb, receive good and ill, as the fruits of the earth do. After they are borne, he carefully recommendeth their education. We will not here stand upon many points to be observed Every mother ought to nurse her own child. therein, as namely upon the choice of Nurses, whereof few are ignorant, seeing it belongeth to the true and natural office of every mother to nourish that with her teat, which she hath brought into the world, except there be some great and lawful impediment. But let us go on with the sayings of Plato. He chargeth nurses to Of the bringing up of infants. lead their children oftentimes on their feet until they be 3. years old, because this moving is very profitable for them. He forbiddeth much crying in children, because it breedeth in them a habit and custom of sadness. From From 3. years. 3. years to six, he would have them moderately corrected when they commit a fault, & forbidden above all things to accustom them from that time forward unto daintiness, or to overgreat severity, saying, that delicateness maketh them froward, hard to please, choleric, & soon moved: and that severity maketh them hard-hearted, cruel, abject, baseminded, very blocks and fools, and From six years. haters of men. At six years of age he would have them put apart from the daughters, and begin to learn to ride a horse, to shoot, to practise all kind of feats of arms, both with the right hand and with the left: to put in ure all other exercises of moderate labour, that they may wax strong, and be acquainted with labour, and therefore to use such laborious pastimes. But he expressly forbiddeth to change every day for new, this age being very apt thereunto: saying, that nothing is more pernicious than to acquaint youth to despise antiquity. But above all things, he commandeth that children should be so brought up, that they be not constrained to any thing whatsoever Youth must be taught as it were in sport, and not by compulsion. they shall take in hand, but as it were in sport, that so every one's nature may be known. Neither would he have them beaten without great discretion, because it is not seemly that a free man should learn liberal sciences by servitude and compulsion. And in truth no science forced upon a man, will continue steadfast with him. Moreover, A commendable end of music. he would have them apply themselves to music, both to sing hymns and songs to the praise of God, to laud and magnify him, and to hope for all good success from him, as also to recreate their spirits. He greatly misliketh in them sloth and too much sleep, saying, that much sound sleep is good neither for the body nor for the soul: that it is nothing profitable for him that desireth to bring any good thing to pass, because as long as a man sleepeth, he doth nothing more than if he lived not. Therefore whosoever desireth to live, and to come to knowledge, let him watch as much as he may, having regard notwithstanding to his health, which is contented with a little, when a man is once acquainted therewith. Now, because a child (as he saith) is more unruly than a savage beast, he would never have him left without a wise Great care is to be taken in the choice of schoolmasters. and virtuous master. It is no less necessary (saith he) to consider what teachers a man hath, than what parents. For as children do in a manner carry away the spirits of their forefathers: so the vices of teachers are derived unto their scholars. Therefore let such be chosen as teach us their virtue by their works, and not such as only utter From the tenth year. and speak many goodly words studied out of it. At ten years, this divine Philosopher would have children to learn letters until fifteen. But because we are to learn languages that differ from ours, it were good to begin sooner, and to end a little after. I think it were very profitable for youth to begin at the above named age of six years, to teach him his mother tongue perfectly, that he may read, pronounce, and write it well. After, at eight years, to teach him the rudiments of the Latin tongue, and to let him follow that until it be as familiar unto him, From the fourteenth year. or little less, than his natural speech. At fourteen years, the same Plato would have children learn arithmetic, saying, that it is very necessary both for a soldier, and for a Philosopher: next, geometry, and that part of astronomy that is necessary for Cosinographie, which he would have likewise learned. He commandeth also that Hunting animage of war. youth should practise hunting, because it is as it were an image of war, and an exercise that maketh men apt to sustain all labour and travel. This institution of youth is surely worthy of that divine spirit of Plato, and that party were very unhappy, and of a froward and corrupt nature, who being thus diligently brought up, would not grow to be a virtuous and good man. He putteth Of the education of daughters. small difference between the education and bringing up of daughters, and that of sons, not depriving women from public administrations & charges, but only that he would have them employed about such things as require least labour, and not to begin to meddle with public affairs, before they be forty years of age. He Reasons why women may intermeddle with public affairs. allegeth these reasons, because oftentimes many women have been more excellent than all the men of their country, and such are daily to be seen. And seeing they have a soul aswell as we, as quick a spirit, and oftentimes more quick than we, (whereof those women are witnesses, who having given themselves wholly to any thing whatsoever, were not inferior, but rather went beyond many men) it were great folly in men, seeing God hath created man and woman with the like spirit, to cut off as it were the one half of their strength, and to help themselves but with a part thereof. Now, albeit these reasons are of great weight, yet sure it is that men and women, both by divine and human policy, have their Against ignorance in women distinct and several offices. It is very true, that I like not the opinion of many, who say, that women ought to know nothing, but to spin and sow: which saying cometh near to that of the Emperor, who would not have a woman to have more wit than is needful for her to discern her husbands shirt from his doublet. Such opinions are fit for ignorant persons, and proceed from a dark brain. For it cannot but be very seemly Women must be able to give a reason of their being. and profitable for a woman to be able to render a reason of her being, aswell by the knowledge of the holy Scriptures, as by the precepts of good life, which we have from the Ancients. This ought parents to teach their daughters, that they may be withdrawn from all other foolish love, through the love of virtue, and be desirous of all honesty and chastity: as also, that when they are mothers in good and holy marriage, they may be a principal cause of the good bringing up of their children. Yea histories reckon up unto us a great many, that have Example of learned women. been in steed of schoolmasters in excellent sciences. Aretia taught her son Aristippus philosophy. Aretia. Zenobia Queen of the Palmyrians, being very well learned Zenobia. in the Greek, Latin, and Egyptian tongues, taught them to her two sons, and wrote an epitome of the Cornelia. Eastern Histories. Cornelia taught the Gracchyes her two sons, the Latin eloquence. But let us follow our discourse of the general instruction of children. Of the institution of youth according to Aristotle. Aristotle seemeth unto me to be a good teacher and Master, where he sayeth, that there are two ages, in which it is necessary to divide the institution of those disciplines, which we would have our children learn: namely, from seven years until fourteen, which he calleth the age of puberty: and again from this age until Two things to be respected in the institution of youth. the one & twentieth year. He saith, that in the institution of youth, two things must be looked unto: the one, wherein children are to be instructed, the other, how they ought to be instructed. For all men are not agreed of this, what things children are to learn, neither yet is it decided, or resolved upon, to what end their institution ought to be directed, whether to profit, or to manners, or to understanding and contemplation, which proceedeth from the variable opinions of men, who place their end in divers The end of all studies. things. But how soever it is, we must, as we said before, refer all our studies to the glory of God, and to the service of our neighbours, in living well according to those charges and vocations whereunto we may be called. We have already seen the division of sciences and arts, and spoken of those that are most necessary for a happy life. Aristotle appointed that children should learn four things. Of grammar. Aristotle following the custom then used in Grecia, appointed that children should learn four things, grammar, bodily exercise, music, and painting: for certain commodities meet for the life of a man. Grammar is the entire to all sciences, whereby we learn to speak exactly, The commodity thereof. also to read and to write. And this is necessary for all estates of life, whether public or private, in peace or in war, in a quiet life, or in multitude of business, for ambergris, for the guiding of a house, for the obtaining of knowledge, for the continuance and perpetuity of the memory of man. Briefly, as nature is the cause of our being, so the knowledge of letters, which Grammar teacheth us, worketh in us the knowledge how to live well. For this cause Charondas the lawmaker, as Diodorus the Sicilian writeth, preferred grammar before all other sciences, as that which is most necessary for man's life, appointing A notable law for the common instruction of children. that all the children of his city should learn their letters at the charges of the commonwealth, which was to maintain public masters to teach both poor and rich. Truly this law ought to be put in practice in all the towns of this kingdom, to resist that pernicious Hydra of ignorance, which the richer sort defend, making no account of knowledge, to the treading down and oppression of the poor, who would gladly have the means whereby they might be instructed. The Gymnastical part Of Gymnastick, or bodily exercise. was that art, which, as the Ancients affirmed, did serve for health and strength, preparing the bodies of children by honest and moderate exercises, as fencing, shooting, throwing of a stone, riding, wrestling, running, leaping, swimming, and such like. These according to Aristotle's opinion, are to be moderately practised by children, until they be fourteen years old, exercising them lightly, & not with forced labours, that their growth be not hindered thereby. This age being past, after they have bestowed three years in other moral disciplines, and followed their studies in deeper sciences, until the one and twentieth year, then may they be exercised with more sharp The end of music. and hard labours of the body. They must also be taught music, for the solacing and recreation of their minds after travels: and painting, that they may the better consider The use of painning. of the beauty of the body, and understand the symmetry and apt composition of all things, to the end that they may be the better advised either in buying or selling them. Let them also know how to draw platforms of public and private buildings, to set forth countries, towns, and castles, their height, breadth, and length for the war: living creatures of all sorts, with their parts, herbs, trees, roots, leaves, flowers, fruits for medicine, & for the knowledge of simples. In this institution of children, Aristotle had respect to that which was convenient, & drew nearest to the form of a happy Commonwealth established by him, and to that which was necessary for the preservation and maintenance thereof. Now, let us apply to our use that which we may learn both of him, and of the rest of the Ancients, for the framing of young men to honesty and virtue: leaving to the liberty of Fathers to make choice of those arts and sciences wherein they purpose to bring up their children, having regard to that whereunto nature maketh them most apt and pliable. We shall take a good way in the institution of youth, Four things to be used in the institution of youth. Instruction, which consisteth in six precepts. 1. The first precept. The first thing that youth must learn, is to worship God. if we observe and use these four things, Instruction, Admonition, Promise, Praises, and threatenings. We will comprehend all Instruction under six precepts. The first shall be to show unto children, that they must worship God, and honour him chief and above all things, referring all their thoughts and deeds to the glory of his name: that it is he that hath created and preserveth all things, that he suffereth no wickedness to pass unpunished, nor good work unrewarded, but giveth eternal happiness to good men, and everlasting pain and punishment to them that We can do nothing without the grace of God. are evil. Let them know that without his grace and favour they can do nothing, no not so much as live one moment: and therefore that they must continually and before every work call upon him, and beware that they offend him not by neglecting his commandments, which 2. The second precept. for this cause they must diligently learn. The second instruction Youth must not glory in transitoric goods. which I find most necessary for youth, is to teach them not to glory in earthly and worldly goods, but to learn rather to despise them, and to transport the love of the body and of carnal goods, which it desireth, to the love of the soul and of eternal goods, which Nor in bodily beauty. properly belong unto them. They must not make great account of the beauty of the body, which having enclosed within it the soul that is defiled with vice and sin, is nothing else but a precious and proud sepulchre, under which is contained a stinking and putrefied carrion. They must not put their hope and confidence in riches, but be persuaded that they are rich and happy, if they be wise, learned, and virtuous. And whilst their understanding is good and in vigour, and themselves have time, they must put all their strength to the obtaining of that which The fruits of true knowledge and virtue. will be profitable unto them in their old age: namely of knowledge and virtue, which will procure unto them, honour, safety, praise, happiness, rest, and tranquillity in their life time, and will in the end guide them to eternal life, to be made coheirs of the kingdom of heaven with Jesus Christ. Thirdly, they must be taught 3. The third precept. to eschew and fly from all such things which they see are hurtful to others, and learn to be wise by their dangers and perils. Now, that which marreth and hurteth The common diseases of youth. others, is disobedience, lying, pride, infidelity, naughtiness, hazarding games, whoredom, drunkenness, prodigality, idleness, and evil company. Against the contagion of which vices, no better preservative can be had, than to engrave modesty in their hearts, by the rule and Modesty is the best remedy for them. measure whereof they may easily be directed to behave themselves virtuously. For this cause Plutarch saith very elegantly, that the foolish opinion and presumption, which young men commonly conceive of themselves, ought rather to be emptied, than the air wherewith bottles and kids skins are puffed up when any good thing is to be put into them. Otherwise, being full of the wind of overweening, they receive none of that good instruction which men think to power into them. For the fourth precept of their instruction, we will set 4 The fourth precept hath four branches. down these four things, which will stand them in great steed towards the attaining of a happy life. Let them not be delicate or superfluous in any thing: Let them bridle their tongue, and not be full of words, nor utter filthy and dishonest talk at any time, but be gracious and courteous in speaking to all men, saluting every one gladly, and willingly giving place in those things wherein the truth is not hurt. Let them master their choler by cutting off impatience as much as may be, which is a singular virtue. Lastly, let them have pure hands, seeing many great men by taking money unjustly, have stilled all that honour which they had gathered together all the former time of their life. Fiftly, the examples of good and bad men, 5. The fift precept. are to be laid before their eyes through the reading and understanding of histories, that they may know that virtuous men have been well rewarded, and the vicious received an evil and miserable end. For this cause we read that the old men of Rome used at feasts to sing the famous acts of their ancestors before 6 The sixth precept. their youth. For the sixth and last precept, we say, that it is needful for youth to be used to labour and wearisomeness, to keep them from idleness, and from falling into any dishonest pleasure. We have seen what exercises and pastimes are meet for them, according to the opinion of the Ancients: and at this day we know how to make choice of them, as shall be meetest for the nobility. Now, to speak briefly of the other three general precepts given Of admonition. by us for the institution of youth: Admonition is very necessary for that age. For although youth be well borne and brought up, yet hath it such active and vehement provocations, that it is easily brought to stumble. Wherefore young men must be often admonished of their duty, and spoken unto of honesty, and of virtuous men, because words move their minds. The steps of their honest predecessors are to be laid before their eyes, to induce them Of promises. Youth is to be drawn on with the promises of eternal life. to follow their paths. And above all things, the promise of that life, which is eternally happy for those that persevere in uprightness and justice, is to be propounded unto them. O man well affected (saith Horace) go joyfully whither thy virtue leadeth thee, and thou shalt reap great rewards for thy deserts. O ye young men (saith Plautus) walk on in that way wherein virtue will direct you, and ye shall be very well recompensed. For he that hath virtue, hath all things necessary for him, and wanteth nothing. These are the promises which ought to be beaten into the hearts of children: adding further to them that are very young a promise to give them what they will, so that they learn well that which is taught them. Last of Of praises and threatenings. all, praises and threatenings must be added, by commending children when we see them profit in virtue and honesty, to encourage them to go forward, and to do better & better. Glory (saith Ovid) giveth no small strength to the mind, and the desire and love of praise, causeth the heart to be resolute and ready to undertake all things. Quintilian would have young men praised, when they profit, and are willing to learn, as likewise they are to be threatened, if they be slothful and negligent in the obtaining of virtue and honesty, and will neither hear nor understand, nor yet put in practise those good admonitions that are given them. And if they amend not with threatenings, they must have good discipline and correction used towards them, and be chastised with discretion. To this purpose Plutark saith, that the hope of reward, and fear Hope and fear are the foundation of virtue. of punishment, are as it were the two elements and foundation of virtue. For hope maketh young men prompt and ready to undertake all good and commendable things, & fear maketh them slow in presuming to commit such things as are vile and full of reproach. So that if we practise diligently these precepts in the education & instruction of our children: there is no doubt, but as seals and signets do easily make a print in soft wax, so we may quickly cast in the minds of little children, as it were in a mould, whatsoever we would have them learn for the leading of a good and happy life, to the glory of God, the profit of their neighbours, and discharge of our consciences which are bound thereunto. Of the division of the ages of man, and of the offices and duties that are to be observed in them. Chap. 52. AMANA. AMongst the most common and notorious faults, which fathers now a days commit in the education and bringing up of their children, this deserveth great blame and reprehension, that in their first age they usually provide teachers for them, sending them to colleges, where they are kept in awe, when they cannot commit any greater evil than that which cometh from the young years of their infancy, not very hurtful to any, being light faults, and soon amended: but when the vehemency of adolescency beginneth Adolescency is the age between 14. & 28 to tickle them with foul and infamous desires, and when they have greatest need of a bridle, than they let loose the rains, and withdraw them from the subjection of their guides, giving them liberty to make choice of their estate of life, when their perturbations are most violent, & in danger to bring forth most pervitious effects. Whereas on the contrary side then ought they most diligently to look unto them, and to set a most careful watch over them, that their first discipline and instruction may be framed in virtue, and in the perfection of a most happy life. For this cause (my Companions) I think that by continuing our former discourse (seeing all men enjoy not commonly this benefit of the forenamed education & instruction, from their infancy unto the end) we ought to search out some way whereby to amend the first faults, by handling the division of the ages of man, according to the ancient writers, and by setting down a brief instruction of that which is most necessarily required, and to be observed in every of them, especially in adolescency, for the obtaining of true felicity through good behaviour and instructions, which are the means thereof. ARAM. It is true (as Plato saith) that virtue must be learned from the first infancy. Yea, there is no part of our age, which ought to be employed in any other study. But adolescency especially must not only inquire and seek after the decrees of honesty & virtue, but also have them already imprinted and engraven in his heart. ACHITOB. As no man ever saw a Bee become a Beetle through age: so no part of our life ought to leave the first election grounded upon virtue, if the end thereof be to live well. But let us hear ASER discourse of this present matter. ASER. It cannot be denied, that place and time are a great help to honesty and virtue: insomuch, that if we consider not of them the knowledge and practice of that which belongeth to our duty, cannot greatly profit us. Place and time are to be considered in all things. For all things are to be applied in time & place, and some things are decent and lawful upon one occasion, which would be very unseemly in another. The proverb saith, that the way to handle a sound man is divers from the guiding of him, to whom the diet is enjoined. even so, although virtue & honesty are always requisite in a man, because it is the only ornament of his life: yet in divers ages diversity of honest behaviour is required, & the self same things are not decent in them, but some kind of behaviour is proper to All kind of behaviour not convenient in all ages. the age of childhood, some to youth, and another to old age, because as nature altereth with age, so it behoveth that manners should change. Now, among them that have most diligently observed the secrets of man's nature, there hath been two sundry opinions concerning the division of the ages of man. Some have made 7. parts, adding decrepit Of the division of the ages of man. or bed red-age after old age: & they would ground their principal reason of this division upon this, that the The number of seven accounted a perfect number. number of 7. is an universal & absolute number. So we reckon 7. planets, whose motion worketh all generations & corruptions in the earth. By a stronger reason therefore this number of seven will be applied to the continuance of time. Moreover, the growth of men according to age, increaseth at the seventh number. For teeth are bred in the seventh month, & in the seventh year they change & alter. Besides, in the same year doubled, that is in the fourteenth year, man receiveth ability of seed, that is to say, of engendering. True it is, that the number of six worketh alteration in females. Yet the number of 7. in other things worketh augmentation, or else the rest and quietness of men, and showeth the difference or judgement of diseases. The whole time of the creation of the world is comprehended therein, & likewise the rest and ceasing of the workmaster thereof. All the ancient writers have also noted, that the number of 63. which is the multiplication of seven by nine, carrieth with it commonly the end of old men: because that in the whole course of our life we live under one only climate, which is either from seven, or Of the climacterical year of 63. from nine years, except in the year of 63. wherein two terminations or climates end, that is to say, nine seven times seven, or seven nine times nine: and therefore this year is called climacterical, wherein we may note out of histories the death of many great men, and the change of estates and kingdoms. As touching the other division The whole age of man divided into six parts. Of Infaucie. of the age of man into six parts only, of which opinion Isidorus is, we will now enter into the particular handling thereof. The parts are these: infancy, Childhood, Youth, adolescency, virility, & old age. Infancy is the first age of man, beginning after his nativity: & it is so called, because at that time he hath no use of speech, and therefore Of Childhood. cannot then learn manners and virtue, having no sense or understanding to comprehend them. Childhood is, when children begin to speak; albeit as yet they have not the full use of reason: in which estate a man may say they are until the age of seven years, during which time fathers and mothers ought to nourish and bring them up in the fear of God, & reverence of their parents, & frame them gently unto all good manners, as we have already declared. This age is called of the Latins Pueritia, as it were pure and neat from * He meaneth not common & natural infirmities, but malicious offences. sin: forasmuch as children have then no use of discretion, so that judgement cannot be attributed to their works, whereby they may be called good or evil. Youth is reckoned from seven years of age until fourteen, at which time children ought to be delivered unto skilful and honest masters & teachers, to be instructed. Two things requisite in a schoolmaster, skill, and bonestie of life. Then must parents look well whether those two things are in them, to whose direction they commit the keeping of such a precious pledge: lest that befall them, which Hyperides an Orator of Grecia said to one who told him that he had sent a slave with his son to govern him, you have (quoth he) done very well: for in steed of one slave, you shall receive twain. Therefore it is very necessary that such masters should be chosen for them, as are learned and of The benefit that cometh by good schoolmasters. good life & conversation, that, as good gardiner's stick down certain props hard by young plants to keep them upright: so wise teachers may plant good instructions & precepts about young men, that their manners may be according to virtue. Let fathers beware least being moved with covetousness, they make choice of masters unworthy their charge, that they may pay the less stipend, seeking for good cheap ignorance: seeing that (as Plato saith) as children bear away as it were the minds of their progenitors, so the vices of the schoolmasters flow upon their scholars. At this age of youth the children of Rome did hang A strange custom used by the children of Rome. in the Temple a little collar or jewel which they ware about their necks, during the time of their infancy, declaring thereby that they renounced all childishness, and that they were to change their manners for the time to come. In token whereof one gave them a white rob, and a purple coat, to teach them by the white colour to shun vices, which made the soul black, and by the purple, to strive to make their life glister and shine with good manners and virtue. And it seemeth that the latins called this The reason of this word juventus. age juventus, because of the aid and help which men promised to themselves through the virtuous inclination that appeared in young children. We saw before sufficiently what is further required of this age, in regard of their instruction. Adolescency is the fourth age of man, beginning at the fourteenth year, and continuing until Of adolescency the 28. and it is derived of this verb Adolesco, which signifieth to grow. For then do men grow in body, in strength, and reason, in vice, and virtue. And at that age the nature of a man is known, and whereunto he bendeth his mind, which before could not be discerned by reason of the ignorance of his age. This is that which Cicero saith, that the studies unto which we addict ourselves in the time of our adolescency, like to herbs and fruits that are come to their fashion, declare what virtue there will be in time of ripeness, and what manner of harvest will follow. Therefore young men (saith this Father of eloquence) must make choice of one certain kind of life, whereunto they are to give themselves all their life time without any manner of contradiction, and being constant therein, they must draw all their actions to that only end, as an arrow is drawn towards a white. But forasmuch The fruits of adolescency being left to itself. as in the corruption of our time we see poor fruits of this age when it is left to itself, we may well say, that in this season of adolescency, children have greatest need to be governed, ruled, and kept in great awe. For the inclination to pleasures, and the eschewing of labour, which are natural in man, commonly begin then to assault him with such violence, that if young men be not well followed, they quickly turn to vice, hate those that give them good instruction, become presumptuous, and ready to leave that which before they loved: and taking no care for the time to come, like beasts seek for nothing but to satisfy their lustful desires. For this cause that good Emperor Aurelius' exhortation to his sons governors. Marcus Aurelius said to those unto whom he recommended his son after his death. Beware that he bathe not himself in slippery pleasures and desires, seeing it is a hard matter to moderate and to stay the burning affections of a young man, especially when he seethe in his own hand a licence not limited, which offereth unto him all kind of contentation. And truly this unbridled licence of not being in subjection to any, which young men desire and seek after so earnestly, and for want of right understanding, falsely call and imagine it to be liberty, bringeth them in bondage to severer and sharper masters, than were those teachers & schoolmasters which they Concupiscence reigneth most in adolescency. had in their infancy: namely, to their lusts and disordered desires, which are then as it were unchained and let lose. But he which knoweth, that to follow God, and to obey right reason, are reciprocal and necessarily following each other, must think that to leave his infancy & first youth, and to enter into the rank of men, is no freedom from subjection, but only a change of commandment: because our life in am of a hired master, who governed us before, Who are to be accounted free. hath then a heavenly guide, that is, reason, to whom they only that obey, are to be reputed & taken for free men. For after they have learned to will that which they ought, they live as they will, whereas the freedom of the will in disordered actions and affections is small, feeble, & weak, and mingled with much repentance. These are those good reasons, which ought to sound often in the ears of young men, and be supplied by little & little through the study of good letters, & moral philosophy of ancient men, until they have wholly in possession that place of manners, which is soon moved, and most easily led, & are lodged therein by knowledge and judgement, which will be as a guard Knowledge and judgement are the guard of adolescency. to preserve and defend that age from corruption. Unto which things the Ancients looked very diligently, both to repress boldness, which commonly is the companion of adolescency, and also to chastise their faults severely. Cato's son banished for breaking an earthen pot. And Cinnaes' son for gathering fruit without leave. We read that one of Cato his sons of the age of 15. years, was banished for breaking a pot of earth in a maid's hand that went for water: so was Cinna his son, because he entered into a garden, and gathered fruit without leave. Therefore if a young man be well guided with reason, he will choose & propound to himself that kind of life, which he purposeth to keep until death, and begin some commendable life that is had in recommendation among virtuous men. The ancient Romans minding to make declaration How the Romans taught their young men to forsake the follies of their first age. hereof, when their children were come to that age, they brought them to the common market place clothed with a man's gown, and caused them to scatter nuts here and there, & after that to forsake all play: signifying thereby, that they must leave the follies of their first age, to embrace more grave and serious matters. It belongeth to their duty (saith Cicero) to honour their Elders, & to mark The duty of young men. who are the honestest men, & of best report, that by their counsel they may learn to live according to virtue & good manners, & have honour always before their eyes. And as in calm weather when a man is upon the sea, he must provide such things as are necessary against a storm: so in time of adolescency, men must furnish themselves with temperance, sobriety, & continency, laying up store of provision in due time, whereby to sustain old age the better. This is that which Plato saith, that a moderate youth maketh an A moderate youth maketh a happy old age easy old age: but that which is immoderate maketh it grievous & irkesom. The defect of our strength (saith Cicero) cometh rather of the vices of our youth, than of old age. Now, because youth is at this day more than ever, given over to all kind of dissoluteness, so that their greatest glory consisteth in going one beyond an other in vice, let us here propound to those that will make their profit thereof, some examples drawn from the ancients, of rare virtue that shined Examples of virtuous young men. in young men. joseph, Daniel, Solomon, deserve the first place, who being very young men, executed deeds of wonderful prudence. The holy Scriptures afford us a sufficient number of testimonies, but we have some also amongst the Heathens and Pagans, that aught to stir up youth Alexander a pattern of virtue in his youth. unto virtue. That great Monarch Alexander in his youth despised all kind of pleasure and delight, eschewed women, contemned money, and all plays and pastimes that were unprofitable, and to no good use, loving nothing but virtue and glory gotten thereby. This was the cause why, being demanded whether he would not be present at the feast of the Olympian games, to try if he could win the price of running, seeing he was well made, and wonderful light of foot, he answered. yes, if they were kings that ran. Whensoever he heard news that his father had taken any famous town, or won some great battle, he showed no token of joy, but said to his equals in years: My Father, Sirs, will take all, and leave no goodly and great matter for me to do, and to conquer with you. Among other his commendable gifts of nature, which men admired in him at that age, he was greatly praised for a good horseman, which he showed full well Bucephalus Alexander's horse. when Bucephalus the horse was brought to his father, and was to be sold for thirteen Talents, that is in value 7800. crowns: which the yeomen of the King's horse perceived to be so skittish and wild, that they durst not undertake to break him. But Alexander mounted on him, and handled him so cunningly, that all those that were present, cried out by way of admiration: and Philip kissing him, said: Oh my son, thou must seek out a kingdom that is meet for thee, for Macedonia is not able to contain thee. This horse always served Alexander after that, and died in a battle against the Barbarians, when he was thirty Pompey. years old. Pompey from his very youth showed in his countenance (as Historiographers writ) a pleasant mildness, joined with a manly gravity, and in his conditions and behaviour, a reverent excellency of kingly majesty. When he was yet very young, he committed an act of a wise and advised captain, being in the Roman army whereof Strabo his father was captain against Cinna. For when the soldiers began to rebel and to conspire the death of their captain, Pompey discovered the same, and took order for his father's safety. After, perceiving that the soldiers trussed up bag and baggage to go yield themselves to Cinna, he thrust himself into the midst of them, beseeching them most humbly with tears in his eyes, not to deal so grossly with their captain. In the end when he saw that they persisted in their opinion, he threw himself prostrate all along overthwart the gate of the camp, saying unto them, that if they were so desirous to departed, both they and their horses should go over his body. Whereupon they were so ashamed, that changing their minds, every one betook him again to his quarter, and reconciled themselves unto their general. The prudence of Papyrius deserveth to be alleged here, who according Papyrius. to the custom of the young gentlemen of Rome, was brought into the Senate, after he had put on the gown woven about with purple which they used to give to young men, to the end to frame them by little and little to the managing of affairs. In his return from the Senate, which was longer in breaking up than usually they were wont to do, his mother asked him the cause thereof. And after many threatenings and compulsions, Papyrius not willing to reveal the secret of the council, as it had been expressly forbidden him, bethought himself of a subtle lie, saying, that the Senators were in great contention whether it were more expedient to agree that one man should have two wives, or one woman two husbands: which (quoth he) shallbe determined to morrow. His mother believing it, told the same to the Roman ladies her companions, who met all the next day at the entry of the Senate, beseeching the judges to give a favourable sentence for them. The matter being known, procured great laughter, and made the prudence of this young man to be greatly esteemed. But let us speak of the other two ages of man. man's Of, or man's estate. estate beginneth when a man is even now ripe and settled, and groweth no more in body. This only age is most apt and fit to attain to virtue and honesty. For than is reason strong and powerful in him, then is his judgement sound, & his bodily vigour of force and strength to labour and travel. Of the name of this age, I mean of this Latin word Virro, did virtue first take her name, which in Latin is Virtus: because this word Virro, signifieth him that is in the age of virility, or man's estate, as if you would say, apt to be a minister and practitioner of virtue. It is true that Isidorus confoundeth Youth, (which he placeth after adolescency) and virility together; saying, that this word vir is a word of sex and not of age. But herein he agreeth with us, that the perfection of man's strength beginneth at 29. years, where we said that adolescency ended. In this strength a man continueth until 50. years, and then beginneth to grow weak, and to decline continually until The duty of a man at the perfection of his age. death. The whole age of virility ought to be full of honesty and virtue, & to bring forth the effects of prudence, temperance, fortitude and justice, whereof we have discoursed at large. And if any man before he came to this age, had not that education and instruction which was necessary for him (whereof we have already discoursed) by reason of his father's negligence, or through the licentiousness of adolescency, then especially is he to take the bridle between his teeth in good earnest, because yet there is good time & season, yea opportunity of great fruit, to profit in learning and virtue, so that he cannot allege this Clitomachus. excuse, that he was not instructed in youth. Clitomachus of Carthage, when he was above 40. years of age, came to Athens to learn under Carneades, with whom he profited so well, that after his death he succeeded in his place and taught others. Lucius being at Rome, and meeting with M. Aurelius. the emperor Marcus Aurelius in the street with one man after him, demanded of him whether he went. It becometh even an old man (quoth he) to learn. I am going (said he) to Sextus the Philosopher, to learn that which I know not. Than Lucius lifting up his hands towards heaven, cried out, O good God, I see an Emperor even gray-headed carrying his book as if he were a child to hear a lecture and to be instructed thereby: and yet most kings of the earth will not vouchsafe to look upon a book at eighteen years of age. Solon had Solon learned to the hour of his death. this sentence commonly in his mouth, that he waxed old as he learned. The same day and hour that he died, being above 80. years old, and hearing some of his friends disputing of a certain point of Philosophy, he lift up himself upon his bed after his manner as well as he could. And being asked why he did so, To the end (quoth he) that when I have learned that whereof you dispute, I might end my days: & so in deed he did. For the disputation was no sooner ended but he died. Socrates' learned music when he was very old. Socrates' learned music being old. T. Varro, and M. Cato learned Greek when they were old. julianus. Alphonsus. Terentius Varro, and Marcus Portius Cato learned Greek when they were old. Julianus the great lawyer used to say when he was very old, that although he had one foot in the grave, yet he was desirous to learn. Alphonsus' king of Arragon, when he was 50. years old, learned the Latin tongue, and translated Titus Livius out of Latin into Spanish. The sixth and last age of man is called Old-age, which according to Marcus Varro, and other authors, beginneth at 50. years, because at this age the natural power and strength of man beginneth to decline and fade away. Isidorus Of old-age. calleth this time gravity, which he maketh to last until 70. years, and termeth the overplus of age beyond that, old-age. But as neither the division of ages here set down, nor the terms wherein we have enclosed them, could agree to the ages of our first fathers, either in the first or second age, wherein they lived commonly as many years as we do months, so considering the shortness of our days, which the Psalmist limiteth within 80. years at Psal. 90. 10. the most, I think we are to follow the opinion of Varro, who calleth old-age whatsoever is above 50. years. In which age prudence is a very meet & necessary ornament, which Prudence is the ornament of old age. those ancient men might attain unto through long use of life, through knowledge, and through experience. Therefore it is their office to secure and help the younger sort, their friends, and the commonwealth by their prudence and counsel. For this cause Romulus the first founder of the city of Rome, chose an hundred of the eldest in the city, by whose counsel he willed that it should What Senate is, and from whence it came. be governed. And of these old men called in Latin Senes, came that word Senatus, which is as much to say, as an assembly or gathering together of old men, whom we now call counsellors or Senators. And albeit that men now a days greatly abuse those charges, yet surely they properly belong to old men, to whom it appertaineth to govern towns, to administer justice, and to be a pattern and example of honesty to the younger sort. For then have they no time to take their ease, but (as Cicero saith) they must increase the exercises of the soul, as they diminish the labours of the body. Let them remember that saying of the Lacedaemonian, who being asked why he suffered What use is to be made of a white beard. his beard to grow so long: to the end (quoth he) that by looking upon my white hair, I should be put in mind not to do any act unbeseeming this hoary whiteness. In this age that sentence of Plato ought especially to be well Epaminondas salutation used to men according to their ages. thought upon, That young men die very soon, but that old men cannot live long. To which effect Epaminondas said, that until 30. years it may be thus said to men, Ye are welcome: for until that time they seem still to be coming into the world. From 30. until 50. years, they must be saluted in this manner, Ye are in a good hour, because they are then to know what the world is. And from 50. to the end a man must say unto them, Go in a good hour, because than they go fair and softly, taking their leave of the world. Old age Cato. (said Cato to an old man that lived ill) hath sufficient deformities of itself, do not thou add such as proceed from What breedeth authority in a man. vice. For it is not grisled hair, nor a wrinkled visage that bringeth authority, but a life that is honestly led and guided according to the best end of our being whereunto every age is to be referred. To such old men (saith Sophocles) Sophocles. as have their souls nourished with heavenly light, To whom old age is not grievous. old age is not grievous, and in such the desire of contemplation and knowledge increaseth as much as the pleasures of their body decrease. Therefore when we have passed over the greatest part of our days to the profit of many, if than through weakness of extreme age we are constrained to leave the managing of public affairs, it will be very great honour, comfort and contentation of mind unto us, to run the rest of our race quietly and peaceably in the study of letters, wherein delight is joined with honest contemplation. The end of the thirteenth days work. THE Fourteenth days work. Of policy, and of sundry sorts of governments. Chap. 53. ASER. IF we are able to discern between the body & the soul, between this present transitory life and the life to come, which is eternal, we will not think it strange, The soul is not subject to man's jurisdiction. that one part of man's building should be created to remain free for ever, and to be exempted from the yoke of human power, acknowledging only the spiritual jurisdiction, and the other part to be in servitude, and to receive commandment from those human and civil offices, which are to be kept amongst men. In the kingdom of God (saith Paul) there is neither Gal. 3. 18. jew nor Grecian, neither bond nor free, neither Barbarian nor Scythian, but Jesus Christ is all in all. Stand fast in the liberty Col. 3. 11. wherewith you are made free. And by and by after he addeth: Only use not your liberty as an occasion to the flesh, but by love Gal. 5. 1. 13. serve one another. And elsewhere he saith, Let every soul be Rom. 13. 1. 2. All power is of God. subject to the higher powers: for there is no power but of God. whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. whereby it appeareth that they which think that the maintenance of civil policies are the work of man only, are greatly deceived. For we must of necessity believe, The beginning and preservation of policies is from God. that it proceedeth from the counsel of God, and from his eternal providence, without which neither the round frame of the world, nor cities & towns could in any sort abide steadfast: & so that it is very necessary for their preservation, that certain laws should be appointed, according unto which men may live honestly & justly one with another. As there are then two chief regiments & governments in man, of which one respecteth the soul, and acknowledgeth no temporal king or master, but holdeth of one only Jesus Christ according to the ministery of his word, & the other is to ordain a civil justice only, and to reform outward manners, whereunto the body during this life is wholly subject, rescruing the first estate of man in his freedom according to the divine rule of piety, we are diligently to look to this second estate of subjection & servitude, which is most necessary for the maintenance of common peace & tranquillity amongst men. Now forasmuch (my companions) as we have hitherto according to our weak judgement noted the moral virtues of the soul, for the better framing of men's actions to that which is decent & honest in this life, and following the same order have also given rules & instructions for the government of a family, we are now to enter into this large field of human policy, & to consider of the parts that belong unto it, referring the chief scope of the handling of this matter, which otherwise would be infinite, to the ruling & preserving of our French monarchy, for the instruction of all estates that are therein. And first we will see what civil policy is, and entreat briefly of the divers kinds of governments among the ancients, that we may so much the better attain to the knowledge of that under which we live. AMANA. To command and to obey (saith Aristotle) are not only necessary but also profitable: yea some things Of commanding and obeying. are borne to obey, and others to command, whose common end is public benefit & civil justice, which are preserved by a well established policy, and right government according to the laws of nature. ARAM. Policy is the bond of all society. every civil society must be kept in order by some policy, which is a necessary help to cause a man to walk in his vocation. But as the elements cannot be intermingled one with another, except it be by an unequal proportion and temperature: so I think that civil policies cannot well be preserved but by a certain inequality which is to be seen in all countries by divers sorts of governments. But let us hear ACHITOB discourse to this effect. ACHITOB. There is show of commanding and obeying in all things, In all things compounded of matter and form, commanding & obeying are so natural, that there is some show thereof even in things without life: as we see in that harmony which consisteth in voice, & in sounds, As in harmony. wherein the contra-tenor seemeth to command over the base. This whole inferior world obeyeth the superior, The superior part of the world ruleth the inferior. and is governed thereby, through a certain virtue accompanied with light and heat, called of many Philosophers the spirit of the world, or as Plato saith, the soul of the world, which descending from the celestial nature, and intermingling itself throughout the whole mass of this great body, penetrateth, quickeneth, nourisheth and moderateth all changeable things under the moon. The The sun is king and the moon Queen among the stars. The moon ruleth over all moistures. chief minister and disposer of this virtue is the sun, whom we acknowledge as king among the stars, lightning the universal frame with his beams. The moon is as it were the Queen, ruling over all moistures, and among other maruails, showing her manifest power over the flowing and ebbing of the Ocean seas. We see among the Elements that the Fire and air through The Fire and air chief among the elements. their first qualities are active, and that the water and earth are passive, as being more material. Amongst all kinds of birds the Eagle is precedent, amongst beasts the Lion. In fresh and salt waters the mightiest fishes The Eagle, Lion whale and pike over their kinds rule, as the Whale in the sea, and the Pike in pools. Man ruleth over all living creatures, and in man compounded of body, soul, and understanding, the soul commandeth over the body, and the understanding over the desire. We have also seen by proceeding from one particular man to a family made of many persons, how the head commandeth diversly over the parts of his house. Even so it is necessary, that every civil society, which is made one of many families tending to a general good, should be kept in by some policy consisting in commanding and obeying. In many places of the world there are countries where the cities are not enclosed, where there is no use of learning, and where there are no Kings. Other people there are that dwell in no houses, that use no money, that live with raw flesh: in a word, that seem to hold No people without all policy. more of the nature of beasts than of men. And yet there are none that have no kind of policy established amongst them, or that use no laws or customs, whereunto they willingly submit themselves. Neither are they without some apprehension and reverence of the divine nature, using Divine justice & human policy always linked together. prayers & sacrifices, although damnable: so straightly are these two things, divine justice and human policy joined together, that the one cannot in any sort remain amongst men without the other. Therefore Plutarch saith, that a city will sooner stand without a foundation, than civil policy can be framed and established without any religion and opinion of God, or without the preservation thereof after it is once received. Moreover, the first agreement of people forsaking their barbarous and rustical life, to join in civil society, was to this end, that they might have a place of religion to keep them together. Religion is the foundation of all estates. Religion surely is the foundation of all commonwealths, of the execution of laws, of the obedience of subjects towards their magistrates, of their fear towards princes, of mutual love among themselves, and of justice towards others. Lycurgus' reform the estate of the Lacademonians, Numa Pompilius of the Romans, Solon of the Athenians, and Deucalion of all the Grecians generally, by making them devout and affectionate towards the gods in The ancient law makers established then ordinance, through the means of religion. prayers, oaths, oracles, and prophecies, through the means of fear and hope of the divine nature, which they imprinted in them. Polybius governor and lieutenant to Scipio Africanus, and taken for the wisest Politician in his time, saith, That the Romans had never any greater means Religion the greatest means of enlarging the Roman empire than religion, to extend the borders of their empire, and the glory of their famous acts over all the earth. Desiring therefore that religion, the truth, and the law of God, all which are one, and published by the mouth of God, may continue and dwell amongst us, let us see what policy is, whereunto it ought chief to tend, and what sundry sorts there are of establishing it, by the contrary kinds of government used among the ancients. Policy is a word derived of this Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth the What policy is, and from whence the word is derived. regiment of a city or commonwealth: and that which the Grecians call Political government, the Latins call the government of a commonwealth, or of a civil society. This word policy hath been taken in many significations amongst the ancients: sometime it signified a Burgesie, that is to say, the participation and enjoying of the rights The divers significations of this word Policy and privileges of a town: sometime the manner of life used by some political person: as when one commendeth the policy of Pericles, or of Bias, that is, their kind of government: sometime also when they would note some worthy deed in the government of the commonwealth, they said, That man hath wrought an act of policy this day. But the chief signification of this word, and that which answereth to our present discourse, is the order and estate whereby one or many towns are governed, and public affairs well managed and administered. But before we begin to speak of the divers sorts of Policies, that is to say, of governments of towns, of which all commonwealths and Monarchies are compounded, let us speak a word of the end of policy, and of that mark whereat it ought especially to aim. As all Cities and civil societies are appointed for the obtaining of some Good, so all policy respecteth Of the end of policy. the same, and tendeth to no other thing, than to unite and frame us to the company of men so long as we live amongst them: to conform our manners to a civil justice, to set us at agreement one with another, and to maintain and preserve common peace and tranquillity, by procuring that every one may have his own. It is the cause that men to communicate together without fraud or hurt, that the insolency of the wicked is bridled and punished: briefly, that not only all duties of humanity are used amongst men, but also that some public form of religion appeareth, and that blasphemies against the divine nature, and other offences which trouble common quietness are not openly broached. For although it Civil ordinance ought to maintain the worship of God. falleth not within the compass of man's power, as we said, to prescribe and appoint by their authority any regiment and government over souls, yet every one is not to be suffered to forge at his pleasure laws concerning religion, and the manner of serving God. But civil ordinance must carefully provide, that the true service of God be not publicly violated and polluted through an uncontrolled liberty, especially considering that the conservation of every well ordered policy dependeth thereupon. But we shall understand this matter more at large hereafter in the Every estate consists of 3. parts, of the magistrate, the law, and the people. particular handling of the parts of an estate, which we will divide into 3. principal and general heads, following therein the ancient politics, namely, into the Magistrate, the Law, and the people. Now to go on with that which was propounded unto us, let us speak of those kinds of governments which were amongst the ancients. The ordinance of a city, or order amongst magistrates, especially amongst them that had the sovereign rule over all, was called of the ancients, commonwealth, or as some others will have it weal-public, which in her kind of government was named When commonwealths are right, and when corrupt. according to the quality of the chief rulers thereof. And those commonwealths that tended to common benefit were said to be right, & simply just: but if they respected the profit of the superiors only, they were said to be corrupt, & were called transgressions of right commonwealths, these being the cause of as much evil to the whole body of the city, as the others are of Good. For as the good or evil of an house dependeth of the father of the family, the safety or loss of a ship, of the pilot or master, the The good or evil estate of common wealths dependeth of the magistrates next under God. good or ill success of an army, of the general thereof: so the happiness or unhappiness of towns and peoples dependeth of the magistrates, and yet so that God ruleth over all. commonwealths then are either good or bad, The division of common-welths in general. right or corrupted. That is a good commonwealth, wherein the governors seek the public profit of the citizens, & the benefit of the whole civil society. It is called right and just, because it hath such an end, and seeketh after the same, taking no counsel about any thing, but only about the preservation of justice. A corrupt commonwealth is that which repugneth and is directly contrary to that which is good and just, & chief to the end thereof. For it seeketh only the increase of private commodity, having no care of public profit. There are 3. kinds of good commonwealths, The subdivision of them. and 3. of bad, whose government always consisteth in the superiors of the estate, taking their appellation and name of them, as hath been said. The first kind of good commonwealths is a monarchy, which taketh Of a monarchy. place when the sovereignty is in one alone. This respecting public profit only, and preferring common benefit always before her own private and particular commodity, taketh upon her the name of a kingdom, or of kingly power. But if she look unto his particular benefit that ruleth, seeking to reign by an absolute will without any observation of just laws, than she hath the name of tyranny, which is Of a tyranny. the first bad kind of commonwealth. Now forasmuch as we live in this kingdom, under this first kind of commonwealth, called a kingly monarchy, we will dilate this matter, & consider thereof at large in a several treatise, that we may the better know the excellency of it, when it is well & justly ordained. The second kind of a right & good commonwealth is of a Greek word called an aristocraty, which in our language Of an aristocraty, and what it signifieth. we may interpret, the power of the best men, whom we call in Latin optimates, because they are accounted for the best & most virtuous men. This form of government taketh place when a few tried and approved men for manners and learning have the sovereignty jointly together, and make laws for the rest of the people, whither it be generally or particularly, directing their thoughts to no other mark than to public utility and profit. This was seen most excellently among the Lacedæmonians, The Lacedaemonian estate was an excellent pattern of this government. whose commonwealth surpassed all others of her time, as well for her policy and establishment, whereof there was never the like, and wherein she continued about 500 years, as also for the glory of her warlike acts, whereby she held the empire of Graecia a long time, under the laws of that happy aristocratical government, which Lycurgus established there. This man seeing their estate to incline one while to tyranny, when the kings had too much power, and an other while to popular confusion, when the common people began to usurp too great Why the Senate of Lacedemonia was first instituted. authority, devised with himself to give them a counterpoise, that should be healthful for the whole body of the commonwealth, by establishing there a Senate, which was as a strong bar, holding both the extremities in equal balance, and giving firm and steadfast footing to their estate. For the 28. Senators making the body of the Senate, sometimes took part with the two kings who were deprived of all sovereignty, so far forth What power the kings of Lademonia had. as was thought needful to resist the rashness of the people: and contrariwise, sometimes they strengthened the people's side against the kings, who had then but the voices of two senators in the council, thereby to keep them from usurping any tyrannical power. True it is that their estate was not purely aristocratical, until one hundred years after the first establishment thereof by Lycurgus, because he had left the confirmation and abrogation of the advice and decrees of The policy of Polydorus and Theopompus to get the power out of the people's hands. the Senate in the people's power. But Polydorus and Theopompus being Kings, and seeing how hard a matter it was to assemble all the people together, and how they overthrew many times the sacred decrees of the Senate, holp themselves with an oracle from Apollo, whereby it was signified that the Senate of thirty should from thenceforth have all power in matters of estate, in so much that of Senators they became sovereign Lords. And to content the people, they appointed five Ephories Why the Ephories were appointed in Macedonia. who were chosen out of the people, as Tribunes to keep away tyranny. That policy than is truly aristocratical, wherein virtue only is respected in the distribution of magistracies, and the benefit of the subjects is chief considered in the government thereof. oligarchy is opposite Of an Oligarchy and contrary to this, and is the second kind of a corrupted commonwealth. This is when a few noble or rich men occupy the authority and administration of the commonwealth, rejecting the poorer and base sort, and aiming at nothing but at their own private and particular profit, without all care of public commodity. These men always use to take part with their like in nobility or riches, to the treading down and oppression of the meaner sort of people. Moreover, they rule all matters according to their affections, and through ambition and covetousness take them into their own hands, until How an oligarchy is changed into a tyranny, with examples thereof. some one that is mightiest amongst them, find the means to rule absolutely, and to change the oligarchy into a tyranny. Aristotle affirmeth that all the ancient governments in Sicilia were Oligarchies, among which that of the Leontines was translated into the tyranny of Panecus, that of Gela into the tyranny of Cleander, that of Rhegium into the tyranny of Anaxilas, and so of many others. The third kind of a good and right commonwealth is of a Greek word called Timocratie, which we may call Of a Timocraty. The power of mean or indifferent wealth. This kind of gonernment was after a peculiar sort called of the ancients by the name of commonwealth: because this policy tended most of all to public profit, and was guided by laws, and * His meaning is, that it is ruled by some laws taken from ccb of these. compounded of an oligarchy and a democraty, which are two extremes, and of themselves vicious and corrupt. For of their mediocrities this form of commonwealth was instituted after 3. sorts. First, by taking the laws and institutions of both: secondly, by holding the mediocrity of things commanded by them: thirdly, by following the constitutions, partly of the one, & partly of the other. Aristotle speaketh of this kind of commonwealth when he saith, That civil society consisting of mean persons is very good, and that those cities are well governed wherein there are many of the middle sort, who have more power than both the other parties, or at least than any one of them. For where as many are passing rich, or extreme poor, there followeth either an extreme democraty, or an intolerable oligarchy, or else through their excess, a tyranny. Now the last kind of corrupt commonwealth remaineth to be seen, which is called Of a democraty. democraty, where free and poor men being the greater number, are Lords of the estate. There were five Five kinds thereof, according to Aristotle in his 4. book of Politi. Ca 4. sorts of them: the first, where the government was equally communicated to all: the second, where regard was had to wealth, although it was but small: the third, where all the citizens were partakers of the government under the ruling of the law: the fourth, where every one might attain to the magistracy, so that he were a citizen, and the law ruled: the fift, where other things being equal, the multitude commanded and not the law: and then the people only governed, according to their fancy by decrees and provisoes, which they gave out daily, oppressing the virtuous, rich and noble, that they might live in all liberty. This kind is not to be called a commonwealth, seeing the laws bear no sway, but being answerable to a tyranny, it is passing ill, and Athens a Democratical estate. unworthy to be numbered among commonwealths. Plato and Xenophon wrote, that the democraty of Athens was such a one, where the people was given over to all licentiousness without either fear of Magistrates, or observation of laws. Now of the three kinds of good commonwealths mentioned by us, Aristotle, Polybius, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and Cicero, compound an other, that is partaker of all three: saying, that every kind Of a mixed kind of commonwealth. of commonwealth established simply, and alone by itself, soon degenerateth into the next vice, if it be not moderated and kept back by the rest. Therefore they say that a commonwealth erected with a right government to continue long, must have the virtues and properties of the other commonwealths, joined together in her, to the end that nothing grow out of proportion which may cause her to degenerate into her next evil, and so consequently overthrow her. Likewise many ancient Examples hereof. and late politics have maintained, that the commonwealths of the Lacedæmonians, Carthaginians, Romans and others that are famous, as that of the Venetians, were compound and mildly intermingled with the royal, aristocratical, and popular power. But this subject deserveth well a several discourse, which being needless for the understanding of the matter here propounded unto us, we will not stay any longer in the curious searching out of sundry other kinds of estates and policies, which the ancients have drawn out of these already described. We will note therefore for the conclusion of our speech that the reason why so many kinds of commonwealths are mentioned by the ancients is this, because every city is compounded of many parts, the diversity of which, according as they were in greater number and power, caused them to vary the names of governments. But to The perfectest distinction of commonwealths. avoid confusion and obscurity, we may say, that if the sovereignty consisteth in one only prince, the estate is monarchical: if all the people have interest in it, the estate is popular: and if only the least part of them have the chief power, the estate is aristocratical. But There is difference between the estate and the government of a commonwealth. if their form of government be contrary to their nature, they take an other quality but change not their essence. Moreover we say, that the preservation of every public society dependeth of the policy well ordained, without which there can be nothing but disorder & confusion among men. We say, that policy is the order of a city in the offices of magistracy, namely, in the chief of all, in whose government the whole commonwealth consisteth: which if it be in the people's hands, is called Examples of the popular estate. Popular, as in the Cantons of Switzerland, and leagues of the Grisons, in many free towns in Germany, and in old time was in Athens: if in the hands of certain persons, as of the gentlemen of Venice, and of some families Of the aristocratical, in Genes, it is called aristocratical: if it dependeth of the will of one alone, it is called a monarchy, as in France, Of the monarchical. Spain, Portugal, England, Scotland, Sweathland, Polonia. Further we say, that the diversity of government among cities and peoples, dependeth of their end: if they tend to a good end, which is to public benefit, they are good and just: but if to an ill end, namely, to the particular profit of such as command, they are evil and unjust. Of the sovereign Magistrate, and of his authority and office. Chap. 54. ACHITOB. What right is. WE commonly say that that thing is rightly done, which is done according to the order and institution of The foundation of every estate is the sovereignty thereof. policy. Neither is right any other thing amongst us, than the order of that estate under which we live, the sovereignty whereof is the sure foundation, union and bond of all the particulars in one perfect body of a commonwealth. And when judgements are exercised by the magistrates, when the will of justice is declared by the exposition of the laws & of right, and when we direct our actions under justice, them is the order of civil society duly observed. Hereupon Every estate consists of 3. parts in our last discourse we said, that the estate of a commonwealth was compounded of 3. general parts, of the magistrate, of the law, and of the people. Thus following our purpose, let us entreat particularly of these parts, whereof every commonwealth consisteth: & first let us consider of the chief magistrate, and of his authority and office. ASER. All civil superiority is a holy and lawful vocation before God. And as justice is the end of the law, and The magistrate is the image of God. the law a work of the magistrate, so also the magistrate is the image of God, who ruleth and governeth all, according to which mould and pattern he must fashion himself through the means of virtue. AMANA. As in a man that is well disposed both in body and soul according to nature not corrupted, the soul ruleth and commandeth with reason, being the better part, and the body with the affections thereof serve & obey, as the worse part: so is it in every human assembly. It belongeth to the wisest to rule, and to such as are The wisest must rule. less advised to obey. Therefore the Magistrate must above all things labour, that he be not unworthy of that person which he sustaineth. But let us hear ARAM discourse of this matter which is here propounded unto us. ARAM. God being careful of all things, even of the very lest, and comprehending in himself the beginning, end, and midst of them, according to his good pleasure, and making all in all by his only spirit, respecting the common good of this whole frame, and preservation of Why God distributeth his gifts diversly to divers men. human society, hath from time to time distributed to sundry persons distinct and different graces, that in exercising divers estates, charges, administrations, offices, handicrafts, and occupations, they might through mutual succour, and interchangable help preserve and maintain themselves. This is that which we see in cities amongst civil companies, which is as much to say, as a multitude of men unlike in qualities & conditions, as rich, poor, free, bond, noble, vile, skilful, ignorant, artificers, labourers: some obeying, others commanding, and all communicating together in one place their arts, handicrafts, occupations, & exercises, to this end, that they may live the better, and more commodiously. They obey also the same Magistrates, laws, and sovereign council, which Plato calleth the Anchor, head and soul of the city: which naturally tendeth to some order and rule of dominion, as that which took beginning and increase from persons A well governed family resembleth the kingly regiment. acquainted with a government that resembleth the royal regiment, as appeareth in every well ordered family, and hath already been touched of us. The first sovereign government was established either by the violence of the mightiest, as Thucydides, Caesar, Plutarch, and others writ: and the holy history testifieth the same unto us, and putteth this opinion out of doubt, where it is said, that Nimrod Gen. 10. 