A NOTABLE HISTORY containing four voyages made by certain French Captains unto FLORIDA: Wherein the great riches and fruitfulness of the country with the manners of the people hitherto concealed are brought to light, written all, saving the last, by Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained there himself as the French Kings Lieutenant a year and a quarter: Newly translated out of French into English by R. H. In the end is added a large table for the better finding out the principal matters contained in this work.  
AT LONDON, Imprinted by Thomas Dawson 1587.   


AMORE ET VIRTUTE.    

TO THE RIGHT Worthy and Honourable Gentleman, Sir Walter Ralegh knight, seneschal of the Duchies of Cornwall and Exeter, and L. Warden of the stannaries in Devon and Cornwall. R. H. wisheth true felicity.  
SIR, after that this history, which had been concealed many years, was lately committed to print and published in France under your name by my learned friend M. Mar●ine Basanier of Paris, I was easily induced to turn it into English, understanding that the same was no less grateful to you here, than I know it to be acceptable to many great & worthy persons there. And no marvel though it were very welcome unto you, & that you liked of the translation thereof, since no history hitherto set forth hath more affinity, resemblance or conformity with yours of Virginea, than this of Florida. But calling to mind that you had spent more years in France then I, and understand the french better than myself, I forth with perceived that you approved mine endeavour, not for any private ease or commodity that thereby might redound unto you, but that it argued a singular and especial care you had of those, which are to be employed in your own like enterprise, whom, by the reading of this my translation, you would have forewarned and admonished aswell to beware of the gross negligence in providing sufficiency of victuals, the security, disorders, and mutinies that fell out among the french, with the great inconveniences that thereupon ensued, that by others mishaps 
Other men● misfortune ought to be our warning.  they might learn to prevent and avoid the like, as also might be put in mind, by the reading of the manifold commodities & great fertility of the places herein at large described & so near neighbours unto our colonies, that they might generally be awaked and stirred up unto the diligent observation of every thing that might turn to the advancement of the action, whereinto they are so cheerfully entered. Many special points concerning the commodities of these parts, the accidents of the Frenchman's government therein, the causes of their good or bad success, with the occasions of their abandoning one of their forts, and the surprise of the other by the enemies are herein truly and faithfully recorded: Which because they be quoted by me in the margins, and reduced into a large alphabetical table, which I have annexed to the end of the work, it shallbe needless to reckon up again. And that the rather, because the same with divers other things of chiefest importance are lively drawn in colours at your no small charges by the skilful painter james Morgues, yet living in the Blackfriars in London (whom 
The chief things worthy observation in Florida are drawn in colours by la●es Morgues painter yet living in the Black Friars in London.  Monsieur Chastillon then admiral of France sent thither with Laudonniere for that purpose) which was an eye-witness of the goodness & fertility of those regions, & hath put down in writing many singularities which are not mentioned in this treatise: which he meaneth to publish together with the purtraitures before it be long, if it may stand with your good pleasure & liking. These four voyages I knew not to whom I might better offer than to yourself, & that for divers just considerations. First, for that as I have said before, they were dedicated unto you in french: secondly because now four times also you have attempted the like upon the self same cost near adjoining: thirdly in that you have pierced as far up into the main & discovered no less secrets in the parts of your abode, than the french did in the places of their inhabiting: lastly considering you are now also ready (upon the late return of Captain Stafforde and good news which he brought you of the safe arrival of your last colony in their wished haven) to prosecute this action more thoroughly than ever. And here to speak somewhat of this your enterprise, I affirm, that if the same may speedily and effectually be pursued, it will prove far more beneficial in divers respects unto this our realm, than the world, yea many of the wiser sort, have hitherto imagined: The particular commodities whereof are well known unto 
A collection of the commodities of Virginea.  yourself and some few others, and are faithfully and with great judgement committed to writing, as you are not ignorant, by one of your followers, which remained there a full twelvemonth with your worshipfully lieutenant M. Ralph Lane in the diligent search of the secrets of those countries. Touching the speedy and effectual pursuing of your action, though I wot well it would demanude a a prince's purse to have it thoroughly followed without lingering, yet am I of opinion, that you shall draw the same before it be long to be profitable and gameful aswell to those of our nation there remaining ●●s to the merchants of England that shall trade hereafter thither, partly by certain secret commodities already discovered by 
Means to raise benefit in new discoveries used by the Spaniards and Portugals.  your servants, & partly by breeding of divers sorts of beasts in those large & ample regions, & plainting of such things in that warm climate as will best prosper there, & our realm standeth most in need of. And this I find to have been the course that both the Spaniards and Portugals took in the beginnings of their discoveries and conquests. For the Sp●niards at their first entrance into Hispaniola found neither suger-canes nor ginger growing there, nor any kind of our cattle: But finding the place fit for pasture they sent kine & bulls & sundry sorts of other profitable beasts thither, & transported the plants of suger-canes, & set the roots of ginger: the hides of which oxen, with sugar & ginger are now the chief merchandise of that Island. The Portugals also at their first footing in Madera, as john Barros writes in his first Decade, found nothing there but mighty woods for timber, whereupon they called the Island by that name. Howbeit the climate being favourable, they enriched it by their own industry with the best wines and sugars of the world. The like manner of proceeding they used in the Isles of the Assores by sowing therein great quantity of Woad. So dealt they in S. Thomas under the Equinoctial, & in Brasil & sundry other places. And if our men will follow their steps, by your wise direction I doubt not but in due time they shall reap no less commodity and benefit. Moreover there is none other likelihood but that her Majesty, which hath Christened and given the name to your Virginea, if need require, will deal after the manner of honourable godmothers, which, seeing their gossips not fully able to bring up their children themselves, are wont to contribute to their honest education, the rather if they find any towardliness or reasonable hope of goodness in them. And if Elizabeth 
The great ●eale of Elizabeth queen of Castille and Arragon in advancing of new discoveries tending to God's glory.  Queen of Castille and Arragon, after her husband Ferdinando & she had emptied their coffers and exhausted their treasures in subdueing the kingdom of Granada & rooting the Mores, a wicked weed, out of Spain, was nevertheless so zealous of God's honour, that (as Fernandus Columbus the Son of Christopher Columbus recordeth in the history of the deeds of his Father) she laid part of her own jewels, which she had in great account, to gauge, to furnish his Father forth upon his first voyage, before any foot of land of all the West Indies was discovered, what may we expect of our most magnificent & gracious prince ELIZABETH of England, into whose lap the Lord hath most plentifully thrown his treasuries, what may we, I say, hope of her forwardness & bounty in advancing of this your most honourable enterprise being far more certain than that of Columbus, at that time especially, and tending no less to the glory of God than that action of the Spaniards. For as you may read in the very last words of the relation of New Mexico extant now in english, the main land, where your last colony mean to seat themselves, is replenished with many thousands of Indians, Which are of better wits than those of Mexico 
The aptness of the people in the main of Virginea to embrace Christianity.  and Peru, as hath been found by those that have had some trial of them: whereby it may be gathered that they will easily embrace the Gospel, forsaking their idolatry, wherein at this present for the most part they are wrapped & entangled. A wise Philosopher noting the sundry desires of divers men, writeth, that if an ox be put into a meadow he will seek to fill his belly with grass, if a stork be cast in she will seek for snakes, if ye turn in a hound he will seek to start an hare: So sundry men entering into these discoveries propose unto themselves several ends. Some seek authority and places of commandment, others experience by seeing of the world, the most part worldly and transitory gain, & that often times by dishonest and unlawful means, the fewest number the glory of God and the saving of the souls of the poor & blinded infidels. Yet because divers honest and well disposed persons are entered already into this your business, and that I know you mean hereafter to send some such good Churchmen thither, as may truly say with the Apostle to the Savages, We seek not yours but 
2. Cor. 12. 14.  you: I conceive great comfort of the success of this your action, hoping that the Lord, whose power is wont to be perfected in weakness, will bless the feeble foundations of your building. Only be you of a valiant courage and faint not, as the Lord said unto joshua, 
I●sne 1. 6.  exhorting him to proceed on forward in the conquest of the land of promise, and remember that private men have happily wilded and waded through as great enterprises as this, with lesser means than those which God in his mercy hath bountifully bestowed upon you, to the singular good, as I assure myself, of this our common wealth wherein you live. Hereof we have examples domestical and foreign. Remember I pray you, what you find in the beginning of the Chronicle of the conquest of Ir●●●de newly dedicated unto yourself. 