10. Cham's nephew, was the first that brought men into Of the original of kingdoms. subjection by force and violence, establishing his principality in the kingdom of Assyria: Or if any will believe Demosthenes, Aristotle, and Cicero, the first sovereignty was instituted upon their will and good liking, who for their own commodity, rest, & security, submitted themselves to such as excelled most in virtue in those times, which Cicero his opinion therein. they called heroical. Who knoweth not (saith Cicero) in his oration for Sestius, that the nature of men was sometime such, that not having natural equity as yet written, they wandered up and down being dispersed in the fields, and had nothing but that which they could catch & keep forcibly by murders and wounds? Wherefore some excelling in virtue and counsel, & knowing the docility & understanding of man, gathered the dispersed together into one place, & brought them from that rudeness wherein they were, unto justice & gentleness. Then they established those things that belonged to common profit, which we call public, & appointed assemblies, afterward called cities, & walled about their buildings joined together, which we call towns, having first found out both divine and human equity. At the same time the authority of magistrates took place, who were instituted by the consent of the people, for that excellent heroical virtue, which they saw in those first Rectors and Ordainers of civil society, to whom was committed the jurisdiction of laws, or received customs, and the disposition of written equity to rule and govern their people thereafter. But not to stay long about the diversity of those opinions, which we have here alleged for the establishment of the sovereignty, this is out of question, that the foundation of every commonwealth dependeth thereupon, & that it is the absolute What sovereignty is. & perpetual power of the commonwealth, & is not limited either in power, or charge, or for a certain time. This sovereignty is in him or them that are chief of the Estate: & a little king is as much a sovereign, as the greatest A little king as much a sovereign as the greatest Monarch. Monarch of the earth. For a great kingdom (saith Cassiodorus) is nothing else but a great commonwealth, under the keeping of one chief sovereign. But before we entreat more amply of his authority and office, it behoveth Of the name of Magistrate. us to render a reason of the name of Magistrate, which is here given unto him. This word Magistrate, hath been taken of the Ancients in divers significations: and Plato maketh seventeen sorts of them, calling some necessary magistrates, others honourable. Aristotle said, that they ought chief to be called magistrates, that have power to take counsel, to judge, and to command, but especially to command. And this doth the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sufficiently declare, as if he would say, Commanders: and the Latin word Magistratus, being a word of commanding, signifieth to master, and to exercise dominion. Also the Dictator, who had the greatest power to command, The Dictator of Rome was called Magister populi. was called of the Ancients, Magister populi. Therefore albeit the name of Magistrate hath been heretofore, and is yet given to all that have public and ordinary charge in the Estate, yet we will as it were abuse this name a little, by transferring it to the sovereign of all, of whom all magistrates, laws, and ordinances of the commonwealth The calling of Magistrates proved to be lawful. depend. Now, let us see whether this vocation of the Magistrate be lawful and approved of God. We have not only infinite testimonies in the Scripture, that the estate of Magistrates is acceptable before God, but which is more, it is adorned with honourable titles, that the dignity thereof might be singularly recommended unto us. When we see that all men placed in authority Psal. 82. 6. are called Gods, we must not esteem this title to be of small importance, seeing it appeareth thereby, that they are authorized by him, and represent his majesty in the ruling & governing of us. If the Scripture (as that heavenly john. 10 35. word saith) called them Gods, unto whom the word of God was given, what is that else but that they have charge & commission from God to serve him in their office, & (as Moses & Josaphat said to their judges, whom they appointed 2. Chron. 19 6. over every city of Judah) to exercise justice, not in the name of men, but in the name of God? By me (saith Prou. 8. 15. 16. the wisdom of God) kings reign, and princes decree justice. By me princes rule, and the nobles, and all the judges of the earth. Moreover we see, that many holy men have obtained kingdoms, as David, Josias, Ezechias: some governments and great estates under kings, as Joseph, and Daniel: others the guiding of a free people, as Moses, Josua, and the judges, whose calling and estate was acceptable to God, as he hath declared by his spirit. Wherefore The calling of the Magistrate is most holy. no man ought to doubt of this, that civil superiority is not only a holy and lawful calling before God, but also the holiest and most honourable of all other, whereunto all the people is subject, aswell by the establishment of the right of the estate, as by the holy and heavenly ordinance of God. And if the Magistrate be persuaded (as it is certain, that many Estates have had that foundation) that the cause of his first institution, and voluntary subjection whereunto the people submitted themselves for their common benefit, was that excellency of virtue, which appeared in some above the rest, ought he not to think himself unworthy of so honourable a title, if he want the cause of the beginning thereof? But further, if the Magistrate He is the minister of God's justice. know that he is appointed the minister of God's justice, unto what great integrity, prudence, clemency, moderation, and innocency, ought he to conform & frame Good counsel for magistrates. himself? With what confidence dare he suffer any iniquity to have entrance into his seat, which he understandeth to be the throne of the living God? With what boldness will he pronounce any unjust sentence out of his mouth, which he knoweth is appointed to be an instrument of the truth of God? With what conscience will he subscribe to, or seal any evil statute with his hand, which he knoweth is ordained to write the decrees of God? To be short, if the Magistrate call to mind, that as God hath placed the sun and moon in the heavens as a token of his divinity, so is he also appointed in earth for the like representation and light, will he not think that he is to employ and bestow all his care and study, that he may represent unto men in all his doings, as it were an image of the providence, defence, goodness, clemency, and justice of God? It is certain that the Magistrate is the same The Magistrate compared to the heart of a living creature. thing in the commonwealth, which the heart is in the body of a living creature. If the heart be sound and pure, it giveth life unto the whole body, because it is the fountain of the blood, and of the spirits: but being corrupted, it bringeth death and destruction to all the members. So fareth it with the Magistrate, who is the soul of the people, their glass, and the white whereat all his subjects aim. If he live under right, reason, truth and justice, which are the proper will of God only, he is not unlike to a line or rule, And to a carpenter's rule. which being first right itself, afterward correcteth all other crooked things that are applied unto it. For nothing is more natural, than that subjects should conform themselves to the manners, deeds, and words of their prince. The wise Hebrew, Plato, Cicero, and Titus Livius, have left this maxim unto posterity as an infallible rule of Estate. And Theodoricus king of the Goths, writing to the senate of Rome, goeth yet further, using these words, as Cassiodorus rehearseth them: That the course of nature would sooner fail, than the people would leave off to be like their Princes. But further, as the heart in the bodies of living creatures is last corrupted, insomuch that the last relics of life seem to abide therein: so it is meet, that, if any disease corrupt the people, the sovereign Magistrate should continue pure and sound unto the end from all that pollution. If there be any evil in the soul, it proceedeth from the wickedness of the body, being subject to perverse affections: and look what good thing soever is in the body, it sloweth from the soul, as from the fountain thereof. Now as it would be against nature, if the evils of the body should come from the soul, & the good gifts of the body should be corrupted by the vices of the spirit: so would it be very absurd, that corrupt manners, evil laws, vice, and ungodliness, should proceed from the Magistrate unto the people, seeing (as Plato saith) he holdeth the same place The Magistrate is in the Common wealth that which reason is in the soul. in the commonwealth, that reason doth in the soul, which guideth the other parts by wisdom. And forasmuch as the whole commonwealth representeth but one certain body compounded of divers members, whereof the Magistrate is the Head and most excellent of all, he must also use such equity, that he profit every one of them, and beware that he be not contagious to the whole public body through his evil example. The people The example of the Magistrate is the best way to teach the people. (saith Seneca) give more credit to their eyes, than to their ears: that is to say, they believe that which they see, sooner than that which they hear. And to instruct the people by precepts, is a long and difficult way: but to teach them by examples is very short, and of greater efficacy. Therefore the Magistrate must be more careful of that which he doth, than of that which he speaketh. And that which he prescribeth his subjects for a rule, as it were by law, must be confirmed of him by works and deeds. For as he is chief bound to follow the laws of God and nature, so he must make all those laws and statutes, which he establisheth in his estate, according to that pattern. And Whereunto the Prince is bound aswell as his subject. therefore one of the Ancients said very well, that the prince together with his subjects, had one and the same God to serve, one law to keep, and one death to fear. We will then briefly comprehend the duty of the Magistrate in The duty of the Magistrate consisteth in three things. these three things, in ruling, in teaching, and in judging his people: which duties are so nearly knit and joined together, that the one cannot be well exercised without the other, and he that faithfully dischargeth one, fulfilleth The art royal, philosophical, and political is all one. them all. For this cause Plato saith, that the art and science of the King, of the Philosopher, and of the Politician, is one and the same, because they consist all three in knowing how to rule, to teach, and to judge well. He saith also, that the only way to procure true quietness and most happy felicity in commonwealths, is when by some divine providence the sovereign authority of magistracy meeteth with the will of a wise Philosopher in one person, that virtue may be superior, and vice suppressed. And if such a governor over people is to be accounted very happy, they are no less happy, that may hear the excellent discourses, & good instructions which proceed from his mouth. Besides, when they see virtue after a lively sort imprinted in a visible pattern, & that the Magistrates life is such an example, they become wise of their own accord. Then is force, constraint, or threatening, needless to bring them to their duty, as they that conform themselves to an'vpright & good life in friendship, charity, & concord, Who is most worthy of sovereign authority. one with another. So that we may boldly say, that he is by nature most worthy of sovereign authority, who is able by his virtue to imprint in men's hearts the like disposition & affection to live well & virtuously. But forasmuch as Why there are so few virtuous Princes. few virtuous men are found, & sovereign magistrates are not commonly chosen out of that small number, but come to that authority for the most part by succession: it is no marvel if there be but few such Magistrates, as we have here described: nay, it is rather greatly to be wondered at, if any one among a great many become very excellent. Notwithstanding, as their sovereign is nothing less over their subjects, who own fidelity & obedience unto them: so are they always bound to do their duty and office towards Wherein the duty of the chief Magistrate consisteth. them, which consisteth in ministering justice, counsel, comfort, aid, and protection. Moreover, because insolency and rebellious wickedness is always to be found in some corrupt persons, who neither by teaching, nor by example of good life will be brought to virtue, but persever in committing a thousand impious & unjust actions, Why the sword is put into the magistrate's hand. for the punishment of such, the sword is put into the magistrate's hand, both by the law of God & man, that as the minister of God he should serve his wrath, & take vengeance of them that do evil. This is that which is so expressly commanded to magistrates in infinite places of the scripture, jer. 22. 3. under these words: Do judgement & justice: justice in delivering What is meant by this precept. Do judgement and justice. him that is oppressed by force, from the hand of the oppressor, in not grieving strangers, widows, and orphans, in offering no injury to any, in shedding no innocent blood, and in dealing uprightly with every one: and judgement in resisting the boldness of the wicked, in repressing their impudency and violence, and in punishing Prou. 16. 12. & 20. 8. 26. their faults. It is an abomination to kings (saith the wise man) to commit wickedness: for the throne is established by justice. A king that sitteth in the throne of judgement, chaseth away all evil with his eyes. A wise king scattereth-the wicked, and causeth the wheel to turn over them. Take the dross from the silver, and Prou. 25. 4. 5. there shall proceed a vessel for the finer. Take away the wicked from the king, and his throne shall be established in righteousness. Aswell he that justifieth the wicked, as he that condemneth the just, is an abomination unto God. The people and nations curse him that He that suffereth evil, is culpable aswell as he that committeth it. saith to the wicked, thou art just. Yea, an offence is to be imputed as much or more to him that suffereth it to be done, when he may & is bound to stay it, than to him that committeth the same. And if it be a point of true justice in Magistrates to persecute the wicked with drawn sword, let not them that will needs (forsooth) abstain from all severity, and keep their hands pure from blood, whilst the swords of the wicked are drawn out to commit murder and violence: I say, let them not doubt but they themselves shall be judged guilty of great injustice before the Severity and clemency are to be linked together in a Magistrate. divine majesty. It is true, that gentleness and clemency most of all beseem a great and excellent man, and is one principal virtue necessary for a Magistrate. Notwithstanding it must so be ruled, that for the benefit of the commonwealth, severity and rigour be joined therewith: because it is unpossible to rule & govern a multitude without this. And yet it is not the part either of a wise physician, or of a good governor of an Estate, to set hand to the iron, except in great necessity, when there is no other remedy. For if they do otherwise, as there is want of discretion in both, so most of all in the Magistrate, because injustice also is joined with cruelty. So that it is necessary both in clemency and rigour to keep some honest mean by right reason, and prudence, to the end that the inconveniences of both may be eschewed. This is that which Isocrates, speaking of the manner of reigning well, teacheth, when he saith, that a man must be severe in searching out of faults, and merciful in imposing punishments that are less than the faults, governing men more by clemency Civility and gravity must be joined both together in a Magistrate. and prudence, than by rigour and cruelty. And seeing it falleth out so, that an oversevere Magistrate becometh odious, and that he is contemned & despised who is too gracious, a wise man must be both civil and grave; gravity being comely in commanding, and civility necessary for him that converseth with men. For the conclusion therefore of our discourse, we learn, that both by the establishment of every estate and policy, and by a holy & heavenly decree, we are subject to the sovereign Magistrate, who is lawfully ordained to rule, to teach, and to judge us in all things that respect this present life, and the preservation of civil society. We learn, that seeing he is The duty of the Magistrate. the image of God upon earth, he must conform himself as much as he is able to the perfection of all goodness and justice, that he may bring on them that are committed to his charge to godliness and virtue by his example: & that it is his duty to honour the good, and to punish the evil, declaring thereby that he is the protector and preserver of public tranquillity, honesty, innocency, and modesty, and appointed to maintain the common safety and peace of all men. Of the Law. Chap. 55. ARAM. AS we note in the universal frame of the All motions contained under one, and all causes under the first. world, that many unlike motions are contained within one heavenly motion, which is always like to itself, & all causes by the first cause: and as in every living creature many sundry members distinct in office, are comprised & brought into union and agreement by the soul & heart: so in every commonwealth compounded of many differing parts, necessary for the establishment thereof, the law is the blood that giveth virtue The law is the blood and bond of the commonwealth. and life unto it, the bond that reduceth all the parts thereof to unity, and the firm preserver of civil society. Therefore seeing (my Companions) we have discoursed of the first part of every civil estate & government, which is the chief Magistrate: let us consider now of the second, no less necessary therein, which is the law, whereby he is joined and united to the rest of the public body for the maintenance and preservation thereof. ACHITOB. The law is the spirit and soul of the commonwealth. The law is in the city, as the spirit is in the body. For as the body without the spirit undoubtedly perisheth: in like manner every city & Commonwealth that hath no law, falleth into ruin and perdition. Therefore Cicero calleth laws the souls of commonwealths. ASER. As the soul guideth the body, and endueth it with ability to work: so the law is the direction & maintenance of every Estate. By the law is the Magistrate obeyed, and the subjects kept in peace and quietness. But let us hear AMANA handle this matter. AMANA. All creatures are sociable by nature. We see that naturally all living creatures, whether earthy, watery, aery, or flying, tame, or wild, seek after the companies and assemblies of their kinds, to live with them, as sheep by flocks: Kine, Oxen, hearts, and hinds, feeding by herds: Horses, Asses, & Mules by companies: Choughs, stars, Cranes, & other birds by flights: Fishes both in fresh and salted waters following one another in shoals: Bees dwelling in hives: Pigeons in doovehouses: aunts in little hollow places. No marvel therefore if men, singularly adorned with an immortal soul, with reason, The prerogatives of men above other creatures. & speech, and by these prerogatives more communicable than other creatures, as borne to honour God, to love one another, to live together in a civil policy with laws, magistrates, & judgements, having proper to themselves only the knowledge of good & evil, of honesty & dishonesty, of justice & injustice, knowing the beginnings & causes of things, their proceed, antecedents, & consequents, their similitudes & contrarieties, no marvel I say, if they live more commodiously & happily together, & do that by right & equity, which other living creatures do only by a natural instinct: seeing also they may be assured (as Cicero saith) that nothing here below is more acceptable to god the governor of all the world, than the congregations & assemblies of men linked together by right & equity, which we call cities. Now we are to note, that all those which obey the same laws & magistrates, What a city is. make jointly together but one city, which (as Aristotle saith) is every company assembled together for some benefit. The divers ends of the three good commonwealths. If a city be assembled in monarch-wise, it is to be defended against strangers, & to live peaceably among themselves according to law: if Aristocratically under certain chief lords, it is to be respected according to their riches, nobility, & virtue: if in a popular community, it is to enjoy liberty & equality: & the better that the city is guided by policy, the greater benefit they hope for thereby. Therefore as the Venetians make but one city, living under an aristocratical government: the Bernians an other, living under a Democraty, whether they live within or without the walls, or far from the chief town: so all the natural subjects of this Monarchy, acknowledging one king for their sovereign lord, & obeying his commandments, & the decrees of his council, represent one city & political communion, compounded of many villages, towns, & provinces, provostships, Bailiweeks, Senshalships, governments, Parliaments, baronies, Counties, Marquesies, Dukedoms, Cures, Bishopriks', Archbishopriks', being in & of itself sufficiently furnished with all necessary & honest things, for the leading of a good & virtuous life, & obeying the statutes, laws, & ordinances A king must line under a law, albeit he be not subject to the law. established therein, according to which the magistrate ought to rule & to govern his subjects, showing thereby, that albeit he be not subject to the law, yet he will (as it becometh him) live & govern himself under the law. Therefore the Magistrate is very well called by some, a living law, & the law a mute Magistrate. moreover, the mark of a The mark of a sovereign. sovereign Prince, of which dependeth whatsoever he doth by his imperial authority, is the power to prescribe laws unto all in general, & to every one in particular: & not to receive any but of God, who is the judge of Princes (saith Marcus Aurelius) as Princes are the judges of their subjects: yea Wisd. 6. 3. it is God (saith the wise man) that will proceed with rigour against How far Princes are subject to laws. them for the contempt of his law. So that they which say generally, that princes are no more subject to laws, than to their own covenants, if they except not the laws of god & of nature, & those just covenants and bargains that are made with Wherein the absolute power of Princes consisteth. them, they are injurious to God. And as for their power to abrogate such laws by their absolute authority, it is no more permitted unto them than the other: seeing the power of a sovereign is only over the civil or positive laws. But that we may have some certain understanding of the matter here propounded unto us to entreat of, we must first see what the law is, into how many kinds it is divided, whereunto it ought to tend, the The definition of the law. profit of it, and how we must obey it. The law is a singular reason imprinted in nature, commanding those things that are to be done, and forbidding the contrary. The division of it. We have both the law of nature, and the law written. What the law of nature is. The law of nature is a sense and feeling, which every one hath in himself, and in his conscience, whereby he discerneth between good and evil, as much as sufficeth to take from him the cloak of ignorance, in that he is The division of the written law. The division of the law of God. reproved even by his own witness. The written law is double, divine, and civil. The divine law is divided into three parts, that is, into Manners, Ceremonies, Of the moral law. and judgements. That of Manners was called of the ancient writers the moral law, being the true and eternal rule of justice, appointed for all men, in what country or time soever they live, if they will direct their life according to the will of God. And as for the Ceremonies and judgements, although they have some relation to manners, yet because both of them might be altered and abolished without the corruption or diminution of good manners, the Ancients did not comprehend those two parts under the word moral, but attributed this name particularly to the first part of the law, of which the sincere integrity of manners dependeth, which neither may nor aught in any sort to be altered or changed, and whereunto the end of all other laws is to be referred, in honouring God by a pure faith, and by godliness, Of the ceremonial law. and in being joined unto our neighbour by true love. The Ceremonial law was a pedagogy of the Jews, that is to say, a doctrine of infancy given to that people to exercise them under the obedience to God, until the manifestation of those things which were then figured Of the judicial law. in shadows. The judicial law given unto them for policy, taught them certain rules of justice and equity, whereby they might live peaceably together without hurting one another. Now, as the exercise of ceremonies appertained to the doctrine of piety, which is the first part of the moral law (because it nourished the Jewish Church in the reverence of God) and yet was distinct from true piety: in like manner, albeit their judicial law tended to no other end than to the preservation of the self same charity that is commanded in the moral law, yet it had a distinct property, which was not expressly declared in the commandment of charity. As therefore the ceremonies were abrogated, and true religion and piety, I mean Christian, substituted in place of the Judaicll law: so the judiciary laws were canceled & abolished, without violating in any sort the duty of charity. So that all nations Of civil or positive laws. have liberty to make for themselves such laws as they shall think expedient for them, called of us civil laws, which must be squared according to the eternal rule of charity, and differing only in form, they must all have one end, commanding always honest & virtuous things, and contrariwise forbidding those that are dishonest and The division of civil laws. vicious. Now of these civil laws, there are two chief kinds amongst us: The first consisteth in laws that are ratified & established, upon which every monarchy and public government is first grounded, and hath his beginning, which ought not in any wise to be infringed or What civil laws may not be changed. changed: such are those which we call the laws of the Frenchmen: namely the Salic law, established by Pharamont, The Salic law immutable. who was the first that took upon him the name of king over them. Such laws also are annexed and united to the crown, and therefore the Prince cannot so abrogate them, but that his successor may disannul whatsoever he hath done in prejudice of them: much less are subjects permitted to attempt any such matter. Yea all those that go about it, seek nothing but to move sedition in the estate, What civil laws may be changed. and to cause subjects to revolt from their superiors. As for the other civil laws, as constitutions, ordinances, edicts, and customs, which have been made and received according to the condition and circumstance of times and places, they are in the power of the sovereign Prince, to change and to correct them as occasion shall serve. And yet in the general and particular customs of this realm, none have A Prince may deny the request of his three Estates, having reason and justice on his side. been commonly changed, but after the lawful assembly of the three general Estates of France, or else of the particular Estates of every province: not as if the king were necessarily bound to stand to their advice, or might not do contrary to that which they demand, if natural reason and justice stand with his will. And then whatsoever it pleaseth him to like or dislike, to command or forbidden, is held for a law, an edict, and decree, and every subject is bound to obey it. But to speak generally of the laws of an Estate, the changing and gainsaying of them is a very pernicious plague in every commonwealth. The change of laws in a well settled Estate is dangerous. This ancient rule and maxim of wise politics, is well worth the marking: That nothing is to be changed in the laws of a commonwealth which hath a long time preserved itself in good estate, what apparent profit soever a man may pretend. And for this cause in the popular government of the Romans under Publius Philo the Dictator, that Athenian edict was received, and past by force of law, whereby it was not lawful for any to present a request to the people, without the advice of the Senate. But there was a far more strict and severe decree amongst the Locrians. For it was to this effect (as Demosthenes rehearseth A severe decree of the Locrians against such as would bring in new laws. it) that every Citizen that was desirous to bring in a new law, should come and declare it publicly before the people with a halter about his neck, to the end that if his new law was not thought meet to be received, and very profitable for the commonwealth, he might presently be strangled, as a worthy reward for his rashness. In every society (saith Aristotle) that is well instituted and ordained by laws, great care is to be taken that no part of the law, although never so little, be diminished or changed: yea, most heed is to be had of that which is done by little and little. For if resistance be not then made, it falleth out in the commonwealth, Mischiefs in a commonwealth must be resisted in the beginning as in the diseased body of a man, wherein the disease, if speedy remedy be not used in the beginning thereof, increaseth by little and little, and that which might easily have been cured, through negligence is made incurable. Men never begin (said Paulus Aemilius the Roman Consul) to alter and change the estate of a commonwealth, by making their first entrance with some notorious resisting of the laws. And therefore we must think that the preservation of the principal foundations of a politic Estate is left at random, when men neglect the care of keeping diligently the constitutions thereof, how light, or of small importance soever The law is the foundation of civil societies. they seem to be. For seeing the law is the sure foundation of every civil society, if that fail, it must needs be, that the whole political building will fall to ruin. Therefore Bias the wise said, that the Estate Bias. of that commonwealth is happy, wherein all the inhabitants fear the law as a severe Tyrant. For than whatsoever it requireth, is undoubtedly performed. After the law is once established and approved (saith Isidorus) we must not judge of it, but judge according We must not judge of the law but according to the law. unto it. That is the best policy (said Chilon one of the Sages of Graecia) where the people hearken more to the laws, than to the orators. This also was the cause that Pausanias the Lacedaemonian made this answer to one who demanded of him, why it was not lawful in their country to alter any of their ancient laws. The reason is (quoth he) because the laws Why the Lacedaemonian laws might not be changed. must be Mistresses over men, and not men masters over the laws. Moreover, the antiquity and profit of laws are so evident, that it is needless to make any long discourse thereof here. Moses was the first The ancient lawmakers. lawmaker of the Hebrews; Mercurius Trismegistus of the Egyptians; Phoroneus the King, of the Grecians: Solon of the Athenians: Lycurgus of the Lacedæmonians: Anacharsis of the Scythians: Numa Pompilius of the Romans. Ten notable men were chosen by the Senate and people of Rome, to translate and to expound the laws of the twelve tables. We have already declared how Pharamont made ours. The greatest and best part of the laws of Germany was established by Charles the great, Emperor and king of France. And so all regions have had divers lawmakers, according to the condition No law before the law of God. and circumstance of time, place, and country. True it is, that before the publishing of the law of God, there was no lawmaker of whom we have any knowledge: and surely not so much as one word of a law is to be found in all the works of Homer, or Orpheus, or of any before Moses. But Princes judged and commanded all things by their sovereign power, which kind of government being more tyrannical than kingly, could not be of any continuance or assurance, because there was no bond to knit the great with the small, and so consequently no agreement. The necessity and profit of a law. Besides, this is out of doubt, that all the subjects of an Estate stand in need of a law, as of a light to guide them in the darkness of human actions: especially it is necessary for the terrifying of the wicked, who might pretend some true cause of their ignorance, or some probable colour of their wickedness, or at least some show why they should escape the punishment, which is not The upright and equal distribution of the law maketh a good government. imprinted in our hearts, as things forbidden by nature. Nevertheless it is not the law that maketh a right government, but upright justice, and the equal distribution thereof, which ought to be surer engraven in the minds of good kings and princes, than in tables of stone. And it is to small purpose to multiply Edicts and Decrees, if they be not severely observed: yea the first sign that a man To dispense with good statutes, and daily to make new, is a token of the decay of a commonwealth. may have of the loss of an estate, is when there appeareth an unbridled licence and a facility in dispensing with good statutes, and when new decrees are daily consulted of. And if the estate be already troubled, the heaping up of laws upon laws is no less dangerous for it, than a multitude of medicines in a weak stomach, whereas contrariwise, new introductions and abuses are then especially to be taken away, and things brought back again to their first and ancient form. Histories teach us, that when edicts and decrees were most of all multiplied, then did tyranny gather greatest strength. As it fell out under the tyrant Caligula, who published decrees of all sorts Examples thereof in Caligula, & in Claudius. both good and bad, and those written in so small a letter, that men could not read them, to the end that he might thereby snare those that were ignorant. His successor Claudius made twenty edicts in one day, and yet tyranny was never so cruel, nor men more wicked than at that time. Therefore let the laws and good ordinances of an How laws may be kept inviolable. estate be inviolable, straightly kept, not subject to dispensation, not favourable to great men, but common and equal to all, and then shall the bond of civil society be surely tied. Now where as I said, that all nations have liberty to prescribe and frame civil laws for themselves, my meaning was not to approve certain barbarous & beastly laws received of some people: as those laws which allowed thieves a certain reward, which permitted the company of men and women indifferently, and innumerable others more dishonest, which are not only void of all justice, but even of all humanity. But these two things must be kept inviolably in all laws, namely, The Two things required in the keeping of every law. ordinance of the law, & the equity of it, upon the reason whereof the ordinance is growded. Equity is always one and the same to all people, because it is natural. Therefore all Equity is always one and the same to all people. the laws in the world, of what matter soever they are, must meet in the same equity. Concerning the ordinance of the law, because it is joined with circumstances, no inconvenience letteth but that it maid divers among sundry nations, provided always that they all tend alike to the same mark of equity. Now seeing the divine law which we call moral, is nothing else but a testimony of the law of nature, and of the conscience that is imprinted in all men's hearts, no doubt but this equity whereof we now speak, is wholly declared and comprehended therein. The equity of the moral law ought to be the end and rule of all other laws. Therefore it is meet that this equity only should be the white, rule and end of all laws. For (as S. Augustine saith in his book of the city of God) every law that beareth not the image of the divine law, is a vain censure. And justice is the end of every law well established, which is the cause why S. Paul so greatly extolleth the vigour of the law, calling it the bond of perfection. Those laws then which are squared out by this heavenly rule, which tend to this end, and are limited out by this measure, aught to be received and followed cheerfully, albeit they differ from the mosaical law, or otherwise one from another. For many have denied (& some amongst us are yet of that opinion) that no commonwealth can be well & justly Their opinion confuted, who would tie all nations to the policy of Moses. instituted and ordained, if leaving the policy of Moses, it be governed by the common laws of other nations: which is so absurd a thing, and would be the cause of so great confusion in the policies of the world, that there needeth no great store of arguments to prove it vain and frivolous. Moreover, by that distinction of the law which we have already set down in our discourse, it appeareth sufficiently, that the opinion of these doters is grounded upon a mere ignorance of the will of God. The law of God forbiddeth stealing and divers pains Theft punished diversly in divers nations. and punishments are appointed for the same in the policy of the Jews, according to the kind, time, and place of the theft. The ancientest laws of other nations punished thieves by causing than to restore double that which they had stolen. Those laws which followed made a distinction between open and secret theft: others used banishment, How false witness was punished among the Jews. and some death. The law of God forbiddeth false witnes-bearing, which was punished amongst the Jews with the same punishment that the party falsely accused should have incurred, if he had been found guilty. In some other countries there was no punishment for it but public ignominy and shame: and in some also the gibbet. Briefly, all the laws in the world with one common consent, how different soever they be, tend to one and the same end, pronouncing sentence of condemnation against those crimes that are condemned by the eternal law of God: only they agree not in equality of punishment, which is neither necessary nor expedient. There is some such country that would speedily become desolate through murders and robberies, if it did not exercise horrible & grievous punishments upon the offenders in those crimes. There falleth out some such time as requireth increase of punishments. Some such nation there is that standeth in need of some grievous correction to be appointed for some special vice, whereunto otherwise it would be more given than other nations. He that should be offended at this diversity, which is most meet to maintain the observation of the law of God, would he not be thought to have a malicious mind, and to envy public benefit and quietness? For the conclusion of our present speech, let us learn, that civil laws and ordinances depend only of the Civil ordinances depend only of the sovereign ruler. sovereign ruler, & that he may change them according to the occurrence and benefit of state affairs. Let us learn that all laws must be referred to the infallible rule of the The end whereunto all laws are to be referred. justice and will of God, and to the common profit of civil society: that he which commandeth us to obey magistrates not only for fear of punishment, but also for conscience sake, requireth of us such obedience to their laws and ordinances: so that he is accursed that infringeth or contemneth them. Therefore we must voluntarily submit ourselves unto them, so that their general end be to set an order and policy amongst us, and not dispute of their reason and cause, as long as their jurisdiction extendeth not to our souls to lay upon them a new rule of justice. Of the People, and of their obedience due to the Magistrate, and to the Law. Chap. 56. AMANA. WE have hitherto seen, that the preservation of policies dependeth of the observation of the law, that the sovereign magistrate ruleth thereby, and useth it as a bond to reduce to unity and agreement all the citizens of one commonwealth, being unlike in calling, and living under his dominion: at which mark every good politic governor ought chief to aim. Now (my companions) we are to entreat of this third part of a city, which maketh the politic body perfect and absolute, namely, of the people, and of that obedience which they ought to yield to the magistrate and to the law. ARAM. The whole commonwealth fareth well or The magistrate is the head, the law the soul, and the people the body of the commonwealth. ill, as all her parts, even to the least, are ruled, and contain themselves within the compass of their duty. For all of them together make but one body, whereof the magistrate is the head, and the law the soul that giveth life unto it. Wherefore it is needful that these should command, and the other obey. ACHITOB. Whatsoever profiteth the whole, profiteth the part, and that which is commodious to the part, is also commodious to the whole: and so contrariwise. Wherefore to obey well, which is necessarily required of the people, is greatly available to the whole political body. Now let us hear ASER handle this matter unto us more at large. ASER. In every discipline the beginning is commonly taken from the least parts thereof. Grammar taketh his beginning from letters, which are the least things in The noun and verb are no parts of logic, but of grammar. it: logic, from the two least parts thereof, namely, the noun and the verb. Geometry from the point: arithmetic from unity: music from the Minnem and Sembrief, which are likewise the least parts thereof. Therefore having seen that policy is the order and life of the city, and that the city is a multitude of citizens, before we speak of the whole body of them, we must (as I think) entreat first of a citizen, who, although he differ according The definition of a citizen in a popular state. to the diversity of commonwealths, yet to take him properly, may be said to be every one that hath right to judge in his city, & hath a deliberative voice in the general or common council thereof. This definition of a citizen cannot fitly be applied to all citizens of all commonwealths, but only to those that are ruled popularly, wherein they are all equal, and govern themselves by assemblies, in which every one hath liberty to speak his advise. Other definitions of a citizen. Some define a citizen to be he, whose parents are citizens: or else, to be a free subject holding of the sovereignty of an other: wherein they add this word Free, to distinguish him from slaves and strangers. But generally we may say, that whosoever may bear offices or magistracy, A general definition of a citizen. in what form of government so ever, is reputed & taken for a citizen: and such are all the natural Frenchmen in this monarchy, amongst whom there is not one, how base soever he be that may not be made noble by virtue, or that may not by skill and integrity of life attain to the greatest estates of justice, of treasury, and of other public charges. This is not seen in all commonwealths. For in the signory of Venice it seemeth that none are truly Of the state of Venice. citizens, but the Lords and nobles, who only enjoy the office of magistracy, and may enter into the great council after they have attained the age of five and twenty years. As for the people they intermeddle not with any matter of government, this only excepted, that they may be Secretaries and Chancellors, as Contarenus reporteth. The city of Rome having many times sundry governments, Of the ancient estate in Rome. the appellation of a citizen was likewise divers therein. For as long as the first King's rules, the common people were altogether excluded from public honours & offices. But after when the regal power was changed into the government of a certain number of men, chosen by suffrages and common voices, the people were admitted to magistracies, and to the managing of affairs, being present at the public assembly had in Mars his field, which was distributed by tribes, wards, companies, and centuries, to deliberate of the common estate, to create magistrates, and to decree new laws: where he was reputed for a citizen in deed, that was a free man, that had both house and tribe, and possibility to attain to honour, enjoying besides many other privileges and prerogatives. But when the sovereignty came into the Emperor's hands, those assemblies continued only under Julius and Octautus, and after were abrogated by Tiberius and translated to the Senate, and to the absolute power of the prince, taking away all authority from the people in public matters. Now to return to our former assertion, we say, Who are truly citizens. that all they are citizens to whom the gate that leadeth to the government of the city lieth open, I mean the whole company of them that live under the same laws and sovereign magistrates. Such are all the subjects and natural vassals of our king, of whom the people and the nobility The division of the whole people into three orders or estates are the two orders or estates, and of them is the estate of the church compounded, which maketh one part of the commonwealth of France. This self-same distinction of citizens is observed almost throughout all Europe. The division of citizens in Venice and Florence. But besides this general division, there are some more special in many common-welths, as at Venice, into the Gentlemen, Burgesses, & Common people: at Florence before it was brought in subjection to a Prince, there were the greater sort, the middle sort, & the vulgar or common sort of people. And our ancient Gauls had the Druids, the Horsemen, & the inferior In Egypt and among the ancient Gauls. people. In Egypt were the Priests, the soldiers, & the Artificers. And although Plato laboured to make all the citizens of his commonwealth equal in rights & prerogatives, yet he divided them into three estates, into Guards, soldiers, These guards were the Senate and council for state affairs, consisting of 400. Burgesses. and Labourers. Whereupon we must necessarily infer this conclusion, that there never was, nor can be commonwealth, wherein the citizens were equal in all rights and prerogatives, but that some had more or less than others, and yet so, that wise politics have carefully provided, that the meanest should have no cause to complain Of the agreement that is to be kept between the estates of a commonwealth. of their estate. Moreover, the conveniency and proportionable agreement of our French estates, hath been the cause why this kingdom (until this our infortunate age) hath continued & prospered so long amongst other kingdoms both of ancient and late times, namely, when Goods, Honours, and public charges were ordinarily distributed, according to the condition of every estate, and their rights and privileges preserved: especially when it was carefully provided, that one estate should not grow too great above the other, I mean, that the nobility should not keep the people too much under, and bring them to a desperate estate: and that the people through their traffic, offices of judgements, and receipts for the prince which they exercised, and benefices which they enjoyed, should not excessively enrich themselves, to the prejudice of the nobility, nor get into their hands the lands of the nobles, who being impoverished, could not sustain the charges of war, nor serve the king in his armies. But One cause of the misery of France at this present. the neglect of this foresight, & the great inequality of riches among the estates (that one part which was wont to be poorest, being now become richer than both the other two) is the cause of great wounds in the body of this monarchy. The poor people being oppressed by both the other estates, is fallen under the burden like to Aesop's ass. And the horse that would carry nothing, I mean the nobility & clergy are constrained, some to bear their tenths & extraordinary subsidies, & others to cell their living to go to war at their own charges. But these things deserve a long discourse by itself, & may hereafter be touched more fitly than at this time. Let us then generally consider of our proposition, namely, of the duty of all those subjects which The office and duty of subjects. live under one estate and policy. First it is necessary that they should have the estate of the magistrate in great estimation, acknowledging it to be a commission & charge given by God, & therefore they must honour & reverence him, as one that representeth unto them the heavenly empire over all creatures. For as God hath placed the Sun in the heavens as an image of his divine nature, which lighteneth, heateth, quickeneth, & nourisheth all things created for man's use, either in heaven or earth: so the sovereign magistrate is The sovereign magistrate compared to the sun. the like representation & light in a city or kingdom, especially so long as the fear of God, & observation of justice are imprinted in his heart. Some are obedient enough to their magistrates, & would not but that there should be some superior unto whom they might be subject, because they know Against them that think the magistrate to be a necessary evil. it to be expedient for common benefit: yet they have no other opinion of a magistrate, but that he is a necessary evil for mankind. But when we know, that we are commanded to honour the king, to fear God and the king, which we find often in the scripture, we must understand that Prou. 24. 21. What is meant by honouring the King. this word to honour, comprehendeth under it a good opinion and estimation, which we must have of the sovereign magistrate: and that the joining of the king with God, must cause us to attribute great dignity and reverence unto him, in respect of that power which is given him from his majesty. Likewise when it is said, that we must be subject Rom. 13. 5. to the higher powers, not because of wrath only, but also for conscience subjects must obey their prince for the fear of God. sake, it is to honour them with an excellent title, and to bind us to obey them for the fear of God, and as we will obey his ordinance, because their power dependeth of him. Of this honour and reverence it followeth, that we must submit ourselves unto them in all obedience, whether it be in yielding to their ordinances or hests, in the payment of impostes and subsidies, or in receiving such public charges, as it shall please them to commit unto us. Of the service due to the prince. Briefly, every subject is bound to serve his prince with goods and life, which is the personal service of a natural subject, not as a hireling that serves at will, whereas the Rom. 13. 1. 2. other service is necessary. Letevery soul (saith S. Paul) be subject to the higher powers. For whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth Tit. 3. 1. the ordinance of God. He writeth also to Titus in this manner. Put them in remembrance that they be subject to the principalities and powers, and that they be obedient and ready to every 1. Pet. 2. 13. 14. good work. Submit yourselves (saith S. Peter) unto all manner ordinance of man for the lords sake, whether it be unto the king, as unto the superior, or unto governors, as unto them that are sent of him for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. moreover, to the end that subjects should testify, that they obey not dissemblingly, but of a free and willing mind, S. Paul addeth, that they must by prayers to God recommend their preservation and prosperity under 1. Tim. 2. 1. 2. whom they live. I exhort (saith he) that first of all supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made for all men, for kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty. Neither let any man deceive himself herein. For seeing no man can resist magistrates without resisting God, howsoever some may think, that a weak & powerles magistrate may be contemned without punishment, yet God is strong & mighty to revenge the contempt of his ordinance. Besides, under Private men must not busy themselves in public affairs. this obedience is contained that moderation which all private persons ought to observe in public affairs, namely, that they must not of their own motion intermeddle in the government or reformation of them, nor take upon them rashly any part of the magistrates office, nor to attempt any public thing. If there be any fault in the common policy that needeth amendment, they must not therefore stir at all therein, nor take to themselves authority to redress it, or once to put too their helping hands, which in that respect are as it were bound behind them. But they are to show it to the superior, who only hath his hand unbound to dispose & order public matters, & if he than command them to deal therein, they may put it in execution, as being furnished with public authority. For as we use to call the counsellors The counsellors of a prince are his eyes & ears: and his officers are his hands. of a prince, his eyes & ears, because they must be vigilant for him, so we may also call those men his hands, whom he hath appointed to execute such things as are to be done. And to these we own honour & obedience, seeing the force of the laws consisteth in their commandment. These are the magistrates & officers established by the sovereign, & armed with power to compel the subjects to obey his laws, or else to punish them. Whereby we see two kinds of commanding Two kinds of public power. with public power, the one in chief, which is absolute, indefinite & above the laws, above magistrates and private men: the other is lawful, subject to the laws & to the sovereign, which power properly belongeth to them that have extraordinary power to command, as long as their commission lasteth. The sovereign prince acknowledgeth The difference between the prince, the magistrate, and the private man. (after God) none greater than himself: the magistrate holdeth his power (after God) of the sovereign prince, and is always subject to him & to his laws. Private men acknowledge after God (who must always be first) their sovereign prince, his laws & his magistrates, every one in his place of jurisdiction. They are bound to obey them, even How far subjects are bound to obey their prince and his laws. then (which is repeated in many laws) when they command any thing contrary to public profit, or against civil justice, so that it be not against the law of God & of nature. Now forasmuch as when we entreated of the sovereign magistrate, we described him such a one as he ought to be, answering The titles of a good magistrate truly to his title, that is to say, a father of the country which he governeth, a shepherd of his people, the guardian of peace, protector of justice, & preserver of innocency, that man might well be judged to be beside himself The behaviour of evil princes. that would reprehend such a government. But because it commonly falleth out, that most princes wander far out of the right way, & that some having no care to do their duty, sleep in their delights & pleasures, others fixing their hearts upon covetousness, set to sale all laws, privileges, rights & judgements: some spoil the poor people by overcharging them with impostes & exactions to furnish their prodigality & unmeasurable dissoluteness: others exercise open robberies, in sacking of houses, violating of virgins & married women, in murdering innocents, or suffering such violence to be done under them by the ministers & bawds of their pleasures: some also oppress the nobility, even the princes of their blood, to show favour to base persons, and those strangers, despising worthy men that are their natural subjects & vassals: I say considering these things, it will be very hard, yea altogether impossible, to persuade a great many, that such are to be acknowledged for princes and true superiors, & that we must of necessity obey them so far as we may without offending our consciences confecrated tyrants are naturally hated. to God only. For this affection is rooted in the hearts of men, to hate & detest tyrants no less than they love & reverence just kings. So that when amongst such loathsome vices, so far estranged not only from the duty of a magistrate, but also from all humanity, they see in their sovereign no form of the image of God, which ought to shine in him, no show of a minister given from above for the praise of good men, and execution of vengeance upon the wicked, they are easily driven forward to hate & to contemn him, and finally, to rebel against him. But if we direct our sight to the word of God, it will lead us a great deal farther. For it will make us obedient, not only to the rule of those princes which execute their office according to justice, but to them also that do nothing less than their duty. It telleth us, that whatsoever they are, they have their authority from God only: the good, as mirrors of his goodness; the bad, as scourges of his wrath to punish the iniquity of We must obey and reverence unjust princes a▪ well as just. the people: but both the one and the other, authorized from him with the same dignity and majesty in regard of their subjects. Therefore in respect of obedience and reverence, we own as much to the unjust, as to the just prince. Which thing because it is so hardly believed amongst men, & less practised now than ever, I will insist a little longer in the proof of my saying by testimonies of the scripture, than we have used to do in our other discourses. First, I desire every one diligently to consider and mark the providence of God, & that special working whereby he useth to distribute kingdoms, & to establish such kings as he thinks good, whereof mention is often made in the scripture. As it is written in Daniel: He changeth the times & seasons: he taketh Dan. 1. 21. & 4. 14. away kings: he setteth up kings, that living men may know, that the most high hath power over the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, & appointeth over it the most abject among men. It is well known what manner of king Nebuchadnezzer was, Nebuchadnezzer. even he that took jerusalem, namely, a great thief, & a robber. Notwithstanding God affirmeth by the prophet Ezechiel, Eze. 29. 18. 19 That he gave him the land of Egypt for the reward of his work▪ & for the wages of his army wherewith he had served him, in spotling and sacking Tyrus▪ And Daniel said unto him: O king thou art a king of Dan. 2. 37. kings; for the god of heaven hath given thee a kingdom power, strength, & glory. When we hear that he was appointed king by god, we must withal call to mind the heavenvly ordinance, which commandeth us▪ to feat & honour the king, & then we will not doubt to yield to a wicked tyrant that honour which God hath thought him meet for. When Samuel declared to the people of Israel what they should suffer of their kings, not only according to the rights and privileges of his majesty, but by tyrannical customs and fashions, namely, that they would 1. Sam. 3. take their sons and daughters to serve him, their lands, vines and gardens, to give them to their servants, contrary to the commandment of the law of God: yet he enjoined them all obedience, leaving them no lawful occasion to resist their king. I have jere. 27. 5. etc. (saith the Lord in jeremy) made the earth, the man, & the beast that are upon the ground, by my great power, & by my outstretched arm, & have given it unto whom it pleased me. But now I have given all these lands into the hand of Nabuchadnezzar the king of A tyrant called the servant of God. Babel my servant, & the beasts of the fields have I also given him to serve him. And all nations shall serve him, and his son, and his sons son until the very time of his land come also. And the nation and kingdom which will not serve the same Nabuchadnezzar king of Babel, & that will not put their neck under the yoke of the king of Babel, the same nation will I visit, (saith the Lord) with the sword, famine, & pestilence. Wherefore serve the king of Babel and live. We know by these words with what great obedience God would have this perverse & cruel tyrant to be honoured, only for this reason, because he was lift up by his hand unto that royal majesty. Now if we are bound to believe as much of all the kings of the earth, these foolish & seditious thoughts should never come into our minds, that a king must be handled according as he deserveth, & that it standeth not with reason, that we should accounted ourselves his subjects, who for his part behaveth not himself towards us as a king. There is in the same prophet a commandment of god to his people to desire the prosperity of Babylon, wherein they were held captives, & to pray for it, because jer. 29. 7. in the peace thereof they should have peace. Behold how the Israelits were commanded to pray for his prosperity, who had spoiled them of their goods & possessions, carried them into exile, & brought them into miserable bondage: so far off is it, that they were permitted to rebel against him. Although David already elected king by the will of God, & anointed 1. Sam. 24. 7. & 26. 9 10. with holy oil, was unjustly pursued of Saul, yet he said, The lord keep me from doing that thing to my master the lords anointed, to lay my hand upon him. For who can lay his hand on the Lords David would not lay viosent hands upon saul's person. anointed and be guiltless? As the Lord liveth, either the Lord shall smite him, or his day shall come to die, or he shall descend into battle, and perish. The Lord keep me from laying my hand upon the Lords anointed. This word is directed to us all, & it ought to teach us not to sift out the life of our sovereign prince, but to content ourselves with this knowledge, that by the will of God he is established & set in an estate, that is full of an inviolable majesty. Moreover, we read in Josephus, that the holiest men that ever were among the Hebrews, called Essaei, that is to say, true practisers of the law of God, These Essaei or Esseni, were a superstitious sect among the Jews, that pretended to lead a most perfect kind of life. maintained this, that sovereign princes, whatsoever they were, aught to be inviolable to their subjects, as they that were sacred and sent of God. Neither is there any thing more usual in all the holy scriptures than the prohibition to kill or to seek the life or honour, not only of the prince, but also of inferior magistrates, although (saith the scripture) they be wicked. And it is said in Exodus, Exod. 22. 28. Thou shalt not rail upon the judges, neither speak evil of the ruler of thy people. Now, if he that doth so is guilty of treason, both against the divine and human majesty, what punishment is sufficient for him that seeketh after their life? According to men's laws, not only that subject is guilty of high treason that hath killed his sovereign prince, but he also that attempted it, that gave counsel, that consented to it, that thought it. Yea, he that was never prevented nor taken in the manner, in this point of the sovereign the law accounteth him as condemned already: and judgeth him culpable of death that thought once in times past to have seized upon the life of his prince, notwithstanding any repentance that followed. And truly there was a gentleman of Normandy, who confessed to a Franciscan friar, that he once minded to have killed king A gentleman judged to die, because he once thought to have killed his prince Francis the first, but repented him of that evil thought. The friar gave him absolution, but yet afterward told the king thereof, who sent the gentleman to the parliament of Paris there to be tried, where he was by common consent condemned to die, and after executed. Amongst the A severe law against treason. Macedonians there was a law that condemned to death five of their next kinsfolks that were convicted of conspiracy against their prince. We see then the strait obligation whereby we are bound unto our princes both by divine and human right. Wherefore if it so fall out that we are cruelly vexed by a prince void of humanity, or else polled and burdened with exactions by one that is covetous or prodigal: or despised and ill defended by a careless prince, yea afflicted for true piety by a sacrilegious and unbelieving sovereign, or otherwise most unjustly and cruelly entreated, first let us call to mind our offences How we must behave ourselves under a tyrant. committed against God, which undoubtedly he correcteth by such scourges. Secondly, let us think thus with ourselves, that it belongeth not to us to remedy such evils, being permitted only to call upon God for help, in whose hands are the hearts of kings, and alterations of Psal. 82. 1. & 2. 12. kingdoms. It is God, who (as David saith) sitteth among the gods, that shall judge them: at whose only look all those kings and judges of the earth, shall fall and be confounded, who have not kissed his son Jesus Christ, but have decreed unjust laws, to oppress the poor in judgement, and to scatter the lawful right of the weak, that Esay 10. 1. they may pray upon the widows, and poll the orphans. Thus let all people learn, that it is their duty above all things to beware of contemning or violating the authority of their superiors, which ought to be full of majesty unto them, seeing it is confirmed by God with so many sentences and testimonies, yea although it be in the hands of most unworthy persons, who by their wickedness make it odious (as much as in them lieth) and contemptible. Moreover, they must learn that they must obey their laws and ordinances, and take nothing in hand that is against the privileges and marks of sovereignty. Then shall we be most happy, if we consecrate our souls to God only, and dedicate our bodies, lives and goods, to the service of our prince. The end of the fourteenth days work. THE FIFTEENTH days work. Of a monarchy, or a regal power. Chap. 57 ASER. WHen we began yesterday to entreat of the sundry kinds of estates and governments that have been in force amongst men, and of the excellency or deformity of them, we reserved to a further consideration the monarchy or kingly power, under which we live in France. This form of regiment by the common consent of the worthiest philosophers and most excellent men, hath been always taken for the best, happiest, and most assured commonwealth of all others, The laws of nature lead us to a monarchy. as that wherein all the laws of nature guide us: whether we look to this little world, which hath but one body, and over all the members one only head, of which the will, motion and sense depend; or whether we take this great world, which hath but one sovereign God; whether we cast up our eyes to heaven, we shall see but one sun, or look but upon these sociable creatures below, we see that they cannot abide the rule of many amongst them. But I leave to you (my Companions) the discourse of this matter. AMANA. Among all creatures, both with and without life, we always find one that hath the pre-eminence above the rest of his kind. Among all reasonable creatures, In every kind of thing one excelleth. Man: among beasts, the Lion is taken for chief: among birds, the Eagle: among grain, wheat: among drinks, wine: among spices, balm: among all metals, gold: among all the elements, the fire. By which natural demonstrations we may judge, that the kingly and monarchical government draweth nearest to nature of all others. ARAM. The principality of one alone is more conformable, A monarchy most significantly representeth the divine regiment. and more significant to represent the divine & ineffable principality of God, who alone ruleth all things, than the power of many over a political body. Notwithstanding there hath been many notable men that have judged a monarchy, not to be the best form of government that may be among men. But it is your duty (ACHITOB) to handle us this matter. ACHITOB. This controversy hath always been very great among those that have entreated of the forms of policies and governments of estates, namely, whether it be more agreeable to nature, and more profitable for mankind to live under the rule of one alone, than of many, neither side wanting arguments to prove their opinion. Now although it be but a vain occupation for private men, who have no authority to ordain public matters, to dispute which is the best estate of policy: and a greater point of rashness to determine thereof simply, seeing the chiefest thing consisteth in circumstances, yet to content curious minds, and to make them more willing to bear that yoke unto which both divine & human nature and equity hath subjecteth them, I purpose here to weigh their strongest reasons that have misliked a monarchy, to the end that by contrary concluding arguments, which maintain & defend it, both they and we may be so much the more stirred up, to range ourselves willingly under the happy & lawful rule of our king, considering the agreement & participation which it hath, with all the good policies that can be named, as also the happiness & certain benefit that cometh to us, as well in respect of this our private life, as of the common prosperity of the whole public body, unto which we own ourselves. First, we will note that a monarchy, a kingdom, or royal power; signify one and the same thing: namely, one kind of commonwealth, What a monarchy or kingly power is. wherein the absolute sovereignty consisteth in one only Prince, who may not be commanded by any, but may command all. If there be two Princes of equal power in one estate, neither the one nor the other is sovereign. But a man may well say, that both together have the sovereignty of the Estate, which is comprehended under this word Oligarchye, and is properly called a Duarchy, Of a Duarchy, that is, of the rule of two. which may continue so long as those two Princes agree, otherwise it must needs be that the one will overthrow the other. Therefore to avoid discord, the Emperors divided the Estate into two parts, the one taking himself for Emperor of the East, the other of the West: The division of the Empire. and yet the edicts and ordinances were published by the common consent of both Princes, to serve both their empires. But as soon as they fell in debate, both the Empires were in deed divided, both for power, for laws, and for estate. He therefore may be called a Monarch, that of himself alone hath power to prescribe laws to all in general, and to every one in particular. And under this power are comprehended all the other rights and marks of sovereignty, which the Lawyers call regal rights, and handle them severally, which nevertheless we may comprehend under eight sovereign marks: namely, to make 8. Marks of sovereignty. and to abrogate a law: to proclaim war, or to make peace: to take knowledge in the last appeal of the judgements of all Magistrates: to appoint or to disappoint the greatest officers: to charge or to discharge the subjects of taxes and subsidies: to grant tolerations and dispensations against the rigour of laws: to enhance or to pull down the title, value, and constant rate of money: to cause subjects and liege people to swear, that they will be faithful without exception, to him unto whom the oath is due. Now, to enter into that matter, which we purposed especially to handle: namely, whether a monarchy be more profitable, than any other form of estate: many Their reasons who mislike a monarchy. have maintained that it is a dangerous thing to live under the rule of one only king or prince, because it is a very hard matter to find one perfect in all points, as every King or Prince must of necessity be, if he will deserve that name: according to that which Cyrus' Monarch of the What excellency is required in him that ruleth others. Persians said: That it belonged to none to command, if he were not better than all those over whom he commanded. moreover, although it were possible to find one of that perfection which is required, yet were it a thing always to be greatly feared, that by reason of human frailty, and of the great licence that kings have to execute their wills, he would change both condition and nature, and of a King become a Tyrant, of which there are infinite examples set down in histories. Yea it is certain, and granted by the greatest part of them that have written of state matters, that every kind of commonwealth that is established simply, and alone by itself, quickly degenerateth into the next vice, if it be not moderated and held back by the rest: As a kingdom is soon changed into a tyranny, an Aristocraty into an Oligarchy, and so of the other. But this danger is greater in a Monarchy, (as they say that mislike it) than under the rule of many, because it is unlikely, that all of them should be wicked, and if any one be so, the good men may bridle him. And so they conclude, that it is not so dangerous a matter to live under the government of many, as of one, who may more easily corrupt his nature, being a Monarch, than many can do that are elected in an Aristocraty, as the areopagitical Lords in Athens, the Ephoryes in Lacedemonia, and the Senate in Rome. After the death of Cambyses, Monarch of the Persians, when the chief Lords The Persian council held for the establishing of their Estate. of the kingdom had slain that Magus, who under the name of Smerdis had usurped the rule of the Estate, they deliberated of the affairs, and held a general council, wherein (as Herodotus writeth) many very worthy Otanes oration. and memorable speeches were uttered. Otanes moved this, that the affairs might be governed in common by the Persians, speaking unto them in this manner. I am not of opinion, that one of us from hence forward should be sole Monarch over all, because it is neither pleasant nor good to have it so. For ye know to what insolency Cambyses was grown, ye have also thoroughly seen the boldness of the Magus: and ye may think with yourselves how perilous a thing it is to have a Monarchy, which may do what it list, not being subject to correction. The best man in the world placed in this estate, will soon be carried away with his wonted thoughts. Insolency possesseth him, because of present prosperity, and hatred is soon bred in such a man. Now having these two vices, he aboundeth in all iniquity, and committeth great injustice, one while through insolency, another while of hatred. Although a Tyrant, having abundance of all good The effects of a Tyrant. things, should be far from envy, yet the contrary falleth out in him towards his subjects. For he hateth good men that live and prosper well, he delighteth in the wicked, and gladly heareth evil reports of other men. And which becometh him very ill, if you admire and praise him moderately, he is angry that you do it not excessively: & yet if you do so, he will mislike it, thinking that you flatter him. Besides, which is worst of all, he changeth the laws and customs of the country, forceth women, killeth good men, not taking knowledge of their cause. Thus did this Persian Lord conclude, that a Monarchy was to be left, & a Democraty to be chosen. Megabyses, one of his companions, Megabyses' oration for an Aristocraty. liked well the abolishing of a Monarchy, but persuaded the Oligarchical government, saying, that nothing was more ignorant, or more insolent, than an unprofitable multitude. Therefore it was in no wise tolerable, that eschewing the insolency of a Tyrant, they should fall into the hands of an unbridled and disordered people. Many others have noted great dangers and discommodities The dangers of a Monarchy. in a Monarchy, especially in the change of the Monarch, whether it be from ill to good, or from good to better. For we commonly see at the changing of Princes, new devices, new laws, new officers, new friends, new form of living: because Princes ordinarily take delight in changing, and in removing almost all things, that men might speak of them: which many times bringeth great discommodities to their subjects. But if this were not so, and the Prince as wise as heart could wish, yet the alliances and leagues made by a man's predecessor, end with him: which is the cause that the alliances ending, the neighbours betake them to arms, and the strongest assaulteth the weakest, or else prescribeth him laws. For many maintain, that the successors of Princes are not bound to the treaties and obligations of their predecessors, if they be not their heirs. another inconvenience to be feared in a monarchy, is the danger of falling into civil war, through the division of those that aspire to the crown, and namely, if there be right of election, which oftentimes draweth after it the ruin of the estate. But put the case there were no strife for the monarchy, yet if the Monarch be a child, there will be division for the government of him, between the mother and the A child Prince is a token of God's wrath. Princes, or betwixt the Princes themselves. Also when God purposeth to be revenged upon nations, he threateneth to give them children for Princes. And although the child hath a Tutor, by the appointment of the predecessor, or by custom, yet is there danger of making himself sovereign Lord, of which thing histories set down many examples before our eyes. If a young Prince freed from Tutors, come to the crown, his government is no less to be feared. For being then set at liberty when his lusts are most violent, you shall see nothing in his Court but fooleries, maskings, and lose behaviour. If he be warly, he will hazard his subjects, his estate, and his person, to make trial of his valour. Briefly, a crafty and wicked Monarch will establish a tyranny: a cruel man will make a slaughter-house of the commonwealth: a whoremaster will make it a stews: a covetous wretch will pull off both hair and skin from his subjects: a prodigal Prince will suck the blood and marrow, to glut a dozen of horseleeches about his person: a foolish and ignorant Prince will do worse, falling easily into the most of these vices, for want of judgement to know and to make choice of counsel, necessary for the government of his estate. These are the chief reasons of them that mislike a monarchy. Now we will allege the other reasons in the defence of it, and begin with Darius his declaration upon the speeches Darius' oration for a Monarchy. of his companions, rehearsed by us in the general council of the Persians: because it is well worthy to be remembered, according unto which the monarchy was concluded of in the council. In my judgement (said he to the assembly) Megabyses said well concerning the multitude, but ill in that which belongeth to an Oligarchy. For although there be three kinds of Policies, a Democraty, an Oligarchy, and a Monarchy, and all good, yet I say this last is far better than the other, because there is nothing so good as the government of one virtuous man alone, who judging thereafter, governeth his people without reprehension. I will not speak of the counsels which he taketh in like manner against his enemies and ill-willers. But in an Oligarchy, where many busy them Against an Oligarchy. selves with public affairs, great enmities arise between them, from whence proceed seditions, and from seditions murders, and by murders some one attaineth to a monarchy. Whereby you may easily know how much better a Monarchy is. As touching the people, it is impossible but that where they rule, there should be much wickedness, which increasing in the evil governors of the commonwealth, breedeth not hatred between them, but great friendship. For they that are evil affected towards the commonwealth, hide one another's counsel, until some one man being set over the people, cause them to give over. Then is that man admired, and therewithal made a Monarch: whereby also it is evident, that a Monarchy is best. Wherefore my advice is, that, seeing we have been set at liberty by one only man, we should maintain that Estate: otherwise we shall disannul the laws of our country, that are already well established, which will not turn to the best for us. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in his antiquities of Rome, affirmeth that the like speech was used before Romulus, when he first established the government in Rome: where Amulius concluded for A Monarchy concluded upon in the council of the Persians, of Romulus, and of Augustus. the Monarchy, as Darius did among the Persians. The same question was deliberated of by Augustus amongst his friends, because he desired nothing more than to live in rest, and to give over the Estate: but it was then concluded, that a Monarchy was best for the commonwealth, and the cuent proved the same. For before the Romans could not live ten years without civil war or sedition: whereas Augustus preserved them almost 50▪ years in perfect peace, which continued also long time after his death. Demosthenes in his first Olynthiacke oration, showeth the Athenians what advantage a Monarch hath in the deliberation and execution of great enterprises, speaking in this manner. It is greatly available for the speedy and commodious execution of warlike exploits, when one man alone hath the oversight of all enterprises, both secret and open, & withal is captain, Lord, & Treasurer, & always The commodities of a Monarchy. present at the affairs. But who can deny, that it is not a great deal better for great and mighty nations to be governed Monarchically, to the end that they may maintain themselves in unity at home, & abroad in reputation? Especially those nations where there are Princes, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, & other gentlemen, who possess in the highest, lowest, & middle sort of justice; Villages, Boroughs, towns, Castles, with vassals holding and relying of them by fealtic and homage: as namely in France, Spain, and other countries, wherein the Monarch by absolute power, and force when need is, holdeth in the greater sort with the less, staying the insolency of the one, & relieving others from oppression. Otherwise, if they were divided into many heads, disagreeing among themselves, and acknowledging no sovereign Lord, who doubteth but that they would be continually troubled with civil wars, set upon by strangers, and spoiled of all sides? Italy proveth this sufficiently unto us, which commanded the greatest part of the world, when it was united in one▪ but being now divided into many potentates and Seignories, after unspeakable calamities of civil wars, which it hath suffered a long time, it is yet without doubt exposed for a pray to all the neighbours, if they were not stayed with other Italy a pray to all her neighbours, and why. wars. If we consider the antiquity of the royal government, & how it hath been practised of all nations almost, either wholly, or in part, to their great honour & felicity, we shall be constrained to prefer it before all others, & to account all those happy that live under a Monarchy. As men lived in old time (saith Aristotle) under Kings, so they Of the antiquity of a kingdom. thought that the gods had a king. All nations (saith Cicero) obeyed kings in old time, which kind of rule was at the first bestowed upon most iust men. And it hath greatly profited our commonwealth, that from the beginning thereof it hath been ruled by a kingly government. The first name of Empire and rule, known in the earth (saith Sallust) was the royal Estate: but then men lived without covetousness, every one being content with his own. From the beginning (as Trogus Pompeius writeth) of countries and nations, the government was in the hands of kings, who were not lift up to that high degree of majesty by popular ambition▪ but for their modesty, which was known & approved of good men. Then the people were not kept in awe by any laws, but the pleasure & will of Princes stood for all laws. They were more given to keep the frontiers of their Empire, than to enlarge them. Kingdoms were bounded by his country that reigned therein. Ninus king of the Assyrians, Ninus was the first that extended the limits of his kingdom. whom the Scripture calleth Nimrod, (that is a rebel) and a mighty hunter, was the first that changed the ancient custom of the nations, through greedy desire of ruling, and that began to war upon his neighbours. For finding that the people knew not as yet how to resist, he subdued them all, from his kingdom to the end of Lybia. Almost all the ancient nations of greatest renown lived What Estates were ruled Monarchically. under the royal government, as the Scythians, Ethiopians, Indians, Assyrians, Medes, Egyptians, Bactrians, Armenians, Macedonians, Jews, and Romans, after they were weary of other governments. Those also that are most famous at this day, live after the same sort, as the Frenchmen, Spaniards, Englishmen, Polonians, Danes, Moscovites, Tartars, Turks, Abyssines, moors, Agiamesques, Zagathians, Cathains. Yea the savage people newly discovered, are in a manner all under kings. And they that live in other kinds of commonwealths, as the Venetians, do retain an outward show of The dukedom of Venice is elective. a king, whom they call a Duke, who is elective, and to continue his estate as long as he liveth. In other places they have Gonfalonners, as at Lucques; the like whereof they were wont to have at Florence, and at Sienna. In some places they have Aduoyers, or bourgmaisters, as in the Cantons of Switzerland, and in the free towns of What this word Emperor importeth. Germany, which acknowledge an Emperor. Upon which name we will note by the way, that it importeth no more than the name of a king, although amongst the Lawyers and others, there have been infinite questions as touching the authority and pre-eminence of both: namely, that the Emperors have usurped over other kings until this present, albeit the power and majesty of the Empire is greatly diminished, so that nothing else remaineth in a manner but the name and shadow of it within Germany. Upon what occasion the name of Emperor was first given to a Monarch. As for this title of Emperor, which the Roman monarchs took to themselves, & before used to call their Generals in war by that name, it was upon this occasion taken up. After they had deprived Tarquin of the kingdom of Rome, by reason of his pride and insolency, this name of king became so odious amongst the Romans, that it was forbidden to be used, by an edict and solemn oath. Whereupon when their popular Estate was changed into a monarchy, they would not call their Monarch by the name of King, by reason of their ancient oath, but called him Emperor, as Appian writeth. But to continue the discourse of our principal matter, and to answer briefly to The reasons alleged against a monarchy answered. the reasons alleged against a monarchy, we have first to note, that the most part of the dangers mentioned do cease, where the Monarchy goeth by succession, as it doth in ours. For there is no cause of fear in regard of any that might aspire to the crown, or of the treaties and alliances, which are not broken by the Prince his death, but renewed and confirmed by his successor and heir, unless before they were greatly prejudicial to the Estate. That new Princes seek after novelties, it may be said of some: but it is much more usual in aristocratical and Popular Estates. For Magistrates that are renewed so often, would be very sorrowful that their year should run out before they had done something that might cause men to speak either good or evil of them. As for the troubles about the government of a young king, peradventure it falleth not out once in a hundredth years: whereas if a Gonfalonner of Genes be chosen but only for two years, & the commonwealth will be all on fire. To put into the balance the cruelties and robberies of a tyrant, whereby to counterpeaze many good Princes, there is no show of reason in so doing. For we know well enough, that a peaceable aristocraty wisely guided, if it may be so, is better than a cruel tyranny. But the chief matter subject of our discourse, is to know whether it be not better to have one One just Princ: better than many good Lords▪ and many tyrant's worse than one. just and perfect king, than many good Lords: and by the contrary argument, whether the tyranny of 50. tyrants is not more perilous, than of one only tyrant. Now, if many Masters, Pilots, how wise soever they are, hinder one another, when every one desireth to hold the Rudder: then surely many Lords will do the like, when they seek all together to govern the commonwealth, albeit they are wise and virtuous. And truly no Aristocratical or Popular Estate Monarchies have continue▪ longest. can be named, that hath lasted above 600. years together, and few have endured so long: but many Monarchies have continued 1000 and 1200. years in the same estate. Moreover, they are agreeable to the upright laws of nature, which (as we have before discoursed) do all lead us to a Monarchy. But there is more to be considered of in our French kingdom, which ought to move all French hearts very much to desire the preservation thereof, and to think themselves happy, that they may live under it: I mean that which we touched in the beginning of our speech: namely, the agreement & participation, which it hath with all good policies. Many politics have given The opinion of many politics touching a mixed estate of a Common wealth. this out, that no commonwealth instituted to continue long, aught to be simple or of one only kind: but that the virtues & properties of the other Estates must meet together in it, to the end that nothing grow out of proportion, which might cause it to degenerate to the next evil, and so consequently overthrow it. This was first observed The Lacedaemonian estate mingled. by Lycurgus, who in ordaining the Lacedaemonian commonwealth, mingled the Senate with the Kings, & after the Ephories were established above the Kings, insomuch that they were mingled and weighed so equally together, that a man could not well discern under what kind of government The Carthaginian commonwealth was mixed. it was erected. The Carthaginian commonwealth also, most flourishing for a long time, was so instituted in the beginning thereof. It had kings, the Aristocratical power of Senators, & the common people, who had their pre-eminence The Roman estate mingled. in things belonging unto them. The Roman commonwealth, during the time of her greatest glory, had these 3. parts so equally & proportionably tempered, that a man could not tell, whether it were altogether Aristocratical, or Democratical, or monarchical. In looking to the power of the Consuls, a man would have judged it Monarchical & royal: to the Senators, Aristocratical: to The estate of Venice compounded. the Tribunes & common sort, Democratical. The Venetians in their Commonwealth represent all these estates. Their great council having sovereign power, whereof the senate & the authority of all their magistrates dependeth, doth represent the Popular estate. The Duke, who is precedent as long as he liveth, representeth the royal power, because he especially retaineth the gravity & dignity thereof. And the college of ten men, with the college of ancients, commonly called Sages, representeth the Aristocraty, as Contarenus What agreement the French Monarchy hath with every good policy. writeth. As for our French Monarchy, it may well be said also to be partaker of all 3. in regard of the government thereof, albeit in truth the estate thereof is a simple & pure Monarchy. For the king is the Monarch, beloved, obeyed, & reverenced: who although he have all power & sovereign authority to command, & to do what he will, yet this great & sovereign liberty seemeth in some sort to be ruled & limited by good laws & ordinances: and by the multitude & great authority of Officers, & Counsellors, who are aswell near his person, as in sundry places of his kingdom. The 12. Peers, the secret & privy counsels, the Parliament & great council, the Chambers of accounts, the treasurers, & Generals of charges resemble in some sort the Aristocraty. The States yearly held in the provinces, the Mairalties of towns, shreevalties, Consulships Capitolats', & churchwardens, are as it were the form of a Democraty, as Siessel declareth more at large. Moreover the general Estates of the realm, which are wont to be gathered together to deliberate (the king being precedent) of all matters concerning the Estate, do they not sufficiently testify the happy order thereof, drawing near to the government of a good Oeconomist, when the king (as Aristotle saith) commandeth in his kingdom, as a good father of a family ruleth over his children, with love, and according to right and justice? Wherefore although all the authority of Officers, Counsellors, Parliaments, and Estates, dependeth (as rivers of a fountain) of the only power of their king and Prince, yet of his fatherly and royal goodness he granteth them such authority, that hardly could he do any thing that were very violent, or too prejudicial to his subjects. And if some such actions may be noted, they come rather through the fault of his Counsellors, than from his majesty. Thus let us conclude with Plato, that the royal government and authority ought to be preferred before all others policies, as that which draweth nearest to the divinity. But it must have a Senate of good men joined unto it, after the form of an aristocraty, as our kings have always used to have, of their natural benignity, which maketh them inclinable to all exercises of virtue, piety, and justice. Of divers kinds of Monarchies, and of a Tyranny. Chap. 58. ACHITOB. Why men are diveisly affected unto divers forms of governments. THe variety of manners, and inclinations to divers things, which is (we see) particularly in every one from his birth, and generally throughout all nations of the world, disposeth without doubt the people as they grow in age and judgement, and according to their bringing up, to like one kind of The praise of the French nation for their love to a Monarchy. government rather than another. But Frenchmen have even to these last times, carried away the praise of a more natural and constant disposition, love, obedience, and fidelity towards the majesty of a king, than other nations ever showed to their form of estate and government. For amongst them all, there is not one nation to be found, that hath so constantly continued in their laws and ancient customs without any alteration and change, as this flourishing monarchy, which hath also gone beyond them all in goodness and mildness of government, as we may see better (my Companions) if we compare with it those sundry sorts of Monarchies, which have been heretofore, and do at this day flourish, of which many come as near to a tyranny, as ours is far distant from it. And to make a tyranny appear more odious, we will consider the pernicious and miserable estate thereof. ASER. The difference between the rule of a king, and of a tyrant. As it properly belongeth to a royal estate to govern and to rule subjects, not according to the sensual appetite, and disordered will of the Prince, but by maturity of counsel, and by observation of laws and of justice: so it agreeth with a tyrant to reign by his absolute will, without all regard either of laws, or of the precepts of justice. AMANA. A tyrant (saith Seneca) differeth from a king in effect, not in name. The one seeketh his own profit only, and the other, the profit of the commonwealth. Now let us hear ARAM, who will teach us to discern them well by their works. ARAM. Amongst all the Monarchies that ever were, or are at this day among men, most of the ancient authors Five kinds of Monarchies. and great politics have noted out five sundric sorts, of which I purpose here to discourse particularly with brief examples, that the excellency of ours may the better appear over others, especially over those that decline much unto tyranny, whose shame and infamy I will here display. The first and most ancient How the first Monarchy came up. kind of Monarchy was that, which was voluntarily offered by the people for some heroical virtue appearing in those men whom they judged worthy to govern them justly and uprightly. And when they continued in this sort to declare themselves benefactors of the multitude, in gathering them together, in giving unto them territories, and in distributing lands among them, in finding out of arts, in making of war, and in the administration of justice unto them, their authority and power did lawfully descend to their successors, who had sovereign power in time of war, and were chief in certain solemn ceremonies of their sacrifices. Herodotus, Demosthenes, Aristotle, Cicero, and many others, make mention of this kind of Monarchy. After the flood, when the number of men increased, Noah persuaded his children, and others of his posterity, to disperse themselves in divers countries, to till the ground, and to build towns, and to this end he assigned to every one his province by lot. Nimrod the son of Cush, whose grandfather Noah was, abode Gen. 10. 8. of the reign of Nimrod. with his men in the land of the Chaldeans, and was their first king, and the first king of Babylon. He was Nimrod was the first king that warred upon his neighbours. the first that began to extend his bounds by force upon his neighbours, sending whole companies of people into many and divers countries, to lay the foundations of other kingdoms, as histories do give us certain knowledge thereof. This is the cause why many establish the first Monarchy in Assyria under him. We read also in good authors, that the first and ancient kings of Egypt kept themselves a long time in this heroical virtue, which Of the happy reign of the king▪ of Egypt. had procured unto them their dignity. They lived not disorderedly, as those do, who because of their dominion, judge their own will to be a just law for them, but they followed the constitutions of laws, aswell in the gathering of their duties and tributes, as in their manner of life. They used the service of Noble men's and of They used the service only of Noble men's children, and they well learned Prince's children only, who were of the age of twenty years, and were instructed in all sciences. The reason whereof was, that the king being pricked forward with the sight of them that were about him, might beware how he committed any thing worthy of reproach. And truly there is nothing that corrupteth Princes so much as vicious servants, who seek to please their sensual desires and affections. When the king arose in the morning, he was bound first to take and receive all the letters and requests that were brought unto him, that answering necessary matters first, all his affairs might be guided by order and reason. Then he went to the Temple to offer sacrifice to the gods, where the Prelate and chief Priest, after The Priests of Egypt used to praise their Princes in the Temple before the people. the sacrifice and prayers were ended, rehearsed with a loud voice in the presence of the people, what virtues were in the king, what reverence and religion towards the gods was in him, and what clemency and humanity towards men. Moreover, he told that he was continent, just, nobleminded, true, liberal, one that bridled his desires, and punished malefactors with a more mild and light punishment than the greatness of their sin and offence required, rewarding also his subjects with graces & gifts that were greater than their deserts. This done, he exhorted the king to a happy life agreeable to the gods, and likewise to good manners, by following after honour and virtue, and therewithal propounded unto him certain examples of the excellent deeds of ancient kings, The diet of the ancient kings of Egypt. thereby to provoke him the rather thereunto. These kings lived with simple meats, as with veal & birds for all dishes: they kept very exactly all the laws and ordinances of their country in every point of their life, which was no less directed even in the least things, than the simplest of their subjects. And truly so long as the kings of Egypt were such zealous observers of their laws, and of justice, & reigned peaceably among their subjects, they brought many strange nations into their subjection, & gathered together infinite riches, whereby they adorned their country with great buildings and sumptuous works, and decked Of the second kind of Monarchy. their towns with many gifts and benefits. The Barbarian kingdoms were the second kind of Monarchy: namely, the ancient Monarchies of the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians, whose Princes usurped lordly rule over their goods and persons, and governed their subjects as a father of a family doth his slaves. Which kind of government savoureth more of a tyranny, than of a kingdom: beside, it is directly against the law of nature, which keepeth every one in his liberty, and in the possession of his own goods. Notwithstanding when by the law of Arms, and of just war, a Prince is made Lord over any people, they properly belong to him that conquereth, and they that are overcome, are made his slaves by the ancient The difference between a lordlike Monarchy and a tyranny. consent of all nations: and this maketh the difference between the lordlike Monarchy, and a tyrannic, which abuseth free subjects as slaves. Of this second kind of Monarchy was the kingdom of Persia (as Plato writeth) under Cambyses, Xerxes, and other kings, until the last Darius. For usurping more absolute authority to rule, than Marks of a tyrannical government. was convenient, they began to contemn their Vassals, and to account of them as of slaves: and putting no more confidence in them, they entertained into their service mercenary soldiers and strangers, whereby they made their own subjects unfit for war, and so in the end lost their estate, when it seemed to have attained to the top of worldly prosperity. Such is the estate of the Turk at this Of the estate of the Turk. day, wherein he is sole Lord, commanding over his subjects in rigorous manner, aswell over the Musulmans, as Christians, and Jews. He useth in his principal affairs, which concern peace and war, and matters of government, the service of runagate slaves, whom he placeth in authority, changeth or deposeth as he thinks good, without peril and envy: yea he strangleth them upon the least suspicion or dislike conceived of them, not sparing his own children and others of his blood, if they anger him. So did Sultan Solyman deal with Hibrahim Bascha, who was The death of Hibrahim Bascha. almost of equal authority with him: insomuch that he was there called the Seignour, king of the janissaries, the Bascha, and king of the men of arms. Nevertheless in one night, wherein he made him stay & sup with him, & lie in his own chamber, he caused him to be slain, and his body to be cast into the sea. The morrow after he seized upon his goods, as confiscate, and carried them away: and yet no man ever knew the cause of his death, except it were this, that he was grown too great, and consequently suspected of his master, who was a Tyrant, rather than a The Turk disposeth of all Lordships at his pleasure. King. Likewise he keepeth in his hands all the Lordships of his kingdom, which he distributeth to men of war, who are charged to maintain a certain number of men of arms, and of horses, according to the rate of their revenue: and when it pleaseth him he taketh them away again. Neither is there any man in all the countries under his obedience, that possesseth towns, Castles, and Villages, or dwelleth in strong houses, or that dare build higher than one story, or than a doove-house. The great Of the Estate of Moscovia. Knes, or Duke of Moscovia, exceedeth for severity and rigour of commanding, all the monarches in the world, having obtained such authority over his subjects both ecclesiastical and secular, that he may dispose of their goods and lives at his pleasure, so that none dare gainsay him in any thing. They confess publicly, that the will of their prince is the will of God, and that whatsoever Of the king of Ethiopia. he doth, is done by the will of God. The king of Ethiopia is also a Lordlike Monarch, having (as Paulus iovius affirmeth) 50. kings no less subject unto him than slaves. The king of Ethiopia whipped his Lords like slaves. And Francis Aluarez writeth, that he hath seen the great chancellor of that country scourged stark naked with other Lords, as the very slaves of the prince, wherein they think themselves greatly honoured. The Of the kingdom of Peru. Emperor Charles the fift, having brought under his obedience the kingdom of Peru, made himself sovereign Lord thereof in regard of goods, which the subjects have not, but as they farm them, or for term of life at the Of the third kind of Monarchy. most. The third kind of Monarchy, whereof the Ancients made mention, was that of Lacedemonia, wherein the king had not absolute power, but in time of war out of the country, and a certain pre-eminence over the sacrifices. We made mention of their government before. The first kings in Rome were sacrificers also, and afterward, the emperors called themselves Pontifices, that is, chief bishops: and those of Constantinople were consecrated, as What kings took upon them sovereignty in religion. our kings of France are. In like manner the Caliphaes' of the saracens were kings and chief bishops in their religion: the one in Bagdet, the other in Cayre. The king of Calecuth is chief of his religion, and for this cause goeth before the other kings of India in dignity, and is called Samory, that is to say, God on earth. The Pope commandeth over the temporalties of the church, called S. Peter's patrimony, as king: and is rest of the latin christian churches, as head of the religion, I mean in those places, & of those persons, where he is so taken and acknowledged. The king of England certain years past took upon him the title of king and supreme governor of the Church. The fourth Of the 4. kind of monarchy which is elective kind of monarchy is elective, not hereditary: in some places for term of life, as the empire of Almaigne, the kingdom of Polonia, of Bohemia, and of Hungaria: in other places for a certain time, as was the Dictatorship at Rome. These estates are not commonly so sure and durable as those that are hereditary, because of the practices & forestalling of voices, which are for the most part used, whereupon seditions arise, to the great detriment of those kingdoms. For the prince being dead, the estate remaineth The dangerous state of an elective kingdom when the prince is dead. in a pure anarchy, without king, without lord, without government, & in danger of ruin, like to a ship without a pilot, which is ready to be cast away with the first wind that bloweth. Also a gate is set open to thieves and murderers, who kill and slay at their pleasure upon hope of impunity: as it is commonly to be seen (as histories rehearse) after the death of the kings of Thunes, of the Examples thereof in the kingdoms of Thunes, of Egypt. The great disorder in Rome upon the death of the Pope. soldans of Egypt, and of the Popes of Rome: where the seat being vacant, the first thing that is commonly done, is the breaking open of prisons, the kill of jailer's, the letting out of guilty persons, and the revenging of injuries by all possible means: and this continueth until the college of cardinals have agreed upon a successor. And in deed, in the year 1522. two were executed, against whom it was proved, that at sundry tumults moved at this election, they had slain an hundredth and sixteen men. In the empire of Germany. As touching the Empire of Almaigne, their histories are full of impoverishmentes fallen upon them through the election of their Emperors, as well by civil wars, as by murders and poisonings. So that within three hundredth In the popedom. and threescore years since the Empire fell under the election of seven princes, eight or nine Emperors have been slain or poisoned, besides those that have been shamefully thrust out of their imperial seat. Ecclesiastical persons also have not wanted civil wars about their elections, wherein no such provision could be made, but that two and twenty Popes were cut off, All elective princes are either taken indefinitely, or out of certain estates. and many thrust out of their seat: as may be seen in the Registers of the Vatican. Now we must note further, that among the elective estates, every election is either of such persons as the electors like of, as in Germany they do not only choose for Emperors the princes of Almaigne out of divers families, but sometime strangers have been chosen, as Alphonsus' king of Spain, and Richard Duke of Cornwall, and brother to king Henry the third: or else it is out of certain inferior estates, as The soldans of Cayre chosen out of the Mammelucks. the Pope out of the college of Cardinals, and not long since the soldan of Cayre out of the Mammeluckes: unto which degree of honour none could ascend, except before he had been a slave and a runagate Christian: so that afterward he commanded absolutely in Egypt and Soria. This estate having continued about three hundredth years, was not long since quite overthrown by Sultan Selym king of the Turks, who took the last sultan, and caused him to be carried upon an old The great mastership of Malta elective, and that also of Prussia. camel all along Cayre, and then to be hanged upon one of the gates of that city. The great master of Malta is chosen by the chief Priors of his religion: as that also of Prussia was before the agreement made with the king of Polonia, by which composition his estate was Of the fift kind of monarchy turned into a duchy, subject to the crown of Poland, and of elective made hereditary. The fift kind of monarchy is hereditary, and is properly called royal and which is hereditary. lawful: whether the king come to the estate by right of succession, as Thucydides writeth of the ancient kings: or whether the kingdom be given by virtue of the law, without regard had to daughters, or to males descending The Salic law excludeth daughters and their sons. of them, as it is in this kingdom, by the Salic law: or whether it be given as a mere gift, as the kingdoms of Naples and Sicill were given to Charles of France, and since given again to jews of France, first Duke of Anjou: whether it be left by will, as the Kings of Thunis, Fez, and Marocke used to do, and as it was practised also by Henry the eight, king of England, Kingdoms left by will. who left his kingdom to his son Edward, appointing Mary after him, and after her Elizabeth, or by what other means so ever the Prince becometh lord of the estate, his monarchy is always royal and lawful, if he in like manner be obedient to the laws of nature, as he desireth that his subjects should be towards him, leaving to every one his natural liberty and propriety of his goods, and looking to the profit and commodity of the commonwealth. This kingly government Aristotle compareth to economy. For although a father of a family govern his house after his pleasure, yet he respecteth the commodity of his family. Under this happy form of government, being Of the happy government of the estate of France. the best of all, we may boast that we live in France, through the goodness of our Kings, who neither ordain, nor put any thing in execution, but by mature deliberation and counsel, which they take with the princes of their blood, and with other notable and grave persons whom they call near unto them, as though their sovereign power were ruled and moderated. For first the king commandeth nothing that taketh effect, if it be not signed by his Secretaries, and sealed with his great seal: that is to say, seen The Chancellor of France must approve all matters before they can pass. and approved by the chancellor, who is a severe controller of all matters that pass. All the kings letters must always of necessity be approved by the judges to whom they are directed, and examined not only whether they were obtained by privy insinuation or fraudulent dealing, but also whether they be lawful or unlawful. Yea in criminal matters, the re-inabling of such as before were not capable of offices or dignities, writs of repeal from banishment, pardons & remissions, are scanned with such rigour by them, that the procurers of such letters are compelled to deliver them bareheaded and kneeling, and to offer themselves prisoners, of what estate soever they be: in so much that oftentimes men are condemned and executed with their pardons about them. As for the gifts and expenses of the king, whether they be Officers in France sworn to let nothing pass that is hurtful to the realm, notwithstanding the king his commandment. ordinary or extraordinary, the chamber of accounts examineth them narrowly, and many times cutteth off such as have no good ground: by reason that the officers are sworn to let nothing pass to the detriment of the realm, notwithstanding any letters of commandment whatsoever. Among other things the king may not alienate his crown revenues, without some cause known to the said officers of accounts, and to the parliaments. And which is more, public treaties with neighbour states, edicts and decrees have no authority before they are published in the high courts. By which moderation his power is not lessened, but made surer, more durable, and less burdensome to his subjects, being wholly separated from tyranny, which is hated of God and men, as we may have further knowledge by discoursing thereof particularly. So that over and beside those five kinds of monarchies mentioned of us, tyranny may be put for the sixth, which we may call that, wherein the monarch treading under foot the laws of nature, abuseth the liberty of free subjects, as if they were slaves, and other men's goods as his own. Among Of a tyranny, & of the name of a tyrant. the ancients the name of tyrant was honourable, and signified nothing else (being a Greek word) but a prince that had gotten the government of the estate with out the consent of his subjects, and of a companion had made himself a master, whether he were a wise and just prince, or cruel and unjust. And in deed most of them became wicked to make sure their estate, life & goods, knowing that they were fallen into many men's hatred, because they had invaded the sovereignty. In this respect therefore was this dominion & rule called tyrannical, because it governed in lordlike manner without right over free men, compelled and forced to obey. But generally we may call that a tyranny, when the prince accounteth all his will as a just law, and hath no care either of piety, justice, or faith, but doth all things for his own private profit, revenge, or pleasure. And as a good king conformeth himself to The difference between a good king and a tyrant. the laws of God and nature, so a tyrant treadeth them under foot: the one striveth to enrich his subjects, the other to destroy them: the one taketh revenge of public injuries, and pardoneth his own, the other cruelly revengeth injuries done to himself, and forgiveth those that are offered to others: the one spareth the honour of chaste women, the other triumpheth in their shame: the one taketh pleasure to be freely admonished, and wisely reproved when he hath done amiss, the other misliketh nothing so much, as a grave, free, and virtuous man: the one maketh great account of the love of his people, the other of their fear: the one is never in fear but for his subjects, the other standeth in awe of none more than of them: the one burdeneth his as little as may be, and then upon public necessity, the other suppeth up their blood, gnaweth their bones, and sucketh the marrow of his subjects to satisfy his desires: the one giveth estates and offices to meet with bribery and oppression of the people, the other selleth them as dear as may be, and careth not for the oppression of his subjects: the one in time of war hath no recourse but to his subjects, the other warreth against none but them: the one hath no guard or garrison but of his own people, the other none but of strangers: the one rejoiceth in assured rest, the other languisheth in perpetual fear: the one is honoured in his life time, and longed for after his death, the other is defamed in his life, and rend in pieces after his death. Examples hereof are Diogenes girdeth Dionysius. in every man's sight. And therefore Diogenes the Sinopian meeting one day in the city of Corinth with Dionysius the younger, tyrant of Syracuse, who was then brought into the estate of a private man, banished from his country, and fallen from his dignity, spoke thus unto him: truly Dionysius thou art now in an estate unworthy of thee. The tyrant standing still withal, made him this answer: I like thee well Diogenes, because thou hast compassion of my miserable fortune. What? (replied the Philosopher) dost thou think that I pity thee? I am rather grieved to see such a slave as thou, who deservest to grow old and to die in that cursed estate of a tyrant, as thy father did, to take thy pleasure in such safety, and to pass away thy time freely amongst us without fear. And to say truth, tyranny is such a miserable condition, that even they that practise it and glory therein, are constrained many times to confess with their own mouth, that no Of the miserable condition of tyrants. kind of life is so wretched as theirs. This self tyrant Dionysius, when he was in the greatest glory of his estate, declared as much to Democles, one of his familiar friends, who had said that he was most happy. Wilt thou (quoth Dionysius to him) enjoy my felicity but for one day only? Whereunto when Democles agreed, Democles was quickly weary of the estate of Dionysius. he caused him to be served at the table as himself was wont to be, with all the magnificence that could be devised, hanging in the mean while a sword right over his head, which was tied to the roof aloft only by one hair of a horse tail. When Democles perceived that, he was well contented to make a short dinner, and to pass away the rest of the day in his former estate. Lo, (quoth the tyrant then unto him) how happy our life is, which A tyrant cannot long continue. with all our armed guard hangeth but by a little thread. Moreover, the reign of tyrants being without measure and reason, and guided only by violence cannot be of any long continuance. This is that which Thales the wise man said, that there was nothing so strange or rare, as an old tyrant. And albeit they live miserably in perpetual distrust of every one, yea, of their nearest kindred, yet their end is more wretched. For there Tyrant's have commonly an evil end. were few of them that died not a cruel and extraordinary death, most of them being slain and murdered: and others persecuted with strange griefs, died like mad and desperate men, through the remembrance of their corrupt life, and of the cruelties which they had committed. In ancient time tyranny was so detestable, Examples of the extraordinary deaths of tyrants. that even scholars and women sought to win the reward of honour by killing tyrants: as Aristotle the logician did, who slew a tyrant of Sycionia, and as Thebes, who killed her husband Alexander, tyrannt of the Phereans. Thirty tyrants were slain in one day in the city of Athens, by Theramenes, Thrasibulus, and Archippus, who had but threescore and ten men to execute that enterprise. Leander tyrant of Cyrena, was taken alive, and being sewed into a leather bag, was cast into the sea. Aristodemus tyrant of Cumes, took Xenocrita by force, being a wealthy citizens daughter whom he had banished, and keeping her with him as his wife, she stirred up Thymoteles and others to recover the liberty of their country, who being safely let into the tyrant's chamber by her, slew Aristodemus. Besides, the ancients had appointed great rewards and recompenses Rewards appointed for murderers of tyrants. for the murderers of tyrants: namely, titles of nobility, of prowess, of chivalry, images, and honourable titles: to be short, the goods of the tyrants were given unto them, as to the true deliverers of their country. Now albeit we said, that this word tyrant was taken amongst them for him that made himself sovereign Prince of his own authority, without election, or right of succession, or lot, or just war, or special calling of GOD, yet we must not infer this consequent, that therefore it is lawful to kill every Prince that exerciseth It is not lawful for any to kill his Prince, although a tyrant. tyranny. For it belongeth in no wise either to any particular subject, or to all in general, to seek the honour or life of the Prince, that is absolutely and lawfully sovereign, as we have already discoursed. Now to conclude our present speech, we may see how far the establishment of this French monarchy is from any inclination, and from all things that may seem to give any entrance, life and preservation to a tyranny: nay it is clean contrary thereunto, and goeth beyond all monarchies that ever were or are amongst the sundry nations of men, for goodness and mildness of government: which ought wonderfully to stir up Frenchmen to persevere in love, obedience, and fidelity towards their king, for which strangers have always praised them. Of the Education of a Prince in good manners and conditions. Chap. 59 ARAM. THe effect of custom is wonderful, yea it is so powerful, that it passeth nature, especially Custom goeth beyond nature in that which is evil. in vice and dissoluteness. Wherein if men be once plunged, it is a very hard matter, especially if they be young, to draw them out of it. But further when they know that they have in their hands an unbridled licence, and a sovereign authority to enjoy their lusts and desires at their pleasure, a man may then say, that all hope of amendment is utterly perished in them, and that it is altogether impossible to gain any thing of them by counsel, instruction or reason. Therefore it is very certain, that the principal hope and expectation of a Prince (after request made to God, that by nature he may be of a good and teach-able disposition) ought to be grounded always in his education The chief hope of a prince dependeth (next to God) of his institution. and first institution, which being either good or bad, will bring forth like effects, to the great good or hurt of his subjects. Now then (my Companions) let us discourse of that which we think aught to be observed in the right instruction of a Prince in all kind of good manners, and commendable conditions, as well for his own profit, as for the common utility of all those over whom he is to command. ACHITOB. Men are commonly careful to strengthen with rampires the banks of rivers, which receine into them great quantity of waters. But it is needful A notable comparison. that more diligence be used in preserving and fortifying the mind of a young prince with strong reasons, grave sentences, and most learned precepts of wisdom, against the greatness of his fortune, the great abundance of wealth, riot, delights, and flattery, disguised with fidelity and liberty, which, like to a mighty stream, fall from some rock to overwhelm and to drown the weak seeds of virtue naturally in a Prince. ASER. Why great care is to be had in the institution of a prince. Men must be so much the more careful in the dressing and tillage of that spirit and soul, which they know aught to be vigilant, wise, prudent, and just for the benefit of many. Such a one is the king or magistrate, or any other man that is to deal in government, and in public affairs. For to fill that soul with virtue and goodness, is to profit an infinite number by the meaves of one. Now let us hear AMANA discourse upon this matter. AMANA. All kingdoms under which men do live at this day, are either hereditary, or given by election. The kingdom of France goeth only from male to male. Some that are hereditary go by succession from male to male only, as this kingdom of France. And this did the Frenchmen wisely ordain in the beginning of their monarchy by the Salic law, by which providence and foresight, they have continued in the same kind of government almost one thousand and two hundredth years, so that the crown never went out of their nation, neither hath the royal lineage changed oftener than thrice in so long continuance: which thing never happened to any other monarchy or signory to any man's knowledge. In other kingdoms, when males are wanting daughters succeed, as in Spain, England, and Scotland. Moreover in hereditary kingdoms, where males succeed, in some places that honour is always reserved for the eldest, who giveth an honest pension to his younger brethren, as it is in France: or if no regard be had to birthright, either he is preferred that is fittest to govern, or he that is most warlike, and in greatest favour The barbarous cruelty of Selim. with the soldiers, as in Turkey, Selim the first of that name, being the third and youngest son of Bajazet the second, usurped the Empire by the aid of the janissaries upon his father, whom he caused to be poisoned, and slew Achmat and Corcuth his two elder brothers, with all his nephews, and others of Ottomans race, saying that nothing was pleasant than to rule when all fear of kindred was taken away. In some places they kill not their brethren and kindred, but shut them up in some The custom of electing of a king in Ethiopia. most sure and safe place of custody, as they use or are accustomed to do in Ethiopia, where he that must bear rule, is kept alone, the rest are sent to a very high and strong mountain, called the mountain of the Israelites; from whence none of the male kind may ever come forth, except Prester John die without heir of his body to succeed him in the crown: for than he that is next unto it, and known to be worthiest and fittest, is taken forth. By this means that great kingdom hath continued very long without civil war or murder, and never The custom of succession in Calecuth. wanted offspring of the royal race. In Calecuth, when the king dieth, although he have male children, or nephews by his brother, yet none of them succeed in the kingdom, but his sister's son: and if they fail, the next of the blood royal cometh to the crown. They ground this upon a foolish and fond superstition which they have in causing the Queen to be deflowered by some young priest called Bramin, in whose custody she remaineth ever after, so long as the King is abroad. Whereupon they presume, and peradventure not without good cause, that the children which descend or are borne of that Lady, hold more of the priest than of the prince. Concerning kingdoms that go by election, we have spoken of them already. Now because it is a very hard matter to change him that is once chosen in such a kingdom, greater consideration must be had in making the election, lest the oversight of one hour procure a perpetual repentance. But where the prince is by nature and not by election, men must labour by careful industry and diligence to bring him up, and to instruct him well by replenishing his mind with sound opinions from his infancy, and by casting upon his new ground seeds of virtue and honesty, which by little and little may grow and wax ripe with age, and having once taken root, may abide steadfast and firm to his lives end. For there is no time When a prince may best be corrected. better and fit to frame and to correct a prince in, than when he knows not that he is a prince. For if he learn to obey from his infancy, when he cometh to the degree of commanding, he apply and behaveth himself a great deal better with his subjects, than they that from their youth have been always free and exempted from subjection. For by such education or bringing up, a Prince addeth to his royal greatness, and to those fashions which great men have by nature, courtesy and gentle behaviour, which cannot but be very acceptable to his people, and contain them more willingly in their duty of obedience. Therefore the prince in his young and tender years must be diligently employed, not only in withdrawing him from dishonest things, but also in causing him to taste of virtue, and to have some precepts thereof engraven in his brain, until in the end he understand all that belongeth to his duty, and whatsoever else may help him forward to lead a good and happy life. If wise fathers with great care bring up, and instruct their children, who shall succeed them but in the government of some little house in the country, how much greater care and labour ought to be taken in teaching him well & wisely, who is to succeed in the Empire over much people, and whose life ought to be the discipline of their manners & conditions? For this cause a good & prudent prince must take pains in causing his children to be brought up, that he remember he hath begotten them for the commonwealth, The best token of remembrance that a Prince can leave behind him. not to serve his private affections. Let him know, that although he erect a great number of images, build sumptuous houses, establish good and wholesome ordinances, yet he cannot leave a more excellent mark of his, than a son, who degenerating in nothing, representeth the goodness of his father by virtuous actions. For he dieth not that leaveth behind him a lively image of himself. And truly it is the perfection of an excellent prince to rule in such sort, as if he would strive, that his like for goodness and justice How a prince ought to live himself, and to bring up his children. could not succeed him, and so to bring up his children, as if he desired that they should surmount him in virtue. To this end therefore let him make choice of all his subjects, yea from what place so ever, and gather together virtuous and sincere men, uncorrupted, grave, and such as are learned not only through precepts, but also through the experience of many things, to whom their age breedeth reverence, their good life authority, and their mildness and gentle behaviour What teachers a young prince must have. love, and goodwill: that the tender spirit of the young prince, offended with the rough dealing of his teachers, may not begin to hate virtue before he know it, nor yet corrupted through their overgreat gentleness, degenerate and start aside where it ought not. Wherefore Seneca said, that a Prince his teacher must have these two properties, He must know how to chide without Two properties requisite in him that teacheth a prince. shaming of him, and how to praise him without flattery. moreover, great care must be had in making choice of all such persons, whether they are men, women, children, or servants, as come near about him, either to govern, or to serve him, or to keep him company. For seeing the most part of men's minds incline to evil, and no child is so happily borne, but he may What manner of persons must be about the prince. be corrupted through wicked education, what may a man look for but very great evils from that Prince, who, of what nature and spirit soever he be, presently after he is out of his cradle, is stuffed with foolish and false opinions, nourished among fond women, brought up in the midst of lascivious maidens, of lost children, vile and abject flatterers, of jugglers and players, of drunkards, of diceplaiers and inventors of pleasures? briefly, in the midst of such caitiffs, amongst whom he heareth and learneth nothing but pleasure, delight, pride, arrogancy, covetousness, choler and tyranny, and so departing from this school, takes unto him the sceptre and government of his Empire? Now he that is elected and chosen to undertake The duty of him that is chosen to bring up the prince. such a great and difficult charge, as is the education and instruction of the prince, must bring with him a will worthy the same, considering with himself, not how many benefices and bishoprics he may get into his hands, but how he may deliver up a virtuous prince unto his country, which putteth all her trust and confidence in him. Let him know that they do good to all the people, To make a good prince is to do good to all his people. who make them good men whom the people cannot want: as contrariwise, they that mar and corrupt princes and kings, aught to be an abomination to all men, and punished no less than they that put poison, not into a cup, but into a common fountain, of which they see every body drink. First then he that hath taken this charge upon him, must narrowly note whereunto the nature of the prince is inclined, seeing it may be known by some signs even in his young years: as whether he be not given to anger, to The inclination of a young prince must first be known. ambition, to desire of renown, to riot, to play, to covetousness, to revenge, to war, or to tyranny. After, when he knoweth to what vice he is inclined, he must fortify his mind against the same with good opinions and with holy resolutions, and labour to change his heart, which is yet tender, into a habit that is contrary to his nature. And when he perceiveth that his tender nature inclineth to honest and commendable things, or to such vices as will easily change into virtues in princes well brought up, as to ambition and prodigality, he must prick him forward, and help his good nature by diligent travel. Neither must he use precepts only to withdraw the prince from dishonest How a young prince must be taught. things, & to procure in him a longing desire to do those things that are virtuous, but he must labour to imprint and to root them in his memory by divers forms, now by sentences, another while by fables, after by comparisons, then by examples, or by some notable sayings, engraven in rings, and painted in tables. Briefly, if there be any other thing wherein this age taketh pleasure, let that be a mean to work in him a taste of virtue. Above all things special regard is to be had, what opinions are engraven in the prince his brain. For the whole order of his life proceedeth from that fountain. And therefore he must labour immediately to imprint in his mind holy and good opinions, which may serve for a counter-poison against the common errors of the ignorant people: but chief to instruct him thoroughly in gods truth, & in that which concerneth his salvation. He must persuade him, that whatsoever is Deu. 17. 18. 19 The law of God belongeth to the prince. taught in the law of God, belongeth to none so much as to the prince, and that as he is to reign by him, so likewise it belongeth to his office to reign according to his will, that he may enjoy prosperity in this world, and eternal felicity in the blessed life to come. Let him be taught to love virtue as the only good, and to hate vice as the only evil: let him know that the one is followed no less with shame and dishonour, than the other with glory and honour, especially in a prince, in whom if virtue take place, as it were in a high watchtower, it shineth so clearly, that the brightness thereof remaineth long after his death. As for all worldly pomp, antiquity of pedigree, images and riches, they are but mere vanity and folly, not worthy to be cared for, or to be admired by a virtuous prince. Let him be persuaded that dignity, greatness and majesty are not to be sought after by the help of fortune, or by human means, but by wisdom, integrity of life & manners, and by virtuous and noble deeds. Plato saith not without When a commonwealth is happy. cause, that a commonwealth will never be happy until princes play the Philosophers, or Philosophers take the rudder of the Empire in hand. Now his meaning is not to call him a Philosopher, that is learned in logic, in natural philosophy, and in the mathematics, but him, who with an untamed heart despiseth the vain shadows of things, and followeth after true goods. A philosopher and The agreement between a Philosopher and a Christian. a Christian differ but in name: and a prince well instructed in piety, is truly both the one and the other. Therefore he ought to learn nothing sooner (next to the law of God) than the moral philosophy of the ancients, which teacheth all virtue. Is there any thing more foolish than to esteem highly of a prince if he vault well, if he play well at tennis, if he be stout and strong: briefly, if he be cunning in some things, which peradventure a peasant would do better than he, and in the mean while he is puffed up with pride, he polleth his people, and sporteth himself in all kind of dissoluteness and pleasure? What honour is it for a prince to go far beyond the common sort in precious stones, gold, purple, train of servants, and in other ornaments of the body, and in every thing that is falsely called good, and in the mean while to be far inferior in the true goods of the soul to many of his people, and those of lowest calling? These opinions, as holy and inviolable laws, must be engraven in the heart of a young prince, and must be, as it were the first lines that are to be drawn in the void table of his soul, namely, that he must strive that none excel him in the goods of the soul, in wisdom, magnanimity, temperance and justice. Wherein a prince ought to excel others. frugality, modesty, and sobriety in other men may be attributed either to poverty or to niggardliness, but in a prince they cannot but be a note of temperance, I mean, when he useth goods modestly, who hath as much as he will. Ancient men called that prudence miserable, which was gotten by the experience of things, because it is bought with public loss & calamity. But such kind of experience ought to be farthest off from a Prince, because the longer it is a learning, the greater cause is it of many evils unto all his people. If Scipio Africanus had reason to say, that this speech, I had not thought it, did not beseem a wise man, how much more unseemly is it for a Prince, who cannot utter the same without his great harm, and greater to the commonwealth? For as in a voyage the fault of a common Mariner (said Agapetus) doth but little hurt, The fault of a Prince is much more hurtful than that of a private man. whereas the slip of a Pilot bringeth shipwreck: so in monarchies the offence of a private man is more hurtful to himself than to the commonwealth, but if the prince begin to fail, he hurteth every one. This is the cause why the mind of a prince must especially be instructed with good resolutions & sentences, to the end he may be skilful A prince ought to be skilful by reason and not by use. by reason and not by use. For then the counsel of aged men will supply that experience of things which is wanting in him. He must be given to understand, that his life is in the face of all the world, that he can do nothing that will be hid, and therefore if he be good, it must needs turn to the great benefit of many; if wicked, to their hurt likewise: because the prince is always the very portraiture after which subjects conform themselves. He must know that the greater honour is given unto him, the more he is to strive that he may be worthy of it, looking more to his own doings and actions, than to the praises that men give him, which he must believe and receive, according How a prince is to receive the praises that are given him. as he behaveth himself. For if he rule well, they are due unto him; if ill, he is honoured and praised, either through constraint, or of flattery: or else it is to show him under hand what he ought to be. Let him know that as God hath placed the sun and the moon in the heavens for a resemblance of his divinity: so a prince is the like representation and light in a kingdom, as long as he hath the fear of GOD, and the observation of justice imprinted in him. For these two things make their life divine and celestial, that are placed in high degree of power and authority: as contrariwise, the contempt of piety and justice, maketh it beastlike and savage. As God the giver of all things standeth not in need of any man's service to receive a good turn of him: so it is the duty of a worthy prince, who representeth the figure of the eternal Good precepts for princes set out by comparisons. king, to profit every one without respect of his own commodity and glory. As God is not touched with any affections or passions, but ruleth and governeth all things perfectly by his providence: so after his example a prince laying aside the perturbations of his soul must follow reason only in all his doings. As there is nothing more common than the sun, which imparteth of her light to all the celestial bodies: so a Prince must be always ready to profit the commonwealth, and have within him the light of wisdom, to the end that if others lose their brightness, yet he may never be overtaken with darkness. As the sun when it is highest in the zodiac moveth slowest: so the higher that a Prince is lift up in greatness and authority, the more gentle and gracious he ought to be, keeping himself from doing any thing that beseemeth not a Prince. Therefore let him think, that nothing is more vile and abject, than for him that is called a king and Prince of free men, to become a slave to riot, choler, covetousness, ambition, & other vices of like quality, which are most vile and cruel masters. He must be so affected towards his subjects, as a good father of a family is towards those of his household: because a kingdom is nothing else but a great family, and A kingdom is but a great family. a king the father of a great many. For although he pass them in greatness and authority, yet he is of one and the same kind with them, a man commanding men, and free over those that are free, not over beasts or slaves, as Aristotle saith very well. And if he would have that excellent title, which we give to God the Prince of all men, calling him Our father, he must procure it not by threatenings and fear, but by good deeds, by meekness and humanity, which will stand him in steed of a sure guard to preserve his estate. For the love and loyalty of his subjects will The safety of Monarchies dependeth of the love and loyalty of subjects. greatly increase thereby, of which the assurance of Monarchies dependeth. When the nobility and common-people use to fear, not him, but for his sake that commandeth them, than he seethe with many eyes, heareth with many ears, and perceiveth a far off whatsoever is done. Let the Prince have this saying of Plutarch always engraven in his soul: That nothing here below pleaseth God more, or draweth nearer to his divine nature, than to rule well in all justice and equity, which is the chiefest charge of his vocation, and that unto which he is straightly bound in respect The mutual duties of the Prince and his subjects. of his subjects. For as the subject oweth obedience, aid, and reverence to his Lord: so the Prince oweth justice, defence, and protection, to his subjects. When a Prince showeth himself upright, indifferent, and true of his word to all, it is the greatest felicity that can happen to a commonwealth, and that which crowneth the Monarch What praise a Prince is to seek after. thereof with greater glory and honour. And truly a Prince ought to be more careful to obtain that praise and reputation which proceedeth of goodness and virtue, than that which cometh of strength and power. For as the divine nature, unto which kings must endeavour to conform their works and actions, excelleth all other essences and natures chief in three things, that is, in immortality, power, and goodness: so a Prince must strive to excel his subjects, not so much in the immortality of his name, or in power, as in goodness, which virtue is certainly much more venerable, and draweth The whole world is immortal in respect of substance, but not of qualities. nearest to the divinity. For to be incorruptible and immortal, the four Elements, and the whole frame are endued with that quality, as natural Philosophers maintain. And as for strength and power, earthquakes, lightnings, tempestuous whirlwinds, floods and inundations of waters, are full of force and might: but nothing is partaker of justice, uprightness, and equity, except it be divine, and that by the means of reason and understanding. So that (as the same Plutark saith) we only are capable of that Good of virtue that cometh from God. To be short, let the Prince be diligently taught whilst he is young, and labour to know how he may adorn his name with works answerable to those excellent Epithits and titles, wherewith julius Pollux, who was governor to the Emperor Commodus in his young years, Excellent titles of a good Prince. setteth forth a good king. He calleth him Father, gentle, acceptable, merciful, prudent, just, curteows, nobleminded, free, a contemner of money, not subject to passions, but commanding over himself, one that overcometh pleasures, and useth reason, quick of judgement, sharp, provident, good in counseling, just, sober, godly, and full of good religion, careful over the welfare of men, constant, firm, no deceiver, minding great things, decked with authority, industrious, a quick dispatcher of affairs, careful over those whom he commandeth, a saviour, ready to do good, slow to revenge, always one and the same without turning aside, inclining greatly to justice, easy to have access unto, courteous in speech gentle to them that have to deal with him, plain, a lover of virtuous and valiant men, who nevertheless are not desirous of war, a lover of peace, a peacemaker, a precise observer thereof, borne to correct the manners of people, skilful in discharging the duty of a king and Prince, having knowledge to make good laws, borne to profit every one, and of a divine form. A Prince of noble birth shall feel himself greatly provoked to desire and seek after these excellent gifts and graces, through the consideration of examples propounded unto him, concerning the lives & Examples of former ages must be propounded to Princes. deeds of so many famous and worthy men, as are at this day after innumerable ages revived again by means of histories. And it cannot be but he will be greatly pricked forward to conform himself unto them, thereby to give like occasion to good wits, to write, sing, and publish his praises. What Prince will not burn with a jealous desire of virtue, when he heareth that the only fame thereof in the person of Scipio Africanus alured and ravished thieves Scipio Africanus. and robbers with such an admiration, that when they understood that he was in a house far from any town, they did beset it round, and as he stood in his defence to drive them away, they threw down their weapons, assuring him, that they came thither only to see and to reverence him, as in deed they did? What prince will not be possessed with joy, when he heareth, that Menander king of the Menander. Bactrians was so beloved of his subjects for his justice and virtue, that after his death the cities were in great contention, which of them should have the honour of his burial, for the appeasing of ẇhich strife, order was taken that each of them should make a tomb? Who will not be moved with love towards the goodness of trajan Emperor trajan. of the Romans, when he heareth his panegyrical Oration, wherein Pliny, after he had extolled him to heaven, concludeth thus: That the greatest happiness, which could come to the Empire, was, that the Gods took example by the life of trajan? Who will not desire the honour that Agesilaus. king Agesilaus received, when he was fined by the Ephoryes, because he had stolen away the hearts, and won the love of all his Citizens to himself alone? Who will not Aristides. wish to have the surname of Aristides the just, as divine and royal a title as ever king could obtain, rather than as many use to be called Conquerors, Besiegers, Thunderers? Briefly, unto these examples oppose the reprehension and mark of perpetual infamy, which histories set upon evil Princes, and it cannot be but that a Prince well brought up, and exercised in the love and study of virtue, will be very desirous to show forth the fruits and effects thereof, especially if he be well instructed in the fear of God, and knowledge of his duty, whereof he shall have perfect understanding in the law of God, which he is commanded Deut. 17. 