The good success in Ireland of Richard Strangbowe exle of Chepstowe.  Read you not that Richard Strangbowe the decayed earl of Chepstowe in Monmuthshire, being in no great favour of his Sovereign, passed over into that Island in the year 1171. and accompanied only with certain of his private friends had in short space such prosperous success, that he opened the way for king Henry the second to the speedy subjection of all that warlike nation to this crown of England: which so continueth to this present day? The like conquest of Brasilia and annexing the same to the kingdom of Portugal was first begun by mean and private men, as Don Antonio de castilio, Ambassador here for that realm, & by his office keeper of all the records and monuments of their discoveries, assured me in this city within these six years. Now if the greatness of the main of Virginea, and the large extension thereof, especially to the West, should make you think that the subduing of it, were a matter of more difficulty than the conquest of Ireland, first I answer, that, as the fresh experience of that happy and singular 
The happy l●te discovery to the northwest of captain Davies.  skilful pil●tte and Captain M. john davis to the northwest▪ (toward which his discovery yourself have thrice contributed with the forwardest) hath showed a great part to be main Sea, where before was thought to be main land, so for my part I am fully persuaded by Or●elius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulf of California that the land on the back part of Virginea extendeth nothing so far westward as is put down in the maps of those parts, and that before two years come to an end, God blessing the foresaid Captain davis endeavours, he will put us out of that doubt and many others. Moreover it is not to be denied, but that one hundred men will do more now among the naked and unarmed people in Virginea, then one thousand were able then to do in Ireland against that armed and warlike nation in those days. I say further, that these two years last experience hath plainly showed that we may spare ten thousand able men without any miss. And these are as many as the kingdom of Portugal had ever in all their garrisons of the Assores, Madera, Cape verde, Guinea, brasil, Mozambique, Melinde, Zocotora, Ormus, Diu, Goa, Mallacca, the Moluccas, Amacan, and Macao upon the cost of China. Yea this I say by the confession of singular expert men of 
Th'kings of Portugal had never above ten thousand of their natural subjects in all their n●w conquered dom●●●s.  their own nation (whose names I suppress for certain causes) which have been personally in the East Indies, and have assured me that their kings had never above ten thousand natural borne Portugals (their slaves excepted) out of their kingdom remaining in all the aforesaid territories. Which also this present year I saw confirmed in a secret extract of the particular estate of that kingdom and of every government and office subject to the same, with the several pensions thereunto belonging. Seeing therefore we are so far from want of people, that retiring daily home out of the Low Countries they go idle up & downein swarms for lack of honest entertainment, I see no fit place to employ some part of the better sort of them trained up thus long in service, them in the inward parts of the firm of Virginea against such stubborn Savages as shall refuse obedience to her Majesty. And doubtless many of our men will be glade & feign to accept this condition, when as by the reading of this present treaty they shall understand the fertility and riches of the regions confining so near upon yours, the great commodities and goodness whereof I trust you will suffer to come shortly to light. In the mean season I humbly commend myself and this my translation unto you, and yourself, and all those which under you have taken this enterprise in hand to the grace & good blessing of the Almighty, which is able to build further, and to finish the good work which in these our days he hath begun by your most Christian and charitable endeavour.  
Your L. humble at commandment R. H.   

The preface.  
THere are two things, which according to mine opinio●● have been the principal causes in consideration whereof aswell they of ancient times, as those of our age have been induced to travel into far and remote regions. The first hath been the natural desire which we have to search out the commodities to live happily, plentifully, and at ease: be it whether one abandon his natural country altogether, to dwell in a better, or be it that men make voyages thither, there to search out and bring from thence such things as are there to be found, and are in greatest estimation and in most request in our countries. The second cause hath been the multitude of people too fruitful in generation, which, being no longer able to dwell in their native soils, have entered upon their neighbour's limits, and oftentimes passing further have pierced even unto the uttermost regions. After this sort the north climate, a fruitful father of so many nations, hath oftentimes sent forth this way and that way his valiant people, and by this mean hath peopled infinite countries: so that most of the nations of Europe draw their original from these parts. Contrariwise the more southern regions, because they be too barren by reason of their insupportable heat which reigneth in them, need not any such sending forth of their inhabitances, and have been oftentimes constrained to receive other people more often by force ofarmes then willingly. All Africa, Spain, and Italy, can also testify the same, which never so abounded with people that they had need to send them abroad to inhabit else where: as on the contrary Scythia, Norway, Gotland, and France have done. The posterity of which nations remaineth yet not only in Italy, Spain and Africa, but also in fruitful and fair Asia. Nevertheless I find that the Romans proceeding farther, or rather adding unto these two chief causes aforesaid, (as being most curious to plant not only their ensigns and victories, but also their laws, customs, and religion in those provinces which they had conquered by force 
Planting of colonies.  ofarmes) have oftentimes by the decree of their sovereign Senate sent forth inhabitants, which they called colonies, (thinking by this way to make their name immortal), even to the unfurnishing of their own country of the forces which should have preserved the same in her perfection: a thing which hindered them much more, than advanced them to the possession of the universal monarchy, where unto their intention did aspire. For it came to pass that their colonies here and there being miserably sacked by strange people did utterly ruin and overthrow their empire. The brinks of the river of Rind are yet red, those of Danubius are no less bloody, and our France be came fat with their blood which they lost. These are the effects and rewards of all such as being pricked forward with this Roman and tyrannical ambition will go about thus to subdue strange people: effects, I say, contrary to the profit which those shall receive, which only are affectioned to the common benefit, that is to say, to the general policy of all men, and endeavour to unite them one with another as well by traffic and foreign conversations, as also by military virtues, and force of arms, whenas the savages will not yield unto their endeavours so much tending unto their profit.  
For this cause princes have sent forth out of their dominions certain men of good activity, to plant themselves in strange countries, there to make their profit to bring the country to civility, and, if it might be, to reduce the inhabitants to the true knowledge of our God: an end so much more commédable, as it is far from all tyrannical and cruel government: and so they have always thrived in their enterprises, and by little and little gained the hearts of them which they have conquered or won unto them by any means. Here of we may gather that sometimes it is good, yea very expedient to send forth men to discover the pleasure and commodity of strange countries: But so, that the country out of which these companies are to pass remain 
Two condition required in conquests of countries new discovered. Nota.  not weakened, nor deprived of her forces: And again in such sort that the company sent forth be of so just and sufficient number, that it may not be defeated by strangers, which every foot endeavour nothing else but to surprise the same upon the sudden. As within these few days past the french have proved to my great grief, being able by no means possible to withstand the same, considering that the elements, men, and all the favours which might be hoped for of a faithful and Christian alliance fought against us: which thing I purpose to discover in this present history with so evident truth, that the king's majesty my sovereigning prince shall in part be satisfied of the diligence which I have used in his service, and mine adversaries shall find themselves so discovered in their false reports, that they shall have no place of refuge. But before I begin, I will briefly set down the situation and description of the land where unto we have failed and where we have inhabited from the year 1561 unto sixty five, to the end that those things may the more easily be borne a way, which I mean to describe in this discourse.   

¶ The description of the West Indies in general, but chief and particularly of Florida.  
THat part of the earth which at this day we call the fourth part of the world or America, or the 
America unknown to all antiquity.  West India, was unknown unto our ancestors by reason of the great distance thereof. In like manner all the Western Islands and fortunate Isles were not discovered but by those of our age. Howbeit there have been some which have said that they were discovered in the time of Augustus Caesar, and that Virgil hath made mention thereof in the sixth book of his Aeneidos, when he saith, That there is a land beyond the stars, and the course of the year and of the sun, where Atlas the Porter of heaven sustaineth the pole upon his shoulders: nevertheless it is easy to judge that he meaneth not to speak of this land, whereof no man is found to have written before his time, neither yet above a thousand years after. Christopher Colon did first light upon this 
Christopher Colon or Columbe.  land in the year 1492. And five years after Americus went thither by the commandment of the king of Castille, and gave unto it his own name, whereupon afterward it was called America. 
Americus Vespucius of whom America took the name.  This man was very well seen in the Art of Navigation and in Astronomy: whereby be discovered in his time many lands unknown unto the ancient Geographers. This country is named by some, the land of bresil, and the land of Parrots. It stretcheth itself according unto Postel from the one pole to the other, saving at the strait of Magelan, whereunto it reacheth, three and 
The first general part of America.  fifty degrees beyond the equator. I will divide it for the better understanding into three principal parts. That which is toward the pole Arctic or the North, is called new France, because that in the year 1524, john Verarsana a Florentine was sent by king Francis the first, and by Madam the Regent his mother unto these new regions, where he went on land, and discovered all the coast which is from the tropic of Cancer, to wit, from the eight and twentieth unto the fiftieth degree, and farther to the North. He planted in this Country the ensigns and arms of the king of France: so that the Spaniards themselves, which were there afterward, have named this Country Terra Francesca. The same then extendeth itself in Latitude from the 25. degree unto the 54, toward the North: and in Longitude from 210. unto 330. The Eastern part thereof is called by the late Writers the land of Norumbega, which beginneth at the Bay of Gama, which separateth it from the Isle of Canada, whither Roberuall and jaques Carter sailed the year 1535. About the which there are many islands, among which is that which is named Terra de Labrador stretching toward Groneland. In the Western part there are many known countries, as the Region of Quivira, Cevola, Astatlan, and Terlichichimici. The Southern part is called Florida, because it was discovered on Palm-Sunday, which the Spaniards call Pascha Florida. The Northern part is altogether unknown.  
The second part of all America is called New spain. It 
The 2. general part of America.  extendeth from the tropic of Cancer in the 23. degrees and a half, unto the nienth degree. In the same is situated the city of Themistitan, and it hath many regions, and many Islands adjoined unto it, which are called the Antilles, whereof the most famous and renounced are Hispaniola and Isabel, with an infinite number of others. All this land together with the Bay of Mexico, and all the Islands aforesaid have not in longitude past seventy degrees, to wit, from the 240. unto three hundredth and ten: it is also long and narrow as Italy. The third part of America is called Peru, it is 
The 3. general part of America.  very great, and extendeth itself in latitude from the tenth degree unto the 53. beyond the equator, to wit, as I have said before unto the strait of Magelan. It is made in fashion like to an egg, and is very well known upon all sides. The part where it is largest hath threescore degrees, and from thence it waxeth narrower and narrower toward both the ends. In one part of this land Villegagnon planted right under the tropic of Capricorn, and he called it France Antarctic, because it draweth toward the pole Antarctic, as our France doth toward the Arctic.  