19 by the sovereign king of all to have with him, to read in it all the days of his life, and to obey it, to the end he may reign happily in earth, and finally in heaven. Of the office and duty of a King. Chap. 60. AMANA. AVgustus Caesar hearing some rehearse, that Alexander the great, after he had finished most of his conquests at two and thirty years of age, said, that he took great care to know what he should do afterward: I wonder (said this wise Monarch) at the It is as hard a matter to govern well, as to get an Empire. speech of that great Prince, whereby it seemeth he thought that there was less to do in well ordering, ruling, and preserving a great Empire once entirely gotten, than in conquering the same. And surely to speak truth, there is nothing more difficult than to reign well. Moreover, it is better for a Prince to govern prudently, and to rule according to his estate, than to invade & possess another man's country: namely, if he consider, that God, being so gracious unto him as Why Princes are placed in their thrones. to bring innumerable persons under his obedience, hath chief established him to keep them in the knowledge and observation of true religion, to rule them by good laws, to defend them by arms, and in all things to be so careful of their good, that they may esteem of him, as of their father and shepherd. Now seeing we have summarily entreated of the education and institution of a prince under the charge of a teacher and governor, let us in this place (my Companions) consider of his office and duty, when he reigneth with full authority over his subsubiects. ARAM. The good will of the people dependeth of the integrity of religion. Forasmuch as integrity of religion, and the good will of the people are two principal pillars upon which the safety of every Estate standeth, the king ought to procure the first, being therefore appointed by God over so many millions of men: and the second without doubt dependeth of the former, which is the only difference between a king and a tyrant, who ruleth by constraint. ACHITOB. In a king is seen the ordinance of God, who is the author and preserver of policies, and of good order. Therefore his fear and reason, must never departed out of his mind, to the end that serving God, he may profit all those that live under his dominion. But from thee ASER we look for the discourse of this matter. ASER. The seven Sages of Grecia being invited to a feast by Periander prince of Corinth, were requested by him to enter into the discourse of the estate of great men. The sayings of the seven wise men of Grecia touching the estate of Princes. Solon speaking first, said: That a sovereign king or prince cannot any way procure greater glory to himself than by making a popular Estate of his Monarchy: that is to say, by communicating his sovereign authority with his subjects. Bias speaking next, said: By submitting himself first of all to the laws of his country. Thalcs: I account that Lord happy that attaineth to old age, and dieth a natural death. Anacharsis: If he be the only wise man. Cleobulus: If he trust none of those that are about him. Pittacus: If he be able to prevatle so much, that his subjects fear, not him, but for him. Chilon: A Prince must not set his mind upon any transitory or mortal thing, but upon that which is eternal and immortal. Periander concluding upon these opinions, said, that all these sentences seemed to him to dissuade a man of good judgement, from desiring at any time to command over others. The Emperor trajan writing Traian's letter to the Senate, touching the careful estate of Princes. to the Senate of Rome, among other things, used these very words: I freely confess unto you, that since I began to taste of the travels and cares which this imperial Estate bringeth with it, I have repent me a thousand times that I took it upon me. For if there be great honour in having an Empire, there is also very great pain and travel in governing the same. But over To what false surmises a Prince is subject. and beside, to what envy is he exposed, and to how many mislikings is he subject that hath others to govern? If he be just, he is called cruel: if pitiful, he is despised: if liberal, he is thought to be prodigal: if he lay up money, he is taken for covetous: if he be addicted to peace, he is supposed to be a coward: if he be courageous, he is judged ambitious: if grave, they will call him proud: if affable and courteous, he is termed simple: if solitary, an hypocrite: and if he be merry, they will say he is dissolute. After many other speeches, this good Emperor concluded, that although he willingly accepted of his estate at the first, yet he was very sorrowful afterward that he had so great a charge: because the sea and the Empire were two pleasant things to look upon, but perilous to taste. Who is fittest to tule. divine Plato wrote also, that none was fit to govern an Empire, and to be a Prince, but he that cometh unto it through constraint, and against his will. For whosoever desireth the charge of a Prince, it must needs be, that he is either a fool, not knowing how dangerous and full of care the charge of a King is: or if he be a wicked man, that he mindeth nothing but how he may reign to satisfy his pleasure and private profit, to the great hurt of the commonwealth: or else if he be ignorant, that he considereth not how heavy the burden is which he taketh upon him. Therefore a wise Prince will not think himself the happier, because he succeed in a greater Empire and kingdom, but remember rather, that he layeth so much the more care and pain upon his shoulders, and that he beginneth then to have less leisure, less rest and happiness in passing away his time. In other persons, a fault is pardoned in youth, and growing old, they are suffered to take their ease. But he that is Head of a commonwealth, because he is to travel for all, must be neither young nor old. For he cannot commit a fault how small soever it be, without the hurt of many men, nor yet rest from his duty, but it will turn to the misery of his subjects. This caused the Philosophers to say, that a Prince ought not to dedicate the commonwealth to himself, but to addict himself to the commonwealth, and for the profit thereof always to be diligent, virtuous, and wise, & so to govern his Empire, that he may be able easily to give a reason of his charge. And because no man asketh an The Prince must give account to none but to God. account of him in this life, he ought to be so much the more stirred up to demand a straighter reckoning of himself, being assured that the time will come, and that speedily, wherein he must yield it up before him, with whom there is no respect of Princes, except in this, that they shall have the judge more rigorous against them, that have abused greater power and authority. To begin therefore to handle the duty and office of a Prince: first, he must have The first and principal duty of a Prince is to have the law of God before his eyes. Psal. 119. the law of God continually before his eyes: he must engrave it in his soul, and meditate upon the words and ordinances thereof, all the days of his life, desiring of God to grant him the spirit of understanding to conceive them well, and according to that divine rule to direct all his intents and actions to the glory of that great, eternal, and almighty King of Kings: aswell for the salvation of his own soul, which he ought to prefer before the rule of the whole world: as for the good of those that are committed to his charge to govern, teach and judge them. For it is most certain, that of the knowledge of the truth in the Prince his heart, all good order of his Estate dependeth: and that his piety is of The piety of the prince is of great force with his subjects to stir them up to their duty. great force to awaken his subjects in their duty: namely, when they see him follow and cleave to true religion without feigning and dissimulation. Therefore he must carefully provide, that false doctrines, heresies, blasphemies against the name of GOD and his truth, with other offences in matters of religion, be not openly broached & sown amongst the people, but that some public form of Christian religion may always be seen in his kingdom, which is the sure foundation of every well established Monarchy. But herein that which I said before, is diligently to be noted: namely, that the Prince through wisdom craved before at the hands of God, The Prince must be sure that the religion he maintaineth is the just will of God. must be well assured of his divine, just, and eternal will, and according to that, take order that true piety may not be publicly violated and polluted by an uncorrected liberty. Next, we will briefly comprehend all those points, which ancient men both Philosophers and Christians The duties of a Prince comprehended in three points. have required in an absolute and perfect Prince, in three principal duties and actions: that is, in ruling, judging and in defending. He must rule by good laws, and by good example; judge by wisdom, providence, and justice; and defend by prows, care, and vigilancy. These duties, that excellent greek Orator and Philosopher Isocrates seemeth to have covertly contained in these words, Isocrates argument, whoreby he proveth the good reign of a Prince. which he wrote to Nicocles the Prince: This may prove unto thee that thou hast reigned well, if thou seenst that the people, which is subject unto thee, increase in modesty and wealth under thy government. For good laws, justice, and good example of life, make subjects better, and prudence joined with fortitude and prows, richer. Now that a good Prince (I call him good and just that employeth all his power to be such a one, being ready to spend his blood and life for his people) may attain to these excellent qualities, his love, and affection towards A Prince must love his subjects. his subjects, is very necessary, as that which is able to preserve the indissoluble bond of mutual good will between them & him, which is one of the surest means He must begin reformation at himself. to maintain great Estates and Monarchies. Next, he is to begin the good ordering of his Estate at himself, and reform first of all, all disorder in his own life and manners, & correct those things that are most secret in his court: knowing that from thence forward he must live as it were in an open theatre, where he is seen on every side, so that his life will be a discipline and instruction of good or ill living unto others. Therefore let him strive to excel those whom he ruleth, & to surmount them as far in virtues, as he surpasseth them in riches & honour. Amongst all those that follow him, he must always have the wisest He must have the wisest next his person. next his person, & call others from all parts near unto him, not refusing or contemning any man of skill & reputation. He must often hear them, learn of them, & being a judge amongst such as are less skilful, strive to go beyond the best learned through diligence and study. By which kind of exercises he shall know how to govern the estate of his kingdom uprightly, & cannot but do such things as are praisewoorthy. And forasmuch as common tranquillity & public quietness is one principal end of civil society, The first duty of a king towards his subjects. the first duty of a good king towards his subjects, is to maintain them in peace & concord. For it is unpossible that a commonwealth should flourish in religion, justice, charity, integrity of life: briefly, in all things necessary for the preservation thereof, if the subjects enjoy not an exceeding great & assured peace. Let the Prince then without intermission, seek after the safest means to keep his kingdom in quietness & rest: let him deliver his subjects from calamity: let him be careful of all things which may Good precepts for a Prince. be profitable & commodious unto them, & let him command them with mildness, & teach them obedience by the uprightness of his commandments. Let him not suffer his people to be over insolent, nor yet to be trodden under foot and oppressed: but let him take order, that such as are most honest may be preferred to honours & offices, & that the rest may not any way be wronged. He must alter those civil laws and customs of living, which being ill established, are prejudicial to his subjects, and ordain all What manner of laws are to be established in a commonwealth. just and profitable laws, agreeing with themselves, and such as breeding but few suits among his people, may briefly judge and decide them according to right and equity. In this point a good Prince must use great care and diligence that justice may be well administered, to the preservation of every man's right, and to the punishment of the wicked. This is that which the spirit of God so often commandeth: namely, to execute judgement and righteousness, jerem. 22. 3. to deliver the oppressed from the hands of the oppressor, not to vex the stranger, the fatherless, nor the widow, to do no violence, nor shed innocent blood. And these self same things must he cause to be observed by them that are appointed to exercise justice in his name. Which because it was neglected by many kings, they lost both life and kingdom, as we Philip lost his life because he delayed justice. read of Philip king of Macedonia, a very mild Prince, and of an excellent nature, who was nevertheless slain by Pausanias, because he delayed a long time to let him have right and justice, concerning an injury which an other Demetrius threw the supplications of his subjects into a water. had offered him. Demetrius also lost his kingdom, because he could not abide to hear his subjects, but especially for this matter. One day when many supplications were presented unto him, he put them into the plaites of his cloak, and passing over a bridge he threw them all into the water, and would not once vouchsafe to read them: whereupon the people being filled with indignation, rebelled against him. On the other side, a good Prince ought freely, and at all hours of the day, to hear the complaints of his subjects, and to provide thereafter, as one that is truly zealous of justice, clemency, and goodness, which are rather divine than human qualities, and most proper to him that will conform himself as much as may be (as it becometh him) to that heavenly virtue, which is always just and merciful, and (as Plutarch saith) ruleth all things without compulsion, mollifying the necessity of obeying by admonition and persuasion of reason. Nothing is more convenient for a sovereign than gentleness, for a Prince than clemency, for a King than mercy: and yet severity and rigour of justice are no less necessary ornaments, for the discharge of his duty, A prince must execute justice upon the transgressors of the law of God and of nature. and the good of his subjects. Therefore in that which concerneth divine and natural right, & the punishment established for the transgression thereof, he must always use justice, and beware least his facility in granting favour & dispensations, make him a promoter of evil, which (as Seneca saith) if he leave unpunished, is transferred unto his posterity. But when the Prince only is offended through some light contempt, or excusable breach of his Edicts, it cannot but be commendable in him to use pardon & pity. When it is commendable in him to show mercy. These are those strong and mighty chains, which (as Dion said to Dionysius the king of Syracuse) will preserve his kingdom in a happy, flourishing and peaceable estate, I mean goodness and justice. For force, fear, & the multitude of his guard, assure not the estate of a Prince so well, as the good will, affection, favour, and love of his subjects, which he may obtain by goodness and justice. They only How a Prince may preserve his kingdom a great while without danger. (said Marcus Aurelius instructing his son) are to hold a kingdom long time without danger, who by good behaviour and just dealing imprint in the hearts of their subjects, not a fear of their power, but a mutual love of their virtue. For those subjects are to be suspected that serve through constraint and extremity, not they that obey being moved with reason and gentleness. These holy precepts were so well put in practice by this Marcus Aurelius stood not in fear of his subjects. good Emperor Marcus Aurelius, that all his subjects had very easy access unto him: insomuch that albeit he were a great Monarch, yet he never had any guard, no not so much as a Porter to his palace. Likewise king Numa put Numa refused the guard of three hundred archers which Romulus had. from him those three hundred Archers, which Romulus used to have for his guard: saying, that he would not distrust that people which put their trust in him, nor command over that people that disinherited him. To this purpose, when Plato saw the abovenamed Dionysius compassed Plato his speech to Dionysius concerning his guard. about with many soldiers of his guard, he said unto him, What? Hast thou committed so many evils, that thou standest in need of such a guard of armed fellows? Now it is most certain, that the obedience of the subject springeth and proceedeth from the love of his Lord, as also that the love of the Lord increaseth through the obedience of the subject. But because the wickedness of men is so great at this day, that they which strive to be very gracious, are contemned and despised, it is very necessary that the Prince should show forth a certain kind of gravity and severity, and according to the times, places, Gravity and severity requisite in a prince. persons, and occasions that are offered, cause his power and the majesty of his commandments to be perceived, A principle in state matters. being always the stronger: because in matter of Estate a man may hold this for an undoubted principle, that he is master of the estate, who is master of the forces. Thus the gentleness of the Prince accompanied with severity, his bounty mingled with rigour, and his facility The effects of harmonical justice. with austerity will be the means that his virtue shall attain to a harmonical justice, which distributeth uprightly that which appertaineth to every one: reward to whom reward, & punishment to whom punishment belongeth. From these duties & offices of a good Prince towards his subjects, already mentioned, proceedeth the fatherly care which he hath of their prosperity in the preservation & increase of their commodities & riches, so far off is he from all headlong desire to invade & spoil them. He considereth What authority a Prince hath over his subjects goods. wisely, that although he hath authority & power over the goods of his subjects, yet not in such sort as he hath over his own demain, or as if the propriety thereof belonged to him, but only to this end to demand aid & succour for the good & profit of the commonwealth. Homer bringing in Achilles offering great injuries to Agamemnon, against whom he was sore incensed, saith that he called him Devourer of the people: and contrariwise, when he would in other places praise the king, he termeth him Shepherd of the people. And truly they are unworthy of the title of Prince, that lending their ears to such as invent new subsidies, impose them daily on their subjects: & having against all humanity spoilt them of their goods & riches, consume them miserably upon pleasures, or cruelly in war, when they might aswell suffer their poor subjects to live in peace. When Marcus Antonius was in Asia, he doubled the tax, and laid a second charge upon them, that he might have wherewith to furnish his immoderate Hebreas freedom of speech in reproving Antonius. expenses. The Estates of the country sent Hebreas to show him how the case stood with them, who using a marvelous freedom of speech, spoke unto him in this manner. If thou wilt have power to lay upon us two taxes in one year, thou must also have power to give us two Summers and two Autumns, two harvests and two Vintages. Further, he added this; Asia hath paid thee 200000. Talents (that was six score millions of gold) if all this sum came not into thy coffers, call them to account that have received it. But if thou hast received it, and yet hast nothing left, we are cast away and undone. These words ought to be well noted of a prudent Prince, that he may thoroughly consider with himself, and keep a register of all that is levied of the poor people in his name, lest some few about him fat themselves with the oppression and overthrow of many, as it commonly falleth out: and let him be so careful of the blood and substance of that body whereof he is head, that he profit all the members equally. Ezechiel crieth out against such Princes as devour the substance of their Vassals by loans and taxes. Apollonius saith, that the gold Some gold more vile and base than iron. which is taken from subjects by tyranny, is more vile than iron, because it is wet with the tears of their poor subjects. Artaxerxes said, that it was a great deal more seemelier for the majesty of a king to give, than to take by polling, and to clothe than to unclothe; the one belonging to thieves, and not to Princes and Kings, unless they will falsify stain their name. King Darius sent for all the governors of the provinces under his subjection, and Darius' diminished his tributes. inquired of them among other things, whether the taxes and tributes were not too excessive: whereunto when they made answer that they thought them moderate, he presently commanded that they should raise but the one half thereof: esteeming the love of his subjects a richer treasure, than all the heaps of gold, which he might have gathered. We may not here forget to propound to kings the example of that good king S. jews the ninth of that jews the 9 was the first that raised a tax in France. name, who was the first that raised a tax in his kingdom, but it was only by way of a necessary subside during the war, not using it as an ordinary receipt. Directing his speech to Philip his eldest son, and successor, he uttered these words in his Testament, which is yet to be found in the treasury of France, and is registered in the Chamber His exhortation to his eldest son. of accounts. Be devout in the service of God, have a pitiful and charitable heart towards the poor, and comfort them with thy good deeds. Observe the good laws of thy kingdom: take no taxes nor benevolences of thy subjects, unless urgent necessity, & evident commodity force thee unto it, and then upon a just cause, and not usually: if thou dost otherwise, thou shalt not be accounted a king, but a tyrant, etc. I leave the rest of the clauses in his Testament. Moreover, liberality well used, as we have elsewhere handled the same, is a very comely ornament for a Prince. Liberality necessary in a Prince. Socrates' said, that it was the duty of a good king to be beneficial to his friends, and of his enemies to make good friends, to which purpose nothing will help him more than liberality. Neither must he be only liberal, but magnifical also and sumptuous, provided always that of magnifical, he become not prodigal, which would soon make him an exactor, and in the end a tyrant. But a sovereign Prince must especially have an eye to this, that the rewards of virtue due to worthy men be preferred before all his gifts and good turns, and that he recompense such as have deserved any thing, before he give to them that have deserved nothing. For an ungrateful Prince will hardly retain an honourable and virtuous man any The difference between a reward and a benefit. A king must be as good as his word. long time in his service. Neither is the estimation of a reward, and of a good-turne all one: because a reward is given for desert, and a benefit by grace. Besides, a Prince must be always true, and as good as his promise, that men may give greater credit to his bare word, than to another man's oath. For it ought to be as an Oracle, which looseth his dignity, when men have conceived such an evil opinion of him, that he may not be believed unless he swear. And if he pawn his faith at any time, he must account it sacred and inviolable: because faith is the foundation and stay of justice, upon which the estate of great men is grounded▪ as we discoursed elsewhere. The saying of Theopompus. That saying of Theopompus King of Sparta, is also to be well noted by the Prince. When a friend of his asked him how a king might keep his kingdom in safety, he answered: By granting liberty to his friends freely to tell him the truth. He must take their advice in doubtful matters, that he may govern his estate more assuredly, weighing and judging of their opinions with great prudence. Neither must he think them his best servants that praise A Prince must discern wisely between faithful servants and flatterers. all his sayings and doings, but those that with modesty reprove his faults: he must discern wisely between them that cunningly flatter him, and those that love and serve him faithfully, that wicked men may not be in greater credit with him than good men. For this cause also he must carefully inquire after his household servants and familiar friends, that he may know them well: because all other men will take him to be such a one as they are with whom he converseth ordinarily. Osiris' King of Egypt had for his arms a sceptre with an eye in the top of it: noting thereby the wisdom that ought to Wisdom necessary in a King. be in a king: namely, that it belongeth not to one that wandereth out of his way to direct others, that seethe not, to guide, that knoweth nothing, to teach, and that will not obey reason, to command. Likewise in all his actions he must use reason as a heavenly guide, having chased away the perturbations of his soul, and esteem it a greater and more royal matter to command himself, than others. He must think that it is the true and proper office of a king not to submit himself to his pleasures, Temperance requisite in a Prince. but to contain his own affections rather than his subjects. Further, he must use to take pleasure in those exercises, which may procure him honour, and cause What manner of exercises a Prince must use. him to appear better to the world. He must not seek for reputation in vile things, which men of base estate and naughty behaviour commonly practise, but follow after virtue only, wherein wicked persons have no part. Let him remember always that he is a King, and therefore that he must strive to do nothing unworthy so high a dignity, but continue his memory by valiant and noble acts. This is that wherein one of the wise Interpreters knew well how to instruct K. Ptolemy, who demanded of him how he might behave himself, that neither idleness nor pleasures might distract him. It is (said he) in thine own power, as long as thou commandest over a great kingdom, and hast so many great affairs to manage continually, which will not suffer thee to distract thy mind upon other matters. If private men, borne to virtue, are willing many times to die, that they may purchase honour: much more ought Kings to do those things which will procure them honour, fear, and estimation every where, during their life, & also through their brightness A Prince must be skilful in war, and yet love peace. shine a great while after their death. Moreover, a prince must be warlike, and skilful in warfare, providing carefully all things necessary for war, and yet he must love peace, and usurp nothing that belongeth to another man contrary to right, nor enter into war, but to repel violence in extreme necessity. Above all things A Prince must carefully avoid civil dissension. he must fear civil dissensions, as most pernicious to his Estate, and take advice prudently concerning the means whereby all occasions of their entrance may be taken from his people. Herein learning will help him well, and the knowledge of histories, which set before his eyes the adventures that have befallen both small and great, and call to his remembrance the times past, whereby he may better provide for the time to come. Unto which if he add the counsel of wise men, as we have already touched, he shall know more perfectly whatsoever concerneth the good of his estate. But above all he must know how to What Counsellors a Prince must choose. make choice of men, and not think them wise that dispute curiously of small things, but those that speak very aptly of great matters. Neither let him account those men best, and worthiest of credit, that have gotten most authority, but try and judge them by their profitable works: namely, if he see that they give him wise and free counsel, according as occasions concur, and affairs require: and then let him always with speed execute those things, which by their counsel he findeth good and necessary. For the conclusion therefore of our present discourse, The sum of the duty of a Prince. we will comprehend the office and duty of a good Prince in few words: namely, if he serve God in sincerity and purity of heart, if he inquire diligently after the truth of his word, and cause his subjects to live thereafter: if he provide for their profit, redress their miseries, and ease them of oppression, exaction and polling. If he be pliable to hear the requests & complaints of the lest, indifferent and moderate in answering them, ready to distribute right to every one, by propounding reward for virtue and punishment for vice. If he be prudent in his enterprises, bold in his exploits, modest in prosperity, constant in adversity, steadfast in word, wise in counsel: briefly, if he govern in such sort, and reign so well, that all his subjects may have what to imitate, and strangers to commend. The end of the fifteenth days work. THE SIXTEENTH days work. Of a council, and counsellors of estate. Chap. 61. ASER. DIoclesian the Emperor said, That the condition of Princes was miserable and dangerous, A common misery incident 〈◊〉 the estate of princes. because they were commonly deceived by them whom they trusted most, being themselves almost always shut up in their palaces, and understanding no more of their affairs, than their ministers would declare unto them, who consult many times together how they may disguise the truth of their estate. For this Counsellors are the eyes & ears of a Prince. cause although it be necessary for a prince to have many eyes and ears, for which intent we say that his counsellors serve, yet he must look himself as much as he can even to the depth of his affairs. And truly it belongeth to the dumb, blind and deaf, to speak, see and hear nothing, but by the mouth, eyes, and ears of other men. But in those things wherein the prince is constrained to rely upon an other man's report, he must use great prudence to discern flatterers and disguisers of matters, who What counsellors are to be used by Princes. are not touched but only with their private profit, from those that are moved with the zeal of public benefit, and of his service, and use these men in matters of counsel, which is most necessary for the sound preservation of all estates. And in deed there was never any estate but used counsel and counsellors in the establishing and government thereof, as we may understand more of you my companions, if you think good to discourse of this matter. AMANA. Counsel is the anchor of the city. counsel (said Socrates) is a sacred thing, and as Plato calleth it, the anchor of the whole city, whereby it is fastened and stayed, as a ship in the water. Yea, all the great and goodly exploits of arms and laws, are nothing else but the execution of a wise council. ARAM. The excellency of counsel. counsel (saith the same Plato) hath the self-same place in a commonwealth that the soul and head hath in living creatures. For the understanding is infused into the soul, and sight and hearing are placed in the head: so that the understanding being joined to these two goodly senses, and reduced into one, preserveth every thing. But of thee (ACHITOB.) we expect a whole discourse upon this matter. ACHITOB. All commonwealths consist chief of two things. All commonwealths consist chiefly of two things, of counsel & of judgement, according to the disposition of which, the affairs of the estate are well or ill handled. Therefore to enter into this matter here propounded, and to leave judgements to be considered of hereafter, we must first know that the ordinary council of an estate, which the Ancients commonly called a Senate, is the lawful assembly of counsellors of estate, to What a council is. give advise to them that have sovereign power in every commonwealth. When we say a lawful assembly, it is to be understood of that power which is given unto them by the sovereign to meet together in time and place appointed. And where as we call them counsellors of estate, it is to distinguish them from other counsellors and officers, who are often called to give advise to Princes, every one according to his vocation and quality, and yet are neither counsellors of estate, nor ordinary counsellors. Of this council all the rest of the public government The profit of a council. dependeth, and by this all the parts of the commonwealth are tied, united, and knit together, through that direction of religion, justice, war, treasures, laws, magistrates and manners which proceedeth from it. Therefore the Senate is very well called by Cicero, A council or Senate is the soul of the commonwealth. the soul, reason, and understanding of a commonwealth: whereby he meaneth, that it can no more be maintained without a council, than a body without a soul, or a man without reason. The Hebrews likewise The Hebrews compared it to a foundation. called the council a foundation whereupon all goodly and commendable actions are built, and without which all enterprises are overthrown. Now forasmuch as there hath been, and are at this day among sundry nations, sundry sorts of governments and policies, so there is no less difference in the establishment of a council in them, as also many alterations in the institution and power thereof. And namely, among the ancient Grecians, beside the several council of every commonwealth, there was the sacred council of the Amphictions, so called, because it was instituted by Amphiction the son of The council of the Amphictions. Deucalion. This council was as it were the general assembly of the estates of all Graecia, and was held twice a year, in Spring time, and in autumn, at Delphos in the Temple of Apollo, for the commodity of the seat thereof, being as it were in the midst of all Graecia. The authority thereof was so great, that whatsoever was concluded upon there, the Grecians observed and kept it inviolable, whether it were in matters concerning religion and piety towards their gods, or peace and unity among themselves. The Lacedæmonians and Messenians met together certain days in the year at the temple of Diana upon the borders of Laconia, and there after sacrifice, consulted of their weightiest affairs. And yet both they and the rest of Graecia had certain general counsels concerning the government of their estate, besides those The Senate of the Lacedæmonians. that were particular, which they used daily. The Senate of thirty counsellors established by Lycurgus when he reform the Lacedaemonian estate, obtained the sovereignty not long after, and of Senators became absolute Lords. The Senate of the Athenians. Solon ordained amongst the Athenians, besides the Senate of 400. which was changeable every year, a privy & perpetual council of the Areopagites, compounded of three score of the wisest, and of such as were blameless, who had the managing of those affairs that were most secret. Romulus The Senate of the Romans. the first founder of Rome, compounded the Senate of 100 of the notablest citizens: and having received the Sabines into his protection, he doubled the number of Senators, which afterward Brutus increased with an other The power of the Consuls of Rome. hundred. As long as the happy popular government of the Romans lasted, the Consuls, albeit in dignity they represented a royal person, yet they had no other power but to lead the armies, to assemble the Senate, to receive the letters of captains, and of their allies, and to present them to the Senate, to hear ambassadors before the people, or before the Senate, to assemble the great estates, and to ask the people advise concerning the creation of officers, The power of the Senate of Rome. or publishing of laws. But the Senate disposed the revenues of the Empire, and the common expenses: appointed lieutenants to all governors of provinces, determined of the triumphs, ordered religion, received and licensed ambassadors of kings and nations, and took order for such as were sent to them. The punishment of all offences committed throughout Italy, which deserved public execution, as treason, conspiracy, poisoning, wilful murder, belonged to the Senate. If any private person or any city stood in need of some special favour, or of reprehension, or of succour and protection, the Senate had all the charge thereof. It was forbidden under pain of high treason to present any request to the people without advise taken of the Senate. Nevertheless, the sovereignty always belonged to the people, who might confirm The power of the people of Rome. or infringe the decrees of the Senate. Since that time according to the sundry alterations of their estate and government, the council varied in form. Augustus' established a particular council of the wisest Senators, & those but few in number: and after that another strict council of Maecenas and Agrippa, with whom he decided the chiefest matters. In Turkey the council is kept four days in Of the council of the Turk. a week by the bassas wheresoever the prince sojourneth. If it be in time of peace at Constantinople, or in some other town within his dominion: if in war, it is kept within his pavilion. In this council called Divan, where audience is open to every one, they consult of embassages and of answers to be made unto them, of matters of estate, and of sovereignty, of the means how to provide for decayed provinces, of murders and condemnations. The suppliant, complainant or suitor speaketh without an advocate, and is forced to answer presently to the objection of his adversary if he be present, or to prove his sayings by witnesses: and forthwith the definitive sentence is given, which may not be revoked. When the council hath continued 7. or 8. hours, the Bassa Visir maketh true relation to the prince of all that hath been handled: if he lie it is present death. For the prince oftentimes listeneth at a window, called dangerous, right against the Divan, which is made in such sort, that he may hear and see, and not be perceived: and although he were never there, yet they think that he is always there. After he hath heard the discourse and advise of his council, he seldom gainsaieth, but confirmeth or moderateth the same. These things being thus ordered, they are written and registered by officers appointed thereunto. Concerning his treasure the bassas meddle not therewith, but two general treasurers are overseers and chief dealers therein, the one being of Romania, the other of Anatolia. Two Cade lisquers have the administration of all justice, who sit with the bassas in the Divan: neither doth any other sit there but the twelve bellerbeiss, the Prince his children being precedents in their father's absence. The Muphtie is chief of the religion, and looketh unto matters of conscience. Of the council of the Venetians. At Venice the general assembly of Lords and gentlemen is called the great council, which hath the sovereign power of the estate, and of which the Senate and the authority of all their magistrates dependeth. Besides this great council and Senate compounded of threescore persons, there are four other counsels, that is, the council of Sages for sea matters, the council of Sages for land matters, the council of ten, and the council of seven, where the Duke maketh the seventh, and this is called the signory. If there arise any hard matter among the Sages, it is referred to the council of ten, and if they be divided, the council of seven is joined to the council of ten. But if the matter be of great weight, the Senate is called, and sometime also (albeit rarely) the great council of all the Venetian Gentlemen, in which Of the council of Rhagusium. the last resolution is made. At Rhagusium they create a precedent from month to month, who dwelleth in the palace, and hath twelve counsellors, which assembly is called the little▪ council. There is also an other council called the council de Pregadie, into which a hundredth of Of the council of Genes. the ancientest citizens may enter. Next, there is the great council, at which all the nobility above twenty years of age are present. At Genes the whole commonwealth is governed by them that are borne of eight and twenty families: neither is any man called to bear any office whatsoever, unless he be of this assembly, which they call an Aggregation. Out of this are taken four hundredth, which make the great council, that hath all the power and authority of the estate, and is chosen from year to year. They create the Duke and the eight governors of the commonwealth, who are renewed from two years to two years. In Switzerland there are two The council of Switzerland. counsels in every Canton, a little one and a great one. But if any great matter fall out, that is common to all the leagues, they hold their general council, called a journey, or a Diet. The like is used in Almaigne, where The council of Germany. the Emperor can ordain nothing that concerneth the common benefit of Germany, or the authority and preservation of the Empire, without the counsel and consent of all the estates, especially of the seven Electors. He may not of himself under-take any war at his pleasure, neither levy tributes, nor raise soldiers of that nation, nor call in any foreign soldiers. They have also a council established at Spira, which is called the imperial chamber being as it were a Parliament of Almains for the administration of justice among them. The assembly of estates in Polonia. In Polonia there is an assembly of estates every year, especially for these two causes: the one, to administer justice in sovereignty, unto which are brought appeals from all the judges of the country: the other, to provide for the defence and safety of the country against their next enemies, namely, the Tartars, who make often incursions upon them. None is received for a senator amongst them, if he be no Palatine, Bishop, governor of some fort, or other captain, or hath not been ambassador. In Spain there are seven Of the council of Spain. counsels, besides the privy council, which are always near the King in several Chambers under one roof, that the king may be the better informed of all affairs. Their names are these, the council of Spain, of Seven several counsels in Spain. the Indies, of Italy, of the low countries, of war, of the Order of Saint John, and of the Inquisition. In the realm of England there is a privy council, Of the council of England. which never exceeded the number of twenty persons. The first establishment thereof was but of fifteen: although it appeareth by the conclusion of a peace made between jews the ninth, and Henry king of England, that seventeen of the privy council swore unto it, namely, one Archbishop chancellor, one Bishop, six Earls, and six other Lords, besides the high Treasurer, and the two magistrates, whom they call the chief justices of England. From three years to three years they hold a parliament, where all the estates are called together to deliberate about the affairs of the kingdom. But enough of strangers. Let us now come to the establishment and institution of the council in this French monarchy, where we shall see that it is not inferior (if it go not beyond them) in excellency and good order to all that are already set Of the secret council of France. down, or that ever were. First we know, that the king hath all sovereignty by right of the estate, as heretofore we have discoursed. The first council near about him is the strict or secret council, called the council of state affairs, which is commonly held in the morning after his majesty is up. None have entrance into this, but a few whom the king judgeth wisest, of greatest experience, and most trusty to his majesty, with whom he communicateth his weightiest affairs as they fall out, and determineth with them of such principal matters as were deliberated of before in the privy council, and in the council of the treasury, if they be such as deserve to be brought thither. In the secret council the letters of princes, of ambassadors, of governors and captains are opened: resolutions and matters agreed upon are commended to the Secretaries of the estate: gifts & rewards granted with the rolls and records thereof, letters and commandments Of the privy council of France. signed with the King's hand. The privy council is compounded of divers great personages called thereunto by his majesty, either for the nobility of their blood and greatness of their house, or for their worthiness, wisdom, knowledge and experience, who have places and deliberative voices in the council as long as it pleaseth him. Sometime the king sitteth among them when any great matter is in question: in his absence the first prince of the blood is precedent. The Constable and chancellor, two chief officers of the crown, have great authority therein, the one being principal of war, the other of justice: They sit on each side in equal degree, being always one right before another. This council is held either for matters What matters are handled therein. belonging to the treasury, or for other things concerning state-affairs of the kingdom, and then none enter therein but the Secretaries of the estate, the Treasurer of the privy treasure, the overseers of the treasures, appointed to take knowledge of the levying and laying out of money, and the Secretaries belonging to the same: or else it is held for parties, that is, for the affairs of justice depending of the sovereignty. Then the masters of the Requests serving in their turns enter therein, who bring in requests, informations, suits called thither by injunctions, and other weighty matters which the king hath reserved to his own knowledge, or such as cannot be decided else where. Sometimes also the parties themselves are heard, or else they speak by advocates. This is greatly to be commended A commendable custom used in the privy council of France. therein, that every one that hath entry into the council (although peradventure he hath neither deliberative voice, nor place) may bring in any man's request, & advertise the council of that which is profitable for the commonwealth, that order may be taken for the same. And many times their counsel is first demanded, than the advice of the counsellors of estate, so that the greatest Lords give their opinion last, to the end that freedom of speech may not be taken away by the authority of the princes, especially of factious and ambitious men, who never suffer any contradictions but against their wills. By this means also they that have consulting voices only, prepare the way and make it easy for them that have deliberative voices to conclude of matters, and many times furnish the council with good and forcible reasons; and if they err at any time, they are brought back again by the residue without jealousy. This privy council deliberateth & finally determineth (under the sovereign will of the king) of the complaints of private men in matters concerning the estate, of the suits of towns and provinces, judgeth of the appeals made from Parliaments, considereth upon extraordinary days of the decrees of Parliaments, concerning their order & discipline how it is kept: dealeth with the transporting of wheat & of wines: also with all merchandises either brought in or carried out of the realm, and with the impostes laid upon them: taketh order for the currant and fineness of money: hath regard to the domains of the crown, to lones and taxes, and other revenues of the king, and to the chief customs, prolonging their years, abating the rents of Farmers, or discharging them altogether, taking knowledge of their cause and of former informations, joining therewith the advise of the Treasurers, & of the Generals of those charges. All matters whatsoever being agreed upon & appointed to take effect, must be signed by one secretary at the least, and sometimes also by one of the masters of Requests before it be sealed by the chancellor, who overlooketh and examineth narrowly all matters concluded upon: which maketh his authority very great, & sometimes odious. Of the great council. The great council, which at the first institution thereof was seldom employed but about state-affairs, was made an ordinary court of 17. counsellors by Charles the 8. and jews the 12. made it up 20. besides the chancellor, who was precedent of that court: but under king Francis another precedent was appointed. This council had the knowledge of extraordinary causes by way of commission sent from the privy council, and ordinarily of appellations made from the Marshal of the King's house. The court of Of the court of Parliament. Parliament was the Senate of France in old time, and erected by jews the young according to the truest opinion, to give advise to the king: in which twelve peers were established, so that the name of the court of peers remaineth with it to this day. But Philip the fair made it an ordinary court, and granted unto it jurisdiction and seat at Paris, but took from it the knowledge of state-affairs. For, as we have already declared, there are no counsellors of estate amongst all the magistrates of France, but those that are ordinary of the privy council. But besides the counsels specified by us, Princes have always had a Of the strict council. strict council of two or three of the dearest and trustiest about them, wherein the resolution of the advises and deliberations of other counsels is had, yea many times of the greatest affairs of the estate, before others have deliberated of them. Nevertheless, this ancient custom of calling the general estates of the realm together when they saw it necessary, hath been always observed by kings and princes. Our first progenitors the Gauls, before either Romans or kings ruled over them, assembled together out of Aquitane, out of the province of Narbone, of lions, and of other quarters, about the number of threescore nations, to take advise and counsel of their general affairs. Since that time our ancient kings of France have used oftentimes to hold the estates, which is the assembly of all their subjects, or of their deputies. For to What it is to hold the estates. hold the estates is nothing else, but when the king communicateth his greatest affairs with his subjects, taketh advise and counsel of them, heareth their complaints and griefs, and provideth for them according to reason. This was called in old time the holding of a Parliament, which name it retaineth yet in England and Scotland. But at this day the name of Parliament belongeth The name of parliament belongeth to private courts in France. only to private and particular courts of Audience, consisting of a certain number of judges established by the king in sundry of his provinces, and the public and general courts of Audience have taken the name of estates. The estates were assembled for divers causes, according as matters were offered: either to demand succour and money of the people, or to take order for justice, and Causes of the assembly of estates. for men of war: or for the revenues of the children of France, or to provide for the government of the kingdom, or for other matters. The Kings sat amongst them, and were presidents, except at one assembly, wherein was debated the noblest cause that ever was, namely, to whom the kingdom of France belonged after the death of Charles the fair, whether to his cousin Philip de Valois, or to Edward king of England his brother in law. King Philip was not precedent, not being at that time king, and besides a party. No doubt but the people receive great benefit by this assembly of estates. For this good cometh unto them, that they may draw near to the King's person, to make their complaints unto him, to present him their requests, and to obtain remedy and necessary provision for redress. Whereby we may easily judge, that many, who have written of the duty of magistrates and such like treatises, are greatly deceived in The assembly of estates is not above the prince. maintaining this, That the estates of the people are above the prince: which layeth open a gap to the rebellions of subjects against their sovereign, so that this opinion can have no reason or good ground to lean upon. For if this were true, the commonwealth would not be a kingdom or monarchy, but a pure aristocraty, as we have declared heretofore. Yea, what show of reason is there to maintain this error, seeing every one in particular, & all in general bow their knees before the king, use humbly requests & supplications, which his majesty receiveth or rejecteth, as it seemeth best unto him? But in this case we except a king that is captive, beside himself, or in his infancy. For that which is then decreed by the estates, is authorized as from the sovereign power of the prince. Moreover we may see what great good cometh to the king by the assembly of his estates, in the first speech, which master Michael de l' Hospital chancellor of France made at the last assembly of estates at Orleans. Where he confuteth at large their opinion that say, that the king after a sort diminisheth his power by taking advise and counsel of his subjects, seeing he is not bound so to do: as also that he maketh himself too familiar with them, which breedeth contempt, and abaseth his royal dignity. But we may answer them Theopompus answer to his wife. as Theopompus king of Sparta did his wife, who objected this unto him by way of reproach, that by bringing in the Ephories, and mingling their government with his, he would leave his authority and power less to his children than he received it from his predecessors▪ Nay (said this Prince unto her) I will leave it greater, because it shall be more assured. The Emperor Aurelius said as much to his mother, because he freely heard every one. Besides, as we see that in any great peril of sea, or fire kindled to the danger of public profit, no An excellent comparison. man's service or succour is rejected, how base soever his calling is: so it cannot but be profitable for the Estate, when it is threatened with ruin, and the affairs thereof are of greatest importance, to receive the counsel of all that have interest therein, laying the opinions in the balance, rather than the persons from whom they come. And hereby the sovereign majesty and prudence of a Prince is known, when he hath both power and skill to weigh and to judge of their advice that give him counsel, and to conclude with the soundest, not the greatest side. But to go forward with that which remaineth, let so many as have this honour to be ordinary counsellors to Princes, remember the saying of Solon the wise, That they are not called The duty and qualities of counsellors of estate. thither to please, and to speak to their liking, but to utter the truth, and to give them good counsel for common safety: that they must bring with them for an assured and certain foundation of their conference about state-affairs, a good intent moved with reason and judgement to profit him, not with passions, or desires of vainglory, of covetousness, of emulation, of any other imperfection that leadeth them to their private profit: that they must at the entry of the council chamber, unclothe themselves of favour towards some, of hatred towards others, and of ambition in themselves, and aim at no other mark, than at the honour of God, and safety of the commonwealth. To this end they must necessarily be furnished with wisdom, justice and loyalty. Three things necessary in a counsellor of estate. As for skill and knowledge, although it be requisite in counsellors of estate, namely, the knowledge of the laws, of histories, and of the estate of commonwealths, yet sound judgement, integrity and prudence are much more necessary. Above all things they must hold nothing Counsellors may not be Pensioners to foreign princes. of other Princes and Seignories, that may bind them to their service. And yet now a days to receive a pension of them is so common a matter (but very pernicious in any estate) that it is grown to a custom. Agesilaus Example hereof in Agesilaus. would not so much as receive a letter, which the king of Persia wrote unto him, but said to his messenger, that if the king were friend to the Lacedæmonians, he need not write particularly to him, because he would also remain his friend: but if he were their enemy, neither letter nor any thing else, should make him for his part otherwise affected. To be short, let counsellors of estate learn of Plutarch, that it is necessary for them to be free from all passions and affections, because in giving of counsel the mind hath most force towards that whereunto the Counsellors must not through fear shrink from their duty. will is most inclined. As for fear, danger, or threatenings, they must never stay them from doing their duty, but let them constantly propound and maintain that which they judge to be good and profitable for the commonwealth. We read that the Thasiens' making war with great vehemency against the Athenians, published a decree, that whosoever counseled or spoke at any time of concluding a peace between them, should die the death. Examples hereof. Within a while after one of the citizens considering what great hurt his country received by that war, came one day into the assembly of the people with a halter about his neck, and cried with a loud voice, that he was come thither to deliver the commonwealth by his death, that they should put him to death when they would, and that for his part he gave them counsel to abrogate that law, and to make peace: which was done, and he pardoned. Considius answer to Caesar. Considius a Roman senator would never be from the Senate, no not when Caesar ruled all by violence, and did what pleased him, and when none of the other senators came any more through fear of his force. And when Caesar asked him how he durst be there alone to stand against him: because (quoth he) my age taketh all fear from me. For having from hence forward such a short time to live in, I am not greatly careful to save my life. If kings did correct all those that give them ill counsel, Solyman hanged a wicked counsellor. as Solyman did one of his bassas, who was his kinsman, they would not so readily consent to the passions of great men. This infidel caused him to be hanged, because he counseled him to put a Gentleman to death unjustly (which he had done) that he might enjoy his wife more easily. Now for the conclusion of our discourse, we will here set down the answer of one of the Hebrew interpreters to king Ptolemie, who asked him, To whom a Prince should trust, or commit himself. To those (said this wise man) that love him so entirely, that they cannot be drawn from him neither through fear, gifts or gain: because he that aspireth to riches, is naturally a traitor. Let us learn that a counsel well instituted and compounded of good men is a most necessary point in the establishment and preservation of every estate: and as the Good counsel better than many hands. old proverb saith, Good council is better than many hands. Let us learn, that all those that are called thereunto, aught to aim at nothing but at public profit, of which the happiness and greatness of the Prince dependeth, who must not contemn the counsel and service of the least when they can profit the commonwealth, but hear them willingly, and satisfy their just requests. Of judgements, and of judges. Chap. 62. ACHITOB. WE are now (my companions) according as the sequel of our speech requireth, to consider of judgements, which I affirmed in the beginning to be one of those two things whereof every commonwealth consisteth, and that according as they are ordained, the affairs of the estate proceed well or ill. Therefore I leave the discourse of this matter to you. ASER. No city (saith Plato) can truly be called a city if it want judgements well instituted, and consequently judges to exercise them. AMANA. judgements are lawful to such as use them aright, and judges are to us the ministers of God for our good, as Saint Paul saith. Now let us hear ARAM upon Rom. 13. 4. this matter. ARAM. As it is a very dangerous matter for an estate to waver daily in deliberations, and not to be well resolved touching the affairs thereof, or after resolution to leave The common breach of laws breedeth contempt of the magistrate. them without speedy execution: so the establishment of many good laws and ordinances, bringeth greater peril than profit to the same estate, if they be not severely observed & kept. For the authority of the sovereign magistrate, in whose name they are made, is so much the more contemptible amongst his subjects, as they know that they are less obeyed: as though the fault proceeded from his insufficiency of skill to command. He that leadeth well before, is the cause why he is well followed: & the perfection of the art of a good query of the stable, consisteth in making the horse obedient, & in bringing him to good order: so the principal effect of the knowledge of a king is to instruct well his subjects in obedience. To this purpose the establishment of good judges over them will help well, that they may take knowledge of such as gainsay and resist the public judgements are the sinews of an estate. laws and ordinances of his majesty, who is to authorize their judgements, as the chief sinews of the whole body of his estate. For nothing ever caused commonwealths to flourish so much as the constant keeping of their country laws, and the strict execution of judgements agreeable unto them. And (as Cicero saith) those estates that are near their overthrow, all things being in a desperate case, fall into this miserable issue, that men condemned by the A certain token of the ruin of an estate. laws, are restored, and judgements given are canceled: which things when they come to pass, every one knoweth, that their ruin is at hand without all hope of safety. Moreover, forasmuch as the Prince knoweth that he is as it were bound and indebted for justice, he ought to be so much the more careful that it may be rightly administered The prince standeth bound for justice, and must answer before God for the breach thereof. by those to whom he committeth that office: especially, seeing he must answer for it himself before god, to whom he may not say, that he charged the consciences of his judges therewith, & so discharged his own. Wherefore if he adorn his estate with resolute & prudent officers, who will exactly preserve the bond of the commonwealth, by the severity of their judgements, & upright holding of the balance, no doubt but all kind of public felicity will issue from the same. But let us briefly consider what judgement is, the division of judgements, their administration, & what manner of judges ought to exercise them. Judgement is What iudgementis. properly that which is ordained by the Magistrate, observing the tenor of the law. But forasmuch as through the infinite variety of causes, times, places, and persons, which cannot be comprehended in any laws or statutes whatsoever, punishments were referred to the will and power of the Magistrates, and the damages of civil matters to the conscience & religion of the judges; that which they determine by resolute sentences according to their opinion, is also called judgement, although more properly it may be called a Decree. For this cause we say, that as there are two principal points in every commonwealth, which Magistrates must have before their eyes, that is, the Magistrates must always have the law & equity before their eyes. law and equity: so also there is the execution of the law and the duty of the Magistrate, which consisteth either in commanding, in decreeing, or in executing. Of judgements, some are called private, some public, some criminal, The division of judgements. others civil. Private judgements are of bondages, prescriptions, Gardianships, Wardships, contracts, testaments, successions, marriages. Public judgements concern heinous offences against God & man, as sacrilege, treason, restitution of money, or other bribes taken by magistrates, robbery of the King's treasure, forgeries, theft, wilful and constrained murders. Plato speaketh at large of these in his book of laws, and it would be an infinite matter, and smally to our instruction, to seek out the divers kinds of judgements, which either have been, or are among men. But this is well worth the noting, that amongst the ancient Grecians and Romans, all judgements both private and public, were from point to point followed, and with all rigour observed, and they that stood against them were prosecuted and set upon with fire and sword. Among other examples Diodorus rehearsech a story of the Phocians, a people of Grecia, condemned by the judgement of the Amphyctions in a certain sum A rigorous judgement of the Phocians. of money, because they had tilled a great deal of ground that was consecrated to the gods. Which sum when they refused to pay, they pronounced their country as confiscate and consecrated to the gods: whereupon arose a war, called the holy war, made by the rest of the Grecians against them, and in the end their utter ruin & subversion. Whosoever was once accused of any crime before the judges in Lacedemonia, although he were absolved, yet he abode a certain time after in that estate of a criminal person, during which time inquiry might be made again of him, and new judgement given according to his desert. If the Ephories condemned their kings in any sum, yea if it were to death, their judgements Of the judgements of the Romans. were executed with all rigour. The judgements of the Romans were for a long time in the hands of three Orders or Estates: namely, of Senators, Knights, and Tribunes Who were judges amongst them, and how they were chosen. of the treasure. Nevertheless, the same persons did not always judge, but the praetors, who were annual judges, and chief amongst them, took a certain number of judges by lot out of those three Estates. And if they that were first taken were refused by any one of the parties, others were chosen by an after-lot, who being agreed upon and Three kinds of praetors in Rome. sworn, were distributed by decuries or tens. There were three sorts of praetors, the praetor of the city, who took knowledge of particular causes: namely, of civil and criminal matters amongst the citizens of Rome: the praetor established for matters between strangers & citizens: & the praetors appointed for public causes. The Senators were once the only judges of all processes: but Tiberius & Caius Gracchus being popular persons, to diminish the authority of the Senate, and to increase the people's power, joined unto them 300. Knights, according to the number of the Senators, & brought it so about, that the judgements of all causes were divided between these 600. men. Under Sylla all authority of judging was restored again to the Senate: but Pompey after that brought in the Knights again, & all judgements were equally communicated unto the three Orders above mentioned. Afterward, when Caesar was Dictator, he reduced them to two Orders only, that is, to Senators, & to Knights. Buda in his annotations upon the Pandects, hath observed many good things belonging to the Roman judgements, which curious spirits may look into: among the rest, of the great respect & honour that was given to magistrates. Concerning which matter we may use as a good testimony, that which we read in Of the reverence and honour which was given to Magistrates. Plutark, of Fabius Maximus his son, who seeing a far off his father come towards him on horseback, & that his sergeants in regard of fatherly reverence had not caused him to alight, commanded him to set foot on ground. Which the father presently obeyed, & embracing his son, made greater account of him, than if he had done otherwise. The same author writeth, that one Vectius was presently slain, because he arose not when the Tribune of the people passed before him. And Valerius Maximus saith, that the Censors did note with ignominy, & withal disfranchised a citizen of Rome, because he breathed & yawned a little too loud in their presence. But what? Estates & dignities were then given to virtue, & not to him that offered most. And often times the places of judgement were necessarily, and as it were by force laid upon judges, being more honourable than profitable, yea very incommodious to such as would An excellent way to decide all controversies between parties at discord. discharge themselves uprightly therein. I remember an excellent judgement given by Archidamus the Lacedaemonian, when he was chosen Arbitrator to decide a certain contention between two friends. After he had brought them both into the Temple of Diana, and made them swear upon the altar, that they should observe precisely whatsoever he determined, whereunto they yielded. I judge then (quoth he) that none of you depart out of this Temple, before you have ended your strife. Thus were they both constrained to agree among themselves, and Archidamus freed from peril of losing one of their friendships, against whom he must needs have given judgement. By this means he put in practice that saying of Pittacus, That a man must not be judge or Arbitrator in the controversy of two friends, lest by judging profitably for one, he lose the friendship of the other. But let us speak of our Of the ancient reputation of judgements in France. own Estate. In old time (as many histories report) judgements were so well administered in France, that strangers did willingly submit themselves unto them. Frederick the 2. submitted to the judgement of the king and his Parliament, the deciding of many contentions and controversies between him and Pope Innocent the fourth. In the time of Philip the fair, the Earl of Namure did the like, albeit that Charles of Valois the King's brother, was his adverse party: so great confidence had he in the equity of those judges. At the same time Philip Prince of Tatentum willingly accepted for judge, the king sitting in his Parliament, about the controversy that he had with the Duke of burgundy, for certain charges which he should defray towards the recovery of the Empire of Constantinople. The like did the Duke of Lorraine in the suit which he had against Guy of Castillon his brother in law, for their division of lands. And in the year 1402. the Kings of Castille and of Portugal sent an agreement made and passed between them, that it might be published and proclaimed in the Court of Parliament, to have greater authority thereby. Truly these testimonies are as famous for the glory of justice used in France, as any that can be alleged by the Grecians or Romans, for the proof of their just judgements, of the reputation of their laws, and renown of their Magistrates. But let us consider The justice of France fallen from the ancient glory. how far justice is fallen at this day from that ancient opinion and credit, judgements being now brought to that length, and entangled in so many formalities, that it is a thing greatly to be pitied, and full of calamity, to see this realm so infected, as it were with a general contagious disease, wherein such an innumerable company of men live by that miserable exercise of pleading, called Tokens of a corrupted Estate. Practice. Plato saith, that it is an evident token of a corrupted Estate, where there are many judges and physicians: because the multitude of judges is maintained by the unfaithfulness and contention of men, and the great number of physicians by idleness, dainty fare, and gluttony. There was never any nation of which this might be more truly spoken than of ours, as it is notoriously known to every one. Paulus Aemilius writeth, that in the beginning, French The proceeding of justice in France from time to time. men behaved themselves simply and plainly in matters of judgement, resting in the determinations given by the Bailiffs and Seneshals, who had the administration almost of all right and jurisdiction, and thinking it unseemly and void of honesty, to seek a far off for right by means of appeal. But after that slanders arose amongst them, and suits were multiplied, sovereign justice began to be exercised once a year, and that for a few days together: afterward, twice a year, always changing the place. In the end it was determined, that the chief judgements should be held in a certain place, and that a house should be built for that purpose at Paris, the principal city of the kingdom. Whereupon, in the reign of Philip the fair, the palace was erected according to that greatness and magnificence wherein you now see it, with hals & chambers, into which were distributed by certain companies those judges that gave the last sentence from which no appeal might be made, both in civil and criminal matters. The erection of this Parliament into an ordinary Court, doth give us to understand that there should be one or The officers of the Court of Parliament in Paris. two precedents. The first precedent was the Earl of Burgundy, a Prince of the blood: as in the imperial Chamber, the precedent is always one of the Princes of the Empire. And it was a custom for a certain time, that the chief precedent should be a man of war, as in deed to this day he taketh upon him the estate of knight. Besides, there were eight clerks, and twelve Lay men, four Princes of the blood for Requests, two Chambers of Inquiries, where there were eight Lay men, and eight clerks judges, and four and twenty Relators. They were called clerks that wore long gowns, whether married or unmarried, and the others Lay men. At this day there is the The present▪ estate of the Paeliament. great Chamber, which is the first and chiefest, and is called the Pleading place, where first of all, matters belonging to the peers and to the King, are decided, and ordinarily those verbal appellations that are made upon the Pleas of the advocates, or if they cannot be readily determined, they are remitted to the council, for which there is a Chamber appointed. Next, there are five Chambers of Inquiries, wherein processes in writing are examined and determined. There also is the Tournel, or place where criminal actions are judged, and the Treasure-chamber for causes touching the King's revenues. There is the court of Requests, wherein chief matters of privileges belonging to the King's train and to others, are judged. There is the auditory of the masters of Requests for the household, who judge of the titles of offices: the Chamber of the Generals, of the justice of the Releefs, and the Chancery. On the other side is the Chamber of accounts, and that of the general receivers. Some of the counsellors are married, others are ecclesiastical persons, and are divided by Chambers according as the Court is furnished. In the great Chamber there are for the most part four precedents, unto whom the necessity of times have added two others, who may be suppressed when there is no need of them. In the other Chambers there are but two precedents. Moreover, there is one Procurator for the king, & two advocates, to look to the King's prerogatives, and to all such matters: two Scribes to collect, enroll, and to deliver both civil and criminal deeds: four Notaries and Secretaries to ease them, besides a great number of other writers. Budaeus, a very skilful man, and a diligent Of the ancient estate of the Parliament. searcher out of all antiquity, hath observed in his first annotations upon the Pandects, that there were three sorts of judges in the time of Philip the Long. In the first bench, which was properly called the Parliament of prelates and Barons, unto whom certain Lawyers were assistants, or other learned men, called clerks and Lay men, three prelates and three Barons were precedents, and judgement was not given so much by the plurality of voices, as by the sufficiency of those that gave their verdicts. He saith also, that the Lay-counsellors were taken from amongst Gentlemen and others, of whom it was not required that they should be graduates in the law, but it was sufficient if they had indifferent skill in other learning, as we see that some short gowned men have. They did not then study the Roman laws, as they have done since: whereupon they have erected at this day universities of the law in the best towns of France: from whence many think that the multitude of suits have proceeded, because they learn by this means the occupation or craft of pleading, as the Lord chancellor the l'Hospital declared in his second Oration which he made Ferdinando forbade that any Lawyers should go into the West Indians. to the Estates at Orleans. We read that when Ferdinando king of Spain, sent Pedrarias as governor into the West islands newly discovered, he forbade him to take any Lawyer or advocate with him, that he might not carry the seed of suits thither where there were none at all. Cicero complained of his time, that many notable decrees of laws were corrupted and depraved by the curious heads of the Lawyers. What would he do if he were now alive, and saw the great heaps and piles of books, with our practice in the law? If he saw that holy Temple of laws so vilely polluted, & miserably profaned? Where a thousand cavils and quiddities are continually coined by such writings, according to the saying of that comical Poet: That through craft and subtlety one mischief is begotten upon another? moreover, in those happy days, of which we made mention, there were few statutes & edicts, because men thought that good manners were the best laws, & that natural sense helped with an upright conscience, and joined with due experience, was the rightest rule to judge by. But after that men became so skilful in suits, The springs of all corruptions of justice. and that offices of justice, from honourable but finally profitable, being freely given to those that deserved them, came to be gainful, free from yielding any account of their doings, and set forth to sale, as ambergris, for them that bade most, and offered last: after that men began to spice their suits with great sums of money, and to forsake that ancient plainness, which consisted in giving of a few iunckets to the judges: after that profit began to grow by determining of by-matters, and such as happen before the main cause, and by deciding of suits by Commissioners: after that precedents and Counsellors began to take delight in this, that they were followed, The Areopagites judged by night, and in the dark. solicited, and sought to by suitors, contrary to the custom of the Areopagites, who judged by night, and in the dark, and contrary to the opinion of Marcus Cato, who said, that it was not seemly for a man to recommend his right to the judges, or to pray them to commit no injustice, because these two things ought to be dearer to the judges than to the parties, who can lose but mortal and vading goods, whereas the others pawn their souls to hell fire that lasteth for ever: after that, gifts were received of both sides against express prohibitions given out The Swissers forbidden their judges to take any thing for judging. by public laws and statutes, wherein the Swissers may serve unto us for a notable example, amongst whom it is forbidden under pain of life, to take any thing either directly or indirectly for judging: after that advocates began to consider slightly of causes, not having so much patience to end one matter, because they would speedily to another: whereby they give occasion many times to their Clients to say, as a Peasant said not long since to The saying of a Peasant to three Lawyers. three famous advocates, whose counsel he had used: Truly (quoth he) ye have laboured fair: for ye have left me in greater doubting than I was in before: after they began to write in sheets with seven or eight lines on a side, and to disguise matters with frivolous answers that lay open their griefs, with contradictions, replications, admonitions: after that 〈◊〉 who in former times were to be had for nothing, and appointed for certain causes▪ became hirelings and perpetual, yea at this day their offices are set to sale: after that solicitors were suffered in midst of them all, to be, as it were the skum-gatherers of suits, with all that rabblement of practitioners, who devour the substance of poor men, as Drones eat up the honey of Bees: lastly, after the Chancery did let lose the bridle to all sorts of expeditions, and went about to teach the judges, I say, after these things began to be practised, we fell into this misery of long suits, gainful to wicked and Of the misery which length of suits bring with it. faithless men, who seek nothing but delays, & very prejudicial to good men, who manytimes had rather lose their right, than undo themselves by following it so long time by way of justice. For they commonly see the rightest cause frustrated by delays, which are granted at their pleasure that are favoured, and by infinite other unjust means. Sometimes many judgements are given upon one matter, and yet nothing concluded: or if there be any definitive sentence, it is by and by suspended from execution, upon the least objection that is made, or else it is called into doubt by some civil request, or by a writ of error. Thrice happy were we, if we might continue in that ancient simplicity and natural goodness, rather than after this manner to enfold ourselves in so many proceed and captious subtleties, which have corrupted and extinguished the light of justice, imprinted in the hearts and minds of all men well borne. We see The great abuse of justice in France. that suits are heaped up one upon another, and made immortal: that nothing is so certain which is not made uncertain: that no controversy is so clear, which is not obscured: no contract so sure, which is not undone: no sentence or judgement so advisedly given, which is not made void: all men's actions open to the slanders, craft, malice, redemptions, and pollings of Lawyers: the majesty and integrity of ancient justice lost: and last of all, that in the dealings of men now a days, no show of upright justice, but only a shadow thereof remaineth. This evil being so great, and grown to such extremity, it is impossible but that, according to the course of worldly things, the ruin thereof should be at hand, or at least it is to receive some notable change within short space. For (as Plato saith) in a corrupt commonwealth How a corrupt commonwealth must be corrected. defiled with many vices, if a man should think to bring it back again to her first brightness and dignity, by correcting small faults, and by curing the contagion thereof by little and little, it were all one as if he should cut off one of Hydra's heads, in whose place seven more did spring up: but that alteration and disorder whereby all evil & vice was brought into the commonwealth, must be plucked up by the roots. Therefore let us not think it strange, if they that have the rains of the government of this Estate in their hands, find so many difficulties and so small means, in the reformation thereof. For, as Demades said, they govern nothing but the shipwreck of the commonwealth. Nevertheless honest men, endued with some gifts, & with good judgement, ought not to be discouraged in so great a storm, but the more that the tempestuous rage thereof seemeth to torment the vessel of our commonwealth, and that with such violence, that the Patron himself and the pilots are in a manner tired, and faint with continual travel, so much the more diligently ought the passengers to lend their hands, some to the sails, some to the tackling, and some to the anchor▪ yea now is the time (following the counsel of Cicero in the like case) that all that are endued with singular gifts of nature, fit for the managing of affairs, ought boldly to When it is lawful to seek after public offices. take upon them public Offices and Estates without fear, to the end that all entrance may be shut up against the wicked, who are the nourishers of this present corruption. Now, if those three things, which Aristotle requireth in all good judges and Magistrates, did abound in them that should hereafter be called to administer justice and judgement: namely, a love to the present Estate, a sufficiency to exercise those duties that are required in their office, with virtue and justice, we might yet see some Idea and form of that golden age, wherein our Predecessors lived, we might see piety and justice flourish, to the great benefit and felicity of this French monarchy. Concerning that which may be further required in the duties, qualities, and conditions of good judges, we may be instructed by our other treatise, wherein we entreated of Counsellors of Estate, and also by calling to mind the former discourses of virtue and justice. I only will add here, that it were very commendable and full of profit, yea necessary for the Estate, that all the companies of judges should be compounded of such notable old men judges ought to be such old men as have experience joined with their knowledge. , as with their knowledge have experience of many things. And in deed this title of Senator, which was given them in ancient time, signifieth an old man: neither did the Grecians or Romans call any to that degree, but old men. But how can we desire a more heavenly ordinance than that which God himself appointed, when he established a Senate? Gather together (said he) three score and ten of the ancientest of the people, wise men, and such as fear God. Surely in this election of judges, it behoveth Kings to use great prudence, and (as Isocrates said) to take trial of them, to know whether they are of good judgement, whether they have a sharp sight in affairs, and whether they are not troubled with the change of their life, but behave themselves wisely in every estate, both in prosperity and in adversity: especially Magistrates must not be covetous to take good order that they be not such as are subject to lucre, from whence all injustice proceedeth. Therefore Cicero would have the contempt of temporal goods, from whence all quietness of our minds cometh, to be no less in Magistrates, than in true Philosophers. Yea, he saith, that they ought to be more careful and laborious to attain unto it, than the others, because worldly affairs toucheth them nearer, so that they have greater cause to stand in fear of the alteration of fortune, of adversity, and of poverty. Unto which agreeth fitly that saying of Pliny the younger: That no point of Philosophy The chiefest point of Philosophy. is more excellent than to deal in public affairs, and to do justice, whereby they practice that which philosophers teach. But out of question, the form and manner, which of late time hath been used in calling judges & Officers to their charges, is so far from that which we desire here, that in this respect a man may call it the mother of all corruption and injustice. For when a judge is made, his knowledge is not A corrupt making of judges. examined, his integrity & uprightness of life is not weighed his long experience is not considered, his age & virtue is not regarded, but only his crowns are viewed to see whether they are weight. Now since that such men grew rich, although they are found insufficient, yet they obtain so many letters of commandment, so many Mandatums one in another's neck, that in the end they are received whatsoever they are, to the great prejudice of the whole commonwealth. We are therefore to wish that all valuing and sale of offices, especially of judgement and justice may be abolished and disannulled, that all means of favour and ambition may be taken away, that the ancient and The statute of S. jews concerning the election of officers. happy ordinances of our kings may be restored: especially that decree of S. jews the king, whereby he enacted, that all public offices should be bestowed upon the election of three persons, chosen by the Officers and Citizens of those places, to one of which so elected, the king was to give freely without money, the office then void. This holy ordinance hath since that time been often renewed by king Philip the fair, Charles the Wise, Charles the 7. jews the 11. and Charles the ninth that dead is, when his Estates were held at Orleans. So that if the King and his council would advisedly consider of these things in the establishing of judges and Magistrates in his kingdom, and would strengthen them in the execution of their judgements, the obedience of his subjects; would be greater, and the foundation of all good order and policy more sure. Of Seditions. Chap. 63. ARAM. AS it is necessary that all things which have a beginning should end, & which increase should diminish and wax old, some sooner, others later, according to the disposition of that No earthly thing perpetual. matter whereof they are compounded, and through the influence of the heavenly bodies, from which (nature working in them by her author) this continual and mutual succession of generation and corruption proceedeth: so are public estates first instituted, increased, maintained, lessened, changed, destroyed, turned & returned one from another by the disposition of God. Those that are best grounded in religion and justice, have their power most assured, and are of longest continuance, but none No commonwealth perpetual. are perpetual, although their policy and manner of government be never so good. For we see them all corrupt in process of time, and in the end perish through their own vices that follow and accompany them, being first moved and stirred up by nothing so much as by sedition, and civil war. This bringeth to light all evil that lurketh in those members of the politic body that are most pernicious, until the infection be wholly spread, and hath taken hold of the noblest parts thereof, whereby it is brought to extreme misery without hope of remedy. Now, although every one of us have sufficient feeling hereof in himself by his own harm, yet we may know it better by taking occasion upon this subject to discourse of the nature of seditions, & of their common effects, that we may have them in greater detestation, and bring every one of us his heart and mind to help this Estate, if there remain never so little show or means whereby the subversion thereof may yet be kept back. But I leave the discourse of this matter to you my Companions. ACHITOB. All sedition is evil and pernicious, although it seemeth to have a good and honest cause. For it No injury is a sufficient cause for any man to moon sedition. were better for him that is author of sedition, to suffer any loss or injury, than to be the occasion of so great an evil, as to raise civil war in his country. ASER. Nature (saith Empedocles) useth no other means to destroy and to overthrow her creatures, than discord and disjunction: and sedition (as Thucydides saith) comprehendeth in it all kind of evils. Let us then hear AMANA, who will prove this sufficiently unto us. AMANA. If we consider, how God minding to punish Adam for his ingratitude and disobedience, made his own members rebel against the spirit, unto which they obeyed before, whereby he became captive under The original of all sedition. the law of sin, no doubt but we may say, that after the same manner he chastiseth Kings, Princes, and Heads of commonwealths, that have no care to obey his commandments, and to cause others to keep them, by the rebellion of their own subjects, not without great danger of deprivation from all authority by them, and of receiving the law at their hands to whom they should give it, as it hath been seen practised in many Estates and The cause of union and concord in kingdoms. governments. Religion and the love of God bringeth with it all union and concord, preserveth kingdoms and Monarchies in their integrity, and is the nursing mother The fruits of the contempt of religion. of peace and amity amongst them. But the contempt of religion bringeth discord and confusion, overturneth all order, treadeth virtue under foot, giveth authority to vice, and soweth quarrels and dissensions amongst men, from whence seditions and private murders proceed, and in the end civil and open wars, which are as flaming fires to take hold of, and to consume most flourishing Estates. For without doubt, if men had in them the true love and fear of God, which cannot be without the love of our neighbour, no such effects would ever proceed from their works and actions. Politics have laboured infinite ways to maintain the people in peace, and to cause civil justice to flourish. They have made many laws and Edicts, many Statutes, appointed many punishments, to bridle the boldness of seditious fellows, to repress extortions, wrongs, and murders: but because they built without a Peace and concord effects of the fear of God. Isaias. 2. 4. Micah. 4. 3. foundation, that is, without the fear of God, all their labour taken therein was fruitless. It is the fear of God only that causeth swords to be broken and turned into mattocks, and spears into siethes, as Isaias and Micah speak: that is to say, which breedeth humanity and gentleness, mollifieth men's hearts, and causeth them to suffer much to avoid strife and debate; in a word, which is able to unite in one with us most strange and barbarous nations. Besides, it is the profession of godliness to suffer, and not to offer violence, neither can it bring forth evil effects contrary to their cause. This deserveth to be handled at large, but our present subject leadeth us to discourse of the nature of seditions, and to set before our eyes the evils that proceed thereof, both by reasons and examples, referring the consideration of their causes unto some other time hereafter. Sedition then being taken generally, is nothing What sedition is. else but civil war, so hurtful to all Estates and Monarchies, that it is the seed of all kind of evils in them, even of those that are most execrable. It engendereth The fruits of sedition. and nourisheth want of reverence towards God, disobedience to Magistrates, corruption of manners, change of laws, contempt of justice, and base estimation of learning and sciences. It causeth horrible revenging, forgetfulness of consanguinity, parentage, & friendship, extortions, violence, robberies, wasting of countries, sacking of towns, burning of buildings, confiscations, flights, banishments, cruel proscriptions, savage murders, alterations and overthrows of Policies, with other infinite excesses and intolerable miseries, pitiful to behold, and sorrowful to rehearse. Sedition armeth the father against the son, the brother against the brother, kinsman against kinsman, men of the same nation, province, and city, one against another. hereupon the fields, which before were fertile, are left untilled, sumptuous and rich houses remain empty & forsaken, famous and wealthy towns stand desolate, by reason of the loss of their ancient ornaments, I mean their private and public buildings, and their notable Inhabitants and Citizens. And, which is worst of all, no man will acknowledge a sovereign, but every province will seek to withdraw itself, and to be made a Canton. In the end, the body thus dismembered, and the parts thereof infected with the same poison of discord, destroy themselves: that the prophesy of Jesus Christ, who is the truth itself, might be fulfilled, where he saith: That every kingdom divided in Matth. 12. 25. 2. Sam. 24. 14. itself, shall be desolate. Therefore David did rather choose a plague amongst his subjects, than war or tumults. And Pythagoras said, that three things were by all means to be removed: a disease from the body, ignorance from the soul, and sedition from the city. Plato also affirmeth, that no evil is worse in a city than that which divideth it, and of one maketh it two: and that nothing is better than that thing which tieth and uniteth it together. What community Plato required in his commonwealth Whereupon he wished, that there might be a communion, not only of all goods, but also of that which nature hath appropriated to every one, as of eyes, ears, and hands, to the end that whosoever saw, heard, or did any thing, he might employ all to common profit and use, thereby to maintain better the mutual love of Citizens, who having nothing private, would by this means be always touched with the same joy and grief, praising and disliking all jointly together the same things. There are Two kinds of war. two sorts of war mentioned also by Plato, who calleth the one sedition, which is the worst, and the other which is more gentle, is that against strangers. Nestor, a wise and prudent counsellor among the Grecians, said in a council (as Homer reporteth) that he which loveth civil war, is a most wretched, cruel, and detestable man, and unworthy to live. And truly if we look to the examples of those fruits, which have always proceeded of civil wars, we shall see that they have been guided after a most cruel and horrible kind of hostility, and that their issue hath been the loss and overthrow of many flourishing commonwealths. The fruits of civil war among the Grecians. Thucydides speaking of the general dissension amongst the Grecians for diversity of governments, which they sought to bring in amongst themselves, some desiring to be governed in a Democraty, others is an Oligarchy, rehearseth incredible evils which arose of that war. As soon (saith he) as any insolency was known to be committed in one place, others were encouraged to do worse, to enterprise some new thing, and to show that they were more diligent than others, or more insolent and hot in revenging themselves. They disguised all the evils which they committed with commendable titles, calling rashness magnanimity, and modesty Baseness of mind: headlong indignation manliness and hardiness, prudent counsel and deliberation Coloured backsliding. Whereby it came to pass that whosoever always showed himself furious, was accounted a loyal friend, and he that gainsaid, was suspected. If any one of the contrary faction gave any good and honest counsel, it was not accepted: but if they could withstand it by any notorious deed, they had rather be revenged so, than they would not give occasion to others to offer the like wrong to them. When any agreement was made and confirmed with a solemn oath, it lasted until one of the parties grew to be the stronger, that he might break and violate the same, and by extreme wickedness overcome the other, which proceeded of covetousness and desire of other men's goods. Hereupon those factions and part-takings were kindled, which procured infinite evils to the whole country of Graecia, wherein there was no quietness, until it was quite overthrown by seditions and civil wars. This is that which Demades objected to the Athenians by way of reproach, Demades reproacheth the Athenians. that they never entreated of peace but in mourning gowns, namely, after they had lost many of their kinsfolks and friends in battles and skirmishes. Agesilaus king of Lacedemonia bewailed this misery when he saw such cruel wars between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, people of one country, and although he had won a great battle near unto Corinth with great loss to his enemies, and small hurt to his own men, yet not rejoicing, but rather being very sorrowful, he uttered these words with a loud voice: O poor Graecia, how miserable art Agesilaus bewaileth the civil dissension of Graecia. thou to slay with thine own hands so many of thy valiant men, as would have sufficed to discomfit in one battle all the Barbarians joined together. Histories tell us, that the Romans came to that great Empire more by dissensions and civil wars, which they sowed amongst their neighbours, than by force of arms. For after they had kindled the fire in one nation, they maintained one side a certain time, until in the end they overwhelmed both the one and the other. Thus they deceived the Carthaginians, the Asians, the Gauls, and Graecia. Only England was not quite subdued, because The prudence of Englishmen. it knew their practices, and turned all domestical choler against the enemy when the danger was common. trajan the Emperor writing to the Senate of Rome amongst Traian's letter to the Senate of Rome. other things sent these words: I recommend unto you above all things, friendship and brotherhood among yourselves: because ye know that in great commonwealths home-warres are more hurtful than those that are made against strangers. For if kinsmen and neighbours had never begun to hate one another, & to war one upon another, Demetrius had never overthrown Rhodes, nor Alexander Tyrus, nor Marcellus Syracuse, nor Scipio Numantium. The Roman Empire decayed through seditions. And in deed the Roman Empire fell from her greatness by the same means of civil war which they had long time nourished among others. Yea it is certain, that in no place part-takings full of all kind of cruelty, were so usual and so long time practised, or factions and seditions were more cruel than in Rome. The first The original of the Roman seditions. occasion thereof was their government, wherein the people always set themselves against the Senate and the nobility, the Senate seeking to rule without measure, and the people to increase their liberty. During these dissensions, it came to pass that at one time four thousand and five hundredth slaves and banished men invaded the Capitol, and wanted little of making themselves lords of Rome. Appian hath written at large of their seditions and partialities, and saith that through ambition and covetousness one side daily sought to diminish the authority M. Coriolanus being banished contrary to right, took arms against his country. of the other. He saith that Martius Coriolanus being upon this occasion, and in these dissensions driven out of the city contrary to right and reason, went to the Volsci, and warred on their side against his country, being the first banished person that took arms against Rome. And in deed, neither in the council, nor in the city, there was no sword drawn, nor man slain in civil sedition, until T. Gracchus the first that was slain in Rome by sedition. Tiberius Gracchus favouring the people, & making laws in their behalf, was killed, and many others that were with him in the capitol near the Temple. Whereupon hatred and rancour increasing openly amongst them, infinite murders followed, and many of the chiefest even the Consuls were slain, the contempt of laws and judgements ensued, and in the end open war, armies & troops one against another with incredible thefts and cruelties. At last Cornelius Sylla, one of the seditious persons, seeking to redress one evil with another, (after these dissensions had continued about 50. years) made himself prince over the rest in many things, taking upon him the office of a Dictator, who was wont in former time to be created in the greatest dangers of the commonwealth only for six months. But Sylla was chosen perpetual Dictator, because necessity Sylla made himself perpetual Dictator. so required, as he said himself. After he had practised much violence, he continued in quietness like a conqueror, and was thereupon surnamed the happy. After his death seditions began a fresh, and revenging of those cruelties which he had committed, until Caius Caesar laid hold of the signory and principaltie, having discomfited & overcome Pompey, to whom he was before allied. For when they twain sought by their platforms and devices to command all, they could not abide one another within a while after, Pompey being unwilling to have an equal, and Caesar a superior. Afterward Brutus and Cassius being moved with desire either of rule, or of public liberty, slew Caesar: whereupou the seditions grew greater than they were before, and the triumvirate war was opened against them, which prevailing for a time, was itself dissolved and brought to nothing. For Octanius only of the three remained a peaceable possessor of the Roman Empire, being happy in all things, and feared of all men, leaving heirs of his race to rule the monarchy after him. Augustus' being dead, the estate began under The Roman Empire began first to decline under Tiberius. Tiberius his successor, a voluptuous prince, to decline by little and little from the period of her greatness, until in the end there remained no more than that which we see enclosed within the limits of Germany. Alexander's Division overthrew Alexander's Empire. Empire being the greatest that ever was, vanished away as a fire of tow, through the division and disorder that was amongst his successors. The Empire of The cause of the ruin of Constantinople. Constantinople through the part-takings of Princes, is brought under the tyrannous and miserable power of an ethnic and barbarous Turk. We read in Josephus that The cause of the subjection of Judaea to the Romans. the kingdom of Judaea became subject and tributary to the Romans, through the civil wars between Hircanus and Aristobulus, who were brothers. For Pompey being of Hircanus' side, took the city of Jerusalem, and led away Aristobulus and his children prisoners with him, after the country had suffered infinite calamities by their domestical divisions. Which when Onias a holy man did well foresee, he withdrew himself into a secret place, and would not take part either with the one or the other side. And being taken by Hircanus his men, they required him, that as once he obtained rain by his prayers in the time of a drought, so he would now curse Aristobulus and all those of his faction: but he contrariwise lifting up his hands to Onias' prayer. heaven, uttered these words. O God, king of the whole world, seeing these men among whom I stand, are thy people, and they that are assailed, thy Priests, I beseech thee humbly, that thou wouldst hearken neither to these men against the other, nor to the other against these: for which holy prayer he was stoned to death, such was the poisoned rage of this people one against an Civil wars in Italy between the Guelphs and the Gybellines. other. Was there ever any folly, or rather fury like to that of the Guelphs and Gybellines in Italy, of whom the one side held with the Pope, and the other with the Emperor? The Italians upon no other occasion but only in favour of these two names, entered into so extreme a quarrel throughout the whole country, that greater cruelty could not be wrought between the Infidels and Christians, than was committed amongst them. This contention continueth yet, insomuch that murders are every where committed in the towns, even between natural brethren, yea between the father and his sons, without all regard The great cruelty of the Guelphs and Gybellines. either of blood or parentage. Their goods are spoiled, their houses razed, some banished, others slain: & whilst every one feareth least any revenge should be laid up in store for him, or for some other of his side, they kill many times little infants, whom the most barbarous men in the world would spare. These two factions fought continually together through mortal hatred, so that they could not dwell together in one city, but the stronger always drove By what tokens they know one another. out and expelled the other. They knew one another by feathers, by the fashion of their hose, by cutting of bread, slicing of oranges, and by other marks▪ which is a very pernicious thing, and hath procured great destruction of people, and overthrow of towns. The Italians say, that this fire was first kindled at Pistoya between two brethren, The original of this contention. the one called Guelph, and the other Gibellin, who quarreling together, divided the town between them, whereupon the Gibellins were driven out. This separation, like to a contagious disease, upon no other occasion was spread over all Italy, insomuch that afterward all that were at contention any where, were divided into Guelphs & Gibellines. The Germans think that these names came from their country and language: and that the emperor Fredrick the second, in whose time this division began, called his friends Gibellines, because he leaned upon them, as a house doth upon two strong walls that keep it from falling: and those that were against him of the faction of Pope Gregory the ninth, he called Guelphs, that is to say, wolves. What did England suffer by the division of the The division of the houses of York and Lancaster. houses of York and Lancaster, that gave the white and red Roses in their arms? Which contention although it began when Henry the 4. who was duke of Lancaster and Earl of Derby, usurped the kingdom upon his cousin Richard the second, whom he caused to be slaive in prison, after he had compelled him to resign his kingly power and crown of England, yet it was hottest in the reign of king Henry the 6. who succeeding his father and grandfather, was at Paris crowned king of England and France. Afterward favouring the house of Lancaster against the Henry the 6. deprived of his Kingdom by the house of York. house of York, they that held with the red Rose took arms against him, so that in the end he was deprived of his estate, and shut up as prisoner in the Tower of London, where he was after that put to death. These factions and civil wars (as Philip Cominaeus writeth) endured about 28. years, wherein there died at sundry battles and skirmishes above 80. persons of the blood royal, with the flower of the nobility of England, besides an infinite number of the valiantest men and best warriors among the people. Many Lords were put in prison, or banished, leading the rest of their lives miserably in strange countries: the ancient policy of the kingdom corrupted, justice contemned, and the island impoverished, until in the end the The union of the houses of Lancaster and York. Earl of Richmond overcame king Richard, enjoyed the kingdom quietly, and was called Henry the seventh: having married Elizabeth daughter to Edward the fourth, both of them being the sole heirs of the families of Lancaster and York. By means of this marriage the dissension ceased in England, and the red and white Roses were joined together in one arms. There was no country Of civil wars in Spain. more afflicted than Spain, both by civil wars and by Neighbour-states, when it was divided into many kingdoms. The moors overran it on the one side, the French and Englishmen devoured it on the other, taking part at the first with the dissensions that were in Castille between Don Peter and Don Henry; next with the contentions that arose betwixt Castille and Portugal, which caused much evil to both the kingdoms. But since that Spain hath been united, it hath extended her dominion The great jurisdiction of Spain. into Africa, and into the New found islands, borne arms in Germany, and in Hungary, commanded over the chief islands of the Mediterranean sea, over Naples and Sicilia, over Milan and Flanders. Contrariwise, Italy having in former times her forces knit together, obtained the Empire Of civil dissension in Italy. of the world, but being now divided into many Seignories and Potentates that agree badly together, and having suffered all the calamities in the world by civil wars, lieth open to the injuries of strangers. Through the same cause the power of Germany is greatly diminished, wherein not long since the princes of Saxony were banded one Germany vexed with civil war. against an other: john Frederick, Philip landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of Wittemburg, with many free cities, rebelled against the Emperor: the peasauntes' rose against the nobility to set themselves at liberty: the Anabaptists possessed Munster, made a botcher their king, Hungaria lost by civil dissension. and held out the siege for the space of two years. Hungaria, which had valiantly resisted the Turks almost two hundredth years together, was at length subdued by them, through the divisions that were in the country, as Polonia is greatly threatened by the Moscovite. In Persia, after the death of king lacob his two sons strove for the government of the country, but the sophy Ishmael Persia was subdued by the dissension of two brethren. coming in the mean time upon them with his new religion slew one of them in battle, and compelled the other to fly into Arabia, and so possessed the kingdom, which he left to his children. Philip the eleventh, Duke of Burgundy, easily subdued Dinan and bovines in the Dinan and bovines subdued through dissension. country of Liege, which were separated only by a river, after they had overthrown themselves by their dissensions, whereas before he could not obtain his purpose. And whilst the kings of Marrocke warred one with another for the estate, the governor of Thunis and of Telensin made himself king, renting a sunder his two provinces from the rest to erect a kingdom. Concerning Frenchmen, they have been often and many times molested with seditions and civil wars as well as others. France much troubled with civil wars. The nobility of France was almost all slain at the battle of Fountenay near to Auxerre, by the civil wars between Lotharius, jews, and Charles the bald. And champagny lost so many of the nobility in war, that the Gentlewomen had this special privilege granted Women in champagny made their husband's noble. them, to make their husbands noble. When king John was prisoner in England, Charles his son Regent of France, being at Paris to gather money for his ransom, there fell such a division between the king of Navarre, who took part with the Parisians, and the Regent, that the people under the guiding of Marcel, provost of the merchants, ran to Charles his lodging, where the marshals of Cleremount and champagny were slain, even in his chamber and presence, and their bodies drawn over the marble stones. The like was done to Reignold Dacy the King's Attorney, besides many other murders, so that the Regent had much ado to save himself without Paris. But the forest factions that ever Cruel war between the house of Burgundy & of Orleans. were in France, were those of Burgundy and of Orleans, which caused a most grievous & cruel civil war, that lasted 70. years, with murders, robberies, and unspeakable cruelties. Both of them, one after another, called in the Englishmen to succour them, who afterward seized upon the crown. It was a pitiful thing to see France cruelly tormented both by her own subjects & by strangers, to see it void of right & equity, without magistrates, without judgements, without laws, which had no abiding place amongst fire and force, where violence only reigned. All this was procured by the ambition of these two houses, each of them seeking to obtain the government The cause thereof. of the kingdom under Charles the sixth, whose wits failed him. By the means of these divisions Henry the fift king of England, taking to wife Katherine the youngest daughter of king Charles was put in possession of Paris by Henry the 5. proclaimed king of France. the duke of Burgundy, and proclaimed heir and Regent of France by the consent of three estates held at Troy. But the death of this Henry and the duke of Burgundy forsaking the alliance of the Englishmen, with the valour and good behaviour of king Charles the 7. as also the love and fidelity of the Frenchmen, restored the kingdom to that estate wherein it is at this present. Now if France hath heretofore suffered so much by civil wars, and domestical seditions, if all foreign estates have received so many sundry alterations, and incredible wounds by the same means, how can we look for less, nay rather have we not already seen the like or greater calamities amongst us, through our dissensions & private quarrels between certain Ambition and desire of government the chief cause of the troubles in France. houses contending one with another, being chief moved with ambition and desire to govern? Why do we not acknowledge this first cause of our miseries, that we may lay aside all hatred crept in amongst us under pretence of diversity of religion, that we may reunite our minds so much divided, to the good and common quietness of us all, and live under the obedience of our Prince with that fidelity for which Frenchmen have been always praised above other nations? Do not so many examples, both of ancient and later times make us see thus much, that if we redress not this contention, this goodly and flourishing kingdom, which heretofore hath grown great by the concord and obedience of our ancestors is ready to fall into utter ruin and subversion, through our factions, divisions, and part-takings? Shall this little that remaineth of the French monarchy, which in former The ancients limits of the French monarchy. times hath had all the empire of Germany, the kingdoms of Hungary, Spain and Italy, and all the bounds of the Gauls to the river of Rhine, under the obedience of her laws, shall it I say, be thus laid open as a pray, and that by her own subjects, carried headlong with such passions, that they make the way plain and ready for strangers to bring them under their miserable bondage? Shall it be said among our posterity, that ourselves have encouraged them to under-take that, which not long since, Spain, Italy, England, the low countries, the Pope, the Venetians, being all joined together against the house of France, durst not take in hand after the taking of Francis the first, and the loss of that famous battle? Not one of them durst enter into France to conquer it, knowing the laws and nature of this monarchy. For as a building laid upon deep foundations, and made of A comparison. lasting stuff, well knit and joined together in every part, feareth neither winds nor storms, but easily resisteth all assaults and violence: so this kingdom will not easily admit any alteration and change, as long as all the members continue united and joined together upon the foundation of their laws. Therefore let the king, princes, their council, great and small, every one in his place take order, Good counsel for all kings and sovereign princes. that God may be truly known, and sincerely served according to his just and righteous will: that honest behaviour may be maintained, the authority of laws kept, justice administered, magistracy duly exercised, rewards and punishments distributed equally, that virtuous men may be honoured, and the wicked corrected. Otherwise, if we continued long divided into companies, with defiances passing & repassing, if we persist in our wont invectives and riots, & refer not all our actions to some good end, let us not look for less than for a general desolation and pitiful overthrow of our country, appearing already in many places thereof, or at least for some horrible mutation and change of the estate. Of the causes that breed the change, corruption and final ruin of Monarchies and Policies. Chap. 64. AMANA. AS long as the physician knoweth not the cause of his patient's disease, it is impossible for him to remedy the same, & to prescribe A disease known is almost cured. a medicine to the sick party. A disease known (saith the proverb) is in a manner cured. So fareth it with Estates and Monarchies that are changed, marred, and in the end brought to ruin by divers causes: which if they were well known to their princes and governors, might easily be prevented by prudence and reason, and fit remedies then applied to those evils that dispose & lead them to mutation, when the natural corruption that is in them (as every thing hath his proper & inward corruption of which it is eaten and consumed) beginneth to spread itself to the best parts to mar all. Go to then (my companions) having seen the nature of seditions, let us seek out the causes that stir them up, whereby Estates and Monarchies are changed, marred, and in the end overthrown. ARAM. The causes of division between subjects. The division that is between subjects of one and the same prince, ariseth for the most part of discontentment, wherewith some are moved upon injury or contempt, or else of fear that men have of the light, or to avoid some evil, or of great idleness, poverty and need. ACHITOB. Two causes of the frantic fever of French divisions. There are (as I take it) two causes intermingled, which breed this frantic fever of our France, the one proceeding from the Estate, the other from religion. But let us hear ASER to whom the handling of this subject offered now unto us, belongeth. ASER. There is no beginning of any thing whatsoever so small, which through continuance & perseverance is not soon made great and strong, if upon slight account thereof it be not stayed. Every evil (as Cicero saith) in the first sprout thereof may be easily stopped, but being inveterate, is more strong and uneasy to be suppressed. So that if it be met withal before it appear and break forth, the danger is less, although it proceed first from the necessity of natural corruption, which is in all things that are created, and is to be seen even in things without Corruption is natural in all things. sense, as Mil-dew in wheat, rottenness in wood, rust in brass and iron: yea every thing is corrupted by it own evil, howsoever it escapeth all outward harms. Therefore as a good physician preventeth diseases, and if one part be suddenly touched with raging pain, assuageth the present evil, and then apply remedies to the causes of the disease: so a wise prince or governor of a commonwealth A Prince compared to a physician. ought to prevent as much as is possible the ordinary changes of all estates, which overtake them either by outward force, or by inward diseases. When they begin, he must stay them whatsoever it cost him, and then look what the causes are of those diseases that are farthest from effect, and apply convenient and apt remedies unto them. Now it is certain, that if a man would To know the causes of evils is the readiest way to cure them. thoroughly meet with all hurtful things, or otherwise cure any such evil when it happeneth, he must know their causes whereof the effect dependeth, which is the very entrance to all good helps and remedies what soever. Foreseen mischiefs (as the Poet saith) hurt not so much as those that come unlooked for. A wise man premeditateth all that may happen, but it falleth out contrary to fools. And if we have never so small an insight into the condition and state of worldly things, we can When commonwealths begin to alter. not in any wise doubt of this, that every commonwealth, after it is come to the top of perfection, which is the flourishing estate thereof, hath but a short time of continuance: whether her overthrow proceedeth from the violence of her enemies, when she thinks herself safest: or whether she wax old through long tract of time, and so end by her inward diseases: or whether she suddenly decay and fall down with her own weight by reason of some other hidden cause. Which changes of commonwealths being matter sufficient to make a great book, we are, according to the sequel of our discourse, to consider chief of the causes that for the most part stir up sedition, and breed the alteration and final overthrow of Estates and Monarchies. The Philosophers propound four causes of every thing, the efficient, Four causes of all things. the material, the formal, and the final cause. The efficient cause of seditions is double; the one near, the other removed a far off. The near or next cause, are The efficient causes of seditions. the authors of seditions, by whose counsel, direction and help they are stirred up and brought to pass. By the cause removed a far off, I mean those things for which men are provoked to raise seditions, and of which we are chief to entreat in this place. They are the matter of The material cause of seditions. seditions against whom they are raised, as princes and magistrates, who are superiors, and sometime their subjects, being inferiors. The form of sedition is the The formal cause. stirring up of the people, noise, outcries, batteries, murders, civil war, the taking of towns, spoiling of The difference between a rebellion and a faction. countries, burning and banishment. If it be of subjects towards their Lords and superiors, it is called rebellion: if between subjects or equals, it is called a faction. The end of seditions is that for which they are Four final causes of seditions. first moved and stirred up. Aristotle setteth down four ends of seditions, namely, profit, & honour, with their contraries, loss & dishonour. For men are commonly moved to sedition either through hope of profit & honour, or else through fear of loss and dishonour towards themselves or their friends, so that they desire the one & shun the other. Unto profit we refer riches: to honour, magistracy, public offices & charges: to loss, poverty: to dishonour, continual injury, contempt, & such like means. Which things although they are reckoned among the motives, or efficient causes of seditions, so far forth as they provoke men to stir up seditions, yet they may be ends also, because men conspire together, either to obtain or to eschew them. Thereore let us handle the causes which move the people to murmur, and lead them from private and secret grudging, to public and open sedition, from which the changes, alterations, and final ruins of estates and monarchies proceed. The covetousness of magistrates Covetousness a principal cause of sedition. and governors seemeth to be a chief cause thereof, when they lay upon their subjects great exactions, taxes, loans, and other intolerable subsides, whereby their patience is oftentimes turned into fury, and their hearts set upon revolting, are driven forward to imitate them 1. King. 12. 14, 16. that forsook Roboam for the same cause as the scripture rehearseth. But forasmuch as all civil society is appointed to the end that men might keep their goods safely under the protection and guiding of good governors, they that bear chief rule in estates ought especially to provide that not only public goods may be distributed and employed according to common necessity and profit, but also that every man's private goods may be in safety. Public goods are the revenues of Seignories, kingdoms and Which are public goods. empires, demeans, taxes, tributes, confiscations, exchetes, subsidies, grants, and impositions brought in for the supply of public necessity. A man may say that covetousness, which is a wrongful desire of another man's goods, is When covetousness is committed in public goods. committed in these public revenues, when the money that cometh of them, is converted rather to private than to public use, by those that have the disposing thereof: which fault the Romans called peculatus, and the judgement given against it, Repetundarum. Now when such goods are wasted unprofitably, or superfluously, princes & magistrates use to lay immoderate and strange exactions upon their subjects. Covetousness also is used in private goods, when the poorer or weaker sort are spoiled of their own by the mightier. The people will hardly bear this kind of usurping, when they consider that they are tormented by those that should defend them: & this dealing is subject to restitution God requireth restitution of oppressors. before God. Histories are full of changes, seditions and destructions of commonwealths, arising of these causes of covetousness, whereof we have alleged many examples in our discourses. Under Charles the 6. king of France Great seditions began upon a small occasion. great seditions and robberies were practised by the Parisians, by reason of imposts and subsidies that were levied of the subjects. The occasion of these commotions was because the farmers exacted a halfpenny of a poor woman that sold Water cressets. The covetousness, bribery, and Covetousness cause of the death of the nobility in Switzerland. polling used by the lords & nobles of Switzerland caused the common people to fall to mutiny, and to deliver themselves out of their slavery & bondage by horrible massacres, which they made of them. Under Joel and Abiah the 1. Sam. 8. 5. sons of Samuel & judges over the Israelites, the people oppressed through their covetousness, asked a king, whereupon the estate of their government was changed. The second cause that breedeth the alteration & ruin of commonwealths, Ambition the second cause of seditions. is ambition, or desire of honour, which then especially moveth men to murmur, when the unworthy are advanced & preferred before men of desert. Honour is Honour the only reward of virtue. the only reward of virtue, & that which is more esteemed of every lofty & noble heart, than all worldly goods. Therefore it is meet that in the distribution of public charges, rewards, and honours, regard be had to the quality, merit and sufficiency of men, that they may be given to worthy persons, and that such as are unfit may be put back. Only virtue ought to open the gates of honour. Let virtue only & diligence open the gates of honour, and not money or favour. We saw before many examples of the fruits of ambition, & we taste daily of some that are very bitter. The third cause that changeth and overturneth estates Injury the third cause of sedition & monarchies, is injury: which happeneth when they that are highest in authority, through too much insolency & pride offer wrong to the honour or person of their inferiors. A kingdom (saith the wife man) is translated from one nation to another through the injustice, injuries & contumelies Why Curus revolted from his grandfather Astyages. offered by superiors. Cyrus' the great revolted from his grandfather Astyages, overcame him in battle, & translated the monarchy of the Medes unto the Persians', because of that injury which he offered unto him, in casting him out into the fields as soon as he was borne. Coriolanus being Coriolanus. unjustly banished his country, took arms, conquered a great part of the Roman dominion, and burned all to the gates of Rome, bringing their estate to such an extremity, that it was ready to be destroyed, had not the women come towards him to pacify him. Childeric king Childeric slain by Bodilus. of France, caused Bodilus to be whipped with rods, whereupon he slew him and his wife great with child. Justine the justine 3. third Emperor, was slain by Atelius general of his army, whose son he had murdered, and abused his wife to despite him therewith. Fear also is many times the Fear the fourth cause of seditions. cause of alteration and danger to a commonwealth, when guilty and convicted persons move sedition, and rebel against the Magistrates to prevent and avoid the Catiline. punishment that is due to their faults. Catiline urged with the consideration of his manifold wicked pranks, and with the fear of judgement conspired against his country, being assisted by Lentulus, Cethegus, with many sacrilegious persons, murderers, adulterers, bankrupts and other naughty livers that stood in fear of justice by reason of their misbehaviour. Neither may any man doubt but wicked men will rather trouble the estate than stand in danger of their lives, or hazard their goods. For besides the assurance which they have conceived to escape the judgement of men by this means, they have What manner of men are afraid of peace. this further advantage to fish in troubled waters: so that they are no less afraid of peace than of the plague, having in all events the same resolution before their eyes that Catiline had, who said that he could not quench the Fear was one cause that moved Caesar to seek the empire. fire begun in his house with water, and therefore would pull it down and so quench it. This was one reason that moved Caesar to lay hold of the estate, because his enemies threatened, that as soon as he was out of his offices they would cause him to give an account how he had discharged them. I would to god we had not bought as dearly the same causes of our civil wars. Likewise too much authority Excess in authority & power is the fist cause of seditiens and power both for wealth & friendship, is dangerous in every kind of government, so that great heed is to be taken, that none grow to be unmeasurable great. For men are subject to corruption, neither can every one sustain wisely the prosperity of fortune: which causeth some to seek the alteration of popular and aristocratical commonwealths into monarchies, & others to usurp kingdoms What the ostracism among the Athenians was. & empires. This reason brought in the ostracism amongst the Athenians, which was a banishment for a time, whereby they brought down them that seemed to exceed in greatness. This they used (as Plutarch rehearseth) against Themistocles, Aristides, and other excellent men, fearing lest their authority, credit, and good will of all men, should procure them a kingly power with the change of Many kings overthrown by suffering their servants grow too great. their popular government. Many kings and princes that had some of their friends and servants too great, were themselves or their children overthrown by them afterward. Tiberius' making Seian too mighty: Commodus, Perennius: Theodosius the second, Eutropus: Justinian, Bellisarius: Xerxes, Artaban, were in danger of their estate. The unmeasurable authority of the majors of the palace, and of the Constables, changed the crown of France from the race of Clouts to that of Charles Martel: and upon the same occasion it was afterward taken from that Contempt is the sixth cause of seditions. line, and transferred to another. Contempt also is another cause greatly to be feared in every estate and monarchy, as that which oftentimes breedeth their change and overthrow. It is very dangerous in two considerations especially: first when some are contemned and excluded from public offices and dignities which they deserve, and yet see them wholly in the power and disposition of some particular men. Whereupon both the one and the other are moved to sedition, the contemned persons through envy and desire of revenge; they that have the great charges in their hands, through contempt of the others, whom they seek utterly to exclude, and to drive them further off from all public honours and authorities. Secondly, contempt is very Who are most subject to contempt. pernicious, when inferiors contemn their superiors. They are commonly despised that have neither virtue, courage, nor fortitude, that are not able to profit themselves or others, that are not laborious, painful, nor any manner of way careful. Where contempt is, there no obedience is to be had. This maketh the son disobedient Contempt brecdeth disobedience. to the father, the wife to the husband, the learner to the teacher, the servant to the master. The opinion of prudence, justice, constancy, knowledge, goodness, modesty, and of other virtues, nourisheth and preserveth the obedience of subjects towards their Princes, and the contrary vices provoke them to rebellion. Therefore as policies prosper when they are governed by prudent, just, constant, valiant, and moderate men: so they are troubled Causes that move subjects to contemue their Princes. with seditions through the ignorance, cowardliness, and intemperancy of Princes, or else when they are too familiar with their inferiors, or when they are suddenly lift up from base estate, or seem too aged, or too young, or poor, or miserable, all which things breed contempt. Wherefore this is set down as a good rule to preserve the estate A rule of Estate. of a Monarchy: That the Prince must procure to himself love, without the contempt or hatred of any, if it may be. For the obtaining whereof, there is no better way, than the just distribution of rewards. The Princes and Lords of France, jews the 11. fought withal by his Nobles, because he contemned them. because they were contemned by king jews the 11. who had none about him, nor favoured any but men of low and base estate, gave him battle at Montlhery (whereof the battle hath ever since retained the name) to the great peril of the Estate, and danger of the King's life, if he had not appeased the indignation and fury of the said Princes and Lords, by his great prudence and policy. Moreover, Overgreat inequality between Estates in a commonwealth is the seventh cause of▪ seditions. too much increase and unproportionable growth is one cause that procureth the change and ruin of commonwealths. For as the body is made and compounded of parts, and aught to grow by proportion, that it may keep a just measure: so every commonwealth being compounded of orders or estates, as it were of parts, they must be maintained in concord one with another, by equal and due proportion observed between each of them. For if one Estate be advanced too much above another, dissension ariseth. As long as the three Orders and estates at Rome, namely, the Senators, the Knights, & the people, were carried proportionably, their policy flourished: but after they dealt one against another through envy, ambition, & covetousness; divisions, and part-takings began. This caused many to commend equality so much, Equality the mother of peace. calling it the nursing mother of peace & amity between subjects: and contrariwise inequality, the beginning of all enmities, factions, hatred, & partaking. But seeing it is meet that in every well established policy there should be a difference of rights and privileges betwixt every estate, equality may continue, if careful provision be made, that one Estate go not too much before the other. Impunity of offences the eight cause of seditions. The impunity of offences is one cause also from whence seditions and civil wars proceed, yea it is a matter of very great weight, and yet men make least account thereof. We spoke of it before, but we must of necessity often rub up the remembrance thereof, as the wise Hebrew The meaning of this precept, Be not surety for another. doth by repeating so many times that admonition, that we should not be surety for another: not that he forbiddeth charity towards the poor, but that none should be a means to let the wicked escape, unless he will bear the punishment himself. This is that word which God sent to 1. King. 20. 42. king Achab, after he had saved the life of Benhadad king of Syria, that he made himself a pledge for another man, by suffering the wicked to live, and therefore that it should cost him his life. Hitherto we have seen how the covetousness of Princes, the ambition or desire of honour in private men, injury, and reproach, fear in the guilty, excess of authority and wealth, contempt, overgreat increase, or advancement without proportion: and lastly, impunity of offences, procure commonly seditions in Estates and Other causes-of sedition. Monarchies. Besides all these, extreme poverty and excess of wealth, idleness, and want of fear of the foreign enemy, as we have elsewhere declared, change of Princes and laws, too great licence of seditious Orators and Preachers, the natural disposition of places where men are borne, which maketh them more inclined to commotions and seditions, as Historiographers have noted of Genes, Florence, and Flanders, with many other things may be said to be causes of civil wars, of alterations, changes, and ruin of estates and Policies. Among which we note that shame is sometime a cause of change Shame is sometime cause of alteration of Estates. in the government of commonwealths, but it is without tumult or sedition. Thus it fell out in Herea, a town of Arcadia, which was governed popularly, where men of no account were elected Magistrates by others like themselves: whereupon being mocked, they changed their manner of election into choosing by lot, that so they might have a more lawful excuse. There was seen not long since in the council of France such a number of masters of Requests, and of Secretaries of the Treasure, that very shame caused them to be sent away, because it was not meet to entreat of great and weighty matters before such a multitude. Negligence likewise breedeth the Negligence a cause of change. Two sorts of negligence. change and overthrow of a politic Estate. There are two sorts of negligence, the one in those that call, choose, or receive into any great office, such men as are unworthy, and care not for their charges; or that suffer such persons to ascend to the chiefest places of magistracy, that are enemies to that form of commonwealth, as if the chief men in Bearne should choose an Auoyer, which office is contrary to their manner of living: or if the Venetians should choose a Duke, or the Cardinals a Pope, that were not of their religion: or if the King of France should create a Constable or chancellor, that liked not a royal and monarchical Estate. The other kind of negligence, which is much more common, is in them that are called to a dignity, office, or magistracy, and show themselves reckless in that administration and exercise, as we see that most Bishops and Bishop's neglecting their charge to deal in worldly affairs, bring themselves into contempt. prelates neglect the duty of their charges, to employ or bestow their time in worldly affairs, for which cause they grow into misliking and contempt. From hence have proceeded great offences, and marvelous troubles, which may more easily be lamented, than taken away, or reform, being such abuses as have taken deep root. Moreover, the alteration of policy is bred by other means by little and little, as when through dissimulation or otherwise, men suffer some part, albeit never so little, of the law or politic Estate to be cut off. An Estate is not changed all at one time, but by little and little. Changes seldom fall out all at one time, if they are not very violent, but for the most part go on by little and little, as the seasons of the year slide away softly from great heats to hard frosts, and from the frost and cold of winter, to the heat of summer. A lingering fever afflicteth the patiented so easily, that he hardly perceiveth himself therein: but if it be suffered to continue, without redress in due time, it will turn to a hectic fever, and so consequently become incurable. So fareth it with an Estate and policy, whose authority waxeth contemptible, and is lost by little and little, when men are negligent in preventing the same in due time. He that will consider the alteration happened in France within these thirty years, shall find it to be very great, aswell in regard of religion, as of manners and laws, which nevertheless came by little and little, and so continueth still, greatly threatening a change of the estate. Hear therefore I will distinguish between the chance of laws, customs, religion, & place, which is properly but an alteration, and the change of an estate, which is when the sovereignty goeth from one into Dissimilitude a cause of change. the power of another. Dissimilitude also is the cause many times of sedition, and of change in the commonwealth, which cometh to pass when the Inhabitants of a place are not of the same nation, but many strangers are received into it, who perceiving themselves to be the stronger part, have many times thrust the natural Citizens out of their town: whereof Aristotle allegeth many examples that fell so out in the Grecian cities. At Sienna, Examples of strangers that have expelled natural Citizens out of their towns. at Genes, at Zurick, at Cullen, the strangers being multiplied drove out the Lords of those places, and slew most of them, because they were overcharged with exactions, evil entreated, and excluded from bearing of offices. They of Lindavia slew the Lords of the country, and changed the Aristocraty into a popular Estate: and so did the Inhabitants of Strausborough, who hated the nobility in such sort, that they would not suffer any of them to enjoy the great estates and public charges, unless he proved that his grandfather was one of the base sort of the people. These examples move natural Inhabitants many times to overrun strangers, when they see the number of them wax overgreat amongst them. One example The Inhabitants of Geneva conspired against strangers in their city. hereof we may note in the city of Geneva, into which when many strangers, aswell Frenchmen as others retired for religion, the natural Citizens could never brook them, although they were very profitable to the city, making it rich and populous, whereas before it was poor, and smally inhabited: but conspired many times to drive them out, as namely that conspiracy of one Perin, in the year 1556. which began to be put in execution, Caluine hazarded his life to appease a tumult in Geneva. when Caluine ran into the midst of their naked swords to appease the tumult, as Beza writeth in his life. The same fear moved Pharaoh, when he saw the Hebrews increase overfast amongst his subjects, to decree, that the midwives should from that time forward, kill the male Exod. 1. 