New France is almost as great as all our Europe. Howbeit 
Florida with an ample description thereof.  the most known and inhabited part thereof is Florida, whether many Frenchman have made diverse voyages at sundry times, in so much that now it is the best known country, which is in all this part of new France. The Cape thereof is as it were a long head of land stretching out into the Sea an hundred leagues, and runneth directly toward the South, it hath right over against it 25. leagues distant the Isle of Cuba otherwise called Isabel, toward the East the Isles of Bahama & Lucaya, and toward the West the Bay of Mexico. The Country is flat, and divided with divers rivers, and therefore moist, and is sandy towards the Sea shore. There groweth in those parts great quantity of Pynetrees which 
The trees of Florida,  have no kernels in the Apples which they bear. Their Woods are full of Oaks, Walnuttrees, black Cherietrees, Mulbury trees, Lentiskes, and Chestnut trees, which are not natural as those in France. There is great store of Ceders, Cypresses, Bays, Palm trees, holies, and wild vines, which climb up along the trees and bear good Grapes. There is there a kind of Meddlers, the fruit whereof is better than that of France, and bigger. There are also Plum trees, which bear very fair fruit, but such as is not very good. There are Raspisses, and a little bearie which we call among us Blues, which are very good to eat. There grow in that Country a kind of Roots which they call in their language Hatseh whereof in necessity they make bread. There is also there the tree called Esquive which is very good against the Pocks and 
The beasts of Florida.  other contagious diseases. The Beasts best known in this Country are Stags, Hinds, Goats, Dear, Bears, Leopards, Owneces, Luserns, divers sorts of Wolves, wild Dogs, Hares, Coneys, and a cretaine kind of beast that differeth little from the Lion of Africa. The Fowls are Turkeycockes, Partridges, Parrots, 
The foul of Florida.  Pigeons, Ringdoves, Turtles, Blackbirds, Crows, Tarcels, Falcons, Laynerds, Herons, Cranes, Storks, wild Geese, Mallards, Cormorans, Egrepts white, red, black and grey, and an infinite sort of all wild foul. There is such abundance of Crocodiles 
Crocodiles.  that often times in swimming men are assailed by them, of Serpents there are many sorts. There is found among the Savages good quantity of Gold and Silver, which is gotten out of 
Gold & silver.  the Ships that are lost upon the cost, as I have understood by the savages themselves. They use traffic thereof one with another. And that which maketh me the rather believe it, is, that on the cost toward the Cape, where commonly the Ships are cast away, there is more store of silver, then toward the North. Nevertheless they say that in the Mountains of Appalatcy there are mines of Copper, which I think to be gold. There is also in this Country great 
The mountains of Appalatcy. Store of dyes and colours. The disposition and manners of the Floridians.  store of grains and herbs, whereof might be made excellent good dyes and paintings of all kind of colours. And in truth the Indians which take great pleasure in painting of their skins know very well how to use the same. The men are of an Olive colour, of great stature, fair without any deformity, and well proportioned. They cover their privities with the skin of a stag well dressed. The most part of them have their bodies, arms, & thighs painted with very fair devices: the painting whereof can never be taken away, because the same is pricked into their flesh. Their hair is very black and reacheth even down to their hips, 
The wearing of their hair.  howbeit they truss it up after a fashion that becometh them very well. They are great dissemblers and traitors, valiant of their persons and fight very well. They have none other weapons but their Bows and Arrows. They make the string of their bow of a gut of a stag or of a stags skin, which they know how to dress as well as any man in France and with as many different sorts of colours. They head their arrows with the teeth of Fishes and stone which they work very fine and handsomely. They exercise their young men to run well, and they make a game, among themselves 
Their exercise and pastime▪ running for games. Shooting. Playing at the Ball. Hunting Fishing. Their form of war.  which he winneth that hath the longest breath. They also exercise themselves much in shooting. They play at the ball in this manner. They set up a tree in the midst of a place which is eight or nine fathom high, in the top whereof there is set a square mat made of reeds or Bulrushes which whosoever hitteth in playing thereat, winneth the game. They take great pleasure in hunting and fishing. The kings of the Country make great war one against the other, which is not executed but by surprise, and they kill all the men that they can take: afterward they cut of their heads to have their hair, which returning home they carry away, to make thereof their triumph when they come to their houses. They save the women and children and nourish them and keep them always with them. Being returned home from the war they assemble all their subjects, and for joy three days and three nights they make good cheer, they dance and sing, likewise they make the most ancient 
Their triumphs after the victory.  women of the Country to dance holding the hairs of their enemies in their hands: and in dancing they sing praises to the Sun, ascribing unto him the honour of the victory. They have no knowledge 
they worship the Sun and Moon. Their priests are both Magitions and Physicians.  of GOD, nor of any religion, saving of that which they see, as the Sun and the Moon. They have their Priests to whom they give great credit because they are great Magicians great soothsayers, and callers upon Devils. These priests serve them in steed of Physicians and chirurgeons. They carry always about them a bag full of herbs and drugs to cure the sick diseased which for the most part are sick of the Pocks, for they love women and maidens exceedingly which they call the daughters of the Sun: and 
Their marriages.  some of them are Sodomites. They marry, and every one hath his wife: and it is lawful for the king to have two or three: yet none but the first is honoured and acknowledged for Queen: and none 
The painfulness of the women.  but the children of the first wife inherit the goods and authority of the father. The women do all the business at home. They keep not house with them after they know they be with child. And they eat not of that which they touch as long as they have their flowers. There are in all this Country many Hermaphrodites, which take all 
Many Hermophodites which have the nature of both sexes. Their food & provision for war. Their dressing their flesh and fish over the smoke. Their order in marching to the war. Their consultations.  the greatest pain and bear the victuals when they go to war. They paint their faces much, and stick their hair full of feathers or down that they may seem more terrible. The victuals which they carry with them, are of bread, of honey, and of meale●●ade maiz parched in the fire, which they keep without being marred a long while. They carry also sometimes fish, which they cause to be dressed in the smoke. In necessity they eat a thousand rifraffes, even to the swallowing down of coals, and putting sand into the pottage which they make of this meal. When they go to war their king marcheth first, with a club in the one hand, and his bow in the other, with his quiver full of arrows. All his men follow him, which have likewise their bows and arrows. While they fight they make great cries and exclamations. They take no enterprise in hand but first they assemble oftentimes their council together, and they take very good advisement in any matter before they grow 
Their assemblies.  to a resolution. They meet together every morning in a great common house, whither their king repaireth and setteth him down upon a seat which is higher than the seats of the other: where all of them one after another come and salute him: 
Their saluting of their kings.  and the most ancient begin their salutations lifting up both their hands twice as high as their face, saying, ha, he, ya, and the rest answer ha, ha. assoon as they have done their salutation every man sitteth him down upon the seats which are round about in the house. If there be any thing to entreat of, the king calleth the jawas, that is to say, their Priests, and the most ancient men, and asketh them their advise. Afterward he commandeth Cassine 
The drinking of Cassine before they go to battle.  to be brewed, which is a drink made of the leaves of a certain tree: They drink this Cassine very hot, he drinketh first, than he causeth to be given thereof to all of them one after another in the self same bowl, which holdeth well a quart measure of Paris. They make so great account of this drink, that no man may taste thereof 
The honour exhibited unto men of valour above other. The excellency of Cassine.  in this assembly, unless he hath made proof of his valour in the war. Moreover this drink hath such a virtue, that assoon as they have drunk it, they become all in a sweat, which sweat being past, it taketh away hunger and thirst for 24. hours after. When a king dieth they bury him very solemnly, and upon his grave they set the cup wherein he was wont to drink: and round 
Their manner of the burial of kings. Their fasts at the burial of their kings. Their cutting of more than half their hair.  about the said grave, they stick many arrows, and weep and fast three days and three nights together without ceasing. All the kings which were his friends make the like mourning: and in token of the love which they bore him, they cut of more than the one half of their hair as well men as women. During the space of six moons (so they reckon their months) there are certain women appointed which bewail the death of this king, crying with a loud voice thrice a day, to wit, in the morning, at noon, and at Evening. All the goods of this king are put into his house, and afterward they set it one fire, so that no thing is ever more after to be seen. The like is done with the goods of the priests, and besides 
The burial of their Priests. Sowing twice in 6. months Their corn is ripe in three months.  they bury the bodies of the priests in their houses, and then they set them on fire. They sow their maise twice a year, to wit, in March and in june, and all in one and the same soil. The said maise from the time that it is sowed until the time that it be ready to be gathered is but three months on the ground. The other six months they let the earth rest. They have also fair pompions, 
Fair pompions Goodly beans Instruments wherewith they till their ground.  and very good beans. They never dung their land, only when they would sow, they set the weeds on fire, which grew up during the six months, and burn them all. They dig their ground with an instrument of wood which is fashioned like a broad mattock wherewith they dig their Vines in France, they put two grains of maise together. When the land is to be sowed the king commandeth one of his men to assemble his subjects every day to come to labour, during which labour the king causeth store of that drink to be made for them, whereof we have spoken. At the time 
The bringing of all the crop into a common house. Their provision of corn for 6. months only Their manner of living in the Winter.  when the maise is gathered it is all carried into a common house, where it is distributed to every man according to his quality. They sow no more but that which they think will serve their turns for six months, and that very scarcely. For during the Winter, they retire themselves for three or four months in the year into the woods, where they make little cottages of palm boughs for their retreat, and live there of mast, of fish which they catch, of Oysters, of Stags, of Turkiecockes, and other beasts which they take. They eat all their meat broiled on the coals, and dressed in 
The dressing of their meat in the smoke.  the smoke, which in their language they call Boucaned. They eat willingly the flesh of the Crocodil: & in deed it is fair and white: and were it not that it savoureth too much like musk we would oftentimes have eaten thereof. They have a custom among them, 
Their manner of curing diseases.  that when they find themselves sick, where they feel the pain, whereas we cause ourselves to be let blood, their Physicians suck them until they make the blood follow.  
The women are of the like disposition, & great, and of the same colour 
Their women's disposition & manners.  that the men be of, painted as the men be: Howbeit when they are borne they be not so much of an olive colour, and are far whiter. For the chief cause that maketh them to be of this colour, proceeds of anointings of oil which they use among them: and 
Oil in Florida Women great swimmers.  they do it for a certain ceremony which I could not learn, & because of the sun which shineth hot upon their bodies. The agility of the women is so great that they can swin●ne over the great rivers bearing their children upon one of their arms. They climb up also very nimbly upon the highest trees in the Country.  
Behold in brief the description of the Country, with the nature and customs of the inhabitants: which I was very willing to write, before I entered any further into the discourse of my history, to the end that the Readers might the better be prepared to understand that which I mean hereafter to entreat of.  
MY Lord Admiral of chastilion, a noble man more desirous of the public than of his private benefit, understanding the pleasure of the king his prince, which was to discover new & strange countries, caused vessels fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence, and men to be levied meet for such an enterprise: Among whom he chose Captain john Ribault, a man in truth expert in Sea causes: which having received his charge set himself 
The first voyage of john Ribault to Florida 1561.  to Sea the year 1561. the eighteenth of February accompanied only with two of the kings ships, but so well furnished with Gentlemen, (of whose number I myself was one) and with old Soldiers, that he had means to achieve some notable thing and worthy of eternal memory. Having therefore sailed two months, never holding the usual course of the Spaniards, he arrived in Florida, landing near a Cape or Promontory, which is no high land, because the cost is all flat, but only rising by reason of the high woods, which at his arrival he called Cape François in honour of our France. This Cape is distant from the equator 
Cape François in 30. degrees.  about 30. degrees. Coasting from this place towards the North, he discovered a very fair and great river, which gave him occasion to cast anchor that he might search the same the next day very early in the morning: which being done, by the break of day, accompanied with Captain Fiquinuille and divers other soldiers of his ship, he was no sooner arrived on the brink of the shore, but strait he perceived many Indians men and women, which came of purpose to that place to receive the Frenchmen with all gentleves & amity, as they well declared by the Oration which their king made, and the presents of Chamoys skins wherewith he honoured our 
A pillar sir up.  captain, which the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the said river, and not far from the mouth of the same upon a little sandy knap, in which Pillar the arms of France were carved and engraved. This being done he embarked himself again to the end always to discover the cost toward the North which was his chief desire. After he had sailed a certain time he crossed over to the other side of the river, and then in the presence of certain Indians which of purpose did attend him, he commanded his men to make their prayers, to give thanks to 
Prayer and thanks to God.  GOD, for that of his grace he had conducted the French nation into these strange places, without any peril or danger at all. The prayers being ended, the Indians which were very attentive to hearken unto them, thinking, in my judgement, that we worshipped the sun, because we always had our eyes lifted up toward heaven, rose all up and came to salute the Captain john Ribault, promising to show him their king, which rose not up as they did, but remained still sitting upon green leaves of bays and palm-trees: toward whom the Captain went and sat down by him, and heard him make a long discourse, but with no great pleasure, because he could not understand his language, and much less 
Presents given to Ribault.  his meaning. The king gave our Captain at his departure a plume or fan of Egrepthes feathers died in red, and a basket made of palm boughs after the Indian fashion, and wrote very artificially, with a great skin painted and drawn throughout with the Pictures of divers wild beasts so lively drawn and portrayed that nothing lacked but life. The Captain to show himself not unthankful gave him pretty tin bracelets, a cutting hook, a looking glass, & certain knives: whereupon the king showed himself to be very glad, and fully contented. Having spent the most part of the day with these Indians, the captain embarked himself to pass over to the other side of the river, whereat the king seemed to be very sorry. Nevertheless being not able to stay us, he commanded, that with all diligence they should take fish for us: which they did with all speed. For being entered into their parks or enclosures made of 
Their fishy parks.  reeds and framed in the fashion of a labyrinth or maise, they loaded us with trouts, great mullets, plaise, turbots, and marvelous store of other sorts of fishes altogether different from ours. This 
They pass over the river.  done, we entered into our Barks and went toward the other shore. But before we came to the shore we were saluted with a number of other Indians, which entering into the water to their armepittes, brought us many little baskets full of maise, and goodly Mulberries both red and white: Others offered 
Goodly mulberries white and red.  themselves to bear us on shore, where being landed we perceived their king sitting upon a place dressed with boughs and under a little arbour of Cedars & bay trees somewhat distant from the waters side. He was accompanied with two of his sons which were e●ceeding fair and strong, & with a troop of Indians who had all their bows & quivers full of arrows in marvelous good order. His 2. sons received our Captain very graciously: but the king their father, representing I w●tte not what kind of gravity, did nothing but shake his head a little: then the Captain went forward to salute him, and without any other moving of himself he retained so constant a kind of gravity, that he made it seem unto us that by good and lawful right he bore the title of a king. Our Captain knowing not what to judge of this man's behaviour thought he was jealous because we went first unto the other king, or else, that he was not well pleased with the pillar or column which he had planted. While thus he knew not what hereof to think, our captain showed him by signs, that he was come from a far country of purpose to seek him, to let him understand the amity which he was desirous to have with him: for the better confirmation whereof, he drew out of a butchet certain trifles, as certain bracelets covered as it were with silver and guilt, which he presented him withal, and gave his sons certain other trifles. Whereupon the king began very lovingly to entreat both our Captain and us. And after these gentle intertainments, we went ourselves into the woods, hoping there to discover some singularities: where were great store of mulbeary trees white and red, on the cops whereof there was an infinite number 
Great store of silkworms.  of silk worms. Following our way we discovered a fair and great meadow, divided notwithstanding with divers marshes, which constrained us, by reason of the water which environed it about to return back again toward the rivers side. Finding not the king there, which by this time was gone home to his house, we entered into our boats and sailed toward our ships: where after we arrived, we called this River the river of May, because we 
The river of May.  discovered it the first day of the said month. Soon after we were returned to our ships, we weighed our anchors and hoist our sails to discover the cost farther forward, along the which we discovered another fair River, which the Captain himself was minded to search out, and having searched it out with the king and inhabitants thereof, he named it Seine, because it is very like unto 
The river of Seine.  the River of Seine in France. From this river we retired toward our ships, where being arrived, we trimmed our sails to sail further toward the North, and to descry the singularities of the cost. But we had not sailed any great way before we discovered another very fair River, which caused us to cast anchor over against it, and to trim out two Boats to go to search it out. We found there an isle and a king no less affable than the rest, 
The River of some. The River of Loire. The Rivers of Cherente, Garonne, Gironde, bell, Grande.  afterward we named this River some. From thence we sailed about six leagues, after we discovered another River, which after we had viewed was baptized by us by the name of Loire. And consequently we there discovered five others: whereof the first was named Cherente, the second Garonne, the third Gironde, the fourth bell, the fift grand: which being very well discovered with such things as were in them, by this time in less than the space of threescoare leagues we had found out many singularites a long nine rivers. Nevertheless not fully satisfied we sailed yet farther toward the North, following the course that might bring us to the River of jordan, one of the fairest Rivers of the North, and holding our wont course, great fogs and tempests came upon us which constrained us to leave the cost to bear toward the main Sea, which was the cause that we lost the sight of our Pinisses a whole day and a night, until the next day in the morning, what tune the weather waxing fair and the Sea calm we discovered 
The river bell a veoir.  a River which we called Belle a veoir. After we had sailed three or four leagues, we began to espy our Pinisses which came strait towards us, and at their arrival they reported to the Captain, that, while the foul weather and fogs endured, they harboured themselves in a mighty River which in bigness and beauty exceeded the former: wherewithal the Captain was exceeding joyful, for his chief desire was to find out an Haven to harbour his Ships, and there to refresh ourselves for a while. Thus making thitherward we arrived a thwart the said River 
The River of Port Royal in 32 degrees of latitude.  (which because of the fairness and largeness thereof we named Port Royal) we struck out sails and cast Anchor at ten fathom of water: for the depth is such, namely when the Sea beginneth to flow, that the greatest Ships of France, yea, the Arguesses of Venice may enter in there. Having cast Anchor the Captain with his Soldiers went on shore, and he himself went first on land: where we found the place as pleasant as was possible, for it was all covered over with mighty high Okes and infinite store of Cedars, and with Lentisques growing underneath them, smelling so sweetly that the very fragrant odour only made the place to seem exceeding 
Turkey cocks Partridges grey & red.  pleasant. As we passed throw these woods we saw nothing but Turkeycockes flying in the forests, Partridges grey and red, little different from ours, but chief in bigness. We heard also within the Woods, the voices of Stags, of Bears, of Luserns, of Leopards and of divers other sorts of Beasts unknown unto us. Being delighted with this place we set ourselves to fishing with 
Fish in abundance.  net●es, and we caught such a number of fish, that it was wonderful. And amongst other we took a certain kind of fish which we call Sallicoques, which were no less than Crevices, so that two draughts of the net were sufficient sometimes to feed all the company of our two Ships for a whole day. The River at the mouth 
The River 3. leagues at the mouth.  thereof from Cape to Cape is no less than three french leagues broad: it is divided into two great arms, whereof the one runneth toward the West, the other towards the North. And I believe in my judgement that the arm which stretcheth toward the North runneth up into the Country as far as the river of jordan, the other 
A passage by a river into the South Sea.  arm runneth into the South Sea, as it was known and understood by those of our company, which were left behind to dwell in this place. These two arms are two great leagues broad: and in the midst of them there is an isle, which is pointed towards the opening of the great river, in which Island there are infinite numbers of all sorts of strange beasts, There are Simples growing 