16. children at their birth. Now in receiving of stranger's regard must be had to the number, that it be not overgreat, and that their authority be not unmeasurable. For otherwise it is necessary for traffic sake, and for many other public commodities, that some be received of others. Many other kinds of dissimilitude are found in commonwealths, divers kinds of dissimilitudes in commonwealths. as dissimilitude of lineage between the nobility and Common-people: of offices, between judges, Treasurers, soldiers, Priests: of professions, between Lawyers, physicians, divines, and Philosophers: of occupations, between Bakers, Butchers, shoemakers, Painters, smiths, Carpenters: without which dissimilitudes no commonwealth can consist. Therefore they are not to be taken quite away, but only the disorder that groweth amongst them, that so they may be reduced to a convenient agreement, like to that which is between the divers parts that are in the constitution of the world & of man. We may also call a dissimilitude, that difference which is of religions, as of the Jews, Christians, Mahomists, Caphrans, Armenians, Grecians, Latins, Jacobites, Ethiopians: then between the Christians themselves, as catholics, Whether diversity of religion be a cause of civil war. Lutherans, zwinglians, and Caluinists. Many have said, and are yet of this opinion, that the chief cause of civil wars in France proceedeth from this diversity of religion. And to say truth, there is nothing that carrieth men away with such vehement passions, as zeal of religion, for which they fight more willingly than for their lives, goods, wives, and children. Through the diversity hereof they that are nearest of kin lose their natural love, they that are of the same country and language, persecute one another as mortal enemies, and sundry nations abhor one another for the same. These things are too well known amongst us to require proofs thereof. And truly Diversity of opinion among subjects, dangerous in an Estate. in respect of sedition and tumult, nothing is more dangerous, than for subjects to be divided in opinion, whether it be in matters of estate, or of laws and customs, or for religion. For if they be of divers opinions, some labour for peace, and seek to make others agree unto it, who will never agree amongst themselves. And in truth it is a very hard matter to maintain public exercises of any religion whatsoever, when it is contrary to the religion of the people, or of the most of them, who many times cannot be kept within compass neither by laws nor magistrates, unless the force appointed to keep them in be very Thomas Emperor of Constantinople slain for pulling down of Images. great. For we saw that Thomas, Emperor of Constantinople, was cruelly slain by the people amidst a great congregation in the Church, because he went about to pull down Images. But I am of this opinion (yet ready to yield to a better judgement) that if men were honest and upright, and walked in their calling holily, they would never fight among themselves for religion. And if there had been no other cause mingled therewith in our civil wars, we should not have had experience of those miseries which daily overwhelm us. The authority of a holy and free council may by the grace of God end all these dissentious: in the mean time let every one seek by good life and amendment of manners, to serve for a light to those that are out of the way, laying aside all part-takings, forgetting all injuries, and taking up again our first unity, concord, & friendship. Yea I doubt not, but that a Prince embracing with a true zeal the opinion of his religion, and neglecting the contrary, would abolish it without force or constraint, if God maintain it not. For the minds of men resolved in a religion, are more confirmed therein if they be resisted, but shrink of themselves if compulsion be not used. Now for the end and conclusion of our discourse, laying a part the causes of seditions and civil wars, which bring alteration, and overthrow many times to Estates and Monarchies, whereof we have particularly entreated, we will here comprehend, and reduce to a certain number the causes of the changes of all commonwealths: The causes that brcede the change of all commonwealths. namely, when the posterity of Princes faileth, and the greatest amongst them enter into civil war for the Estate: when most of the subjects are extreme poor, and a few exceeding rich: when the division of offices and honours are unequal: or else through extreme ambition and desire of commanding: through the revenge of injuries: through the cruelty and oppression of tyrants: through the fear of chastisement, which some have that deserve it: through the change of laws and religion: through the greedy desire that some have to enjoy at will those pleasures which they seek after: lastly, through the expulsion of such as defile the places of honour with excessive and beastly pleasures. All these things breed the change, corruption, and final ovetthrow of flourishing Estates and great Monarchies, and therefore all Princes, governors, and politic Rulers ought carefully to look unto them. The end of the sixteenth days work. THE SEVENTEENTH days work. Of the preservation of estates and Monarchies, and of remedies to keep them from sedition. Chap. 65. ASER. Why wisdom is given of God. wisdom (saith Lactantius) is given of God to all men, that every one according to his ability and capacity might seek after things unknown, and examine that which he knoweth. And we must not think, that such as have gone before us many years and ages, did so possess and use her, that she is now less forcible in us. She cannot be wholly possessed, no more than the light of the sun: and as the sun is the light of our eyes, so is wisdom the light of man's heart▪ Wisd. 6. 21. If your delight them (saith the wise man) be in thrones and sceptres, O kings of the people, honour wisdom, that ye The praise of wisdom. may reign for ever. Truly she is necessary provision for them that would reign, that they may do it worthily, and safely maintain their estate: yea she is no less requisite in every calling. For she illuminateth and sharpeneth the discourse of reason by the knowledge of things, she ruleth and conducteth the will to that which is the true and only Good. Therefore seeing that wisdom, which is as much to say in regard of us, as the searching out of the truth, is both offered, and needful for all men, every one ought to be stirred up to embrace it with a burning zeal and affection, that he may bring forth the fruits of perfect charity, by applying it (next after the service of God) to the common profit of men. Which thing, seeing it hath provoked our young and unexperienced years to utter our former moral and political discourses, and to handle yesterday the causes that breed change and ruin to Estates and Monarchies, although such high matters surpasseth the capacity of our understanding, yet let us (my Companions) follow with the same zeal our venturous enterprise, and as we have profited in the school of this self same wisdom, let us enter into the consideration of those means and remedies that are contrary to the causes of corruption in policies, and that may serve to their preservation. Albeit they may be known by the same causes that corrupt them, seeing contrary effects Contrary causes bring forth contrary effects. proceed from contrary causes, and corruption is contrary to preservation. But the understanding of this matter will be more clear and profitable hereby, to them that will take the benefit thereof. AMANA. If all callings were content with their own fortune and goods, if they would abstain from other men's goods, and from offering them wrong, if they would be more intentive to amend their own life, than to reprehend others, and submit themselves willingly to the obedience of their magistrates, laws, and ordinances, I think it would be a mean to cause every monarchy to flourish and to continue happy a long time. ARAM. Equality (said Solon) never breedeth sedition in the government of a commonwealth, but is the nursing mother of peace and concord, and the maintainer of love, whereby the unity of subjects is preserved. But as the grave and destruction are never glutted (according Prou. 27. 20. to the saying of the wise man) so men's eyes are never satisfied. But the discourse of this matter here propounded belongeth to thee ACHITOB. ACHITOB. That great lover of knowledge and virtue, Ptolemy king of Egypt, as he feasted one day seven ambassadors of the best and most flourishing commonwealths in his time, reasoned with them about their governments, that he might know which of them had the best policy, and was furnished with the best laws and most commendable customs. The disputation was long, and the matter thoroughly debated among them with many reasons. But Ptolemy being desirous to be instructed by them in the best and rarest points, necessary for the preservation of an Estate, prayed them to propound every one three of those customs and laws that were most perfect in his Choice customs of seven flourishing Estates. commonwealth. The ambassador of the Romans began, and said: We have the Temples in great respect and reverence: we are very obedient to our governors: and we punish wicked men and evil livers severely. The Carthaginian ambassador said: In the commonwealth of Carthage, the Nobles never cease fight, nor the Common-people and Artificers labouring, nor the Philosophers teaching. The Sicilian said: In our commonwealth justice is exactly kept, merchandise exercised with truth, and all men account themselves equal. The Rhodian said: At Rhodes old men are honest, young men shamefast, and women solitary, and of few words. The Athenian said: In our commonwealth rich men are not suffered to be divided into factions, nor poor men to be idle, nor the governors to be ignorant. The Lacedaemonian said: In Sparta envy reigneth not, for all are equal, nor covetousness, for all goods are common, nor sloth, for all labour. In our commonwealth (said the ambassador of the Sicyonians) voyages are not permitted, that they should not bring home new fashions at their return: physicians are not suffered, lest they should kill the sound: nor Orators to take upon them the defence of causes and suits. If all these good customs were jointly kept in any one Estate, I doubt not but the greatness of it might be continued long, and all causes of seditions cut off. But to speak more plainly and particularly, and to handle the preservation of Monarchies and commonwealths, with the remedies that keep them from sedition, I say first that Horace, that most learned Poet, had reason to begin his satires or profitable speeches with those men that are never Discontent is the spring of all vices. contented, considering that the discontentment of mortal men is the fountain and springe of all vices. For I pray you, what vice is not grounded upon an unsatiable desire of having, as may appear in all them that cannot content themselves with their present estate, nor appoint an end in that which they have, but place it always in that which they would have. Covetousness committeth robberies, executeth murders, The effects of covetousness. exerciseth spoiling, causeth battles, breedeth schisms, hindereth reformation, and the general council, cloaketh abuses, nourisheth ignorance, asketh unjustly, receiveth dishonestly, dissolveth bargains, breaketh faith, perverteth judgements, and to conclude, it overturneth and confoundeth all right, both divine and human. Therefore covetousness is very fitly called an unquenchable fire, an insatiable desire, a bottomless gulf. So that the contentation both of The contented mind of magistrates is the first mean to preserve an Estate. sovereign Magistrates, and of such as are underneath them, and their moderate affections whereby they seek not to invade and to possess other men's right, nor to heap up treasures and riches, but direct their level to common profit only, to govern prudently, and to order as it becometh them whatsoever is under their authority: this I say is a strong bond to keep every commonwealth in a flourishing Estate, and an unconquerable bulwark against all sedition. Many Princes being desirous to extend their limits unjustly, and to conquer new Estates, have oftentimes lost or diminished their own dominion, besides the burdensome calamities, which they have brought upon their people. And when they placed under them covetous governors and Magistrates, that were slaves to their purses, the ruin, or great trouble at least of their Estates followed after. Therefore Jethro said to Moses: provide thou among all the Exod. 18. 21. people, men of courage, fearing God, men dealing truly, hating covetousness: and appoint such over them to be Rulers over thousands, over hundreds, over fifties, over tens, to judge the people at all times. Tiberius Nero knowing that his subjects were naturally given to tender greatly their own profit, Why Tiberius would not change his Lieutenants. would not send any to succeed (as the custom was before) and to take the place of the governors and Lieutenants of his provinces, unless the other were dead. For (said he) when they perceive that they draw near the end of their office, the double their polling, and a new governor doth as much: whereas otherwise, when they are once full gorged and satisfied, they are at the least occasioned thereby to cease from ravening, and to ease their people: namely, when they know that they shall always enjoy their power and authority. The custom that A notable custom used by Severus in making under-governors. Aurelius Severus used, is much more praiseworthy. For when he sent governors into the provinces, he caused their names to be published many days before, to the end that whosoever knew any thing in them worthy of reprehension, he should give notice thereof: and they that reported truly, were promoted to honour by him, and slanderers grievously punished. He gave to all magistrate's gold, silver, servants, and all necessary things, yea Concubines also, to the end that in their charges they should not be constrained by necessity to commit injustice, The second mean to preserve an Estate. or to extort upon the people. Moreover, the modesty of magistrates in commanding, serveth for a good remedy to retain their subjects within their duty, especially if to bring them forward the better, they add to their commandments gentle persuasions grounded upon lively reasons, & holy admonitions, whereby they seem willing rather to instruct their people, than by force to compel them to obedience. Thou shalt govern thy kingdom very well (said one of the Interpreters of Ptolemy) if imitating the gentleness of God in all things, thou usest The third mean. patience and long suffering. That is also one point that greatly stayeth the alteration and change of commonwealths, when both great and small are contented with that estate whereunto they are called, and are not carried away with ambition, to desire higher degrees of honour than their condition deserveth. Again, they ought not to respect their own valour and desert so much, as to think that great estates and honours are a due and necessary reward for their virtue: and that upon their denial, they have just cause to make some commotion in the commonwealth. But let them rather consider that Of whom a Prince holdeth his sovereignty. the Prince holdeth his sovereignty of God, and of the ancient laws of the Estate, and that all his subjects in respect of him are but as a set of counters, whereof he maketh Subjects compared to a set of counters. one to be one in value now, then to stand for a thousand, by and by for a hundred thousand, and afterward for nothing. If we have less fanour and grace, we shall be less envied, which always taketh hold of the greatest. Exact and precise observation of justice is no less necessary The fourth mean. for the preservation of Estates and Monarchies, as we have elsewhere discoursed: and it ought to be exercised Magistrates must be punished aswelt as the Common people. not only upon the simple people, but also upon Magistrates when they abuse their calling and dignity. For when their faults are unpunished and winked at to the oppression of the meaner sort, they are easily induced to murmur and to move sedition. Aristotle approved not this custom in Lacedemonia, that the power of the Senators was perpetual during their life, and that they were exempted from correction, and from yielding an account Aristotle misliked perpetual Magistrates. of their doings, because (as he said) to appoint perpetual magistrates, is to kindle the fire of sedition in the commonwealth. But this is contrary to the opinion of Plato, and of many politics, albeit there is no want of arguments and excellent reasons, aswell on their side who would have Magistrates annual, as on theirs that would have them perpetual. But as contrary Estates ought to be governed by contrary means, so it is necessary that in a monarchy some offices should be perpetual, and other mutable. And if need be, general Commissioners may be appointed, as it was practised in the time of jews the ninth, and of Philip the fair. To this purpose Buda General Commissioners requisite in a Monarchy. complaineth, because the Commissioners had no authority over the Magistrates of France, especially over the Parliaments, as also because they were not perpetual. He maketh a goodly discourse of them, and showeth what manner of men ought to be chosen thereunto. The The sift mean. speedy punishment of wicked and condemned persons, all delay set aside, is a good remedy to preserve policies. Delay in punishing the wicked, is dangerous. For when they see that for their offences and mischievous dealings they are daily taken, examined, put to the torture, condemned, and executed, according to their deserts, if before their execution they have any leisure and respite through the negligence of Magistrates, they seek by all means to move sedition and trouble in the commonwealth, hoping thereby to save their lives, The sixth mean. and to avoid that punishment unto which their consciences judge them to be indebted. The equal proportion and measure of all and every particular part in a politic body, according to the degrees of callings and persons, is necessary for the preservation of Estates and Monarchies, that there may be equality not of things, but of proportions, and that degrees may be kept. As for example, albeit the divine, Lawyer, captain, Counsellor, Treasurer, differ one from another, yet they must of necessity agree, and be made equal, not in their calling, but by a like proportion, that every one may execute his office without the hindrance of another. Geometrical proportion ought to be observed in commonwealths. Therefore Plato said, that the public Estate is in good case, if it be instituted according to geometrical proportion, and all benefits bestowed accordingly. If the King give the office of Chauncellourship to a wise and learned man that loveth justice and public quietness: Upon what men public charges are to be bestowed. the office of Constableshippe, or of the Marshalshippe of France, to good captains, and such as are experienced in State affairs: the government of the Church to a divine of good life and manners, and one that is well skilled in ecclesiastical government: the office of justice to an honest Lawyer: the keeping of the treasure to a Treasurer of an upright conscience. Then if every one keep his own place, and performeth his duty without encroaching upon another, or hindering of him, to the end that public conveniency and agreement may not be troubled, this order will make an equality between unlike persons. For we find Two sorts of equality. two sorts of equality: namely equality of quantity, and of proportion. Equality of quantity is requisite in commutative justice, that every one may take as much as he ought. Equality of proportion is requisite in distributive justice, and in rewarding men according to their desert. This equality (saith Plato) giveth the greatest honours to them that excel most in virtue, and the lesser places of dignity to such as are inferior in virtue and learning, distributing to both that which belongeth unto them by reason. Besides, the means alleged already by us for the preservation of Estates and Monarchies, Aristotle setteth down these that follow. Let The seventh mean. nothing (saith he) be done against the laws and customs, which, as before we discoursed, are the chains and bonds of all Empires, Powers, and commonwealths. Let remedy be used against the beginning of The eight. an evil, how small soever it be. For oftentimes of a small occasion, as it were of one sparkle, a great fire of troubles is kindled in the commonwealth. And as The beginning of evils must be stayed. great storms and tempests proceed from exhalations and vapours that are not seen: so seditions and civil wars begin for the most part of very light matters, which a man would never think should have such an issue. Let no credit be given to crafty and subtle devices, invented to deceive commonwealths withal. These are means commonly practised by foreign and The ninth. domestical enemies to Estates, who thereby disguise the truth of matters: whereof we have had good experience in France, when in the council of our Prince's information hath been given clean contrary to the truth: insomuch that we have felt the cruel hand of strangers before ever we would have believed that they had taken horse in their own country. And therefore amongst such nourishers of our miseries, this proverb is rife: That a lie is always good how little a while soever it be believed. Let The tenth. those that are placed in the offices of magistracy, behave themselves modestly both towards those that deal not at all in public affairs, and towards them that meddle therewith: offering no injury to the one sort, and living The eleventh. friendly with the other. Let them that are to care for the safety of the Estate, watch always, and stand upon their guard, and often times propound causes of fear, to make the subjects more attentive and heedful to that which The twelfth. they should do. Let there be no contentions or quarrels between the Nobles, and let others be prevented that are not yet joined to those dissensions, before they enter into them. This is the chiefest thing at this day, whereunto our kings and Princes ought especially to look. For amongst their trains there is nothing but leagues and part-takings, from which nothing will proceed in the end but trouble and hurt to their Estate. Therefore they Contentious persons must be removed from the Court. must take away all occasions of hatred and quarreling, & remove such far from their Court that love contentions: because that as quarrelers of themselves tarry not long in service, so by their means Princes lose other good servants. And if they will not, or are afraid to put them from the Court, at leastwise let them take knowledge of all their enmities, factions, and discontentments Prince's must labour by all means to end the contentions of their subjects. that are amongst them, and labour to end them, not in outward show only, but by some good effect. Let them content such as are not well pleased, if they can justly do it: let them grant means of safety to them that say they have cause to distrust others: and let them reconcile professed enemies. But above all things, let not the Prince They must not be parties in their subjects quarrels. make himself a party in the contentions of his subjects, if the occasion of their strife be not grounded upon the Estate. For in steed of keeping to himself the place of sovereign judge, he shall be only the chief of a faction, and so bring his estate and life into danger. The punishment The thirteenth. of rebels is one mean also to preserve Estates and commonwealths, & to prevent seditions, whereby they are altered and changed. But regard must be had (according to the counsel of Hypocrates) that medicines be not applied to incurable diseases. For when all the people, or the most of them are culpable, to punish all, is as much as to overthrow the commonwealth. It is also a good mean and most usual for the avoiding of seditions, to take from The fourteenth. the people their armour, and to have fortresses fenced and furnished with all things necessary for them. For the neglecting of this giveth occasion to troublesome heads, and to such as desire novelties to execute their wicked purposes, and to trouble the estate: and the liberty of armour maketh them more fierce and insolent therein. Moreover we may comprehend that which is requisite and necessary Five necessary things for the preservation of every commonwealth. for the preservation of every good commonwealth under five things: namely, let it be loved faithfully, defended manfully, adorned with nobility, ordered profitably, and governed prudently. It is naturally engrafted into every living creature, to love that place where it took beginning. The savage beasts (saith Cassiodorus) love woods and forests: birds love the air: fishes the sea and All living creatures love the place of their birth. rivers: men love the original place of their birth and being: in a word, both men and beasts love those places where they purpose to live and to continue long. He that is more in love (saith Aristotle) with his private profit, than with public wealth, looseth the name of a good citizen, and taketh unto him the name of a wicked subject. Therefore every one both great and small aught to dedicate all good gifts in them to the benefit of their country, loving their fellow-subiects, & exercising their charges & callings faithfully. It is their duty also manfully to defend the commonwealth against all foreign incursions: and he that defendeth his country, defendeth himself and his: He that refuseth to die (as Cicero saith) in the defence of his country, dieth together with it: which being overthrown, It is the duty of every subject to defend his country. the inhabitants are therewithal destroyed. No man therefore ought to fear danger in defence of his country: and it is better to die for many than with many. They that die (said Justinian the Emperor) in the defence of their commonwealth, live always by glory. Therefore every one ought to arm himself with manhood, which is one kind of heroical fortitude, as the moral Philosophers say, that he may be serviceable for the safeguard of his country in time of need, and of a just war. The nobility is the ornament of a commonwealth. The nobility is the ornament of every commonwealth. For commonly the nobles are of greater ability, of better behaviour & more civil than the common people, than artificers, and men of base estate, because they have been brought up from their infancy in all civility and amongst men of honour. Moreover to have a noble heart & invincible to resist the enemy, great to exercise liberality, courteous and honest in talk, bold to execute, gentle to forgive, are graces & virtues proceeding from honesty, which are not so commonly found among men of base condition, as among those that come of good & ancient stocks. For this Of the law prosapia. cause there was in Rome a law called prosapia, that is to say, the law of lineage, whereby it was ordained, that they which descended from the race of the Fuluians, Torquates, & Fabritians, should have the Consulship, when it so fell out, that the Senate disagreed about the election of Consuls. In like manner they that came of Lycurgus in Lacedaemon, of Cato in Utica, of Thucydides in Galatia, were not only privileged in their own provinces, but also greatly honoured of To whom the defence of a country chief belongeth. all nations. The defence and preservation of the country belongeth chief to the nobles, as they that have greater use and practise of weapons, than the common people have, whom God & nature have subjecteth to them, that they should be their defenders & protectors. In this sort than is the commonwealth decked and adorned of the nobility, & by their means honoured of neighbor-friends, and feared of her enemies. Next it must be ordered profitably. Where no order is, there is all confusion. And therefore as a good father of a family taketh order in his house, and a pilot in his ship: so the magistrate must appoint an order in his city & commonwealth. For all community is confusion, if by order it be not brought to unity. Order What order is. is the due disposition of all things. The order of the heavens, times & seasons teacheth us among other things the wisdom of the Creator, who hath appointed all divine, celestial and earthly things by a wonderful dispositien. Neither doth any thing make magistrates of common-welths more admired & commended, than the good order which they establish in them. The end of all good order tendeth The end of order. to profit, as the end of confusion to loss and destruction. And if profit be to be considered in any thing, it is chief to be thought upon in a politic body. The more common & general a good thing is (saith Aristotle) so much the more is it to be esteemed above another. Therefore if it be a good thing and commendable to appoint a profitable order in a house or ship: it is a great deal better, yea most excellent, to order a commonwealth profitably. Last of all a commonwealth must be governed prudently. Government presupposeth order, because no man can rightly and duly govern without order. Government is a right disposition What government is. of those things of which a man taketh charge upon him to bring them to a convenient end. Every Monarch, Emperor, King, Prince, Lord, Magistrate, Prelate, judge and such like, may be called a governor: in whom wisdom, patience, and diligence are necessarily required for the discharge of their duties. Neither may ignorance or any error be received for sufficient Ignorance is no sufficient excuse for a magistrate. excuse of him that hath taken upon him a public charge, and much less if he required and sought for it himself. Yea he may be charged with the least fault, especially when it concerneth the estate, or some great matter wherein the commonwealth hath interest. For this cause we said, that the commonwealth must be governed with Prudence. But Prudence (saith Aristotle) presupposeth wisdom, and is the right reason of What prudence is. things that are to be done. Without Prudence (saith Xenophon) we can have no use at all of virtue. For in the administration either of private or public matters, we can come to no good end, without the direction of Prudence, which teacheth us to provide for things to come, to order things present, and to call to mind things past. We have heretofore discoursed more at large both of that virtue, and also of others requisite in every magistrate for the faithful execution of his charge. Whereunto we will add this thing only, that every governor must remember, that lordship, empire, kingdom, majesty, dominion and power are rather heathen than christian words: and that the empire of a What a christian empire is. christian prince is nothing else but a just administration, protection and mean to do good. Therefore when he beholdeth an innumerable multitude of his subjects, he is to think that so many millions of men depend of his carefulness, not to do with them what pleaseth him, but to labour and travel to make them better than when he received them. And in all things wherein the safety of the commonwealth consisteth, whether it be in preventing the causes of change therein, or in redressing seditions which trouble it, he must always resolve with himself to bring his purpose to pass, how difficult soever the way be, releasing rather somewhat of the extremity of right, (as Lucius Papinius said) seeing the quietness and safety of the people is the chiefest, and most upright law among men that can be. So that when the commonwealth is in danger or in necessity, we must freely bestow upon that blood and name, which is common to us with all the members of the politic body, whatsoever cannot be kept back without violating that common kindred, and the estate of the commonwealth. So that if he hinder public benefit, and hurt the estate, it is not to be called right any longer, as Appius Claudius said, speaking of the authority We must spare no cost to help the commonwealth. of the Tribunes among the people of Rome. And it is a point of true and natural prudence sometime to give place to the times, but to necessity always. A good pilot never opposeth himself wilfully against a tempest, but striketh sail and keepeth himself still: then weighing his anchors, he floateth safely upon the waves, which not long before were swollen and lift up to drown him. If a man strive against a tempest and against heaven, doth he not even blindfold cast himself down headlong, and as it were desperately seek his own destruction? Now if all these things hitherto mentioned by us be diligently observed, there is no doubt (God prospering all) but that the preservation of Estates and Monarchies, with good remedies to keep them from trouble and sedition will follow after. Of the harmony and agreement that ought to be in the dissimilitude or unlike callings of subjects, by reason of the duty and office of every estate. Chap. 66. ACHITOB. WE saw before (my companions) that a city or civil company is nothing else but a multitude of men unlike in estates or conditions, which communicate together in one place their arts, occupations, works and exercises, that they may live the better, & are obedient to the same laws and magistrates. We learned also, that of such a dissimilitude an harmonical agreement ariseth by due proportion of one towards another in their divers orders & estates, even as the harmony in music consisteth of unequal voices or sounds agreeing equally together. I am of opinion therefore, that to provoke every one particularly to seek after and to practise this apt agreement, we are to consider severally of all the principal parts that are in a politic body well ordered, and to handle the several duty and office of every one of them. But I leave the discourse of this matter to you. ASER. As there is but one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and father of all, which is above all and Ephe. 4. 5. 6. through all, and in us all: so all that believe in him aught to be one, and to have but one heart and one soul, every one referring his gifts and graces to the exercise of perfect charity. AMANA. Oh how happy a thing is it to see one flock guided under one God and one king in one religion and policy? Although they be many members, yet they make but one body, of which every one hath a like care. But let us hear ARAM discourse at large upon that which is here propounded unto us. ARAM. As we see that in the body of this universal frame, there is (as the Philosophers say) matter, form, privation, simplicity, mixture, substance, quantity, action and passion, and that the whole world being compounded All things stand by proportion. of unlike elements, of earth, water, air and fire, is notwithstanding preserved by an analogy and proportion, which they have together: and as we see in a man's body, head, hands, feet, eyes, nose, ears: in a house, the husband, wife, children, master, servants: in a politic body, magistrates, nobles, common people, artificers; and that every body mingled with heat, cold, dry and moist, is preserved by the same reason of analogy and proportion which they have together: So is it in every commonwealth well appointed and ordered, which consisting of many and sundry subjects, is maintained by their unity, being brought to be of one consent & will, and to communicate their works, arts and exercises together for common benefit & profit. For every one is best in his own art, neither can all men do all things. And if it be a very hard matter to be excellent in any one vocation, it is impossible to excel in all, & to exercise them duly. Now we say that six things are necessarily required to frame a happy city & civil society, namely, sacrifices, judgements, arms, riches, arts, and Aliments: unto which six things Six sundry callings of men necessary in every good commonwealth. and works, six sorts of men are answerable, Pastors, magistrates, nobles, burgesses, artificers, and husbandmen. Therefore to begin the particular handling of the duty & office of these callings, and that as briefly as I can, we are first to note, that never any nation in all the world was so barbarous, or so far estranged from civility, that did not acknowledge and adore some divine nature, and use No nation but adoreth some divinity. some kind of sacrifices and so consequently that had not some priests to exercise them, & some proper ceremonies. The sacrifices of Christians. Aristotle in his politics saith expressly, that it is a necessary thing to have priests in every city, to take care of the worship of the gods and of sacrifices. Every work that we do (saith Augustine) to be joined nearer to God by a holy society, is a sacrifice. There are three general sorts of sacrifices: Three sorts of sacrifices. the first is the sacrifice of the soul, which we offer to God by contrition, devotion, contemplation and prayer: the second is of the body, which we offer to God by fasting, abstinence, or by suffering martyrdom to maintain his law, justice and truth. The third sacrifice is of outward goods, when we offer them unto him in the works of charity according to his holy ordinance. So that if sacrifices and priests always took place among the Barbarians, much more careful aught they to be to maintain this divine mystery, that adore and perfectly know God. And as men have lived under three laws, the law of Nature, the written law, and the law of Grace, so there were sacrifices and priests under every one of them. Melchizedech lived Of priests and pastors. under the law of Nature, Aaron under the written law, and under the law of Grace, under which we live at this present, Jesus Christ that great and eternal Priest and Sacrificer, who hath offered himself a sacrifice for our redemption, and hath left us his disciples and Apostles, and their successors to be our pastors in the guiding of our souls under his Testament and new covenant, which is the infallible rule of his holy and just will. Therefore let them that boast, that they are called of God to such an excellent charge, look to discharge themselves faithfully, Wherein the office of true pastors consisteth. by teaching the truth and leading a life agreeable to their doctrine. Otherwise, if they sit in the chair of pestilence (as David speaketh) let them look for a horrible judgement of God upon their souls, when he shall say unto them by way of reproach; that in this world they sat in their pontifical seats, as the Scribes and pharisees did long since in the chair of Moses. Their watchmen (saith Esay speaking Esa. 56. 10. 11. of evil pastors) are all blind: they have no knowledge, they are dumb dogs: they cannot bark: they lie and sleep, and delight in Against dumb dogs and covetous shepherds. sleeping. These greedy dogs can never have enough, & these shepherds cannot understand: for they all look to their own way, every one for his advantage, & for his own purpose. But contrariwise, A Pastor (saith Saint Paul) must be unreprovable, Tit. 1. 7. 8. 9 The qualities of a good pastor. as God's steward, not froward, not angry, not given to wine, no striker, not given to filthy lucre, but harberous, one that loveth goodness: wise, righteous, holy, temperate, holding fast the faithful word according to doctrine, that he also may be able to exhort with wholesome doctrine, and improve them that say against it. 1. Pet. 5. 2. 3. Feed the flock of Christ, which dependeth upon you (saith Saint Peter) caring for it, not by constraint, but willingly, not for filthy lucre, but of a ready mind: not as though ye were Lords over God's heritage, but that ye may be ensamples to the flock. Therefore if Pastors preach the gospel, give example of good life by their works, fight against the enemies of the truth with the weapons of charity, prayers, persuasions, testimonies of the holy scripture: if they remove Vices to be avoided in a pastor. from them covetousness, pride, dissoluteness, and superfluity of expenses, and walk in this sort in their vocation, the first place of honour is due to them amongst men, and a greater and unspeakable prepared for them in heaven. The second thing that is necessary in every commonwealth and city, are judgements, and consequently magistrates to execute them. But because we discoursed at large of this matter before, we will not stand long upon it, but comprehend in few words the whole duty and office of a good magistrate, which consisteth in four The duty of a good magistrate consisteth in four things. things: In taking nothing unjustly from any body, in giving to every one his own, in despising his own profit, and in preserving public profit. He performeth these justice distributed into 7. parts. duties perfectly by the distribution of justice into seven parts: by procuring that God may be worshipped, that reverence be given to superiors, that concord be amongst equals, that discipline be used towards inferiors, patience towards enemies, mercy towards the poor, and that integrity of life proceed from himself. now let us consider of arms, and of Nobles. Of arms and of the necessity of them. arms (as Varro saith) are all warlike instruments, serving both to set upon our enemies, and to defend ourselves from their assaults and enterprises. They are necessary in a commonwealth and city for these three causes, to resist the outward force of enemies, and to keep them in fear: to repress naughty citizens, both by compelling them to obey magistrates and laws, and by punishing the guilty: and last of all, to defend the liberty of subjects. The exercise and use of arms, wars and battles, hath from all antiquity been committed to the noble men. Nobility (as Aristotle saith) is a glittering What nobility is. excellency proceeding from ancestors, and an honour that cometh from an ancient lineage and stock. Or, (according to Boetius severinus) nobility is a praise that proceedeth from the deserts of our Elders, and forefathers. Many make three kinds of nobility: one that Three kinds of nobility. is bred of virtue and of excellent deeds: the second that proceedeth from the knowledge of honest disciplines and true sciences: and the third that cometh from the scutcheons and arms of our ancestors, or from riches. But to speak truly, there is no right nobility, but that Which is right nobility. which springeth of virtue, and good conditions. For as he is a thief that stealeth, and he unjust that doth unjustly: so he is a vile and base person, that dealeth villainously. He boasteth in vain of his great lineage, and seeketh to be esteemed for the nobility and virtue of his ancestors, that hath no goodness in him, nor commendable qualitic of his own to join with those of his predecessors. Let no man please himself too much (saith Agapetus) in the nobility of his ancestors, for all men have dung for their stock from whence they come: both they that are pricked up in purple and fine linen, & they that are afflicted with poverty and sickness: as well they that are decked with crowns, as they that lie naked upon the straw. Let us not therefore brag of our earthly race, but let us glory in the integrity of manners. Although vice be in one that cometh of noble blood, yet is it always loathsome and infamous: yea it doth so much the more appear shameful & odious, as it is joined with greater nobility. But virtue is the very lively colour & ornament of nobility, and causeth it to be honoured for love of itself only. All kings and princes (saith Plato) came of slaves, and all slaves of kings. What profit is there Macrines' letter to the Senate of Rome touching nobility. (saith Macrine the Emperor writing to the Senate of Rome) in nobility, if the heart of a prince be not replenished with bounty and gentleness towards his subjects? The goods of fortune come oftentimes to the unworthy, but the virtue of the soul always maketh a man worthy of the greatest praise. Nobility, riches and such like, come from without a man, & are subject to corruption: but justice, bounty, and other virtues, are not only wonderful because they come from the soul, but procure also to him that hath them & useth them virtuously, a perfection of all felicity. Yea it is far better and more commendable in a man, to leave to his posterity a good beginning of nobility by virtue, than to defame by villainy & wicked behaviour that praise which he hath received from his predecessors. Therefore we ought not to be puffed up with pride because we come of a great race, seeing that honour belongeth more to our progenitors than to us, if we be not Malach. 2. 10. noble by our own virtue. Is not one God (as Malachi saith) father of us all? He made the first kings of a poor & base stock, to teach us, that men ought not through arrogancy, & vain boasting of their nobility, esteem themselves better than others, but so far forth only as his holy gifts and graces are more abundantly in them. Saul was chosen king as he was seeking his father's asses: David, when he was a shepherd, and the youngest of his brethren. The brier and the rose came of one and the same root: so noblemen and vile persons came of one mass and lump. The brier is rejected because it pricketh, & the rose for her good smell is esteemed and held in men's hands. So he that maketh himself vile through vice, aught to be rejected, and he that is odoriferous and smelleth sweetly by good virtues and noble actions, aught to be esteemed, honoured and accounted noble of what race & stock soever he When nobility of birth is to be esteemed. cometh. True it is, that ancient nobility joined with excellent virtue, is very commendable among men, especially in every monarchy well established, of which the nobility is the chiefest pillar, being appointed by God, and approved by the law of man, for their fidelity towards their kings, and defence of their subjects, wherein the true Of riches and burgeises. duty and office of noblemen consisteth. Riches are the fourth thing necessary in every commonwealth, and consequently citizens, who commonly possess them, and are settled from all antiquity in towns, having rents, revenues and possessions, and being as it were the strong pillars of cities, and of the whole political body. Cicero saith, that riches are the sinews of battles. For as the whole body of a Riches are the sinews of war. man feeleth & moveth by the sinews: so the body of the commonwealth receiveth strength & power by riches, to gather men of war together in defence of her liberty. For this cause Aristotle in his platform of a happy commonwealth They are necessary in a commonwealth. requireth abundance of wealth and money to help public affairs at home, & warlike matters abroad. And in another place he saith, that a happy life consisteth in the perfect use of virtue, assisted with bodily & external goods, as with instruments that serve to execute honest actions well & virtuously. It is certain that gold & silver in respect of the soul, are neither good nor ill, but by good usage they are made profitable for this life, & the abuse of them is hurtful both to the body & soul. And in deed riches of their own nature are not to be condemned. Abraham, Lot, Jacob, & Job were rich & holy men. Josephus writeth that never The exceeding riches that David left to Solomon. any king, either of the Hebrews, or of any other nation, left so great riches to his successor, as David did to Solomon. For he left him to build the temple withal, 10000 talents of gold, & 100000. of silver, beside infinite store of stuff, of wonderful cost and value, which he had caused to be prepared & made ready. The sumptuousness of that Temple, as it is described by this Historiographer, is wonderful. He saith that it was made and finished in seven The number of workmen about salomon's temple. years by 80000. Masons, 3200. Overseers, & 30000. Hebrews that hewed wood in the forest, and 70000. others that brought stones and such like matter for the work. If the riches of the Roman Empire had not been great, I mean both the public and private wealth, it is certain, that it had not so long time maintained itself in such a glorious and flourishing estate, as the like was never before, causing the farthest and most unknown nations to stand in fear of her weapons. Hereof we have Augustus' maintained yearly 44. legions of soldiers. good proof by that which we read of Augustus Caesar, who ordinarily defrayed the charges of 44. Legions, which amounted yearly to twelve millions of gold. But the Roman The limits of the Roman Empire in the time of Augustus. empire was then come to the top of her greatness, having for her bounds the river of Euphrates on the East side, the Ocean sea on the West, on the South side the fruitful region of Africa, and on the North side the rivers of Rhine and Danubius. At this day 50. kingdoms & estates are divided out of that monarchy. Therefore if the citizens of the commonwealth possess riches, if they employ them upon good works, and that liberally for the tuition, defence and setting forth of their country, they behave Of arts and Artificers. themselves like good citizens, borne to do good, and to profit the commonwealth. The fift thing necessary in every good commonwealth and city, are occupations What an art or occupation is. and consequently craftsmen. An art is a habit of working according to right reason, as Aristotle saith. Or else an art is the knowledge of some certain thing gotten by use, instruction or reason, tending to necessary uses for man's life. Some arts consist in Speculation, and others in practice. We call Speculation theorical, that is to say, speculative: and Action practical, that is to say, active. This word Artificer is derived of the word Arte. now because that nature is most perfect next to God, the nearer that art approacheth to nature, the better and perfecter it is, as appeareth in images and pictures: so that art Art is an imitation of nature. is nothing else but an imitation of nature. Those arts that are commonly called mechanical, or handycraftes, whereby they differ from liberal arts, of which we have already discoursed, are of divers sorts. For the better understanding of them we will presuppose that man hath Three things necessary for the life of man. need of three temporal things for the maintenance of this life, namely, of Aliments, Houses, and Clothing. He standeth in need of aliments to restore the consumption of radical moisture, wasted away by natural heat, The use of Aliments. (as the week consumeth the oil in the lamp) I say to restore it again by moist nourishment, as by bread, wine, flesh, and other aliments, without which a man could not live. These nutrimentes are provided and prepared by men of Occupations, as by Butchers, Fishmongers, Bakers, cooks, Vintners, and other handycraftsmen, which serve and look to the provision of victuals. Next, men have need of houses, that every one may have his private place of refuge to keep his body, family, & goods under covert: & these are edifices and frames erected by the The use of houses. art of building, & made by Masons, Carpenters, Geometricians, sawyer's, joiners, & other handicrafts that are occupied in carving. Likewise a city, in respect both of ornament & of defence, standeth in need of walls, towers, bulwarks, rampires, andother things of defence, as also of temples and other common places: all which cannot be made without the arts of building and of Masonry. The third thing which men stand in need of, are garments to The use of garments. cloth themselves withal, to preserve natural heat, and to keep out external cold: & these are provided by Mercers, Drapers, Tailors, Hosiers, & such like. Besides the abovenamed things we stand in need of armour & of horses to defend our liberty, and for our greater commodity: and so consequently armourers, Glazers, Sadlers, Spur-makers, smiths and such like, are necessary. Likewise for the preservation and recovery of our health, we must honour the physician, chirurgeon, apothecary, Drug-seller and such like. The duty and office of all artificers, is to avoid idleness, The duty of all artificers. slooth, and negligence, and especially to use no deceit in their arts, but to refer the end of their labours more to common profit than to their private gain. And for the avoiding of engrossers, it is very expedient that the craftsmen should be divided into divers parts of the city, Artificers of one Science, ought not to dwell all together. and not placed all on a row in one quarter thereof, as they do in the towns of Africa, and in many cities of Europe. For besides the discommodities in great towns, when every quarter hath not in it such artificers as are commonly necessary, it is to be feared that there will be amongst them engrossers to forestall the merchandise and wares: or else jealousy and quarrels are to be feared, if one sell better cheap than another, even before his eyes that refused to take that money. It is true, that such artificers as are least required, as men that live by the hammer, may be ranged in one quarter, that thereby they may be separated from men of learning and quietness. The sixth and last thing necessary in a commonwealth remaineth to be considered Of Aliments & labourers. of, namely, Aliments, and consequently labourers. We have already spoken of Aliments: but as for that which The praise of husbandry. concerneth husbandry especially, there is no other art, that doth more awaken the mind of man, that ravisheth his senses more, that affordeth greater pleasure, or is more necessary and profitable for the life of man, than husbandry. Moreover nothing savoureth of greater antiquity, nothing doth better discover the greatness of the The antiquity thereof. works of God, nothing doth cast forth more lively marks and beams of a wonderful divinity, than husbandry. For most of other arts were invented long time after man was created of God, and augmented since by the industry of many. Only husbandry gave sufficient testimony of itself, & of the incomprehensible power of God, when presently after the creation of the elements there came out of the bowels of the earth all kinds of herbs and plants garnished with their proper virtues for the service & commodity Men have been always more inclined to husbandry than to any other vocation. of man. Man himself also by a divine and natural instinct hath been from the beginning more inclined and disposed to the tillage of the earth, than to any other study & vocation whatsoever: as we read of our first fathers who commonly called themselves labourers of the earth, and feeders of cattle. Husbandry and the country life were so much commended & esteemed of the ancients, that many of them have written sundry books thereof in Princes have forsaken their diadems to fall to husbandry. Cyrus. Greek & Latin: and many monarches have heretofore left their great palaces, & contemned their purple robes and diadems, that they might give themselves to the manuring of country commodities. Cyrus was never better pleased and contented, than when he might be dressing of some goodly piece of ground, and setting of a certain number Dioclesian. of trees checkerwise. Dioclesian forsook the sceptre of his empire, that he might withdraw himself into the fields, and trim with his own hands, trees, graffs, several plots of ground, and gardens. Besides in husbandry and the country life, profit aboundeth with pleasure and gain Profit and pleasure are joined together in husbandry. with delight. As for profit it is very evident. For a good husbandman is always provided of bread, wine, flesh, fruit, wood, and other Aliments. And concerning pleasure, it is incredible to one that hath skill and will to consider of the marvels of nature, besides a thousand delights, with exercises as pleasant and profitable for his health as can be. And that benefit which is most excellent and chiefest of all, I mean tranquillity of mind may more easily be obtained by the muse's darlings, and lovers of knowledge The country fit for students than the city. in the midst of the open fields and pleasant sound of waters, than amongst the noise of suits & dissensions wherewith cities are replenished. It belongeth to the duty of labourers to live in their simplicity, and to do their endeavour The duty of husband men. in tilling the fields. For the performing hereof they stand in need of 3. things: of skill to know the nature of Three things necessary for them. the soil, and the seasons of sowing and gathering: of will to be diligent and careful to continue in their country labour: and lastly, of ability to provide oxen, horses, cattle, & other instruments of husbandry. By this discourse therefore we may see what things are most requisite and necessary for the institution of a happy commonwealth, and that no man is so industrious, witty or prudent, that of himself without the help of another he can live without society, and minister to himself all necessary things. For this cause the fellowship of many together was found out, that by teaching, judging, defending, giving, taking, changing, serving and communicating their works and exercises one with an other, they might live well and commodiously together. Which thing will undoubtedly come to pass in every commonwealth, when every one walking in his vocation, directeth his will and work to the service of God, his prince and country. Of Peace, and of war. Chap. 67. ARAM. IVstinian the Emperor in the Preface of his Institutions saith: That it is necessary for the Every commonwealth must be always provided against all events both of peace & war. imperial majesty to have respect to two times, namely, of peace and of war, that it may be provided against all events either of the one or the other. Laws and good politic statutes are necessary for it in time of peace, that the provinces may be quietly governed: but in time of war it must always have armour ready and convenient forces, to help friends, to resist enemies, and to contain disobedient subjects within compass. Now having hitherto entreated of that policy, which chief respecteth the time of peace, we must hereafter (my companions) refer to our discourses that small knowledge which we have of warlike discipline. And first I think we must oppose these times of peace and war one against the other, and consider of their clean contrary effects, that we may be so much the more easily led and persuaded to desire and procure that which is best and most profitable for every estate and monarchy. Therefore I propound unto you this matter to discourse upon. ACHITOB. Rom. 12. 18. Col. 3. 15. If it be possible, as much as in you is (saith the Apostle) have peace with all men: and let the peace of God rule in your hearts, to the which ye are called in one body. For truly without peace all riches is but poverty, all mirth but mourning, all life but death. But no man can perfectly know the benefit of peace, that hath had no trial of the burden of war. ASER. levit. 26. 3. 6. 14. 15. 25. If ye walk in my ordinances (saith the eternal God) I will send peace in the land: but if ye will not obey me, but despise mine ordinances, I will send a sword upon you, that shall avenge the quarrel of my covenant, and ye shall be delivered into the hand of the enemy. Now let us hear AMANA discourse upon that which is here propounded unto us. AMANA. Lycurgus' entering into the government of the Lacedæmonians, and finding their Estate greatly corrupted, determined with himself to change their whole policy. For he thought that if he should only make some particular laws and ordinances, it would do no more good, than a slender medicine would profit a corrupt body full of many diseases, before order were taken for the purging, resolving, and consuming of the evil humours, that a new form and rule of life might afterward be prescribed. His enterprise although great and difficult, yet fell out very well, and his laws were received & approved of the people, after a little force and fear wherewith Lycurgus' referred all his laws to war, appointing the Ilotes only to deal with occupations. at first they were restrained. But this lawmaker referred all his laws to war and to victory, and kept his subjects in continual exercise of arms, not suffering them to learn any other science or handi-craft, unto which he appointed the Ilotes only, who were men brought in subjection by the right of war. Whereby Lycurgus seemeth to have been of this mind, that force ought to be mistress in all worldly matters, and that other things serve to no purpose if they want arms, which by a certain right of war that shall always continue amongst men, bring in subjection to conquerors the persons & goods of those whom they overcome. It seemeth also he thought, that there was never any true peace amongst men, but only in name, and that all Princes and people live in continual distrust one of another, and do nothing else for the most part but watch how to surprise each other, (as Plutark elegantly setteth it out) notwithstanding all leagues and goodly agreements that pass between them. Numa Numa referred all his laws to peace. Pompilius, second king of the Romans, clean contrary to Lycurgus, was so far in love with peace, and referred all his laws in such sort thereunto, that during his reign, there was neither war, nor civil dissension, nor any motion of novelty in the government of the commonwealth. Much less was there any enmity or envy conceived against him particularly, or conspiracy against his person through desire of ruling, but all occasions of war being extinguished and removed, the Temple of Janus The keeping of janus Temple shut, was a sign of peace among the Romans. was continually kept shut for the space of forty years, which was a sign of peace amongst the Romans. For not only at Rome the people were tractable through the example of the justice, clemency, & goodness of king Numa, but also in the towns round about there was a marvelous alteration of manners: insomuch that as the beams of a clear sun are dispersed abroad, so there was shed in the hearts of men a secret desire to live in peace, to labour the ground, to bring up their children quietly, and to serve and honour their gods. And Plutarch writeth in his life, that in his time there was nothing but feasts, plays, sacrifices, and banquets throughout all Italy: so that a man might say, that the wisdom of Numa was a lively fountain of all goodness and honesty, out of which many rivers issued to water all Italy, and that his peaceable prudence was communicated as it were from hand to hand unto the whole world. Now, although these two men have been greatly praised and commended for sundry rare virtues, yet all men approve not the extremities which they followed in this form of government. For as he is pernitions that moveth and continueth war only to subdue his neighbours, to enlarge the borders of his country, and to usurp The discommodities of a long peace. other men's right, which savoureth more of brutishness, than of humanity: so a long peace bringeth with it many discommodities, making men insolent commonly through too great prosperity, as also nice, lavish, and effeminate, through abundance of wealth and idleness. Therefore Plato, Aristotle and Polybius reprove Lycurgus, because he propounded only the exercise of the virtue of war to his Citizens, which is the least of those four, that are necessary for the establishment and preservation of every Empire: saying, that all his laws were well ordained to make men valiant, but not just, temperate, and prudent. On the other side, they that are too much affected to peace and quietness, weaken themselves by little and little before they be aware, and by their example mollify the courage of youth, whereby they lie open to the injuries of those that will invade them, and so lose their liberty, not being able to defend their persons and goods. But as the world is compounded of 4. elements, by Excellent comparisons between the composition of the world, and of every happy commonwealth. whose mixture it is so made, that it is both seen and touched, & withal is preserved in such love & concord, that it cannot be dissolved by any other than by him that made it: so every public Estate must be established by 4. virtues, by whose harmony & agreement it is preserved. And as the fire & the earth were first created to make the whole frame subject to sight & feeling, and then the water & the air mingled with them, that the dissimilitude of those extremes might be tempered according to proportion: so fortitude and justice are first required in the ordaining of commonwealths, because they cannot continue without law and strength, and next prudence and temperance being joined with them, moderate the rigour and remissness of both. Again, as by these natures of which all things are made, being dispersed above and beneath, and on all sides, the world is preserved and continued, so that light things are kept from ascending through the weight of heavy things, & contrariwise heavy things held aloft, that they fall not: so by these 4. virtues dispersed amongst men, a commonwealth well instituted & guided by discipline, is maintained. And although by reason of the variety and change of human affairs it cannot continue so long, & so adorned as the world, yet it will abide many years. Moreover, as the elements are bred one of another, & alter to & fro, going into, & returning continually from the first matter, which receiveth them into itself, for which cause they cannot be seen simple, but mixed: whereupon ariseth such a temperature of all things, that they wither not by drought, nor burn with heat, neither are overwhelmed with too great moisture, nor grow stiff with excessive cold: so these virtues whereby cities are instituted, must be mingled one with another, & agree together for their mutual preservation, wisdom being precedent over them in which they are all contained. For they cannot maintain themselves one without another, nor keep How the virtues are knit together and depend one of another. their vigour and dignity. Justice without temperance is rigour: fortitude separated from justice is rashness and cruelty, and without prudence justice is but craft and subtlety. To conclude, temperance without fortitude ought rather to be called cowardliness and niceness: whereby we see that they are so interlaced, and depend in such sort one of another, that they cannot be separated. If it fall out otherwise, that estate wherein such disorder taketh place, must of necessity be utterly overthrown or changed. Out of these learned philosophical discourses we will draw a very good lesson: namely, that in every Estate well instituted for continuance, this temperature of the four virtues must necessarily be kept, that men may be instructed how to govern themselves well both in time of peace and of war, and observe such a moderation therein, that knowing how to deal in both times, they may be ready and fit for war when necessity urgeth, having this Peace is to be preferred before war. end before them to attain to peace, which must always be preferred, as rest is before travel, and good before evil, as we shall easily understand by considering their contrary effects. It is certain that philosophy is best exercised The effects of peace. in time of peace. For when there is no trouble of war, the spirit is quiet, and fit for every honest kind of rest, so that arts and sciences go well forward, laws are in force, justice flourisheth, virtue showeth her effects better, vice languisheth, the zeal of piety increaseth, the discipline of the Church is authorized, both the noble and mean man preserveth and augmenteth his wealth, trade and traffic is free: briefly, every one receiveth good & commodity, The effects of war. and so consequently the whole body of the commonwealth. But if we look to those effects, which the time of war commonly bringeth forth, the desire of having is awakened, covetousness increaseth, justice falleth to the ground, force and violence beareth sway, spoiling reigneth, riot is set at liberty, wicked men are in authority, good men oppressed, innocency trodden under foot, maidens and wives deflowered, countries wasted, houses burnt, Churches destroyed, tombs broken down, goods spoiled, murders committed, all virtue banished from among men, vice honoured, the laws contemned and broken, the service of God forsaken, the estate of the Church derided, the nobility and people burdened with infinite charges and costs, all kind of trade hindered: briefly, there is no calamity or misery that aboundeth not in the commonwealth in time of war. We may What kingdom is happy. judge that kingdom happy, wherein the Prince is obedient to the law of God and nature, Magistrates to the Prince, private men to Magistrates, children to their fathers, servants to their masters, and subjects being linked in love one with another, & all of them with their Prince, enjoy the sweetness of peace, and true quietness of mind. But war is clean contrary thereunto, and soldiers are sworn enemies to that kind of life. For war maketh men War maketh men cruel, and peace gentle. barbarous, mutinous, and cruel, as peace maketh them courteous, and tractable. We read that Englishmen were in times passed so seditious and untameable, that not only their Princes could not do what they would, but also the English merchants were of necessity lodged apart by themselves. For so the town of Antwerp was constrained to do, where there was one house common for all merchant strangers, except Englishmen, who had a house by themselves, because they could not abide to be joined with others. The chief cause of that strange quality was because their country bordered upon two Estates and Nations that were their enemies: namely, upon the Frenchmen and Scots, with whom they had continual war: but since they concluded a peace, and joined in league with France and Scotland, they became very mild and civil. And contrariwise the Frenchmen, who were inferior to no nation whatsoever, in courtesy & humanity, are greatly changed from their natural disposition, and become savage since the civil wars began. The like (as Plutarch saith) happened to the Inhabitants of Sicilia, who by means of continual war grew to be like brute beasts. Archidamus king of Lacedemonia, knowing well the effects of peace and war here briefly touched by us, and hearing that the Elians sent succours to the Archadians to Archidamus letter to the Elians. war against him, took occasion to write unto them after the laconical manner, in steed of a long discourse. Archidamus to the Elians: Peace is a goodly thing. And another time he gave a notable testimony how far he preferred peace before war, when he made this answer to one that commended him, because he had obtained a battle against the foresaid Archadians: It had been better if we had overcome them by prudence rather than by force. The self same reason of loving peace, and of abhorring Cato misliked Caesar for breaking of peace. the breakers thereof, was the cause why Cato in a full Senate opposed himself against the request which Caesar's friends made, that the people should offer sacrifices by way of thanksgiving to the gods, for the notable victories which he had gotten against the Germans, of whom he had surprised and discomfited 300000. I am (said Cato) rather of this opinion, that he should be delivered into their hands whom he hath wronged without cause by violating the peace, which they had with the people of Rome, that they may punish him as they think good, to the end that the whole fault of breaking faith and promise with them, may be cast upon him alone, and not be laid upon the city, which is no cause at all thereof. And to say truth, wise men are greatly to fear all beginnings of war. For being in the end grown to some ripeness, after that some men wanting experience in worldly affairs, have rashly and unskilfully sown the seed thereof, hardly can the greatest and wisest kings pluck it up again without great labour and peril. Therefore they that are too desirous and hasty to begin war, pervert the order of reason: because they begin by execution and force, which ought to be last, after due consultation. But he deserveth greater honour and praise that procureth peace, and winneth the enemies hearts by love, than he that obtaineth victory by shedding their blood cruelly. For this Wherefore and when we must begin war. only reason (saith Cicero) we must begin war, that we may live in peace, and not receive wrong: but this must be done after we have required satisfaction for the injury offered. It was for these considerations that Photion, that great Athenian captain laboured to stop the war, which the people of Athens had determined to make against the Macedonians, at the persuasion of Leosthenes. Photion dissuaded the Athenians from war. And being demanded when he would counsel the Athenians to make war, when I see (quoth he) that the young men are fully resolved not to leave their ranks, that rich men contribute money willingly, and orators abstain from robbing the commonwealth. Nevertheless the army was levied against his counsel, and many wondering at the greatness and beauty thereof, asked him how he liked that preparation. It is fair for one brunt said Photion, but I fear the return and continuance of the war: because I see not that the city hath any other means to get money, or other Vessels and men of war, beside these. And his foresight was approved by the event. For although Leosthenes prospered in the beginning of his enterprise (whereupon Photion being demanded whether he would not gladly have done all those great and excellent things, answered that he would, but not have omitted that counsel which he gave) yet in the end he was slain in that voyage, the Grecian army overthrown by Antipater and Craterus two Macedonians, and the city of Athens brought to that extremity, that it was constrained to send a blank for capitulations of peace, and to receive within it a garrison of strangers. Thus it falleth out commonly to those that seek for war by all means, either by right or wrong. Every Prince The fruits of unjust war. that desireth it in that manner, stirreth up against himself both the hatred and weapons of his neighbours, he vexeth and grieveth his subjects unworthily, seeking rather to rule over them by violence, than to gain their good will by justice: he quite over-throweth his country, preferring dominion, and greatness of his own glory, before the benefit, quietness, and safety thereof: and oftentimes he diminisheth his own authority, and is brought in subjection to his enemies, whilst he laboureth to possess another man's right by force. Augustus' the Emperor When a war is lawful. said, that to have a good and lawful war, it must be commended by the Gods, and justified by the Philosophers. trajan never undertook unjust war. And Aelius Spartianus affirmeth, that trajan only of all the Roman Emperors was never overcome in battle, because he undertook no war, except the cause thereof was very just. But we may say, that no war between Christians is so justified, but that still there remaineth Antigonus' testimony of the injustice of war. some cause of scruple. The testimony of Antigonus the elder, wherein he accuseth himself, is very notable to show what great wickedness and injustice is in war, when he used this speech to a Philosopher that offered and dedicated unto him a treatise, which he had made of justice. Thou art a fool, my friend, to come and tell me of justice, when thou Caesar. seest me beat down other men's towns. Caesar answered little less to Metellus a Tribune of the people, who being desirous to keep him from taking the money that was in the common treasury, alleged unto him the laws that forbade it: to whom this Monarch replied, that the time of Famine and the plague follow war. war, and the time of laws were twain. Moreover, we see that famine and the pestilence commonly follow war. For the abundance of