Store of rare simples.  there of so rare proprieties, and in so great quantity, that it is an excellent thing to behold them. On every side there is nothing to be seen but palm-trees and other sorts of trees bearing blossoms and fruit of very rare shape and very good smell. But seeing the evening approach, and that the Captain determined to return unto the ships, we prayed him to suffer us to pass the night in this place. In our absence the Pilots and chief mariners advertised the Captain that it was needful to bring the Ships farther upwithin the River, to avoid the dangers of the winds which might annoy us by reason of our being so near to the mouth of the River: and for this cause the Captain sent for us. Being come to our Ships we sailed three great leagues farther up within the River, and there we cast Anchor. A little while after, john Ribault accompanied with a good number of 
Ribault saileth 12. leagues up the river.  soldiers embarked himself desirous to sail further up into the arm that runneth toward the west, and to search the commodities of the place. Having sailed twelve leagues at the least we perceived a troop of Indians, which as soon as ever they espied the Pinnisles, were so afraid that they fled into the woods, leaving behind them a young Lucerne which they were a turning upon a spit: for which cause the place was called Lucerne Cape: proceeding 
Lucerne cape.  foorthon our way, we found an other arm of the river, which ran toward the East, up which, the Captain determined to sail & to leave the great currant. A little while after they began to espy diverse other Indians both men & women half hidden within the woods: whoknowing not that we were such as desired their friendship, were dismayed at the first, but soon after were embouldned, for the Captain caused store of merchandise to be showed them openly, whereby they knew that we ment nothing but well unto them: & then they made a sign that we should come on land, which we would not refuse. At our coming on shore diverse of them came to salute our General according to their barbarous fashion. Some of them gave him skins of 
Chamoyes.  Chamoys, others little baskets made of Palm leaves, some presented him with pearls, but no great number. Afterwards they went 
Pearls.  about to make an arbour to defend us in the place from the parching heat of the sun. But we would not stay as then. Wherefore the Captain thanked them much for their good will, & gave presents to each of them: where with he pleased them so well before he went thence, that his sudden departure was nothing pleasant unto them. For knowing him to be so liberal they would have wished him to have stayed a little longer, seeking by all means, to give him occasion to stay, showing him by signs that he should stay but that day only, and that they desired to advertise a great Indian Lord which had pearls in great abundance, and silver also, all 
Store of pearls and silver.  which things should be given unto him at the king's arrival: saying far there that in the mean while that this great Lord came thither they would lead him to their houses, & show him there a thousand pleasures in shooting & seeing the Stag killed, therefore they prayed him not to deny them their request. Notwithstanding we returned to our ships, where after we had been but one night the captain in the morning commanded to put into the Pinnisse a pillar of hard stone fashioned like a column wherein the arms of the king of France were graven, to plant the same in the fairest place that he could find. This done we embarked ourselves and sailed three leagues towards the west: where we discovered a little river, up which we sailed so long, that in the end we found it returned into the great currant, and in his return to make a little Island separated from the firm land, where we went on shore: and by commandment of the Captain, because it was exceeding fair and pleasant, there we planted the Pillour upon a hillock open round about to the view, and 
A Pillour of free stone wherein the arms of France were graven, set up in an Island in the river of Port Royal. The River of Liborne.  environed with a lake half a fathom deep of very good and sweet water. In which Island we saw two Stags of exceeding bigness, in respect of those which we had seen before, which we might easily have killed with our harguebuses, if the Captain had not forbidden us. moved with the singular fairness and bigness of them. But before our departure we named the little River which environed this Isle the River of Liborne. Afterward we embarked ourselves to search another I'll not far distant from the former: wherein after we had gone a land we found nothing but tall Ceders, the fairest that were seen i● this Country. For this cause we called it the isle of Ceders: so we returned 
The I'll of Ceders.  into our Pinnisse to go towards our Ships. A few days afterward john Ribault determined to return once again toward the Indians which inhabited that arm of the River which runneth toward the West, and to carry with him good store of soldiers. For his meaning was to take two Indians of this place to bring them into France, as the Queen had commanded him. With this deliberation again we took our former course, so far forth that at the last we came to the self-same place where at the first we 
Two Indians taken away.  found the Indians, from thence we took two Indians by the permission of the king, which thinking that they were more favoured than the rest thought themselves very happy to stay with us. But these two Indians seeing we made no show at all that we would go on land, but rather that we followed the midst of the courrant, began to be somewhat offended, and would by force have leapt into the water, for they are so good swimmers that immediately they would have gotten into the forests. Nevertheless being acquainted with their humour, we watched them narrowly and sought by all means to appease them: which we could not by any means do for that time, though we offered them things which they much esteemed, which things they disdained to take, and gave back again whatsoever was given them, thinking that such gifts should have altogether bound them, and that in restoring them they should be restored unto their liberty. In fine, perceiving that all that they did availed them 
The doleful songs of the Indians.  nothing, they ●●●yed us to give them those things which they had restored, which we did incontinent: then they approached one toward the other, and began to sing, agreeing so sweetly together, that in hearing their song it seemed that they lamented for the absence of their friends. They continued their songs all night without ceasing: all which time we were constrained to lie at anchor by reason of the tide which was against us, but we hoist sail the next day very early in the morning, and returned to our ships. assoon as we were come to our ships every one sought to gratify these two Indians, & to show them the best countenance that was possible: to the intent that by such courtesies they might perceive the good desire and affection which we had to remain their friends in time to come. Then we offered them meat to eat, but they refused it, and made us understand that they were accustomed to wash their face, and to stay until the sun were set before 
The Indians eat not before the sun be set.  they did eat, which is a ceremony common to all the Indians of new France. Nevertheless in the end they were constrained to forget their superstitions, and to apply themselves to our nature, which was somewhat strange unto them at the first. They became therefore more jocund, and every hour made us a thousand discourses, being marvelous sorry that we could not understand them. A few days after they began to bear good will toward me, so hearty good will I say, that, as I think, they would rather have perished with hunger and thirst then have taken their refection at any man's hand but mine. Seeing this their great good will, I sought to learn some Indian words, and began to ask them questions, showing them the thing whereof I desired to know the name, how they called it. They were very glad to tell it me, and knowing the desire that I had to learn their language, they encouraged me afterward to ask them every thing. So that putting down in writing the 
Laudonniers putting down in writing the words and phrases of the Indians speech.  words and phrases of the Indian speech, I was able to understand the greatest part of their discourses. Every day they did nothing but speak unto me of the desire that they had to use me well, if we returned unto their houses, and cause me to receive all the pleasures that they could devise, aswell in hunting as in seeing their very strange and superstitious ceremonies at a certain feast which they 
The feast of Toya.  call Toya. Which feast they observe as straightly as we observe the sunday. They gave me to understand, that they would bring me to see the greatest Lord of this country which they called Chiquola, 
Chiquola or Chiquora a king of great stature.  which exceedeth them in height (as they told me) a good foot and a half. They said unto me that he dwelled within the land in a very large place and enclosed exceeding high, but I could not not learn wherewith. And as far as I can judge, this place, 
The first proof that Chiquola should be a very fair city.  whereof they spoke unto me, was a very fair city. For they said unto me that within the enclosure there was great store of houses which were built very high, wherein there was an infinite number of men like unto themselves, which made none account of gold, of 
Gold, silver, & pearls in abundance. The rich city of king Chiquola is toward the North of ●ort royal. This history is recorded in the second & third chapters of the seventh Decade of Pet●r Martyr.  silver, nor of pearls, seeing they had thereof in abundance. I began then to show them all the parts of heaven, to the intent to learn in which quarter they dwelled. And straightway one of them stretching forth his hand showed me that they dwelled toward the North, which maketh me think that it was in the river of jordan. And now I remember, that in the reign of the Emperor Charles the fift, certain Spaniards inhabitants of Saint Domingo, (which made a voyage to get certain slaves to work in their mines) stole away by subtlety the inhabitants of this river, to the number of forty thinking to carry them into their new Spain. But they lost their labour: for in despite they died all for hunger, saving one that was brought to the Emperor, which a little while after he caused to be baptized, and gave him his own name & called him Charles of Chiquola, because he spoke so much of this Lord of Chiquola, whose subject he was. Also, (as men worthy credit have assured 
The second proof. The third proof.  me) he reported continually, that Chiquola made his abode within a very great enclosed city. Besides this proof, those which were left there in the first voyage have certified me, that the Indians showed them by evident signs, that farther within the land on the foresaid part toward the North, there was a great enclosure or City, and within the same many fair houses, wherein Chiquola dwelled. But not to digress from my matter, I will return to the Indian, which took so great delight in speaking to me of this Chiquola, that there never passed any one day, wherein he did not discourse of some rare thing concerning the same. After they had stayed a while in our ships, they began to be sorry, and still demanded of me when they should return. I made them understand that the Captains will was to send them home again, but that first he would bestow apparel of them, which few days after was delivered unto them. But seeing he would not give them licence to departed, they resolved with themselves to steal away by night, and to get a little boat which we had, and by the help of the tide, to sail homeward toward their dwellings, and by this means 
The 2. Indians escape away.  to save themselves. Which thing they failed not to do, and put their enterprise in execution, yet leaving behind them the apparel which the Captain had given them, and carrying away nothing but that which was their own, showing well hereby that they were not void of reason. The Captain cared not greatly for their departure, considering they had not been used otherwise then well: and that therefore they would not estrange themselves from the Frenchmen. Captain Ribault therefore knowing the singular fairness of this river desired by all means to encourage some of his men to dwell there, well foreseeing that this thing might be of 
The benefit of planting.  great importance for the kings service, and the relief of the common wealth of France. Therefore proceeding on with his intent, he commanded the anchors to be weighed and to set things in order to return unto the opening of the river, to the end that if the wind came fair he might pass out to accomplish the rest of his meaning. When therefore we were come to the mouth of the river, he made them cast anchor, whereupon we stayed without discovering any thing all the rest of the day. The next day he commanded that all the men of his ship should come up upon the deck, saying that he had somewhat to say unto them. They all came came up, and immediately the Caytaine began to speak unto them in this manner. I think there is none of you that is ignorant of how 
The oration of joh. Ribault to his company.  great consequence this our enterprise is, and also how acceptable it is to our young king. Therefore, my friends, as one desiring your honour and benefit, I would not fail to advertise you all of the exceeding great good hap which should fall to them, which, as men of valour and worthy courage, would make trial in this our first discovery of the benefits and commodities of this new land: which should be, as I assure myself, the greatest occasion that ever could happen unto them, to arise unto the title and degree of honour. And for this cause I was desirous to propose unto you and set down before your eyes the eternal memory which of right they deserve, which forgetting both their parents and their country have had the courage to enterprise a thing of such importance, which even kings themselves understanding to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnanimity and increase of their majesties, do not disdain so well to regard, that afterwards employing them in matters of weight and of high enterprise, they make their names immortal for ever. How beit, I would not have you persuade yourselves, as many do, that you shall never have such good fortune, as not being known, neither to the king nor the Princes of the Realm, and besides descending of so poor a stock, that few or none of your parents, having ever made profession of arms, have been known unto the great estates. For albeit that from my tender years I myself have applied all my industry to follow them, & have hazarded my life in so many dangers for the service of my Prince, yet could I never attain thereunto, (not that I did not deserve this title and degree of government,) as I have seen it happen to many others, only because they descended of a noble race, since more regard is had of their birth than of their virtue. For well I know that if virtue were regarded, there would more be found better to deserve the title, and by good right to be named noble and valiant. I will therefore make sufficient answer to such propositions and such things as you may object against me, laying before you the infinite examples which we have of the Romans: which concerning the point of honour were the first that triumphed over the world. For how many find we among them, which for their so valiant enterprises, not for the greatness of their parentage, have obtained the honour to triumph. If we have recourse unto their ancestors, we shall find that their parents were of so mean condition, that by labouring with their hands they lived very basely. As the father of Aelius 
Aelius Pertinax descending from base parentage became Emperor of Rome  Pertinax, which was a poor artisant, his Grandfather likewise was a bond man, as the historiographers do witness: and nevertheless, being moved with a valiant courage, he was nothing dismayed for all this, but rather desirous to aspire unto high things, he began with a brave stomach to learn feats of arms and profited so well therein, that from step to step he became at length to be Emperor of the Romans For all this dignity he despised not his parents: but contrariwise, and in remembrance of them, he caused his father's shop to be covered with a fine wrought marble, to serve for an example to men descended of base & poor lineages, and to give them occasion to aspire unto high things, not withstanding the meanness of their ancestors. I will not pass over in silence the excellency and prows of the valiant and renowned Agathocles the son of a simple potter, and yet forgetting the contemptible 
Agathocles a potter's son became king of Sicily.  estate of his father, he so applied himself to virtue in his tender years, that by the favour of arms he came to be king of Sicily: and for all this title he refused not to be counted the son of a Potter. But the more to eternize the memory of his parents and to make his name renowned, he commanded that he should be served at the Table in Vessels of gold and silver and others of earth: declaring thereby, that the dignity wherein he was placed came not unto him by his parents, but by his own virtue only. If I shall speak of our time, I will lay before you only Rusten basha, which may be a sufficient example to all men: which 
Rusten basha of an herdsman's son through his valour became the great Turk's son in law.  though he were the son of a poor herdman, did so apply his youth in all virtue, that being brought up in the service of the great Turk he seemed so to aspire to great & high matters, in such sort that growing in years he increased also in courage, so far forth, that in fine for his excellent virtues he married the daughter of the great Turk his Prince. How much then ought so many worthy examples to move you to plant here? Considering also that hereby you shallbe registered for ever as the first that inhabited this strange country. I pray you therefore all to advise yourselves thereof▪ and to declare your minds freely unto me, protesting that I will so well imprint your names in the king's ears, and the other princes, that your renown shall hereafter shine unquenchable through our Realm of France. He had scarcely ended his Oration, but the greatest part of our soldiers replied, that a greater pleasure could never betide them, perceiving well the acceptable 
The ●●●●diers aultmore to Riba●ts Orations.  service which by this mean they should do unto their prince: besides that this thing should be for the increase of their honours: therefore they besought the Captain before he departed out of the place to begin to build them a Fort, which they hoped afterward to finish, and to leave them munition necessary for their defence, showing as it seemed that they were displeased, that it was so long▪ in doing, Whereupon john Ribault being as glad as might be to see his men so well willing, determined the nextday to search the most fit and convenient place to be inhabited. Wherefore he embarked himself very early in the morning and commanded them to follow him that were desirous to inhabit there, to the intent that they might like the better of the place. Having sailed up the great river on the north side, in costing an Isle which endeth with a sharp point toward the mouth of the river, and having sailed a while, he discovered a small river, which entered into the Island, which he would not fail to search out. Which done, and finding the same deep enough to harbour therein Galleys and Galliots in good number, proceeding further, he found a very open place, joining upon the brink thereof, where he went on land, and seeing the place fit to build a fortress in, and commodious for them that were willing to plant there, he resolved incontinent to cause the bigness of the fortification to be measured out. And considering that there stayed but six 
The length & breadth of the Fort, taken by Laudonnier & Captain sales.  and twenty there, he caused the Fort to be made in length but sixteen fathom, and thirteen in breadth, with flanks according to the proportion thereof. The measure being taken by me and Captain sales, we sent unto the Ships for men, and to bring Shovels, Pickaxes and other instruments necessary to make the fortification. We travailed so diligently that 
A Fort built in port Roy all by Ribault.  in a short space the Fort was made in some sort defensible. In which mean time john Ribault caused victuals and warlike munition to be brought for the defence of the place. After he had furnished them with all such things as they had need of, he determined to take his leave of them. But before his departure 
Rabaults speech to Captain Albert.  he used this speech unto Captain Albert, which he left in this place: Captain Albert, I have to request you in the presence of all men, that you would quite yourself so wisely in your charge, and govern so modestly your small company which I leave you, which with so good cheer remaineth under your obedience, that I never have occasion but to commend you, and to recount unto the king, as I am desirous, the faithful service 
His speech to the soldiers.  which before us all you undertake to do him in his new Frawce: And you companions, quoth he to the the Soldiers, I beseech you also to esteem of Captain Albert as if it were myself that stayed here with you, yielding him that obedience which a soldier oweth unto his General and Captain, living as brethren one with another, without all dissension: and in so doing God will assist you and bless your enterprises. Having cnded his exhortation we took our leaves of each of them, and sailed toward our Sippcs, calling the Fort by the name of Charles 
The foresaid Fort was called Charles Fort.  Forte, and the River by the name of Chenonceau. The next day we determined to departed from this place being as well contented as was possible that we had so happily ended our business, with good hope, if occasion would permit, to discover perfectly the River of jordan. For this cause we hoist our sails about ten of the clock in the morning: after we were ready to departed Captain Ribault commanded to shoot of our Ordinance to give a farewell unto our Frenchmen, which failed not to do the like on their part. This being done we sailed toward the North: and then we named this River port 
Port Royal.  Royal, because of the largeness & excellent fairness of the same. After that we had sailed about fifteen leagues from thence we espied a River, whereupon we sent our Piunesse thither to discover it. At their return they brought us word that they found not passed half a fathom water in the mouth thereof. 
The River Base. 15. leagues Northward of Port Royal.  Which when we understood, without doing any thing else, we continued our way, and called it the Base or Shallow River. As we still went on sounding, we found not passed five or six fathom water, although we were six good leagues from the Shore: at length we found not passed three fathoms, which gave us occasion greatly to muse. And without making any farther way we struck our sails, partly because we wanted water, and partly because the night approached: during which time Captain john Ribault bethought with himself, whether it were best for him to pass any farther, because of the eminent dangers which every hour we saw before our eyes: or whether he should content himself with that which he had certainly discovered, and also left men to inhabit the Country. Being not able for that time to resolve with himself, he referred it over until the next day. The morning being come he proposed to all the company what was best to be done, to the end that with good advisement every man might deliver his opinion. Some made answer, that according to their judgement he had occasion fully to content himself, considering that he could do no more: laying before his eyes, that he had discovered more in six weeks, than the Spaniards had done in two years in the conquests of their new Spain: and that he should do the king very great service, if he did bring him news in so short a time of his happy discovery. Other showed unto him the loss & spoil of his victuals, and on the other side the inconvenience that might happen by the shallow water that they found continually along the cost. which things being well and at large debated, we resolved to leave the cost, forsaking the North, to take our way toward the east, which is the right way and course for our France, where 
Their arrival in France 1561. the 20. of july.  we happily arrived the twentieth day of july the year a thousand five hundred sixty and one.  

The state and condition of those which were left behind in Charles Forte.  