all things being wasted, want of victuals must of necessity succeed, whereupon many diseases grow. Briefly, it bringeth with it nothing but a heap of all evils and miseries, and easily draweth and allureth the violence and evil disposition of many to follow the Malcontents are glad of war. state of the time. For they that desire a change, are very glad of such an occasion to ground their platforms upon: which they could not do in time of peace, because men are then of a better judgement and affection, aswell Causes why the exercise of arms must always continue. in public as in private matters. But whatsoever we have spoken of the miseries that follow war, warlike discipline must not be suffered to degenerate in a commonwealth well established: seeing there is never want of evil neighbours that are desirous to encroach upon other men's borders, and seeing the laws, justice, subjects, and the whole state, are under the protection of arms, as it were under a mighty buckler. And forasmuch as the defence of our life, & pursuit of thieves is warranted both by the law of God, of nature, and of man, it followeth that the subjects must needs be trained up in feats of arms, both defensive and offensive, that they may be a buckler to the good, and a bar to the bad. Wherein the Augustus kept 40. legions in continual exercise of warlike discipline. example of Augustus is very notable, who in time of an assured peace would not dissolve and dismiss the forty legions, but sent them to the provinces & borders of those nations that were most barbarous to keep them in warlike discipline, and withal to take away as near as he Constantine the Great. could all occasion of civil war. Whereof Constantine the Great had sorrowful experience, when he discharged his bands of soldiers, whereby he opened the gates unto his enemies, who after that invaded the Roman Empire on all sides. For the conclusion therefore of our discourse, let us learn to desire peace rather than war, the one being a certain sign of the blessing of God upon his people, and the other of his wrath and malediction. Good considerations for a Prince. Let the Prince think with himself (as trajan wrote to the Senate) that he is called not to war, but to govern: not to kill his enemies, but to root out vices: not somuch to go forth to war, as to tarry in the commonwealth: not to take another man's goods from him, but to do justice to every one, especially considering, that in war a Prince can fight but in the place of one, at which time he is wanting to many in the commonwealth. And yet because the sword is put into the magistrate's hand, for the preservation of public peace, he cannot employ or use it better than in resisting, breaking, and beating down their attempts, that tyrannically seek to trouble it, being led with ambition and desire to enlarge their bounds with other men's right. Now, because the greater part of Potentates and neighbour Princes direct their purposes to this mark, it is very expedient and necessary in every well ordered Estate, that the youth, especially the nobility should be trained up and exercised in feats of arms, to the end that in time of necessity, and for common profit, they may be apt and ready to serve their Prince and Country. Of the ancient Discipline and order of war. Chap. 68 AMANA. But following our purpose, which is to discourse of the state of war, according to the small experience that our age affordeth, and our study hath gathered, we are now to speak (my Companions) of warlike discipline, which for the excellent order thereof used in ancient time, is so much the more worthy to be noted, as ours is to be contemned, for the great disorder that is seen in it. Therefore I leave the handling of this matter to you. ARAM. Discipline among soldiers is the cause that order is kept in all matters of war, which procureth in army's obedience and victory. ACHITOB. The unbridled licence that is used now adays among soldiers, breedeth such boldness in them, that all warlike discipline is supplanted thereby. But let us hear ASER discourse of this matter. ASER. If we appoint to every one (saith Socrates in Plato) his several art whereunto he is aptest by nature, and which he must use all his life time, forsaking all other trades, to the end that observing opportunities, he may discharge it the better, there is no doubt but that in warlike discipline, which is great deal more excellent than any other trade, greater leisure, greater cunning and It is not the weapon that maketh a warrior. practice is necessarily required. For if a man take a target, or some other warlike weapon and instrument in his hand, he is not by and by fit to fight, much less of sufficient courage to serve manfully, if he be not long before prepared thereunto by sound reasons and resolutions. It is no work of an hour, or of a day, to persuade men, that if they will get praise, they must settle themselves to sustain all travels, to assay all perils, and to hold this opinion constantly, that it is more to be desired to die fight in a good and just quarrel, than to escape with life by flying away. But that which From whence valour proceedeth. breedeth and nourisheth such thoughts in men's hearts, is the good education and institution of youth in the discipline of virtue, and in the knowledge of Fortitude and magnanimity, which are inseparably followed of honour and immortal glory: whereby all fear of enemies is taken away, and watching, traveling, suffering, obeying, well liked of, that they may bring to pass their noble enterprises. The Assyrians, Persians, Grecians, and Romans, whose deeds of arms are almost incredible, had always in singular recommendation the maintenance of warlike discipline: but their chief desire was to imprint Three things necessarily required in men of war. Good will cometh from good institution. these three things in the hearts of their soldiers, Willingness, reverence, and Obedience, of which things the happy conduct of all war dependeth. They that were well brought up and instructed in virtue, could not want good will to execute virtuous actions. Those Heads and Reverence from the wisdom and experience of captains. Leaders of armies that were well chosen, and had wisdom and experience, did by their wonderful virtue provoke every one to reverence them. Moreover, this maxim of war was diligently practised of the Heads: Obedience is wrought in them by the diligence of the Heads. namely, to make their soldiers more devout and obedient to their commandments, than affectionated to any other thing, how gainful soever it were. At this day, as the former education and instruction is wanting, so the heads and captains are insufficient. And from thence proceedeth the disorder and disobedience of men of war, whereupon loss of the battle, and destruction of the army followeth in steed of victory. But that we may begin to consider of this ancient warlike discipline, we will here only weigh the order of the Roman armies and battles, who excelled all Nations in feats of arms: and then we will look into that great obedience and severe rule of living, that was observed among the men of war. We shall not find in all the Roman Histories any battle of greater or more importance between the people of Rome, and any other nation, than that which they had with the Latins, when Torquatus and Decius were Consuls. For as the Latins by losing the battle were brought The virtue of the captains is much in war. into bondage, so should the Romans have been, if they had not won it. Titus Livius is of this opinion, who maketh both the armies in all respects alike, both for number, virtue, resolution and order, and putteth the difference only in the virtue of the captains, which he supposeth was greater on the Romans side, & so consequently cause of their victory. The likeness & equality of these two hosts proceeded of this, because they had long time followed & practised feats of arms together, using the same order, language, & weapons; & keeping the self same manner of ordering their battles, insomuch that both The ancient order of the Roman army. their orders & their captains had the same names. Now this was the order of the Roman army. Their whole host was divided into three principal parts, whereof the first consisted of pikemen, the second of the chief gentlemen & Lords, the third was called the rearward, & every part was chief compounded of footmen, being accompanied The Romans divided their army into three parts. with a certain number of horsemen. Their battles being ordered in this sort, they placed pikemen in the forward, right behind them were the noblemen, and in the third place behind they appointed their rearward, which they called by the name of Triariẏ. They had also certain troops of horsemen, both on the right & left side of every part of their army, whom they called wings, in respect of the place which they had, because they seemed to be the wings of that body. They set the forward close together in the forefront, that it might both break in upon the enemy, & sustain the onset. The battle, because it was not to fight first, but to secure the forward when it was either put to the worst or driven back, was not joined so close, but kept their ranks wider asunder, so that it might without disorder to itself receive the forward within it, if by any mishap or breach of array, it should be constrained to retire. The rearward had their ranks farther distant one from another than the battle, that it might be able to receive within it both the forward and the battle when need required. Their battles then being thus ranged, they began the skirmish, and if their pikemen were driven back and vanquished, they retired into the distances and void spaces of the noblemen. Then both of them being knit together in one, made one body of two battles, and so began the fight again. But if they both being joined together were put to the worst, they gathered themselves together in the wide and large ranks that were left for them in the rearward of the Triariẏ. And then these three parts joined in one renewed the fight, and so either lost or won the battle, being unable to repair themselves again. Therefore when the rearward entered into the conflict, the army was in danger: whereupon arose that proverb, Res redacta est ad Triarios, which is as much to say in English, as the matter is brought to the rearward, & to the extremity. Now the captains of these our times, having The benefit of this Roman order. forsaken all order of ancient discipline, make no account of this ordinance of war, although if it be well considered, it will be found a matter of great importance. For he that ordereth his host so that he may repair himself thrice in one battle, must have fortune his enemy three sundry times before he can lose it, and be utterly overthrown. Whereas he that trusteth only to the first encounter, as the most do at this day, offereth himself rashly unto danger and loss. For one only disorder, one small virtue may carry the victory from him. Now that which hindereth our armies from repairing themselves thrice, is the lack of skill to gather one battle into another. We also appoint only a forward and a main battle for the most part, & lay the hope & strength of the army upon the horsemen: whereas the Ancients made most account of the footmen. So that if the horsemen receiving the onset should have the repulse, and their array broken, the rest were easy to be dealt withal: beside, that commonly the footmen are disordered by their own horsemen, being compelled to retire. For this cause the Swissers, called by some masters of these late wars, when they purpose to fight, especially The wisdom of the Swissers fight on the Frenchmens side. on the Frenchmens side, are very careful to have the horsemen on the one side, and not to follow next after them, to the end that being wide of them, if by mishap they should be repulsed, yet they might not overrun Frenchmen losing the first encounter, lose also the victory. and disorder them. And this hath been oftentimes noted, that the Frenchmen according to the advantage or discommodity of the first brunt given by their forward or battle, have been partakers of the like issue and event afterward: so that if they were put to the worst in the first encounter, their enemy was in a manner assured of the victory. This caused Titus Livius to write in many places, that Frenchmen in the beginning of a battle Some armies are furious, and yet keep good order. are more than men, but in the end less than women. But that which causeth them to break their order so quickly, may be better known, if we set down here two kinds of armies, the one where there is fury and order, as there was in the Roman army, in which, according to the testimony of all histories, good order through continuance of time had planted such a warlike discipline, that nothing was done among them but by rule. They did neither eat, nor sleep, nor deal in any other warlike or private action, without the appointment of the Consul, or Head of the army. So that all virtue being thus settled amongst them, they exercised their fury by means, and as time and occasion served: neither could any difficulty arise, that could quail their resolution well begun, or cause them to be discouraged, Good order in armies is never without hope of victory. by reason of their good order, which refreshed them and strengthened their courage that was nourished with the hope of victory, which is never wanting as long as good orders are truly observed. But in the other kind of army In the French armies is fury without order. where fury beareth sway, and not order, as it falleth out often in the French armies, if victory doth not follow their first assay. For their fury, wherein their hope consisted, is not succoured with settled virtue, neither have they any other confidence but in their fury, so that as soon as they are somewhat cooled, and see never so little disorder and breach of array, they are presently discomfited. Contrariwise, the Romans being less afraid of perils, because of their good order, fought firmly and resolutely together without any distrust of the victory, being as courageous and virtuous in the end as in the beginning: yea the harder they were charged with weapons, the more were they inflamed and set on fire. Moreover, concerning their warlike discipline, it may easily be known by that speech which Titus Livius rehearseth of Papirius Cursor, who complained of the corruption that began to grow in their army, for the which he would have punished The ancient warlike discipline of the Romans. Fabius general of the horsemen. No man (saith he) beareth any reverence either to men, or to the gods. The Edicts of the captain, of the colonel, and of the soothsayers, are not observed. The soldiers go wandering up and down like vagabonds, both in countries that are at peace with us, and also in our enemies lands: they discharge themselves at their pleasure, and forget their oath. The ensigns are desolate, and not followed. Besides, they join not together as they are commanded, nor consider whether it be by day or by night, whether in a place of advantage, or of disadvantage. They fight without the captains commandment; they keep not their ranks and signs. Briefly, whereas war was wont to be solemn and sacred, it is disordered, inconsiderate, and guided at all adventure, after the manner of theeury. But as What manner of camp the ancient Romans had. long as warlike discipline took place among the ancient Romans, their camp was a school of honour, of sobriety, of chastity, of justice, & of all virtue, so that no man might revenge his own injuries, or proceed of himself peremptorily. They knew not what it was to live at discretion, much less to go a foraging, to rob, steal, beat or murder, Of the ancient obedience of soldiers to their captains. as men do now a days. And as touching obedience towards their captains, it was very wonderful. For they feared not to prefer it before the safety of their own lives, and before all victory. At the battle of Cannas the Roman knights seeing the consul alight and certain others with him because he was hurt, and thinking that he had commanded them all to do so, they presently left their horses, which was the cause of their overthrow. And this did Hannibal then declare with a loud voice, saying: I would not desire rather to have them delivered to me bound, than as they be. The executions that were showed upon the disobedient and offenders were full of rigour, Of the execution that was showed upon soldiers that offended. and the quality of their punishments marvelous strange. For the Heads of armies sometime sticked not to cause a whole legion to pass through the pikes, (which consisted of 6000. footmen, & 500 horsemen) for some The tithing of armies was most severe. notable fault committed by them. But among all their terrible executions, the tithing of armies was most severe, when every tenth man throughout a whole host was by lot put to death. No kind of punishment could be found that was more fearful for the correcting of a multitude than this, which they practised especially when the chief author, and they that were the procurers of some notorious fact, were not known. For than it had been too much to have chastised the whole company: and if some had been corrected, and others left unpunished, innocents peradventure should have suffered, and the guilty escaped scotfree. Whereas by tithing they that were punished, could not complain but of the lot: and the rest were kept in fear, lest the like faults should fall out again amongst them. Whereupon they observed one another, that as many as did not their duty might be How captains were punished if they offended known and chastised. The captains and Heads of armies were no less rigorously handled by them that had the sovereignty of the Estate, if they did capitulate, or make any agreement with the enemies, to the detriment and disadvantage of the commonwealth. For they sent them back again naked, and not the Heads only, but also all that had any charge in the army, and consented to the composition, that the enemies might return upon their heads all the sin of breaking that oath which they had taken, and that appointment which they had sworn to. The Emperor Aurelius laboured earnestly to bring in again the ancient discipline of war, and to Aurelius' letter to a Tribune touching warlike discipline. cause it to be strictly observed: whereof his letter is a sufficient testimony, being written by him to a Tribune of war, in these words. If thou wilt be a Tribune, or rather if thou wilt live, restrain the soldiers hands, that none steal another man's hen, or touch his sheep. Let no man take a grape, or spoil and tread down the corn. Let no man exact of his Oast oil, salt, or wood: but let every one be content with his allowance. Let them enrich themselves with the pray of their enemies, and not with the tears of our subjects. Let their armour be glazed and clean: their hose and shoes good and strong. Let new apparel drive away the old: and let them keep their wages in their purse, and not spend it in taverns. Let them lay aside bracelets and rings. Let every one dress his own horse, and one help another. Let the physicians and chirurgeons look to them without money, and let soothsayers have nothing given them. Let them live chastened in their Oasts houses: and let such as are mutinous and given to quarreling, be punished and corrected. Let them trench their camp every day as if they were near their enemy. Behold surely an excellent form of warlike discipline expressed in The corruption of warlike discipline in these days. few words, which is so far from our behaviour, that the people in these days would think they were favourably dealt withal, if the soldiers took no more from them, but that which this emperor forbiddeth his to take upon pain of life. And truly the unmeasurable licence that is granted them, causeth the soldier to enter into the field only to spoil and rob, and to eschew the fight. And in stead of helping one another, and taking care every one of his own horse, there is not a soldier so beggarlike, but will have his four lackeys: so that a thousand soldiers in these days will be more chargeable to the people, than twenty thousand that are well ordered would Aurelius punished adultery and theft committed by his soldiers, with death. be. If a Roman soldier had committed adultery with his Oasts wife, Aurelius caused him to be torn in sunder with two trees bowed down one against another. It was death also to take an egg. If he went out of his rank whilst the army marched, he had the bastonnado. Oftentimes for one simple fault a whole Legion was discharged and the captain severely punished: and yet for all this rigour, the soldiers loved the Emperor as their father. He also gave them their pay well and truly, and rewarded liberally such as did their duty. This is the way True payment of soldiers redresseth many disorders amongst them. to redress so many disorders and calamities as are seen in our armies, and to restore in some sort that warlike discipline which is abolished. For soldiers allege this as an excuse for all their wicked deeds, that they are not paid, and many would not be paid, that so they might cloak their robberies. When the small tax, and since that the payment of fifty thousand footmen, was laid upon the subjects, the king promised to employ that money upon no other use, than upon the payment of his men of war, as also to keep that money apart from his ordinary receipts. But because this is not duly observed, the people are doubly vexed: for they pay their money, and yet are polled on all sides. Notwithstanding all these ordinary charges, the poor peasants would think themselves happy if they were discharged by erecting victualling tents for the men of war, as they have been forced to do of late years. Now what good issue can be hoped for, when the soldiers through an unbridled licence, sack, spoil, and burn the poor subjects? This hath always been seen, that houses, families, kingdoms and Empires, have come to ruin and poverty, because the poor were contemned and the subjects given over to the robberies of soldiers. The unruliness of the Praetorian soldiers. The immoderate licence of the Praetorian soldiers (who were to the emperors as the janissaries are to the Turk) and of other men of war was no small help to overthrow the Roman Empire. For taking upon them to elect Emperors at their pleasure, one was chosen in one army and an other elsewhere, and presently murdered by those that had elected them. Their insolency also caused seditions and civil wars, whereupon those kingdoms and countries that were under the Roman obedience, revolted. And it cometh to pass oftentimes, that their unruly behaviour incenseth the people in such sort against them, that their destruction followeth. As it happened to all the Frenchmen that were in the isle of Sicilia, in the year 1281. upon Easter day, at the first peal to evensong, at what time they were all put to death by a secret conspiracy for their insolences and whoredoms: whereupon this proverb doth yet remain amongst us, The Sicilian The Sicilian evensong. evensong. There is no corner of this kingdom where the people being half mad through the injuries received from the men of war, have not committed infinite and cruel massacres. We may not here forget to propound the wise and warlike discipline of belizarius, lieutenant belizarius. general to the Emperor Justinian, who for valour and temperance was equal to the ancient Romans (as histories testify of him) which was the cause that he reconquered all Italy possessed by the Barbarians. Not long since during the war of Piedmont (which was a very school of virtue, The mild wane of Piedmont. and of warlike knowledge) the peasant, husbandman, and artificer, were suffered quietly at their work, the war continuing between warriors only for the possession, and not the ruin of the country. And as the people were then glad to receive amongst them such armies, so they despair no less at this day, because all warlike discipline, all policy both divine and human, is in such sort extinguished, yea all kind of humanity and society The cruelty of these late French wars. which is to be seen amongst barbarous people, that it is lawful for Frenchmen to sack, spoil, and put to ransom Frenchmen that are many times of the same side, faith and condition, and that without punishment. But let us not look for prosperity and good success in our enterprises, before there be some other order and discipline observed. The end of the seventeenth days work. THE EIGHTEENTH days work. Of the office and duty of a general. Chap. 69. ASER. THose men commonly prosper in their affairs that understand them thoroughly, and manage them well & diligently: considering advisedly what hath been heretofore, that they may in some sort judge of that which is to come, because all worldly things have evermore some agreement with the ages past. Which cometh of this, that being the works of men, they have had, and will always have like forms, and therefore must of necessity have like effects. But the cause of the good or evil success of men (in respect of man's nature) consisteth in this, that the means Time and occasion are diligently to be weighed in all matters. and manner of proceeding jump with the time, wherein the very condition thereof, and the occasion offered, is diligently to be observed. And if this consideration taketh place in all private affairs, it is much more necessary in war, wherein a light fault oftentimes procureth loss & The good or ill success of an army dependeth of the captain. overthrow to a whole army, whose good or ill hap dependeth of the head and leader thereof, according as he is either worthy or unworthy of his charge. My opinion therefore is (my companions) that we allege in this place whatsoever we know belongeth to his duty and office. I propound now the discourse of this matter to you. AMANA. Men disdain commonly to obey such as know not how to command well. Therefore every general of an army ought to labour carefully, that men may behold and see a certain greatness, magnanimity & constancy in all his doings. ARAM. A general must be had in estimation of his soldiers, and of that reputation, that they may give credit to his prudence: otherwise an army doth quickly become rebellious, and troublesome to be guided. But let us learn more amply of ACHITOB whatsoever concerneth this matter. ACHITOB. A captain must not offend twice in war. Lamachus a great Athenian captain said, that no man must offend twice in war, because the faults are of so great weight, that for the most part they bring with them the overthrow of the state, or loss of life to those that commit them, and therefore that it was a hard and dangerous matter to have experience thereof. So that Prudence gotten by use must be hastened forward by knowledge. Prudence gotten by use ought to be hastened forward, because it is dearly bought, & so long a coming, that oftentimes death preventeth it. It must be hastened forward by the diligent inquiry of those things that have fallen out both before & since our time, that we may become wise by other men's perils. For this cause it is very necessary, that whosoever taketh upon him the honour of guiding an army, should exercise his mind as much in science, and in the knowledge of histories, as he doth his body in all martial acts, that so he may diligently observe the deeds of famous personages, see how they governed themselves in wars, and examine the causes of their victory, thereby to fly the one and to follow the other. And because it is against reason, that a well armed man should obey him that is unarmed, or that they should take the rudder out of the Pilots hand to save the ship in a storm, that have no skill in seafaring matters; it is very requisite that whosoever No man ought to be general before he have obtained the renown of a valiant man. undertaketh to command an army, should first have gotten a good report of all men for his valour and greatness of courage, whereby his authority will be reverenced, as being bestowed upon one that is worthy of it: forasmuch as titles of dignity do not honour men, but men are an ornament to titles. Now if soldiers have conceived a good opinion of the desert and valour of their captain, it will be as a sharp spur to prick them forward in well doing, and cause them to honour & to love his commandments. For true zeal of virtue, that is to say, the desire to imitate it, is not imprinted in men's hearts, but through a singular good will & reverence towards that party that worketh the impression. It was not then without good cause, that the ancients greatly esteemed the dignity of a General, being joined with prows, knowledge & experience: seeing the happy or unhappy events of war ordinarily depend thereof (next to the chief cause proceeding from God) as we showed yesterday what Titus Livius wrote of the battle between Cimon preferred an army of hearts before an army of Lions. the Romans & the Latins. For this reason Cimon a great man of Athens said, that he had rather have an army of hearts guided by a Lion, than an army of Lions having a Hart for their captain. Now if we desire to understand in few words what manner of men are most worthy of such charges, we may learn it by the answer that one of the wise Interpreters made to Ptolemy concerning this matter: What captains are worthiest of their charge. They (said he) that excel in prowess and justice, and prefer the safety of men's lives before victory. But to discourse more particularly of the duty and office of the head of an army, Valerius corvinus general of the Romans against the Samnites, to whom he was ready to give battle, encouraged his soldiers to do well in few words, and taught every one how he should proceed to obtain the place and corvinus Oration to his soldiers. degree of a captain. A man must consider well (quoth he unto them) under whose conduction he entereth into battle: whether under one that can cause himself to be heard as if he were some goodly orator, that hath a brave tongue, but otherwise is a novice and unskilful in all points of war, or under such a one as hath skill himself to handle his weapon, to March first before the ensigns, and to do his duty in the hottest of the fight. I would not, soldiers, that ye should follow my words, but my deeds. I set before you an example joined with instruction and discipline, as he that hath gotten three Consulships with this arm, not without exceeding praise. Hereby we learn, that the ancient captains and Heads of armies had this laudable custom Captains used in old time to make Orations to their soldiers. to make Orations to their men of war, thereby to make them more courageous, as appeareth in all histories both Greek and Latin. This fashion is now lost together with the rest of warlike discipline: at least wise there is no account made of it in France, whereupon it cometh to pass, that many great men are but badly followed and served in war. For as he that standeth in need of the faithful service of men ought to win them rather by gentleness and good turns, than by authority and rigour: Captain's ought to make much of their soldiers. so he that would have prompt and resolute soldiers for war, that he may use their service in time of need, must make much of them, and allure them to his obedience by liberality, and by good and gracious speeches. For in truth they must be good friends and affectionate servitors unto a man, that setting all excuses aside (of which there is never any want) are to fight for him: they must neither be envious at his prosperity, nor traitorous in his adversity. And there is no doubt but that in a matter of great importance, the grave exhortations The benefit of making Orations to soldiers. of a general, grounded upon good reasons and examples greatly encourage and hearten a whole army, in so much that it will make them as hardy as Lions, that before were as fearful as sheep. Moreover, if he that is esteemed and judged to be valiant and nobleminded, showeth forth effects answerable thereunto, he doubteth the courage and strength of his army: as contrariwise, the least show of cowardliness, discouragement or astonishment showed by him, draweth after it the utter ruin of his soldiers. But to return to the duty and office of a good captain of an army, as the best work that a man can do, is first to be honest and virtuous: and than to take order that himself and his family may have abundantly all things necessary for this life: so every wise and well advised leader of men of war, must A good captain must be always furnished with munitions and victuals. dispose and prepare himself to the same end, and foresee that nothing be wanting unto them, neither munitions of war, nor victuals. He must not think to make new provision when necessity urgeth him, but even than when he is best furnished, he must be careful for the time to come. Whereby taking away all occasion of complaining from the soldier, he shall be better beloved and obeyed, and more feared and redoubted of his enemies. To this purpose Cyrus' Oration to his captains. Cyrus said to his chief men of war: My friends I rejoice greatly that you and your men are contented that ye have abundance of all things, and that we have wherewith to do good to every one according to his virtue. Notwithstanding we must consider what were the principal causes of these good things, and if ye look narrowly ye shall find, that watching, travel, continuance in labour, and diligence have given us these riches. Therefore ye must show yourselves virtuous also hereafter, holding this for certain, that ye shall obtain great store of riches and contentation of mind by obedience, constancy, virtue, sustaining of travel, and by courage in A good captain must never suffer his army to be idle. virtuous and perilous enterprises. Moreover a good captain of an army must be very careful, that he never suffer his host to be idle, but cause his soldiers either to annoy the enemy, or to do themselves good. It is a burdensome thing to nourish an idle body, much more a whole family, but especially an army, and not to keep them occupied. His meaning that warreth of necessity, or through ambition, is to get or to keep that which is gotten, and to proceed in such sort, that he may enrich, and not impoverish his country. Therefore both for conquering, and for the maintenance and preservation of that which is his own already, he must necessarily beware of unprofitable expenses, and do all things for common commodity. So that who so ever would thoroughly put in practise these two War ought to be speedily ended. points, he had need to follow that custom, which the ancient Romans used, namely, at the beginning to make them short and terrible, as we use to say. For entering into the field with great power and strength, they dispatched their war speedily within few days: insomuch that all their journeys made against the Latins, Samnites, & Tuscans were ended, some in six, others in ten, and the longest in twenty days. And although afterward they were constrained to keep the fields a longer time, by reason of the distance of places and countries, yet they did not therefore give over the following of their first purpose, but ended as soon as they could, their enterprises of war by quick battles, according as place and time suffered. True it is, that a prudent captain must be skilful to take the enemy at advantage: but if it be so that he cannot, the better A good captain must not be over venturous. and more virtuous man he thinks himself and those that follow him to be, so much the more pains is required of him for his own and their preservation, as men use to keep safely those things which they account dearest, and to lay them up in a sure place. The dignity of a Head of an army, is in truth greatly to be accounted of, especially when it is joined with prowess and experience, the chief point whereof is to save him that must save all the rest. Therefore Timotheus an Athenian captain, (and Chares A General must not rashly hazard himself. also an other captain) showed one day openly unto the Athenians, the scars of many wounds which he had received in his body, and his shield also that was spoiled and thrust through with many bushes of a pike: but now (quoth he) I am of another mind. For when I besieged the city of Samos I was very much ashamed that an arrow shot from the walls fell hard by me, being then too venturous a young man, and hazarding myself more rashly than became the Head of so great an army. And yet when it greatly profiteth the whole enterprise, and is When he ought to venture himself. a matter of no small importance, that the general of the army should put his life in danger, than he must yield, and employ his person, not sparing himself, or giving place to their words who say, that a good and wise captain ought to die of age, or at least to be old. But where small benefit ariseth if he prosper well, and contrariwise, an universal loss and general hurt to all, if any thing but well betid him, no wise man will require it, or be of the opinion, that he should venture himself as a common soldier doth, whereby he being the general should be in danger of destruction. And yet in the mean while he must not be less careful over the safety of those valiant men that follow him, or thrust them into danger but very Antoninus' preferred the life of one citizen before the death of a thousand enemies. warily, remembering the saying of that good emperor Antoninus, that he had rather save one citizen, than put a thousand enemies to death. The answer of Scipio was very like it, when he was earnestly requested by the soldiers at the siege of Numantia to give an assault. I had rather (quoth he) have Scipio would have all ways tried before the sword were used in war. the life of one Roman, than the death of all the Numantines. He used also to say, that all things ought to be assayed in war before the sword be taken in hand. And in deed there is no greater victory than that which is gotten without shedding of blood. Sylla, Tiberius, Caligula and Nero had no skill, but to command and to kill: but that good Augustus, Titus and trajan, were always ready to solicit, to When Augustus would have battle given. request, and to agree by forgiving. Augustus also said, that although a prince were mighty, yet if he were wise, he would never give battle unless there were more apparent profit in the victory, than loss if the enemy should overcome. And in deed he never gave battle but upon Narses always wept the night before he gave battle. necessity. We read of that great captain Narses, who subdued the Goths, vanquished the Bactrians, and overcame the Germans, that he never gave his enemies battle, but he wept in the Temple the night before. Theodosius the Emperor suffered not his men to assault any town, nor to lay siege unto it before ten days were passed, causing this proclamation to be made unto them, that he granted these ten days to the end they might accept and taste of his clemency before they had experience of his power. It is a common saying, that it is not enough for a captain to know how to lead his men well to the fight, unless he foresee also the means to retire and to Two faults to be eschewed of every captain. save them in time of need. And it is no less fault in a captain to fall into an inconvenience unlooked for, than through too much mistrust to let slip an occasion of doing some great exploit when it is offered. For want of experience breedeth rashness in the one, and taketh away boldness from the other. Neither must a good captain A good General must always sear the worst. only use present occasion well, but he must also judge wisely of that which is to come, distrusting always the doubtful issue of all enterprises of war. For this cause the ancient Generals of armies, both Greeks and Latins never marched but in armour, nor encamped, although they were far from their enemies, but they closed their camp round about with a trench. And when Leonidas was demanded the reason hereof, he answered, because as the sea hath his sands, gulfs, and rocks, so hath war his, I had not thought it, a dangerous speech in a captain. among which none is more perilous and hurtful than this of, I had not thought it. Among other things necessary in a captain, the knowledge of nature, and of the situation of places is very requisite: which is to know how the mountains are lift up, how the valleys hang, how the champion fields are A good captain must have skill to discern the situation of places. couched together, and to know the nature and course of rivers, & the breadth of marshes. This is profitable in two respects. First a man learneth thereby to know his own country, & so to be more skilful to defend it. Secondly, having by that means had good practice of the seat of that country, he may easily conceive the situation of another place, of which sometime he must necessarily consider. So that if a General be wanting herein, he is destitute of the chief virtue which a good captain ought to have. For it is that which teacheth him to find out the enemy, to encamp The benefit of Geometry in a General. himself, to guide an host, to set his men in array for the battle, and to take the advantage at the siege of a town. Among other great praises that authors give to Philopaemenus▪ Philopaemenus in time of peace studied the discipline of war. prince of the Acheans, they forget not this, that in time of peace he studied diligently how he might war more skilfully. And when he was in the fields with his friends, he would stand still many times and confer with them, using such like speeches: If the enemy were in this mountain and we here with our camp, who should have the advantage, & how might we seek him out, marching on in battle? If we would retire, how should we do? If they retired, how should we follow them? Thus in the way he set before them all the chances that might happen to a camp: then he would hear their opinions, and after set down his own, confirming it with reasons. This he did so well, that by reason of these continual disputations and cogitations, no hindrance could befall him when he guided an army, which he could not redress▪ Xenophon showeth in Cyrus his life, that being ready to set forward in that Cyrus resembleth his going to war to hunting. voyage which he undertook against the king of Armenia he said familiarly to his men, that this journey was but one of those huntings which they had so often practised with him. He willed those whom he sent to lie in ambush upon the mountains, to remember when and how they went to pitch their nets upon the small hills: and to those that went to begin the skirmish, he said, that they resembled such as went to rouse a beast out of his den, to drive him to their nets. This noble Prince showed well that his Hunting is an image of war. exercise of hunting was not unprofitable unto him (as in deed it is a true pattern of war) but that it did help him greatly to judge of the nature and seat of those places which he frequented in his countries. And because all lands are like in some things, the perfect knowledge of one country (which often use of hunting bringeth) may P. Decius. help one to judge well of an other. Publius Decius Tribune of the soldiers in the army which Cornelius the consul led against the Samnites, beholding the Roman host brought into a valley where they might easily be enclosed of the enemies, went to the consul and said, do you mark, O Cornelius, the top of this mountain above our enemy? It is the fortress of our hope and safety if we make haste to take it, seeing the blind Samnites have forsaken it. We see then how profitable, yea how necessary it is for a captain to know the being and nature of countries, which helpeth a man much in that principal point touched before by me, namely, to compel his enemies to fight when he perceiveth that he is the stronger, and hath the advantage of them: & if he be the weaker, to keep himself from such places where he may be compelled C. Marius never gave his enemies occasion to force him to fight. thereunto. This is that whereby Caius Marius, who was six times consul, got the renown to be one of the greatest captains in his time. For although he were general of many armies, and fought three great battles, yet was he so wary in all his enterprises, that he never gave his enemies occasion to set upon him, and to force him to fight. And that was a notable answer which he made to the general of his enemies, who willed him to come out of his camp to battle, if he were such a great captain as men reported him to be. Not so (quoth he) but if thou art the great captain compel me to it whether I will or no. This is one thing also wherein the Head of an army The captains of an army must be very secret. must be very vigilant, that all secrecies be closely kept among the captains of his host. For great affairs never have good success when they are discovered before they take effect. To this purpose Suetonius saith, that no man ever heard julius Caesar say, To morrow we will do that, and to I. Caesar very secret in time of war. day this thing: but, we will do this now, and as for to morrow we will consider what is then to be done. And Plutarch saith in his treatise of policy, that Lucius Metellus being demanded L. Metellus. by a captain of his when he would give battle, said, If I were sure that my shirt knew the least thought in my heart, I would presently burn it, and never wear any other. Therefore affairs of war may be handled and debated Affairs of war must be debated by many, but concluded by few. of by many, but the resolution of them must be done secretly, and known of few men: otherwise they would be sooner disclosed and published, than concluded. Notwithstanding it is very necessary, that the General should oftentimes call a council, so that it be of expert and ancient men, and of such as are prudent and void of rashness. Urgent occasions in war require short deliberation. But in all cases of necessity a man must not stand long in seeking for reason, but suddenly set upon them. For many times sundry captains have undone themselves in wars upon no other occasion, but because they lingered in taking counsel, when they should without loss of time have wrought some notable enterprise. Moreover, for the instruction and pattern of the duty and office of a good Head and captain of an army, we can allege Cato a notable pattern for all captains to follow. none more worthy to be imitated than Cato of Utica, a Consul of Rome, who had the guiding of a legion when he first took charge upon him. For from that time forward he thought, that it was not royal or magnifical to be virtuous alone, being but one body: & therefore he studied to make all that were under his charge like himself. Which that he might bring to pass, he took not from them the fear of his authority, but added reason thereunto, showing and teaching them their duty in every point, and always joining to his exhortations reward, for those that did well, and punishment for such as did evil. So that it was hard to say, whether he had made them more apt for peace or for war, more valiant or more just, because they were so stout and eager against their enemies, and so gentle and gracious to their friends, so fearful to do evil, and so Pompey. ready to obtain honour. The virtue of Pompey is also worthy to be followed of every great captain, f or the temperance that was in him, for his skill in arms, eloquence in speech, fidelity in word, as also because he was to be spoken with, and so lovingly entertained every one. And if How Cato divided the spoils. with these things the example of the same Cato be followed in his prudent liberality, and division of the spoils and riches of the enemies, that captain that so behaveth himself shall deserve eternal praise, and please all those that follow him. For when this virtuous captain had taken many towns in Spain, he never reserved more for himself then what he did eat and drink there. He delivered to every one of his soldiers a pound weight of silver, saying that it was better that many should return to their houses from the war with silver, than a few with gold: and as for the captains he said, that during their charges and governments they should not grow and increase in any thing but in honour and glory. For the conclusion therefore of our speech, we note, that a general of an army desirous to be obeyed (which is necessary) must behave himself so, that his soldiers may think him worthy to provide and care for their necessary affairs. Which thing will come to pass, when they see that he is courageous & careful, that he keepeth his place and the majesty of his degree well, that he punisheth offenders, and laboureth not his men in vain, but is liberal, and performeth his promises made unto them. Of the choice of soldiers, of the manner how to exhort them to fight, and how victory is to be used. Chap. 70. ACHITOB. A Gamemnon general captain of the Grecians before Troy, speaking of Achilles, and being grieved because he refused to secure them, having been offended by him, said, That a One godly man in a camp is in place of many. man beloved of God, is in the place of many men in a camp, and far better than a whole company that is unruly, and cannot be governed but with great pain and care. This reason was the cause that good men heretofore were greatly honoured in war, and much sought after by great captains, because they were very religious, and undertook nothing before they had prayed to their gods, and offered sacrifices after the manner of their country. Also after they had done some Soldiers ought to begin their war with prayer▪ and end with praise & thanksgiving. great exploit, they were not slothful to give them thanks, by offerings and hymns song to their praise. But all these good considerations have no more place amongst us, than the rest of their warlike discipline, principally in that no regard is had what manner of men are to be used in service, but only how a great number may be had. And many times he that is known to be a bold murderer, and given over to all wickedness, shall be preferred to an office before an honest man: and which is more, we despise our own countrymen, whom the welfare of our country concerneth as well as ourselves, and rather trust strangers and hirelings, who seek nothing but destruction, so that we ourselves also bewail, but too late, the mischiefs that have light upon us. For this cause I propound unto you (my companions) to discourse upon, the election and choice which is to be considered of, in taking such men of war to whom a man may safely commit himself: & if you think good, you may speak somewhat also of the manner of exhortation to fight used by the ancients, because I touched it by the way in my former discourse: & lastly how victory ought to be used, which commonly followeth good order and discipline of war, whereof we have hitherto discoursed. ASER. Why a man must use his own subjects in war. Forasmuch as the chief force of an army consisteth in the sincere and constant good will of the soldiers towards him for whom they fight, it is not to be sought for elsewhere than in his own natural subjects, to whom prosperity and good success is common with the Prince. AMANA. My friends (quoth Cyrus to his men of war) I have chosen you, not because I have had proof heretofore of your manhood, but because from my young years I have known you ready to do those things, which we in this country account honest, and to eschew all dishonesty. This cannot be truly said of strangers never seen before, who come out of their country to enrich themselves with the overthrow of their neighbours. But it belongeth to thee ARAM to handle this matter here propounded unto us. ARAM. If we consider diligently of the causes, from whence came the ruin of the Roman Empire, we shall find, that those means which the wisest Emperors invented for the safety and preservation thereof, turned in the end to the destruction of it. First the ordinary armies placed by Augustus near to Rome, & in the borders of his estate, Three causes from whence proceeded the ruin of the Roman empire. overthrew many of his successors, & even the empire itself, which they would sometimes set to sale, & deliver up to him that gave most for it. Next, the translation of the empire, which Constantine the great made from Rome to Byzantium, afterward called by his name Constantinople, thereby to make it more sure against the Persians & other people of Asia, greatly hastened forward the overthrow of the same. For when he carried thither the chief strength and The division of the empire weakened the same. wealth of Rome, & divided the empire into the East and West, he weakened it very much, so that the West was first destroyed, and then the East: which if they had continued united and knit together, might for a long time, and in a manner for ever, have resisted all invasions. Thirdly, when the emperors thought to strengthen themselves with strange, hired, & foreign power, called to their succour, as namely the Goths, thereby weakening their own forces and natural strength of the Empire, they put ere they were aware, Rome and Italy, and consequently the other provinces into the hands of the Barbarians. Yea we find, that the greatest calamities that ever happened to commonwealths divided, was when the Citizens were severed Dangerous to an Estate to call in foreign succours. among themselves, and called in strangers to help them, who using often to go that way, at the last made themselves masters over them. The Germans called by As appeareth by the Sequani. the Sequani to their succour against those of Autun, compelled them to deliver half their land unto them: and at length they droove away all the natural people of the country, and became Lords of the greatest part of the Gauls territory. But not to go so far off, it is high time for us to grow wise by our own peril. The factions of the By the Frenchmen. houses of Orleans and of Burgundy, called in the Englishmen into France, who by this mean set such footing therein, that they possessed a great part thereof a long time after. What lacked in our time why the Frenchmen blinded & carried away with partialities (and God grant they may thoroughly know it) did not bring their country to that extremity of miseries, as to submit it to the service and slavery of a strange yoke, under the colour of begging help at their hands? What letted why there was not played among us, of us, and by us, the cruelest & most sorrowful tragedy that ever was, when men came hither from all quarters to behold the sight? Would not a man have thought, that both great and small had wittingly purposed to overthrow the goodliest & most noble kingdom of the world, and themselves withal, and so in the end have shamefully lost the glory and renown, which their Ancestors had worthily gotten for them? Now, if any good hap hath turned this tempest from us against our wills, at the least let us call to mind the danger whereinto we had willingly cast ourselves, and let us not forget the admonition that was given us by those barbarous fellows, whose captains and Counsellors asked us why we called them in, when a little before their departure out of this kingdom, they were complained unto for the extortions The end that foreign soldiers propound to themselves. and cruelties which their men practised. What think you (said they) is the intent and purpose of our men in following us, but to enrich themselves with your overthrow? Agree among yourselves, and never call us more, except ye mind to taste of that which shall be worse. But let us enter into the particular consideration of the peril and hurt that cometh by foreign and mercenary soldiers, that we may know whom we ought rather to use. The arms wherewith a Prince defendeth his country, are either his own, or hired of strangers, or sent to his succour by some Prince his friend, or else mingled of both together. They that maintain, that it is necessary for the prosperity and preservation of every happy commonwealth, not to use Reasons why foreign force is worth nothing. foreign help, say, that hired force and secure of strangers is worth nothing, but rather dangerous, and that if a Prince think to ground the assurance of his Estate upon foreign force, he cannot safely do it. For they agree not easily together, they do all for profit, and will be neither well ordered nor obedient. On the other side, they are not over-faithfull, they are all in their bravery among friends, but heartless among enemies. They neither fear God, nor are faithful to men. The reason hereof is this, because no love, nor any other occasion holdeth them but pay, and hope of spoil. Which is no sufficient cause to move them to die willingly in his service, whose subjects they are not, and The cause of the last destruction of Italy. whose ruin they desire, rather than his increase. The last destruction of Italy came by no other thing, than because it trusted a long time to foreign and hired forces, which brought some things to pass for some men, but as soon as another stranger came, they showed what they were. Heereuppon it came, that King Charles the eight easily overran all Italy with chalk, as we use to speak, that is to say, that without resistance he sent before to take up his lodging, because they that should have withstood him, and were called in to keep the country, did of their own accord take his part. But there is a further matter. Strange hired captains either are excellent men, or have nothing in them. If they be The discommodity of bringing in hired captains. valiant, the Prince is not to trust them. For out of doubt they will seek to make themselves great, either by his overthrow that is their Master, or by destroying others against his will. And if the captains have no valour in them, he cannot hope for any thing but for the cause of his own perdition. Succour is most hurtful to an Estate, when some Potentate is called in with his forces for aid and defence. Those soldiers may well be good and profitable for themselves, but are always hurtful to such as call them in. For if a man lose the field, he is overthrown: if he win it, he is their prisoner. Such succour is a great deal more to be feared, than hired strength, which obeyeth the Prince that calleth them, and requireth their help. But when a man receiveth in an army united, and accustomed to obey the captain that conducteth and bringeth them in, his destruction Dangerous for a Prince to call in a Potentate to secure him. is already prepared, and cannot be avoided, who openeth the door of his own house to let in an enemy stronger than himself. Therefore it were expedient for every Prince to try all ways before he have recourse to such men for help and secure. And whosoever shall read and consider well the times that are past, and run over the present state of things, he shall see, that whereas one prospered well, an infinite number were deceived and abused. For a commonwealth, or an ambitious Prince, could not wish to have a better occasion whereby to get the possession of a city, signory, or province, than when he is required to send his army to defend it. But what? The ambition, desire of revenge, or some other affection of men is so great, that to accomplish once their present will, they forget all duty, and cast behind them the care of all danger and inconvenience whatsoever, that may light upon them. The Herules, Goths, and Lumbards' by these Examples of the change of estates by means of foreign succour. means became Lords of Italy: the Frenchmen of the Gauls country, the Englishmen of great Britain, the Scots of Scotland after they had driven out the Britons and Picts, who called them in for secure. The Turks made themselves Lords of the East Empire, and of the kingdom of Hungary, being likewise required of help by the Emperors of Constantinople, and by the States of Hungary. Not long since Cairadin a Pirate, being called by the Inhabitants of Alger to drive the Spaniards out of the fortress, after he had vanquished them, he slew Selim Prince of the town, and made himself king, leaving the Estate to his brother Arradin Barberossa. And Saladine a Tartarian captain, being called by the Calipha and Inhabitants of Cairo to drive the Christians out of Soria, after the victory slew the Calipha, and became absolute Lord thereof. The foresight which the Princes of Germany had Charles the fift, bound by oath not to bring any foreign soldiers into Germany. of the peril and hurt that all strangers bring to an Estate, caused them to bind the Emperor Charles the fift, by the twelfth article of conditions, unto which he swore before he received the imperial crown, that he should not bring in any foreign soldiers into Germany. And yet through the great number of Spaniards, Italians, and Flemings that came into the country, being called in against the Protestants, there wanted little of changing the Estate of Almaigne into an hereditary kingdom. Which had been soon done if king Henry the second had not stayed it by his French power, for which cause he was called by books published, and arches erected in their country, Protector of the Empire, and deliverer of the Princes, who since have concluded among themselves, that they will never choose a Charles 7. made decrees for French soldiers. foreign Prince. Charles the seventh king of France, having by his great good success and virtue, delivered France of Englishmen, and knowing well that it was necessary for him to be furnished with his own forces, instituted the decrees of horsemen, and of the companies of footmen. After that, king jews his son abolished his footmen, and began to levy Swissers: which being What inconveniences France is fallen into by hiring Swissers. likewise practised by other kings his successors, many men have noted, that by countenancing the Swissers, they have caused their own forces to degenerate and grow out of use, disannulled the footmen, and tied their horsemen to other footmen: insomuch that since they have been used to fight in company of the Swissers, they think that they cannot obtain the victory, nor yet fight without them. Therefore the prudence of king Francis the first, Francis 1. established seven legions of footmen. must needs be honoured with exceeding great praise, in that he established seven legions of footmen, accounting 6000. men to a legion: so that there could be no better device for the maintenance of warlike discipline, nor more necessary for the preservation of this kingdom, if those good ordinances that were made to this end be well marked. Nevertheless they were abolished in his reign, established again by Henry the second his successor, and after that abrogated. I am of opinion, that if these ancient institutions both of horsemen and footmen were revived, they would be a good mean, whereby we might always have men of war to defend this kingdom, to conquer that which is taken from it, and to help our friends: whereas now we are feign to use the service of unskilful men that are made captains before ever they were soldiers, or else of necessity compelled to beg and to buy very dear the succour offorraine nations. My meaning is not, that a Prince should never use the help of others, but always take his own forces collected among his subjects. Nay I say to the contrary, that it must needs be profitable How a Prince may use the succours of his Allies. for him to use the succours of his Allies, so that they be joined with him in league offensive and defensive. For by this means, he doth not only make himself stronger, but withal taketh away both that aid from his enemy, which he might otherwise have drawn from thence, and occasion also from all men to make war with the one, except they will have the other also their enemy. But above all things, let no Prince trust so much to the succours of his Allies, except himself with his subjects be of greater strength. And if Allies are to be feared when they are stronger in another country, what assurance may a man have of foreign soldiers, that are at no league either offensive or defensive with us? Now if upon the due consideration of these things, soldiers be carefully trained up in good discipline of war, which may be collected out of many institutions that are extant, and if the guiding of them be given to good, virtuous, and expert captains, led only with a desire to do their duty to their King and country, this kingdom will be feared of strangers, and without fear itself of their assaults and enterprises. Especially if in the Prince his absence, the sovereign authority of commanding absolutely in the army, be committed into the hands of a captain worthy his charge, as we have discoursed, who is able to win the How a Captain should exhort his soldiers. hearts of men, and to provoke them to their duty by lively and learned reasons: as namely, That all men must die, and therefore that it were too great folly in a man to refuse to die for public profit, which bringeth unto us immortal glory, seeing he must once of necessity yield up his life: that a glorious death is always to be preferred before a shameful life stained with reproach: briefly, if he can ground his exhortations upon the occasion of taking arms, of time, place, estate and condition of the enemies, and of the good that will come to them, if they obtain the victory. But in all these things the justice and equity of the cause of war, is that which most of all maketh good men courageous, who otherwise never ought to fight. We may read a million of goodly Orations made in time of war, & set forth in one volume, with which every wise and prudent captain may help himself according as occasion is offered. Now, if that ancient order & discipline, of which we have hitherto discoursed, and which may be learned more at large in their excellent writings, were renewed & imitated by our armies, as the late use and practise of arms exercised at this day, is apt and fit for the same, being more terrible than that of the Ancients, who had no gunpowder, no doubt but great obedience of soldiers towards their captains would arise of it, whereas now a days in steed of commanding, they have nothing left but an humble request to be used towards their soldiers, who nevertheless turn it into contempt and want of courage. But if true obedience were joined with good order, the hope of prosperous success in our enterprises would be far greater. Now, when our affairs succeed happily, How victory is to be used. so that we have our enemies at advantage, or have gotten some victory, we must beware least insolency blind us in such sort, that trusting to our good hap, we go beyond our bounds, and lose the occasion of a certain and sure benefit, through hope of some greater good as yet uncertain. Hannibal after the discomfiture of Examples of such as knew not how to use victory wisely, and to take opportunity offered. the Romans at Cannas, sent men to Carthage to carry news of his victory, and withal to demand a new supply. Whereupon the Senate was long in deliberating what was to be done. Hannon, a prudent old man was of opinion, that they were to use the victory wisely, and to make peace with the Romans, which they might obtain of them with honest conditions, and not to expect the hazard of another battle. He said that the Carthaginians ought to be satisfied with this declaration already made to the Romans, that they were such men as could stand against them: and therefore seeing they had won one victory of them, they should not venture the loss of it, in hope of a greater. This prudent counsel was not followed, although afterward the Senate did acknowledge it for the best, when that occasion was lost. Alexander the Great had already conquered all the East, when the commonwealth of Tyrus, being great and mighty, because the city was situated in the water, (as Venice is) and astonished at the greatness & fame of that monarchs power, sent their ambassadors unto him to offer what obedience & subjection he would require, upon condition that neither he nor his men would enter into the city. Alexander disdaining that one city would shut their gates against him, to whom the whole world was open, sent them back again without accepting their offer, & went thither to pitch his camp against it. After he had continued the The Tyrians besieged and subdued by Alexander. siege 4. months, he thought with himself, that one only town would shorten his glory more than all his other conquests had done before: whereupon he purposed to try an agreement by offering that unto them which themselves had required before. But then the Tyrians were waxen so lusty and bold, that they did not only refuse his proffers, but also executed as many as came to conclude with them. Whereupon Alexander being moved with indignation, caused an assault to be made with such heat and violence, that he took and sacked the town, put some of the Inhabitants to the edge of the sword, and made the residue servants and slaves. Agreement and composition is always to be preferred before continuance of war. And howsoever a man may seem to be assured, and as it were certain of the victory, yet ought he to doubt the uncertainty of human things. That courageous and valiant Hannibal, being called out of Italy by his countrymen to secure them against the Romans, by whom they were besieged, when his army was yet whole, demanded peace of them before he would enter into battle, because he saw that if he lost it, he brought his country into bondage. What then ought another to do, that hath less virtue and experience than he? But men fall into the error of unmeasurable hope, upon which staying themselves without further consideration, they are overthrown. It is not good to fight with desperate men. Sometimes when we contemn our enemy too much, and bring him into a desperate estate, we make him more venturous to undertake, and violent to execute any dangerous matter. Despair (said Tubero) is the last but the strongest assault, and a most invincible tower. For this cause the ancient Roman captains were very diligent and careful to lay all kind of necessity to fight upon their men, and to take it from their enemies by opening unto them passages to escape, which they might have shut up against john king of France taken by the Englishment. them. K. John, because he would not make peace with the English host, which desired to escape only with life, was taken and carried prisoner into England, and his army consisting of forty or fifty thousand men, was discomfited by ten thousand Englishmen, some say more, Gaston de Foix. some less. Gaston de Foix, having won the battle at Ravenna, and following after a squadron of Spaniards that fled, lost his life, and made all that a pray unto the enemy, which he had conquered before in Italy. Ancient histories are full of such examples, and namely of small armies Small armies that overcame great. that overcame those that were great and mighty. Darius against Alexander, Pompey against Caesar, Hannibal against Scipio, Marcus Antonius against Augustus, Mithridates against Sylla, had greater forces without comparison than their enemies. Therefore good trajan said, that to accept of war, to gather a great number of men, to put them Victory cometh only from God. in order, to give battle, appertaineth to men, but to give victory was the work of God only: so that great armies prevail but little against the wrath of the Highest. If then we would know a good way how we shall never be vanquished, we must not trust to our armour or force, but always call upon God to direct our counsels for the best. By this also we shall be Valiant men are full of compassion. persuaded to use victory mildly, seeing it is the property of valiant men to be gentle and gracious, ready to forgive, and to have compassion of them that suffer and endure affliction. There is no true victory (as Marcus Aurelius wrote to Popilion captain of the Parthians) but that No true victory without clemency. which carrieth with it some clemency: so that a rigorous and cruel man may not in reason be called victorious. And it is most true, that to overcome is human, but the action of pardoning is divine. As touching the sacking and overthrow of towns taken in war, careful heed (saith Cicero) must be taken, that nothing be done rashly or cruelly. For it is the property of a noble heart to punish Ringleaders of evil are to be punished, and the multitude to be pardoned. such only as are most guilty, and the authors of evil, and to save the multitude. Briefly, to observe in all things whatsoever is right and honest, to be valiant and gentle, to be an enemy to those that do unjustly, favourable to the afflicted, severe to quarrelers, and full of equity to suppliants, are those praiseworthy qualities for which Alexander, Julius Caesar, Scipio, Hannibal, Cyrus, and many other both Greek and Roman captains are most commended, who ought to be imitated in the art of war by all excellent men. Of a happy Life. Chap. 71. ARAM. WE have hitherto discoursed (my Companions) of virtues & vices, for which the life of man is praised or dispraised in all estates and conditions, whereunto the variety of manners, and inclinations to sundry studies and works call men, and make them fit. Wherein we have chief followed the ends and bounds of honesty & equity propounded by Moral Philosophers, from whence they draw particular duties, and all actions of virtue, using a very commendable and excellent order & disposition. Now seeing we are come to the end of the cause of our assembly, as we began it with the true & Christian knowledge of the creation of man, and of the end of his being, unknown to so many great personages in the world, who are lightened human sciences are but darkness in regard of the word of God. only with human sciences, which are but darkness in regard of that heavenly light, the eternal word of God, that guideth the souls of the believers; I think that we ought also to end and break up this our meeting together with the manner of a happy life and death, according to those ends that are propounded unto us by the infallible rule of all virtue and truth, which if they be not so subtly set down and disputed, as the Philosophy of the Ancients is, yet at the least they are without comparison better and more certain. Go to then, let us hear you discourse first of a happy life. ACHITOB. Psal. 84. 4. 5. 11. Blessed are they (saith the Prophet) that dwell in the house of God, and that evermore praise him, having his ways in their hearts. He will give them grace and glory, and will withhold no good thing from them that walk uprightly. ASER. What happier life can we require, than that john 17. 3. which S. John calleth eternal life: namely, to know one only true God, & Jesus Christ whom he hath sent? But it belongeth to thee AMANA to feed our spirits with this excellent subject. AMANA. Although the spirit of God, teaching his just and holy will by a doctrine that is simple and void of all vain show of words, hath not always observed and kept so strictly such a certain order and method, to prepare and to direct their lives that shall believe in him, as the Philosophers did, who affected the greatest show outwardly that they could, thereby to make manifest the sharpness of their wit, & the greatness of their human understanding, yet may we easily gather out of this divine doctrine, (which doth more deface all glittering show and beauty of human sciences, than the Sun excelleth darkness) a most excellent order, teaching us to frame a happy life according to the mould & pattern of true & heavenly virtue. This order consisteth of two parts, the one imprinting in our hearts the love of justice, the other giving unto us a certain rule, that will not suffer us to wander hither & thither, nor to slip aside in the framing of our life. Concerning Of the love of righteousness. the first point, the Scripture is full of very good reasons to incline our hearts to love that Good, which in deed is to be desired, I mean perfect righteousness. With what foundation could it begin better, than by admonishing us to be sanctified, because our God is holy? Whereunto levit. 19 2. the reason is added, that although we were gone astray as sheep 1. Pet. 1. 15. 16. scattered & dispersed in the Labyrinth of this world, yet he hath gathered us together, to join us to himself. When we hear mention made of the conjunction of god with us, we must remember, that the bond thereof is holiness, and that we Holiness is the end of our calling. must direct our steps thither, as to the end of our calling, that we may be transformed into the true image of God, which through sin was defaced in the first man, & consequently in us. moreover, to move us the more to embrace that only & true God, the spirit of God teacheth us, that as he hath reconciled us unto himself in his son Jesus Christ, so he hath appointed him to be unto us an example Christ is a pattern of righteousness unto us. and pattern, unto which we must conform ourselves. This heavenly word also taketh occasion to exhort us thereunto in infinite places, drawing his reasons from all the benefits of God, and from all the parts of our salvation. As when it is said: That seeing God hath Malach. 1. 6. given himself to be our Father, we are to be accused of notable ingratitude, if we behave not ourselves as his children. Eph. 5. 26. 30. Seeing Jesus Christ hath cleansed us by the washing of his blood, and hath communicated this purification unto us by baptism, there is no reason why we should defile ourselves with new filthiness. Seeing he hath joined & engrafted us into his body, we must carefully look, that we defile Col. 3. 1. 2. not ourselves in any sort, being members of his body. Seeing he that is our Head is gone up to heaven, we must lay aside all earthly affections, and aspire with all our heart to that heavenly 1. Cor. 6. 19 life. Seeing the holy Ghost hath consecrated us to be the temples of 1. Thes. 5 9 God, we must labour and strive that the glory of God may be exalted in us, and beware that we receive no pollution. Seeing our souls and bodies are foreappointed to enjoy that immortality of the kingdom of heaven, and the incorruptible crown of God his glory, we must endeavour to keep both the one and the other pure and unspotted, until the day of the Lord. Behold surely good grounds, meet to frame and institute a happy life by, and to move a Christian to bring forth the effects of such an excellent and worthy title through the love of We must always strive to come to perfection. righteousness, having this mark always before his eyes to direct all his actions thereunto: namely, to aspire to that perfection which God commandeth. From which although the affections of our flesh seek to separate us, and the difficulties are great, so that it is impossible for us to attain perfectly thereunto in this mortal prison, yet let us not leave of to follow that way which we have once begun, looking to our mark in purity, uprightness, and simplicity, and striving to come to our end, until we perfectly see that sovereign goodness, when having put off the infirmity of our flesh, and being made partakers of that goodness in full measure, we shall be received of God into his heavenly kingdom. Let us now come to the second point. Although the law of God comprised in ten commandments, and those ten also contained only in two, hath a most excellent method and well ordered disposition, whereby to direct our life, & to make it happy, yet it hath pleased our good Master, his eternal son, to frame them that are his by an exquisite doctrine, according to that rule which he had given unto them in his law. The beginning of that way which he taketh, is after this sort: namely, to teach them that it is the What the duty of every faithful man is. Rom. 12. 1. 2. duty of every faithful man, to offer his body a lively, holy, and acceptable sacrifice to God, wherein consisteth the chiefest point of that service which we own unto him. Then he goeth on to exhort us, that we would not fashion ourselves to this world, but be changed by the renewing of our mind, that we may prove what is the good will of God. That is no small reason to say that we must consecrate What it is to consecrate ourselves to God. and dedicate ourselves to God, that from hence forward we should neither think, speak, meditate, or do any thing but to his glory. For it is not lawful to apply any thing that is consecrated to a profane use. Now, if we be not our own, but belong to the Lord, we may thereby see both how to avoid error, and whither we must direct all the parts of our life: namely, to the rule of his holy and just will. Let us not propound to ourselves this end, to seek after that which is expedient for us according to the flesh. Let us forget ourselves as much as may be, and all things that are about us. We are the Lords, let us live and die to him: and let his will and wisdom govern all our actions. Let all the parts of our life be referred to him as to their only end: and let all our human reason yield and retire, that the holy Ghost may have place in us, and that our reason may be subject to his direction, to the end we may no more live of ourselves, but having Jesus Christ to live and reign within us. I live (saith Saint Paul) yet not I now, but Christ Gal. 2. 20. liveth in me. Truly he that hath Jesus Christ living in him, and that liveth in Jesus Christ, liveth no more in himself, and careth least for himself. For if all true love hath such force within the heart where it is placed, that it careth not for itself, but delighteth in, and is altogether partaker of the thing that it loveth: how much stronger shall the heavenly love be to withdraw all our affections from the earth unto the things of the spirit? True love of God breedeth in us a dislike of ourselves. O good Jesus, O love of my soul (saith S. Augustine) as often as love beginneth in me, it endeth with hatred in thee: but when it beginneth in thee, I come to the hatred of myself: so that the scope of thy love is nothing else but dislike of ourselves. Therefore our saviour said Matth. 16. 24. to his Disciples, that if any man would follow him, he should forsake himself. Moreover, after the heart of man Fruits of the denial of ourselves. is once possessed with this denial of himself, first, all pride, hastiness, and ostentation, are banished out of the soul: next, covetousness, intemperance, superfluity, desire of honour, and of all delights, with the rest of those vices that are engendered through the love of ourselves. Contrariwise, where the denial of ourselves reigneth not, there is man given over to all kind of villainy, without shame or blushing: or if any show of virtue appear Self love is the cause of the most of our imperfections. in his actions, it is corrupted before God through a wicked desire of glory. Most of our imperfections proceed from the love of ourselves, which hindereth us from discharging our duty towards God and towards our neighbours, The definition of charity. according to charity. Charity is nothing else but to love God for himself, & our neighbour for his sake: I say, to love God, because he is the sovereign good, & because the greatness of his goodness deserveth it: to love our neighbours, because the image of God shineth in them, whom he hath substituted in his place, that we should acknowledge towards them the benefits which he hath bestowed upon us. And who is able to perform those duties that S. Paul requireth in charity, unless he hath renounced himself, that he may seek nothing but the profit 1. Cor. 13. 4. of his neighbour? Love (saith he) suffereth long: it is bountiful, it envieth not: it doth not boast itself: it is not puffed up: it disdaineth not: it seeketh not her own things: it is not provoked to anger, and so forth. If that only saying were there, that we must not seek our own profit, it should be of no small force with our nature, which draweth us so much to the love of ourselves, that we forget what we own to our neighbours. But if we would faithfully discharge this duty, let us whilst we do good, and exercise the offices of humanity, remember this rule: That we are Stewards of all that God hath given unto us, whereby we may help our neighbour, and that one day we shall give account how we have executed our charge limited unto us in the practice of charity, by a true and sound affection of friendship. Which thing will have place amongst us, when we take upon The effect of true charity towards our neighbour. us their persons that stand in need of succour, when we pity their misery, as if we felt and sustained it, & when we are touched with the same affection of mercy to help them, that is in us to help ourselves. As for that which only concerneth our duty towards God, the denial of ourselves will make us patiented and meek. And when our affections prick us forward to seek how we may live in rest and ease, the Scripture always bringeth us back to this, that resigning ourselves and all that we have, into the hands of god, we should submit the desires of our heart to him, that he may tame them, and bring them under his yoke. We are led with a furious kind of intemperance, & The natural inclination of men with an unbridled lust, in desiring credit and honour, in seeking after power and might, in heaping up of riches, and in gathering together whatsoever we judge meet for pomp and magnificence. On the other side, we marvelously fear and hate poverty, baseness, and ignominy, & fly from them as much as we can. Hereupon we see in what disquietness of mind all they are that order their lives after their own counsel, how many ways they assay to attain to that, unto which their ambition & covetousness carrieth them. But they that submit themselves wholly under the yoke of God's will, never entangle themselves in these snares. For first, they neither desire, hope, or imagine of any other means to prosper by, than the blessing of God: and therefore they stay and rest themselves assuredly thereupon, as upon that which is able to give them a good issue in all things, and true felicity, which cannot in any wise be in the doings of wicked men, what false prosperity soever appeareth in the eyes of flesh. Hereof it cometh, that they aspire not through injustice or other sinister means to any worldly goods, but contemn them, seeking after the only true goods which turn them not aside from innocency. For they are assuredly persuaded that the blessing of God is not extended upon the workers of iniquity, but only upon such as are upright in their thoughts and works. Moreover, it serveth for a bridle to restrain them, that they burn not with a disordered desire of worldly goods, because they hold this for certain, that the blessing of God cannot help them to obtain that which is clean contrary to his word, whereby we are commanded to withdraw our whole heart from this world, that we may lift it up in the meditation of eternal happiness. The Lord (saith justine Martyr) will not honour Corruptible things are no sufficient recompense for virtuous men. his children with worldly happiness, for a reward of their piety. For those things that are subject to corruption can not be a recompense to good men for their virtue: because they are circumscribed and limited by the change of the mortal estate of virtuous men, who are deprived altogether of them at the time of their death. And as good men are not said or accounted to be of the world, so their glory, riches, and wealth, are not in the earth. So that in what estate soever a Christian man is, he feeleth himself always moved to give glory to God, & judgeth that all things are appointed by him in such sort, as is most expedient Rom. 8. 28. for his salvation. If adversity press him, & the miseries of man's life seek to make him distrust the grace and favour of God, or to murmur against him through impatiency, he striveth so much the more on the other side to consider of his heavenly justice and goodness, in that he chasticeth him justly, and for his benefit: and arming himself with patience, he expecteth with a quiet and thankful mind the issue of God his ordinance, whereunto he wholly submitteth himself. Besides, he considereth how God calleth all his to bear their cross, and Matth. 16. 24. 25. teacheth them to prepare themselves to sustain a hard and laborious life, full of travel and of infinite kinds of evils, unto which Jesus Christ their Head was first made subject. Where this consolation followeth presently upon Rom. 8. 17. it, that such a life is a preparation to follow him into his eternal glory. Yea the more we are afflicted and endure miseries, the more is our society with Christ Jesus certainly confirmed unto us. Now the chief rule propounded unto us by the spirit of God concerning this matter is, that with what kind of tribulation soever we are afflicted, we should look to this end, to acquaint ourselves with the contempt of this present life, that we may thereby be brought on to meditate upon the life to come. But because this divine wisdom knoweth full well that we are inclined and led with a blind & even brutish love of this world, it useth a very apt reason to draw us back and to awaken our sluggishness, that our heart should not be too much settled upon such a foolish love. There is none of us that will not seem to aspire throughout the whole course of his life to a heavenly immortality, yea to strive for the obtaining of it. For we are ashamed not to excel the brute beasts in some thing, whose condition would seem to be more happy than ours, if we had no hope of eternity after death. Nevertheless, if a man examine the counsels, deliberations, enterprises and works of every one, he shall find nothing but earth in them, being such as tend altogether to the commodity of this life. Now this blockishness proceedeth from hence, that our understanding is as it were dimmed with that vain brightness which riches, honours and powers have in outward show, whereby it is hindered from looking farther. In like manner our heart being pressed with the affections of the flesh, which propound unto it covetousness, ambition, and all other carnal desires, our soul is at length persuaded to seek for her felicity upon earth. The Lord therefore to meet with this How God teacheth us to know the vanity of this life. mischief teacheth his servants to know the vanity of this present life, by exercising them daily with divers miseries. He sendeth them no prosperity, which is not mingled with greater adversity, that by learning to condemn altogether this earthly life, they may frame their hearts to desire and to meditate upon the life to come. Wherefore when they try by afflictions, that this present life, considered in itself, is full of disquietness, of troubles, altogether miserable, and in no respect happy, that all the wealth thereof had in so great estimation, is transitory and uncertain, vain and mingled with infinite miseries, they conclude thereupon that nothing is to be sought or hoped for in this world but calamity, and that the crown of glory & true We must not hate the blessings of this life. felicity is to be looked for elsewhere, namely, in heaven. Notwithstanding as long as they enjoy this life, he would not have them so to contemn it, as to grow into a hatred thereof, or to be unthankful to God for the benefits which they daily receive therein of his majesty, but rather to account it a special gift of his heavenly clemency, in that through the midst of those tribulations which they endure, he maketh a way and entrance for them unto eternal life. For which, & for those infinite blessings which they receive also in this life of his goodness, they acknowledge that they are bound to yield unto him immortal thanks, labouring only to unfold themselves out of this overgreat desire of man, carried away with the disordinate love of this life, that they may transfer their chief affection to the celestial & Psal. 44. 22. heavenly life. And seeing it is so, that all the faithful, as long as they remain upon earth, are as sheep appointed to the slaughter, to the end they might be made conformable to their head Christ Jesus, surely they should be accounted passing wretched, if they did not lift their minds on high to surmount all that is in the world, and to go beyond the regard and care of things present. On the contrary side, if they have once lift up their thoughts above the earth, when they shall see the unjust prosper in the world, when themselves The comfort of the godly in the midst of troubles. shallbe ungently handled by them, when they shall endure reproach, when they shallbe polled or afflicted with any kind of injury, their comfort in all these evils will be to Math. 25. 34. have the last day before their eyes, in which they know that the lord will gather his faithful ones together into the rest Isai. 25. 8. of his kingdom, that he will wipe away the tears from their Apoc. 7. 17. eyes, crown them with glory, cloth them with gladness, satisfy them with the exceeding sweetness of his delicacies, exalt them unto his high mansion, in a word, make them partakers of his happiness. In the mean time going on in their course with all tranquillity & joy of spirit, they are cheerfully to give unto God that homage & worship that is due unto him, submitting themselves wholly to his greatness, & receiving with all reverence his commandments. Next, The sum of our duty towards God. they must put that trust & hearty assurance in him, which they have received by knowing him aright, attributing to him all wisdom, justice, goodness, virtue & truth, & making this account, that all their happiness is in communicating with him. Invocation followeth, whereby their souls must have recourse unto him as to their only hope, when they are pressed with any necessity. In the last place is thanksgiving which is that acknowledgement, whereby all praise is given unto him. Under these 4. points of worship, trust, prayer, and thanksgiving, all those innumerable duties which we own to God, may well be comprehended. Moreover, the contempt of this present life, and the meditation of that which is immortal & heavenly, will teach us the right use of earthly goods created of God for the service of man, as necessary helps for this life. Which things we must not The true use of temporal things neglect in such sort, that we never use them but upon constraint & necessity, taking no delight in them as if we were senseless blocks. Much less may we abuse them by overgreat lust in superfluity & delights, but apply them to that end for which God hath created & appointed them for our good, & not for our hurt, namely, that they should sustain, nourish, preserve & delight our nature, using them in all temperance & mediocrity with thanksgiving. So that we are to use these goods as though we used them not, that is to say, our chief affection and desire must be so smally set upon them as if we were wholly deprived of them: and we must be disposed and affected as well to sustain poverty patiently & with a quiet mind, as to use abundance moderately. Especially let us refer the true and holy use of all our earthly commodities to the works of charity, as we have already touched: knowing that all things are so given unto us by the goodness of God, & appointed for our commodity, as things committed to our trust, of which we must one day give account before his majesty. For the conclusion therefore of our speech, we learn that thelife of a Christian is a perpetual study and exercise of the mortification of the flesh, until it be so thoroughly dead, that the spirit of God may reign fully in his soul. We learn also, that our whole life ought to be a meditation and exercise of godliness, because we are called to sanctification: that true happiness Wherein a happy life consisteth. of life in this world consisteth therein, namely, when being regenerated by baptism and the spirit of God, we have the love of righteousness thoroughly imprinted in our hearts, and follow the divine rule thereof by framing and directing all our actions to the glory of our God and profit of our neighbours. Wherefore every one of us must take his vocation and calling for a principle and ground, & for a station assigned of God, unto which we must direct our level, withdrawing our minds from the yoke and bondage of those natural perturbations that are in us. we must not be led with ambition and desire to take hold of many sundry matters at once, being assured, that every work done according to our calling, how contemptible soever it be among men, shineth before God and shall be rewarded by him, being accounted very precious in his sight. Of Death. Chap. 72. AMANA. NO man ought to be ignorant of this, that after God had created man in the beginning, he placed him in a garden and paradise full of all pleasures and delights, and gave him leave to use all things contained therein, the fruit of the knowledge of good and evil only excepted, which was expressly forbidden. Nevertheless, being unable to keep himself in that high degree and great dignity, he fell by disobedience: so that thinking to make choice of life, he chose the Gen. 2. 17. fruit of death, as God had foretold him, saying, Whensoever thou eatest of this fruit of the knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt die the death: which thing fell upon him, and upon all his Rom. 6. 23. posterity. Whereby we see, that the reward and recompense of sin, is death, not only bodily death, but which is more, spiritual, whereby we are banished and shut out of the heavenly kingdom and inheritance, if we apprehend not that great grace and mercy of the father offered to all that draw near unto him by true confidence in Jesus Christ: to the end (as the Apostle saith) that as sin Rom. 5. 21. reigned unto death, so grace might reign by righteousness unto eternal life through Jesus Christ our Lord. And this is the only way whereby to pass from death to life, when we shall be subject to no condemnation or affliction. Moreover, neither sword, famine, nor any other misery can hurt us, no not temporal death, which (according to man's Temporal death is the way that leadeth the godly from bondage to blessedness. judgement) is the extremest of all miseries, shall in any sort confound us, but rather be a mean and pleasant way for us to pass by from prison and bondage to joyful liberty, and from misery to happiness. Therefore (my companions) as death is the end of all men, happy to the elect and unhappy to the reprobate, so let us finish our discourses with the handling thereof. ARAM. Nothing but death and the end of this bodily life is able to accomplish the wish and desire of a faithful christian. For the spirit being then delivered, as it were out of a noisome and filthy prison rejoiceth with freedom and liberty in those pleasant places, which it seeketh after and desireth so earnestly. ACHITOB. Heb. 9 27. Ecclus 7. 36. It is decreed that all men must once die. And therfeore (as the Wiseman saith) whatsoever thou takest in hand, remember the end, and thou shalt never do amiss. Now ASER, as thou beganst to lay the foundation of our academy, so make thou an end of it with the treatise of Death that endeth all things. ASER. It is no marvel if natural sense be moved & astonished, when we hear that our body must be separated from the soul. But it is in no wise tolerable, that a Christian heart should not have so much light as to surmount & suppress this fear whatsoever it be, by a greater comfort and consolation. For if we consider that this tabernacle of our body which is weak, vicious, corruptible, The comfort of every true christian against death. casual, and inclining to putrefaction, is dissolved and as it were pulled down by death, that it may afterward be restored to a perfect, firm, incorruptible and heavenly glory, shall not this certain assurance compel us to desire earnestly that which nature flieth and abhorreth? If we consider that by death we are called home from a miserable exile, to dwell in our country, yea in our celestial country, shall we not conceive singular consolation thereby? But some man may say that all things desire to continue in their being. For the same cause I say, we ought to aspire to the immortality to come, where we have a settled estate, which is not seen at all upon earth. How cometh it to Rom. 8. 22. pass, that the bruit beasts and senseless creatures, even wood and stones, having as it were some feeling of their vanity & corruption, are in expectation of the judgement day that they may be delivered from their corruption, and yet we that have some light of nature, & boast that we are illuminated by the spirit of God, lift not up our eyes above this earthly putrefaction, when we talk of our being? But what shall we say of those men (whose number alas is very great) who quenching all natural light, & opposing themselves directly against the testimonies of truth, which press their consciences & sound daily in their ears, dare yet doubt of, yea impudently deny this day of judgement, and the change of this mortal life into a second, which is immortal? If the word of god so expressly set down for our assurance be of so little credit, that it will not satisfy them, yet how is it that they are not convinced by the writings Against Atheists and Epicures that deny the immortality of the soul. of so many ethnic and heathen Philosophers, who make the immortality of the soul out of doubt, & by the consideration of the being of this life conclude a judgement to come, which bringeth perpetual happiness and felicity to the souls of the blessed, & everlasting misery & pain to them that are unhappy? Plato under the name of Socrates may serve for a fit teacher for such Epicures and Atheists that will not hear the heavenly word of the almighty. From whence cometh it (saith he) that we see so many wicked men pass the course of their days in worldly happiness and fclicitie, and die in great rest & quietness, whereas on the other side so many good men live & die in great afflictions, & most hard calamities? The reason is, because God doth not punish and chastise all the wicked upon the Plato proveth that there is a judgement to come, and a second life. earth, to the end men may know, that there is a judgement to come wherein the ungodliness of such men shall be corrected. Neither doth he recompense all good men with blessings in this world, to the end they may hope that there is a place in the other life where the virtuous shallbe rewarded. Likewise he doth not punish all the wicked, nor reward all good men here beneath, least men should think that the virtuous followed virtue in hope of a carnal & earthly reward, or eschewed vice for fear of punishments & torments in this world. For so virtue should be no more virtue, seeing there is no action that may carry the surname of virtuous, if the intent of him that doth it, be in hope of some earthly & carnal recompense, & not for the love of virtue itself, & that he may be accepted of God, and so conceive hope of eternal rewards in the other life. Also he punisheth and correcteth some wicked men upon earth, & rewardeth some good men, lest if good men only were afflicted, & the wicked suffered in quiet, men might be brought to believe that there were no providence, & that the divine nature had no care of us, & so all men would give over themselves to follow injustice. By the sequel of this speech Plato inferreth & proveth, that there is one God that hath care over his creatures, & that naturally every spirit loveth him better that striveth to resemble him in manners & fashions of living, that reverenceth & honoureth him, than those that fear him not, but despise him whose conditions are altogether unlike his. Moreover, he proveth evidently, that good How good men are discerned from the wicked men in fear & reverence of the deity, strive to imitate it by good works done to the benefit and safety of others: and contrariwise, that the wicked despise God and all laws both divine and human: whereupon it followeth that God loveth good men, and hateth the wicked. And because we see that good men are subject to calamity & The afflictions of the godly in this world, prove a second life. ignominy in this world, we must therefore undoubtedly confess, that there is another life after this, wherein good men are eternally rewarded, & the wicked punished. Otherwise it would follow, that God cared more for the wicked than for the good, which were too absurd to grant. From hence that divine Philosopher draweth this conclusion, that the life of a wise man ought to be a perpetual meditation of death, and that the very fear to die, & not any desire to live, is that which maketh death fearful to them that know not the immortality of the soul. Now then ought not these men to blush for shame, that dare doubt of the second life and future judgement, when they hear this discourse of an ethnic and Pagan, destitute of that true light of God, and sincere religion which is manifested to us in Jesus Christ? Truly nothing is more clear in all the holy scripture, than that as before the first day mentioned in Genesis, all things were possessed of eternity, so that there was neither time, nor year, nor month, nor season, but all things were in that eternity, so when the last day shall come, all shall be eternal for the felicity of the good, & torment of the wicked. But to return to our speech of death, the word of Three kinds of death. God giveth us to understand of three kinds of death: the one is the separation of the soul from the body, with the dissolution of the body until the resurrection, and of this is our present discourse. The second is the death of sin, as it is said oftentimes, that they are dead that nourish themselves in sin. The third is called in the Apocalyps, Apoc. 20. 6. the second death, and sometimes eternal death, unto which the wicked shallbe condemned in the last judgement. Therefore to continued our speech of corporal & temporal death, if the doctrine of the son of God be never so little apprehended Why the faithful aught to desire death. of us by faith, we shall see clearly enough that the faithful aught to have that in great request, which to human sense seemeth neither happy, nor to be desired, seeing it turneth to their salvation. It belongeth to him that will not go unto Jesus Christ to fear death: and to be unwilling to go to Christ, is a badge of such a one as will not reign with him. What traveler having passed many dangerous ways, rejoiceth not when he draweth near to his country? And who is not content to departed out of an old ruinous house? What pleasure have we in this world, which draweth near to an end every day, & which selleth unto us so dear those pleasures that we receive What the life of man is. therein? What other thing is this life but a perpetual battle and a sharp skirmish, wherein we are one while hurt with envy, another while with ambition, and by and by with some other vice, besides the sudden onsets given upon our bodies by a thousand sorts of diseases, and floods of adversities upon our spirits? Who then will not say with Phil. 1. 23. S. Paul, I desire to be dissolved and to be with Christ? Why do we daily pray that the kingdom of God should come, if it be not for the desire which we ought to have to see the fulfilling thereof in the other life? We have a thousand testimonies in the scripture, that the death of the body is a certain way by which we pass into that true and eternal life, and into our own country. Flesh and blood (saith Saint 1. Cor. 15. 50. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57 Paul) cannot inherit the kingdom of God, neither doth corruption inherit incorruption. For this corruptible must put on incorruption, and this mortali must put on immortality: then shall be fulfilled that which is written, Death is swallowed up in victory. They that believe in Jesus Christ have already overcome death, sin, and hell. And therefore contemning death they may say, O death where is thy sting? O grave where is thy victory? The sting of death is sin, and the strength of sin is the law: but thanks be unto God which hath given us victory through our Lord Jesus Christ. He which hath raised up the Lord Jesus, shall raise us up 2. Cor. 4. 14. also. Our conversation is in heaven, from whence also we look for Phil. 3. 20. 21. the saviour, even the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall change our vile body that it may be fashioned like unto his glorious body, according to the working, whereby he is able even to subdue all things-unto himself. Ye are dead (saith he to the Colossians) and your life Col. 3. 3. 4. is hid with Jesus Christ in God. When Christ which is our life shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory. My brethren (saith he to the Thessalonians) I would not have you ignorant 1. Thes. 4. 13. 14. concerning them which are a sleep, that ye sorrow not even as other which have no hope. For if we believe that Jesus is dead, and is risen, even so them which sleep in Jesus will God bring with him. Jesus Heb. 2 14. 15. Christ (saith he to the Hebrews) was partaker of flesh and blood: that is to say, was truly man, that he might destroy through death, him that had the power of death, that is, the devil. And that he might deliver all them, who for fear of death were all their life time subject to bondage. God hath saved us, and called us with an holy calling (as he saith to Timothy) not according to our works, 2. Tim. 1. 9 10. but according to his own purpose and grace, which was given to us through Christ Jesus before the world was, but is now made manifest by the appearing of our saviour Jesus Christ, who hath abolished job 19 25. 26. 27. death, & hath brought life & immortality unto light through the Gospel. I am sure (saith job) that my redeemer liveth, and he shall stand the last on the earth. And though after my skin worms destroy this body, yet shall I see God in my flesh. Whom I myself shall see and mine eyes shall behold, and none other for me. Jesus Christ is our head, and we are his members. This head cannot be without his members, neither can forsake them. Where john 12. & 17. Christ is there shall we be also. He that considereth diligently these places of Scripture, and infinite others contained therein, it cannot be but he should have great joy and comfort in his heart against all fear and horror of death. And then coming to compare the miseries which never leave this life, with that unspeakable happiness and felicity, 1. Cor. 2. 9 which eye hath not seen, neither ear hath heard, neither came into man's heart, which God hath prepared in the second and eternal life for all faithful believers; a christian will not only pass over this mortal life with ease and without trouble, Who they be that fear not death. but will even contemn and make no account of it, in respect of that which is immortal. But to whom is death sweet if not to them that labour? The poor hireling is well at ease when he hath done his days work. So death is always sweet to the afflicted, but to them that put their trust in worldly things, the remembrance thereof is bitter. Now than the children of God are not afraid of death, but (as Cyprian writeth in an Epistle sent to the Martyrs of Christ) he that hath once overcome death in his own person, doth daily overcome him in his members: so that we have Jesus Christ not only a beholder of our combats, but also an assistant and fighter with us. And by his grace abounding in the hearts of the faithful, they are so much the more bend to meditate upon the benefits of the future and eternal life, as they see that they are environed with greater store of miseries in this fading and transitory life. Then comparing both together they find nothing more easy than to finish sweetly their race, and to value the one as little, as they account the other absolute in all felicity. Moreover, seeing heaven is our country, what is the earth else but a passage in a strange land? And because it is accursed unto us for sin, it is nothing else but the place of our banishment. If our departure out of this world be an entrance to life, what is A comparison between this life and that which is eternal. this world but a sepulchre? And to dwell here what is it else but to be plunged in death? If it be liberty to be delivered out of this body, what is this body but a prison? And if it be our chief happiness to enjoy the presence of our God, is it not a misery not to enjoy it? Now until we go out of this world, we shall be as it were separated from God. Wherefore if this earthly life be compared with the heavenly, no doubt but it may be contemned, and accounted as it were dung. True it is that we must not hate it, but so far forth as it keepeth us in subjection to sin. And yet whilst we desire to see the end of it, we must not be careless to keep ourselves in it, to the good pleasure of God, that our longing may be far from all murmuring and impatiency. For our life is as a station, wherein the Lord God hath placed us, that we should abide in it until he call us back again. Saint Paul indeed bewailed his estate, because he was kept as it were bound Phil. 1. 23. in the prison of his body longer than he would, & groaned with a burning desire until he was delivered: but withal to show his obedience to the will of God, he protested that he was ready for both, because he knew himself indebted for the glorifying of his name, whether it were by death or by life. For it belongeth to him to determine what is expedient for his glory. Wherefore if it behoveth us to live and die unto him, let us leave both our life & death to his good pleasure, but yet so that we always desire rather to die than to live, & be ready cheerfully to renounce this life, whensoever it pleaseth the Lord, because it holdeth us under sin. And let us hold this maxim, that no man hath thoroughly profited in the school of Christ Jesus, but he that with joy & gladness expecteth the day of death, and of the last resurrection. S. Paul in his epistle to Titus describeth all Titus. 2. 13. the faithful by this mark: & the scripture when it propoundeth unto us matter of rejoicing calleth us back thither. Luke 21. 28. rejoice (saith the Lord in Luke) and lift up your heads, for your redemption draweth near. It were absurd that that thing should breed nothing but sorrow and astonishment in us, which Christ thought was fit matter to work joy in us. Now than seeing death is dead to them that believe in him, there is nothing in death which a man ought to fear. It is true that the image thereof is hideous and terrible, because that besides the violent taking away of life, it representeth unto us the wrath of God, which biteth like a serpent: but now the venom of it is taken away and can not hurt us. And as through the brazen serpent which Moses lift up in the wilderness, the living serpents died, How death can not hurt. and their venom hurt not the Israelites: so our death dieth, and is not able in any sort to hurt us, if we behold with the eyes of faith the death of Jesus Christ. Briefly it is nothing but an image and shadow of death, and the beginning and entrance unto true life. Wherefore concluding our present speech, let us learn that as our miserable nature had brought us to the like condition of death: so the grace of God maketh this difference, that some, namely the wicked, die to their destruction; and others, which are the children of God led by his spirit and word, die to live Psal. 116. 15. more happily, so that their very death is precious in the sight of God. And although the lust of our flesh, being blind and earthly, striveth continually against the desires of the spirit, seeking to separate us as far as it can from our sovereign Good, yet let us have this engraven in our hearts, that they are happy that know the vanity of this world, more happy that set not their affections upon it, and they most happy that are taken out of it to be with GOD in the kingdom of heaven. The end of this academy. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A TABLE OF THE principal MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS academy. A ADmonition: sundry instructions how to admonish wisely. Pag. 153 Adversity: who are soon thrown down with adversity, 301. the common effects thereof, 345. the Romans were wisest and most constant in adversity, 347. examples of constancy in adversity. 348 Adultery: the miserable effects of adultery, 240. the punishment of adulterers among the Egyptians, 241. Zaleucus law, and the law of Julia against it, 240. testimonies of God's wrath against it. 241 Age hath no power over virtue, 61. the division of the ages of man. 563-564 Ambition: two kinds of ambition, 224. the cause of ambitious desires, 225. the effects of ambition, 224. & 229. examples of mê void of ambition, 186. ambition breedeth sedition, 225. ambitious men full of selfe-prayse, 226. examples of ambitious men, 227. etc. they cannot be good counsellors to Princes. 231 Anger: the cruelty of Theodosius committed in his anger, 316. Valentinian broke a vein in his anger. 317 Apparel: against excess in apparel, 219. examples of sobriety in apparel. 219 Archbishop: the free gird of a peasant given to an Archbishop▪ 158. the Archbishop of Magdeburg broke his neck in dancing. 216 Arms, army: the exercise of arms must always continue, 762. the ancient order of the Roman army. 766 Arrogancy dwelleth in the ends with solitariness. 157 aristocraty: the description of an aristocraty, 579. the estate of Lacedemonia was aristocratical. 580 Arts and Artificers: the necessity of arts and artificers in a commonwealth, 750. artificers of one science ought not to dwell all together. 751 Authors: how much we own to good authors. 45 Authority: what authority a prince hath over his subjects. 670 B Backbiting: the prudence of Dionysius in punishing two backbiters, 388. when backbiting hurteth most. 460 Banquets: the custom of the Egyptians and Lacedæmonians at banquets. 203 Beard: what use is to be made of a white beard. 572 Belly: the belly an unthankful and feeding beast, 201. & 202. it hath no ears. 212 Birth: the folly of birth-gazers. 42 Biting: what biting of beasts is most dangerous. 460 Body: the wonderful conjunction of the body and soul of man, 19 the conception, framing and excellency of the body. 21 Brother: he that hateth his brother, hateth his parents, 542. the benefit that brethren receive by having common friends, 544. examples of brotherly love. 545 C Calling: callings were distinct from the beginning, 478 six sundry callings necessary in every commonwealth, 744. holiness is the end of our calling. 795 Captain: the loss of a captain commonly causeth the ruin of an army, III. how captains were punished if they offended, 768. a captain must not offend twice in war, 773. what captains are worthiest of their charge, 784. the captains of an army must be very secret, 781. two faults to be eschewed of every captain, 778. how a captain should exhort his soldiers. 790 Cheer: good cheer keepeth base minds in subjection. 206 Children must love, fear, & reverence their father, 533. the duty of children towards their parents, 541. examples of the love of children towards their parents. 541 Choler: whereof choler is bred, 314. how the Pythagorians resisted choler, 315. magistrates ought to punish none in their choler. 316 City: what city seemed, to Clcobulus best guided. 264 Citizens: who are truly citizens. 606 Clemency: examples of great clemency in princes, 324. etc. it preserveth the thrones of Princes. 411 Commonwealth: a sure token of a desperate commonwealth, 407. 600. 690. the spring of corruption in commonwealths, 550. the description of a mixed commonwealth, 583. how a corrupt commonwealth must be corrected, 699. when commonwealths begin to alter, 717▪ the causes thereof. 739 Commandment: the 5. commandment only hath a special promise annexed unto it, 538. there is a show of commanding and obeying in all things. 575 Comparisons: 33. 38. 46. 47. 55. 64. 70. 105. 150. 176. 191. 212. 286. 338. 339. 343. 360. 371. 378. 383. 416. 446. 448. 487. 513. 550. 589 641. 687. Community: Plato established a community of all things in his commonwealth, 490 the confutation thereof. 491 Concupiscence: the fruits of concupiscence. 238 Conscience: the force of conscience in the wicked, 68 examples of tormented consciences. 68 Constancy: the wonderful constancy of Socrates. 348 Correction necessary for children, 534. the law Falcidia touching the correction of children. 551 Council: what a council is, with the profit of it, 677. of the council of sundry countries. 679. etc. Counsellors: qualities requisite in counsellors of estate. 687 Counsel: good counsel for counsellors, 155. and for princes. 157 Country: examples of the love of heathen men towards their country. 60. 98. etc. Covetousness is never satisfied, 445. the fruits of covetousness, 446. examples of coveiousnes, 449. what magistrates are best liked of covetous princes. 456 Coward: Agamemnon dispensed with a rich coward for going to war, 284. what vices proceed of cowardliness. 285 Creation: the end of the creation of all things 92. Creatures: all creatures are sociable by nature. 594 Curiosity: against curiosity in knowledge, 161. two kinds of curiosity, 162. against curious inquiry into other men's imperfections, 166. curious persons profit their enemies more than themselves, 167. witty answers made to curious questions, 169. curiosity in princes affairs, perilous. 168 Custom: a notable custom of the Lacedæmonians, 150. custom in sinning is dangerous. 69 D Death: the fear of death doth not astonish the virtuous, 60. what death Cesar thought best, 262. no man ought to hasten forward his death, 293. what it is to fear death, 294. the comfort of every true Christian against death. 805. Definition: the definition of ambition, 224. of anger, 312. of a body, 20. of charity, 321. of a city, 595. of a Citizen, 605. of comeliness, 181. of confidence, 300. of duty, 94. of envy, 458. of fortune, 468. of friendship, 138. of a house, 490. & 492. of jealousy, 505. of justice, 390. & 391. of intemperancy, 190. of judgement, 691. of liberality, 435. of the law, 596. of malice and craft, 123. of man, 13. of meekness, 321. of nature, 172. of economy, 523. of policy, 523. of passion, 30. of Philosophy, 40. & 390. of prudence, 104. of patience, 310. of pleasure, 236. of sedition, 705. of society, 480. of the soul, 23. of temperance, 181. of virtue, 52. of vice 65. of wedlock. 480 Democraty: the description of a Democraty, with the sundry kinds of it. 528 Desire: the effects of desire. 36 Diseases: the end, cause, and remedy of bodily diseases, 29. the cause of the diseases of the soul, 33. the seed of diseases. 211 Discipline: the ancient warlike discipline of the Romans, 769. the corruption thereof in these days. 769 Discord: all things are preserved by agreeing discords. 19 Division: of Citizens, 606. of a commonwealth, 579. & 583. of duty, 94. of a house, 492. of justice, 393. of the law, 596. of nature 171. of Philosophy, 40. of passions, 31. of speech, 127. of the soul, 23. of sciences. 76 Dowries: why the dowries of women have always had great privileges, 486. Lycurgus forbade all dowries. 493 Drink: the manner of drinking in old time, 203. against excessive drinking. 204 Drunkenness: hurtful effects of drunkenness and gluttony, 213. examples of drunkenness. 214 Duarchy: what a Duarchy is. 617 Duty: wherein the duty of man consisteth, 12. duty and profit are distinct things, 429. the duty of a wise man, 12. what duty we own to God, and what to our neighbour, 94. four rivers issue out of the fountain of duty. 96 E Eclipse: Nicias feared an eclipse of the moon. 120 Education helpeth the defect of nature, 175. examples thereof, 177. naughty education corrupteth a good nature, 551. how Plato would have children brought up, 552. of the education of daughters. 554 Emperors: there were 73. Emperors of Rome within 100 years, 223. what this word Emperor importeth. 624 End: the proper end of all things. 477 Enemy: how one may reap benefit by his enemies, 112. 383. why men are beholding to their enemies, 379. the common behaviour of men towards their enemies. 380 Envy is a note of an ambitious man, 225. the nature of envy, 457. the fruits of it, 458. it hurteth envious persons most, 459. a good way to be revenged on the envious. 464 Ephoryes: why the Ephoryes were appointed in Lacedemonia. 581 Equality: two sorts of equality. 737 Equity is always one and the same to all people, 601. the equity of the moral law ought to be the end and rule of all laws. 602 Error: the spring of all error. 119 Estate: every Estate and policy consisteth of three parts, 578. the opinion of politics touching a mixed Estate, 625. examples of mixed Estates, 626. what it is to hold the Estates, 685. a rule of Estate, 723. choice custom of seven flourishing Estates, 732. means to preserve an Estate, 734▪ etc. it is dangerous to an Estate to call in foreign succours. 785 Event: we must not judge of enterprises by the event, 305. we must be prepared against all events, 306. the event of all things is to be referred to the providence of God, 42 Evil: what we ought to call evil. 63 Exercise: what bodily exercise is meet for youth. 557 Expenses: a good law e to cut off the occasions of idle expenses. 221 F Fables: who delight most in reading of fables. 462 Family: there must be but one Head in a family, 509. the progress of a family before it come to perfection. 525 Father: why many fathers set not their children to school, 72. the story of a father appointed to execute his own child. 535 Favour: the punishment of one who sold his masters favour. 411 Fear: two kinds of fear, 278. the fear of neighbour enemies is the safety of a commonwealth, 279. good fear is joined with the love of God, 280. examples of wary fear 280. a strange effect of fear in one night, 284. examples of fear which is the defect of fortitude. 281 Feast: how wise men feasted one another in old time, 202. Socrates' feast. 208 Fidelity: a description of fidelity. 414 Flattery: the common practice of flatterers, 139. good counsel for Princes against flatterers. 462 Flesh: the works of the flesh. 20 Foe: he that hath no foe, hath no friend, 145. Look enemy. Fortitude: the works of fortitude must be grounded upon equity and justice, 251. it is a good of the soul, not of the body, 266. the parts of fortitude, 267. examples of fortitude. 273. etc. Fortune: what is to be understood by this word fortune, 307. how we may use these words of fortune and chance, 469. the opinions of Philosophers touching fortune, 470. the description of fortune, 470. examples of her contrary effects. 472 France: one evident cause of the present ruin of France, 163. the miserable estate of France, 408. one cause thereof, 607. the happy government of France, 635. two causes of the present divisions in France. 716 Friend, and Friendship: the difference between friendship and love, 138. what things are requisite in friendship, 139. the chief cause and end of all true friendship, 138. friendship must be free, 142. three things necessary in friendship, 148. examples of true friendship, 145. what manner of man we must choose for our friend, 140. how we must prove a true friend, and shake off a false, 141. how we must bear with the imperfections of our friend. 144. G Gaming: the effects of gaming, 374, what moved the Lydians to invent games, 374. Alphonsus' decree against gaming. 375 General: a good lesson for a general, 292, properties requisite in a general. 300 Glory: how jealousy of glory is tolerable, with examples thereof, 251. etc. examples of the contempt of glory. 254 Gluttony: the fruits of gluttony, 213. examples thereof. 214 God: all things are present with God, 407. he ordereth casual things necessarily, 468 he is the idea of all good. 42 Goods: the nature of worldly goods, 37. two sorts of goods, 52. & 526. two ways to get goods. 526 Grace: effects of God's grace in the regenerate. 18 Grammar: the commodities of grammar, 556 Grief: a mean how to bear grief patiently. 331 H Happiness: all men naturally desire happiness, 31. who are happy, and who unhappy. 51. what it is to live happily, 38. 54. how we must make choice of a happy life, 246. wherein good or ill hap consisteth, 330. notable opinions of good and ill hap, 332, wherein true happiness consisteth. 334 Hatred: how far a man may hate the wicked, 387. the difference between hatred and envy, 459. the bounds of a good man's hatred, 463. Histories: the praise and profit of histories. 79 Homage: what homage we owe to God. 93 Honour: how a man may seek for honour, 232. examples of the contempt of honour, 233. the first step to honour. 247 Hope: hope must be grounded upon the grace of God, 300. two kinds of hope, 301. the fruit of hope, 302. hope and fear are the foundation of virtue. 561 House; a house consisteth of living stones, 489 small jars must be avoided in a house. 501 Hunting is an image of war. 554 Husbands: how they ought to love their wives, 501. a husband must never beat his wife, 504. he must neither chide nor fawn upon his wife before others, 507. examples of the love of husbands towards their wives. 510. Husbandry: the praise of husbandry, 528. 752. the antiquity of husbandry. 752 I Idleness: it is the mother and nurse of all vice, 369. Pythagoras' precept against idleness, 370. examples against idleness. 377 Ignorance: ignorance of ourselves the cause of much evil, 12. pernicious effects of ignorance, 117. 118. common effects of ignorance 119. Impatiency: who are most given to impatiency and choler, 312. how it may be cured. 313. Impost: a commendable kind of impost. 220 Impudency: the description of impudency. 428. Incontinency: the difference between an incontinent and an intemperate man, 190. Socrates' disputation against incontinency. 238 Infants: how infants are to be brought up. 552 Ingratitude: means to keep us from ingratitude, 432. it was the cause of man's fall, 425 great men are soon touched with ingratitude, 428. examples against it. 430 innocency is a tower of brass against slanderers. 466 Injury: how many ways a man may receive injury. 384 Injustice: the fruits of it in the wicked, 403. it is a general vice, 404. the effects of it, 405. how many kinds there are of injustice. 404 Intemperance: the companions of intemperance. 192. what predominant passions are in it, 189. examples of intemperance. 193 etc. Joy: examples of some that died of joy. 36 judgement: from whence judgement proceedeth, 89. the judgement of the best, not of the most is to be preferred, 249. judgements are the sinews of an estate. 690 judges: how the Egyptians painted judges, 394. a corrupt manor of making judges. 701 justice: the fruits of justice, 390. the ground of all justice, 391. examples of the love of justice, 395. how the abuse of it may be remedied, 399. the denial of justice is dangerous, 408. 658. the springs of all corruptions of justice, 697. justice distributed into seven parts. 746 K Knowledge: the knowledge of God and of ourselves must be linked together, 12. the end of the knowledge of ourselves, 16. the benefits that come by knowledge. 74 King: wherein the greatness of a king consisisteth, 57 wherein kings ought to exercise themselves most. 80. the true ornaments of a king, 180. the difference between a great and a little king, 398. what power the kings of Lacedaemonia had, ●80. good precepts for kings, 648. a king must be skilful by reason and not by use, 648. the first and principal duty of a king is to have the law of God before his eyes, 655. he must begin reformation at himself and his court. 656. the sum of the duty of a king. 674 Kingdom: what causeth kingdoms to flourish, 399, of the original of kingdoms, 586. their alteration cometh through vice, 67, they flourish through virtue, 61. Of the antiquity of a kingdom, 623. the dangerous estate of an elective kingdom upon the death of the prince, 633. what kingdoms are elective. 634 L Law: what civil laws may not be changed, 597. the end of all laws, 603. change of laws in a well settled estate is dangerous, 598. what the law of nature is, 596. the ancient lawmakers, 599. what manner of laws are to be established in the Commonwealth, 657. Learning: examples of ancient men that gave themselves to learning, 570. examples of great love to learning. 81 Letter: Anacharsis letter to Croesus, 78, Alexander's to Aristotle, 80. Caesar's to Rome: octavianus to his nephew: Plato's to Dionysius: Pompey's to the senate, 132. Pisistratus to his nephew, 146. Traian's to Plutarch, 157. & 233. Traian's to the senate, 654. 707. Macrines' to the senate of Rome, 747. Aurelius to a tribune. 768 Liberality: a poor man may be liberal, 436. the laws of liberality, 440. examples of liberality. 441 Love: love is the first foundation of every holy marriage. 530 Life: man's life compared to the Olympian assemblies, 38. one cause of the long life of our elders, 198. Senecaes' opinion of the shortness of our life, 211. our life compared to table-play, 335. no man ought to hide his life, 373. the end of our life, 377. three things necessary for the life of man, 750. wherein a happy life consisteth. 804 Lying: lying in a prince is most odious. 417 M Magistrate: of the name of magistrate, 587. good counsel for magistrates, 588. the duty of the magistrate consisteth in three things, 590. what manner of then magistrates ought to be, 399. 593. the titles of a good magistrate. 610 Magnanimity: magnanimity consisteth in three things, 289. wonderful magnanimity, 59 three effects of magnanimity, 290. examples thereof. 295. 296 Malice: the malice of Nero and Tiberius. 124 Man: the prerogatives of men above other creatures, 594. the manner of man's conception and fashioning, 21. the end of his being, 13. 73. 95. three things necessary for the perfection of man, 173. common effects of man's frail nature, 339. the duty of a man at the perfection of his age. 570 Marriage: the author, antiquity, and ends of marriage, 482. reasons against marriage, 482 the defence of marriage, 484. motives to marriage, 488. four kinds of marriage, 492. the best time and place to pacify strife between married couples, 515. at what age men and women ought to marry. 495 Mask: against masks and mummeries. 214 Master: what properties are requisite in a master. 528. 530 Mediocrity: mediocrity must be used in all actions. 160 meekness: the effects of meekness, 321. examples of meek princes. 323 Memory: the praise of memory, 88 examples of good memories. 89. reasons why quickest wits have best memories, and contrariwise. 90 Mercy: who were forbidden to enter into the temple of mercy. 320 Mind: base minds stand in great fear of death and grief. 283 Mirth: how mirth is commendable. 464 Mocking: how a man may repulse a mock, 386. examples thereof. 387. Monarchy: what a monarchy is, 579. 617. the law of nature leadeth us to a monarchy, 615 reasons against a monarchy, 617. the commodities of a monarchy, 622. monarchies have continued longest, 625. what agreement the French monarchy hath with every good policy. 626. Five kinds of monarchies, 628. how the first monarchy came up. 629 Money: why money was first invented, 527 Mother: the mother is no less to be honoured than the father, 540. every mother ought to nurse her own child. 552 Murder: a cruel murder of a gentlewoman, & her household. 450 Music: a commendable end of music, 553. when music is most convenient. 202 Mystery: how far we may search into heavenly mysteries. 41 N Nature: the division of nature, 171. the corruption thereof. 173 Negligence: two sorts of negligence. 725 Neighbour: reasons to move us to love our neighbours. 320 Nobility: what nobility is, with the sundry kinds of it, 747. nobility is the ornament of a commonwealth. 740 Number: the number of seven accounted a perfect number. 563 O Obedience to God's law is the mother of all virtues. 94 Offences are never without pain. 67 Office: in what case a good man may sue for an office, 98. 700. the inconvenience that cometh by setting offices to sale. 400 Old-age: when old-age beginneth, 571. to whom it is not grievous. 572 Officers: the statute of S. jews concerning the election of officers. 702 oligarchy: what an oligarchy is, and how it changeth into a tyranny, 581. reasons against an oligarchy. 621 Oration: Otans' oration for a popular regiment, 618. Megabyses' oration for an aristocraty. 619. Darius' oration for a monarchy, 621. corvinus oration to his soldiers, 784. the benefit of making orations to soldiers, 775. Cyrus' oration to his captain. 776 Order: what order is. 740 P Painting: the use of painting. 557 Parliament: the present estate of the parliament of France. 695 Pastors: wherein the office of true pastors consisteth. 745 Passions: the passions of the soul are headstrong, 35. the scope of our passions, 32. pleasure and grief are the cause of passions, 28. natural passions not to be condemned. 30 Patience: the fruits of patience, 310. what the wicked account of patience, 314 Peace: the discommodities of a long peace, 756. the effects of peace. 758 People: the division of the people into three orders or estates. 606 Perjury: examples of gods judgements upon perjured persons. 420. 423 Perturbations: from whence the perturbations of the soul proceed, 31. the original, nature and effects of perturbations. 33 Philosophy: how we may know whether we profit in Philosophy, 47. the fruits that follow the study of it, 346. examples of love to Philosophy, 48. what divine Philosophy is, 40. the chief foundation of all Philosophy, 45. the perfection of Philosophy. 48 Philosopher: necessary points for a Philosopher, 45. what this word Philosopher importeth, 51. what kind of knowledge is chief required in a Philosopher, 78. Philosopher's ought to be conversant with Princes. 155 Plays: hurtful effects of plays. 216 Pleaders: against prating pleaders. 129 Pleasure: pleasure is the end of superfluity, 210. what Philosophers placed their chief Good in pleasure, 235. the fruits of pleasure. 236 Policies: a mean to preserve policies, 401. what policy is, and from whence the word is derived, 577. no people without some policy. 576 Poverty: why poor men are not less happy than the rich, 359▪ the fruits of poverty, 361 poverty pleadeth for itself, 362. what poverty is odious, 366. a good law for the poor 438 Power: civil power ought to maintain the worship of God, 578. two kinds of public power. 609 Praise: a good man may sometime praise himself. 250 Pride: the effects of pride, 250. examples of pride punished. 254 Prince: the lose life of Princes is dangerous for their Estates, 242. etc. a good consideration for Princes, 324. it is dangerous for Princes to advance wickedmen, 343. the promise of a Prince is tied with a double bond, 417. how far Princes are subject to laws, 595. wherein their absolute power consisteth, 596. when a Prince may deny the request of his three estates, 598. obedience is due to unjust Princes, aswell as to just, 611. a child prince is a token of God's wrath 620. it is not lawful for any to kill his Prince although he be a tyrant, 639. when a Prince may best be corrected, 643. two properties requisite in him that teacheth a Prince, 644. how a young Prince must be taught, 645. excellent titles of a good Prince, 650. Look more in chap. 59 & 60. Prodigality: how prodigality and covetousness may be in one subject. 447 Profit: profit must not be separated from honesty. 95 Promise: whither a forced promise is to be kept, 414. no promise ought to be made against duty, 415. we must keep promise with our enemy, 416. examples of promise-keeping. 418 Prosperity: effects of 100 great prosperity in commonwealths, 281. more hurtful than adversity, 340. examples of some that were overthrown by prosperity, 342. of others that were not puffed up with it. 343. etc. Prudence: the effects of prudence, 104. 106. prudence hath three eyes, 105. examples of prudence, 108. etc. a prudent man is not overlight of belief. 114 Q Quarrel: the common excuse of quarrelers. 385 Quietness: how a man may have continual quietness. 67 R Rashness: the effects of rashness. 285 Reason: the error of the Philosophers touching the strength of reason, 24. there is a double reason in man. 14 Recreation: how men ought to recreate themselves. 375 Religion: religion is the foundation of all estates, 576. Socrates' called it the greatest virtue, 53. integrity of religion knitteth the hearts of subjects to their princes, 653. the fruits of the contempt of religion. 704 Reprehension: how we must use reprehension, 151. examples of free reprehension. 156 Revenge: private revenge cometh of frailty, 326. examples of princes void of revenge 327. Socrates' precept against private revenge, 381. a commendable kind of revenge. 382. 383. Reward: the difference between a reward and a benefit. 672 Riches: how riches may be well used, 435. the common effects of riches, 350. anotable example of the true use of riches, 439. the nature, quality, and fruits of riches, 351. what riches are to be sought for, 358. riches are the sinews of war. 749 Rome: of the ancient estate of Rome. 605 S Salic: the Salic law excludeth daughters and their sons from government. 635 Schoolmaster: what schoolmasters are to be chosen, 554. the properties of a good schoolmaster. 564 Sciences: what sciences are first to be learned. 77 Scoffing: what scoffing is, and how it is to be avoided. 464 Secret: of concealing a secret. 134 Sedition: the original of all sedition, 703. the fruits of sedition, 705. the causes of sedition. 718 Selling: it is wickedness to conceal the fault of that which a man selleth. 416 Senate: what a Senate is, and from whence the word came, 572. why the Senate of Lacedemonia was first instituted, 580. of the Senate of sundry nations. 678 Servant: examples of moderate train of serving-men, 220. the duty of servants comprehended in four points, 547. examples of the love of servants towards their masters. 548 Severity: an example of most cruel severity. 412 Shame: honest shame is always commendable, 264. how we must learn to resist all naughty shame, 259. 261. shame is the keeper of all virtues, 256. what shame is hurtful. 259 Shamefastness: the shamefastness of the Romans, 263. of the Milesian maidens, 264. it is the best dowry of a woman. 516 Signs: Anaxagoras saying against the superstitious fear of celestial signs. 121 Silence: Alexander gave money to a poet to keep silence, 131. the praise of silence. 133 Sin: the punishment of sin is equal with it both for age and time, 407. how we must avoid and repress it, 258. some sins are punishments of other sins, 190. how we may overcome great sins, 47. sin the first and true cause of all our misery. 13 Sobriety: it preserveth health, 200. examples of sobriety. 203. etc. Society: the end of all society. 480 Sovereignty: what sovereignty is, 586. the mark of a sovereign. 595 Soldiers: good counsel for soldiers, 343. soldiers must begin war with prayer, and end with praise. 783 Soul: the soul is not subject to man's jurisdiction, 573. the soul is infused not traduced, 23. the properties of the soul, 25. the soul is truly man, 12. 85. 115. the actions, beauty, and delight of the soul. 26 Speech: pleasant speeches full of doctrine, 114. how it is framed, 127. Laconical speech, 128. two times of speaking, 130. how great men ought to speak, 131. a good precept for speech, 132. examples of the commendable freedom of speech. 135 Spirit: the difference between the soul and the spirit, 88 the proper work of man's spirit. 74 Sports: the sports of prudent men. 113 Study: the end of all studies. 556 Stupidity: the description of stupidity. 196 Subjects: what service they own to their princes, 608. how far they are bound to obey their prince and his laws. 610 Superfluity: how Heraclitus dissuaded superfluity, 217. good counsel for princes and magistrates concerning superfluous expenses. 222 Swearing: against swearing. 317 T Temperance: no virtue can be without temperance, 180. four parts of temperance, 182. what passions are ruled by it, 181. examples thereof. 184 Temple: the temple of Diana was burnt by Erostratus. 196 Theft: theft punished diversly in divers nations. 602 Timocratie: the description of a Timocratie. 581 Tongue: the tongue is the best and worst thing that is, 130. examples of mischiefs caused by the intemperancy of the tongue. 134. Traffic: Lycurgus forbade all traffic with strangers. 164 Treason: treason and cruelty never find place in a noble heart, 296. the effects of treason, 418. examples of the ill success of traitors, 422. a severe law against treason. 614 Truth: all men by nature have some light of truth. 18 Turk: of the estate of the Turk, 631. he disposeth of all lordships at his pleasure. 632 Tyranny: when a kingdom turneth into a tyoannie, 579, tyrants are naturally hated, 610. marks of a tyranny 631. of the name of a tyrant, 636. the difference between a good king and a tyrant, 637. examples of the extraordinary deaths of tyrants. 639 V Vainglory: Solon called every vainglorious man a fool, 255 Valour: properties requisite in a valiant man, 267. all hardy men are not valiant, 268. how a man may be valiant, 288. from whence valour proceedeth. 765 Vengeance: why God deferreth his vengeance upon the wicked. 69 Venice: of the state of Venice, 605. the dukedom of Venice is elective. 624 Virtue: virtue is neither without affections, nor subject unto them, 309. the property of virtue oppressed, 347. three things concur in perfect virtue, 175. the near conjunction of all the virtues, 107. examples of the force of virtue in adversity, 58. the excellency and property of virtue, 55. it is always void of extreme passion. 37 Vice: when we begin to hate vice, 64. the effects of vice, 65. how we should fortify ourselves against vice, 69. five vices brought out of Asia by the Romans. 164 Victory: how victory is to be used. 791 Unhappiness: who are unhappy. 334 Unthankfulness: Draco punished unthankfulness by death, 429. the fruits of unthankfulness. 430 Voice: the diversity of men's voices is a great secret of nature. 22 Vsuric: biting usuric is detestable gain. 527 W War: a notable example against civil war, 101. two kinds of war, 706. whether diversity of religion be a cause of civil war, 738. the effects of war, 758. wherefore and when we must begin war, 760. three things necessarily required in men of war, 765. war ought to be speedily ended. 776. affairs of war must be debated by many, but concluded by few. 781 whoredom: the hurtful effects of whoredom, 237. etc. good counsel against whoredom. 244 Wicked: why the life of the wicked cannot be happy▪ 406. the property of the wicked. 67 Widow: of the marriage of widows. 496 Wife: a wife is to be chosen by the ears, not by the fingers, 493. the best way to order an unruly wife, 507. how she must deal with her choleric husband, 514. a short sum of the duty of a wife, 517. examples of the great love of wives toward their husbands. 518. Wisdom: it is true wisdom to know ourselves, 11. the perfection of a wise man's life, 18. a wise man is ashamed to offend before himself, 68 the praise of wisdom, 75. 730. Wit: quick wits commonly want memory, 84 Wimes: how the Jews punished false witness bearing. 602 Woman: why the woman was created of the rib of man, 485. the natural gifts of women, 512. curtain takens of an adulterous heart in a woman, 516. against ignorance in women. 555 Work: wherein she perfection of every work consisteth, 266. two things requisite in every good work. 95 World: the differens opinions of the Stoics and Epicures concerning the government of the world. 328 Wrath: Cotys broke his glasses to avoid occasion of wrath. 315 Writing: pithy writings of ancient men. 132 X Xenophon: the great prudence of Xenophon in conducting an army. 81 Y Year: effects of the climacterical year. 63. 563 Youth: how the Romans taught their youth to for sake the follies of their first age, 567. examples of virtuous young men, 568. how the Persian youth was instructed, 263. two things to be respected in the institution of youth, 556. the common diseases of youth, 559. six precepts requisite in the instruction of youth. 558 Z Zaleucus: Zaleucus law against adultery. 240 Zeal: the zeal of the ancients in the service of their Gods. 97 FINIS.