OUr men after our departure never rested, but night and day did fortify themselves, being in good hope that after their fort was finished, they would begin to discover farther up within the River. It happened one day, as certain of them were in cutting of roots in the Coppises, that they espied on the sudden an Indian that hu●ted the Deer, which finding himself so near upon them, was much dismayed, but our men began to draw near unto him and to use him so courteously, that he became assured and followed them to Charles Fort, where every man sought to do him pleasure. Captain Albert was very joyful of his coming, which after he had given him a shirt and some other trifles, he asked him of his dwelliug: the Indian answered him that it was farther up within 
King Audusta.  the River, and that he was vassel of king Audusta: he also showed him with his hand the limits of his habitation. After much other talk the Indian desired leave to depart, because it drew toward night, which Captain Albert granted him very willingly. Certain days after the Captain determined to sail toward Audusta, where being arrived, by reason of the honest entertainment 
Note.  which he had given to the Indian, he was so courteously received, that the king talked with him of nothing else, but of the desire which he had to become his friend: giving him besides to understand that he being his friend and ally, he should have the amity of four other kings, which in might and authority were able to do much for his sake: Besides all this, in his necessity they might be able to secure him with victuals: One of these kings was called Mayon, another Hoya, the third Touppa, and the fourth 
Mayon. Hoya. Touppa. Stalame.  Stalame. He told him moreover, that they would be very glad, when they should understand the news of his coming, and therefore he prayed him to vouchsafe to visit them. The Captain willingly consented unto him for the desire that he had to purchase friends in that place. Therefore they departed the next day very early in the morning, and first arrived at the house of king Touppa, and afterward went unto the other king's houses, except the house of king Stalame. He received of each of them all the amiable courtesies that might be: they showed themselves to be as affectioned friends unto him as was possible, and offered unto him a thousand small presents. After that he had remained by the space of certain days with these strange kings, he determined to take his leave, and being come back to the house of Audusta, he commanded all his men to go aboard of their Pinnace: for he was minded to go toward the countries of king Stalame, which dwelled 
The Country of king Stalame 15. leagues Northward of Charles Fort.  toward the North the distance of fifteen great leagues from Charles Fort. Therefore as they sailed up the river they entered into a great Courrant, which they followed so far till they came at the last to the house of Stalame: which brought him into his lodging, where he sought to make them the best cheer he cold devise. He presented immediately unto Captain Albert his bow & arrows, which is a sign and confirmation of alliance between 
Chamoys skins.  them. He presented him also with Chamoys skins. The Captain seeing the best part of the day was now past took his leave of king Stalame to return to Charles Fort, where he arrived the day following. By this time the friendship was grown so great between our men & king Audusta, that in a manner all things were comen between him & them: in such sort that this good Indian king did nothing of importance, but he called our men thereunto. For when the time drew near of the celebrating their feasts of Toya, which are ceremonies most strange to recite, he sent 
The feast of Toya largely described.  Ambassadors unto our men to request them on his behalf to be there present. Whereunto they agreed most willingly for the desire that they had to understand what this might be. They embarked themselves therefore and sailed toward the kings house, which was already come forth on the way towards them to receive them courteously, to bid them welcome and bring them to his house, where he sought to entreat them the best he might. In the mean while the Indians prepared themselves to celebrate the feast the morrow after, & the king brought them to see the place, wherein the feast should be kept: where they saw many women round about which laboured by all means to make the place clean and neat. This place was a great circuit of ground with open prospect and round in figure. On the morrow therefore early in the morning, all they which were chosen to celebrate the feast, being painted and trimmed with rich feathers of divers colours, 
The Indians trimming of themselves with rich feathers  put themselves on the way to go from the king's house toward the place of Toya: whereunto when they were come they set themselves in order, and followed three Indians, which in painting and in gesture were differing from the rest: each of them bore a Tabret in their hand, dancing and singing in a lameutable tune when they began to enter into the midst of the round circuit, being followed of others which answered them again. After that they had song, danced, and turned three times, they fell on running like unbridled horses, through the midst of the thickest woods. And then the Indian women continued all the rest of the day in tears as sad and woeful as was possible: and in such a rage they cut the arms of the young girls, which they lanced crutlly with sharp shells of muskels, that the blood followed, which they flung into the air, crying out three times, He Toya. The king Audusta had gathered all our men into his house, while the feast was celebrated, and was exceedingly offended when he saw them laugh. This he did because the Indians are very angry when they are seen in their ceremonies. Notwithstanding one of our men made such shift that by subtle means he got out of the house of Audusta, and secretly went and hid himself behind a very thick bush, where at his pleasure, he might easily descry the ceremonies of the feast. They three that began the feast are named jawas: and they are as it were three Priests of the Indian law: to whom they give credit and belief, partly because 
jawas are their Priests.  that by kindred they are ordained to be over their Sacrifices, and partly also because they be so subtle Magicians that any 
Maigicians.  thing▪ that is lost is straightway recovered by their means. Again they are not only revereuced for these things, but also because 
Physicians.  they heal diseases by I wot not what kind of knowledge and skill they have. Those that ran so through the woods returned two days after: after their return they began to dance with a cheerful courage in the midst of the fair place, and to cheer up their good old Indian fathers, which either by reason of their too great age, or by reason of their natural indisposition and feebleness were not called unto the feast. When all these dances were ended, they fell on eating with such a greediness, that they seemed rather to devour their meat then to eat it, for they had neither eaten nor drunk the day of the feast nor the two days following. Our men were not forgotten at this good cheer, for the Indians sent for them all thither, showing themselves very glad of their presence. While they remained certain time with the Indians a man of ours got a young boy for certain trifles, and inquired of him what the Indians 
Invocations of the jawas or Pristes unto Toya.  did in the wood during their absence: which boy made him understand by signs that the jawas had made invocations to Toya, and that by Magical Characters they had made him come that they might speak with him and demand divers strange things of him, which for fear of the jawas he durst not utter. They have also many other ceremonies, which I will not here rehearse for fear of molesting the reader with a matter of so small importance. When the feast therefore was finished our men returned unto Charles Fort: where having remained but a 
Their victuals fail them.  while their victuals began to wax short, which forced them to have recourse unto their neighbours, and to pray them to secure them in that their necessity: which gave them part of all the victuals which they had and kept no more unto themselves than would 
The Indians manner of living in the Winter time of Mast and roots. King Covexis mighty and revowmed.  serve to sow their fields. They told them farther that for this cause it was needful for them to retire themselves into the woods, to live of Mast and roots until the time of Harvest, being as sorry as might be that they were not able any farther to aid them. They gave them also counsel to go toward the countries of king Covexis a man of might & renown in this prevince, which maketh his abode toward the South abounding at all seasons and replenished with such quantitic of mill, corn, and beans that by his only succour they might be able to live a very long 
King Ouade.  time. But before they should come into his territories, they were to repair unto a king called Ouade the brother of Covexis, which in Mill, beans, and corn was no less wealthy, and withal is very liberal, and which would be very joyful if he might but once see them. Our men perceiving the good relation which the Indians made them of those two kings resolved to go thither; for they felt already the necessity which oppressed them. Therefore they made request unto king Maccou, that it would please him to give them one of his subjects to guide them the right way thither: 
King Maccou.  whereunto he condescended very willingly, knowing that without his favour they should have much ado to bring their enterprise to pass. Wherefore after they had given order for all things necessary for the voyage, they put themselves to Sea, and sailed so far that in the end they came into the country of Ouade, which they found to be in the River Belle. Being 
Ouades country in the river Belle.  there arrived they perceived a company of Indians which assoon as they knew of their being there came before them. assoon as they were come near them, their guides showed them by signs that Ouade was in this company, wherefore our men set forward to salute him. And then two of his sons which were with him, being goodly and strong men saluted them again in very good sort, and used very friendly entertainment on their part. The king immediately beganue to make an Oration in his Indian language of the great pleasure and contentment which he had to see them in that place, protesting that he would become so loyal a friend of theirs hereafter, that he would be their faithful defender against all them that would offer to be their enemies. After these speeches he led them toward his house, where he sought to entreat them very courteously. His house was hanged about with tapistry of feathers of diverse 
tapistry of feathers. White coverlets edged with red fringe.  colours the height of a pike. Moreover the place where the king took his rest was covered with white coverlets embroidered with devices of very witty and fine workmanship, and fringed round about with a Fringe died in the colour of Skarlate. They advertised the king by one of the guides which they brought with them, how that (having heard of his great liberality) they had put to the Sea to come to beseech him to secure them with victuals in their great want and necessity: and that in so doing, he should bind them all hereafter to remain his faithful friends and loyal defenders against all his enemies. This good Indian assoon ready to do them pleasure, as they were to demand it, commanded his subjects that they should fill our Pinnace with mil and beans. Afterward 
The liberality of king Ouade  he caused them to bring him six pieces of his tapestry made like little coverlets, and gave them to our men with so liberal a mind, as they easily perceived the desire which he had to become their friend. In recompense of all these gifts our men gave him two cutting hooks and certain other trisses, wherewith he held himself greatly satisfied. This being done, our men took their leave of the king, which for their farewell, said nothing else but that they should return if they wanted victuals, and that they might assure themselves of him, that they should never want any thing that was in his power. Wherefore they embarked themselves, and sailed towards. Charlesfort, which from this place might be some five and 
Ouades country 25. leagues Southward from Charlesfort.  twenty leagues distant. But as our men thought themselves at their ease, and free from the dangers whereinto they had exposed themselves night and day in gathering together of victuals here & there: Lo, even as they were asleep, the fire caught in their lodgings with such fury, being increased by the wind, that the great room 
The fort set on fire by casualty.  that was built for them before our men's departure, was consumed in an instant, without being able to save any thing saving a very little of their munition. Whereupon our men being far from all succours, found themselves in such extremity, that without the aid of almighty God, the only searcher of the hearts and thoughts of men, which never forsaketh those that seek him in their afflictions, they had been quite and clean out of all hope. For the next day betimes in the morning the king Audusta and king Maccou came thither, accompanied with a very good company of Indians, which knowing the misfortune, were very▪ sorry for it. And then they uttered unto their subjects the speedy diligence which they were to use in building another house, showing unto them that the Frenchmen were their loving friends, and that they had made it evident unto them by the gifts and presents which they had received: protesting that whosoever put not his helping h●d unto the work withal his might, should be esteemed as unprofitable, and as one that had no good part in him, which the Savages fear above all things. This was the occasion that every man began to endeavour himself in such sort, that in less than twelve hours, they had begun and 
The fort re-edified▪ by the Savages in the space of 12▪ hours.  finished a house which was very near as great as the former. Which being ended, they returned home fully contented with a few cutting hooks, and hatc●ets which they received of our men. Within a small while after this mischance, their victuals began to wax short: and after our men had taken good deliberation, thought and bethought themselves again, they found that there was no better way for them then to return again unto King Ouadé and Covexis his brother. Wherefore they resolved to send thither some of their company the next day following: which with an Indian canoe sailed up into the country about ten leagues: afterward they found a very fair and great river of fresh water, which they failed not to search out: they found therein a great number of Crocodiles, which in greatness pass those of the 
Crocodiles.  river Nilus: moreover, all along the banks thereof, there grow mighty high Cypresses. After they had stayed a small while in this 
Cypresses.  place, they purposed to follow their journey, helping themselves so well with the tides, that without putting themselves in danger of the continual peril of the Sea, they came into the Country of Ouadé, of whom they were most courteously received. 
Their second journey to the country of Ouadé.  They advertised him of the occasion, wherefore they came again to visit him, and told him of the mischance, which happened unto them since their last voyage: how they had not only lost their household stuff by casualty of fire, but also their victuals which he had given them so bountifully: that for this cause they were so bold as to come once again unto him, to beseech him to vouchsafe to secure them in such need and necessity. After that the king had understood their case, he sent messengers unto his brother Covexis, to request him upon his behalf to send him some of his mill and beans: which thing he did: and the next day early in the morning, they were come again with victuals, which the king caused to be borne into their canoe. Our men would have taken their leave of him finding themselves more than satisfied with this liberality. But for that day he would not suffer them, but retained them, and sought to make them the best cheer he could devise. The next day very early in the morning, he took them with him to show them the place where his corn grew, and said unto them that they should not want as long as all that mill did last. afterward he gave them a certain number of exceeding fair pearls, and two stones of fine 
Exceeding fair pearls fine Crystal, silver oar. The place where crystal groweth in very good quantity ten days journey from the river Belle. Note.  Crystal, and certain silver oar. Our men forgot not to give him certain trifles in recompense of these presents, and inquired of him the place whence the silver ●are and the crystal came. He made them answer, that it came ten great days journey from his habitation up within the country: and that the Inhabitants of the Country did dig the same at the foot of certain high mountains, where they found of it in very good quantity. Being joyful to understand so good news, and to have come to the knowledge of that which they most desired, they took their leave of the king, and returned by the same way, by which they came. Behold therefore how our men behaved themselves very well hitherto, although they had endured many great mishaps. But misfortune or rather the just judgement of God would have it, that those which could not be overcome by fire nor water, should be undone by their own selves. This is the common fashion of men, which cannot continue in one estate, and had rather to overthrow themselves, than not to attempt some new thing daily. We have infinite examples in the ancient histories, especially of the Romans unto which number, this little handful of men, being far from their country, and absent from their countrymen, have also added this present example. They entered therefore into partialities and dissensions which began about a soldier named Guernache, which was a drummer 
Mutinye against the captain, and the causes thereof.  of the Frenchbands: which, as it was told me, was very cruelly handged by his own Captain, and for a small fault: which Captain also using to threaten the rest of his soldiers which stayed behind under his obedience, and peradventure, as it is to be presumed, were not so obedient unto him as they should have been, was the cause that they fell into a mutiny, because that many times he put his threatenings in execution: whereupon they so chased him, that at the last they put him to death. And the principal occasion that moved them thereunto, was because he degraded another soldier named La cheer, (which he had banished) and because he had not performed his promise: for he had promised to send him victuals from eight days to eight days, which thing he did not, but said on the contrary, that he would be glad to hear of his death. He said moreover that he would chastise others also, and used so evil sounding speeches, that honesty forbiddeth me to repeat them. The soldiers seeing his madness to increase from day to day, and fearing to fall 
Captain Albert slain by his own soldiers.  into the dangers of the other, resolved to kill him. Having executed their purpose, they went to seek the Soldier that was banished, which was in a small Island distant from Charlesfort about three leagues, where they found him almost half dead for hunger. When they were come home again, they assembled themselves together to choose one to be governor over them, whose name was Nicolas 
Nicolas Barré chosen Captain.  Barré, a man worthy of commendation, and one which knew so well to quite himself of his charge, that all rancour and dissension ceased among them, and they lived peaceably one with another, During this time, they began to build a small Pinnace, with hope to return into France, if no succours came unto them as they expected from day to day. And though there were not a man among them that had any skill, notwithstanding necessity, which is the mistress of all sciences, taught them the ways to build it. After 
A new Brigantine built in Florida.  that it was finished, they thought of nothing else saving how to furnish it with all things necessary to undertake the voyage. But they wanted those things that of all other were most needful, as cordage and sails, without which the enterprise could not come to effect. Having no means to recover these things, they were in worse case than at the first, and almost ready to fall into despair. But that good God, which never forsaketh the afflicted, did secure them in this necessity. As they were in these perplerities, king Audusta and Maccou came to them, accompanied with two hundred Indians at the least, whom our Frenchmen went forth to meet withal, and showed the king in what need of cordage they stood, who promised them to return within two days, and to bring so much as should suffice to furnish the Pinnace with tackling. Our men being pleased with these good news and promises bestowed upon them certain cutting hooks and shirts. After their departure our men sought all means to recover rosin in the woods, wherein they cut the Pine trees round about, out of which they drew sufficirut reasonable quantity to bray the vessel. Also they gathered 
Rosen to bray ships. Moss to calk ships.  a kind of moss which groweth on the trees of this country, to serve to calk the same withal. There now wanted nothing but sails, which they made of their own shirts and of their sheets. Within few days after, the Indian kings returned to Charles-fort 
Cordage for tackle.  with so good store of cordage, that there was found sufficient for tackling of the small Pinnace. Our men as glad as might be, used great liberality towards them, and at their leaving of the country, left them all their merchandise that remained, leaving them thereby so fully satisfied that they departed from them with all the contentation of the world. They went forward therefore to finish the Brigandine, and used so speedy diligence, that within a short time afterward they made it ready furnished with all things. In the mean season the wind came so fit for their purpose that it seemed to invite them to put to ehe Sea: which they did without delay after they had set all their things in order. But before they departed they embarked their artillery, their forge, and other munitions of war which Captain Ribault had left them, and then as much mill as they could gather together. But being drunken with the too excessive joy, which they had conceived for their returning into France, or rather deprived of all foresight and consideration, without regarding the inconstancy of the winds, which 
They put to the sea without sufficient victuals.  change in a moment, they put themselves to sea, and with so slender victuals, that the end of their enterprise became unlucky and unfortunate. For after they had sailed the third part of their way, they were surprised with calms which did so much hinder them, that in three weeks they sailed not above five and twenty leagues. During this time their victuals consumed, and became so short, that every man was constrained to eat not passed twelve grains of mill by the day, which may be in value as much as twelve peason. Yea 
Their victuals utterly consumed.  and this felicity lasted not long: for their victuals failed them altogether at once: and they had nothing for their more assured refuge but their shoes and leather jerkins which they did eat. Touching their beverage, some of them drank the Sea water, others did 
They drink their urine for want of fresh water.  drink their own urine: and they remained in such desperate necessity a very long space, during the which, part of them died for hunger: besides this extreme famine, which did so grievously oppress them, they fell every minute of an hour out of all hope ever to see France again, in so much that they were constrained to cast the water continually out that on all sides entered into their Bark. And every day they fared worse and worse: for after they had eaten up their sho●es and their leathern jerkins, there arose so boisterous a wind and so contrary to their course, that in the turning of a hand the waves filled their vessel half full of water and bruised it upon the one side. Being now more out of hope then ever to escape out of so extreme peril they cared not for casting out of the water which now was almost ready to drown them. And as men resolved to die, every one fell down backward, and gave themselves over altogether unto the will of the waves. When as one of them a little having taken heart unto him declared unto them how little way they had to sail, assuring them that, if the wind held, they should see land within three days. This man did so encourage them, that after they had thrown the water out of the Pinnace they remained three days without eating or drinking, except it were of the Sea water. When the time of his promise was expired they were more troubled than they were before, seeing they could not descry any land. Wherefore in this extreme despair certain among them made this motion, that it was better that one man only should die, then that so many men should perish: they agreed therefore that one should die to sustain the others. Which thing was executed in the person of La Cheer, 
Extreme famine.  of whom we have spoken heretofore, whose flesh was divided equally amongst his fellows: a thing so pitiful to recite, that my pen is loath to write it. After so long time and tedious travels God of his goodness using his accustomed favour changed their sorrow into joy, and showed unto them the sight of land. Whereof they were so exceeding glad that the pleasure caused them to remain a long time as men without sense: whereby they let the Pinnace float this and that way without holding any right way or course. But a small 
The French succoured by an English Bark.  English bark boarded the vessel, in which there was a Frenchman which had been in the first voyage into Florida, who easily knew them, and spoke unto them, & afterward gave them meat and drink. Incontinently they recovered their natural courages, & declared unto him at large all their navigation. The English men consulted a long while what were best to be done: and in fine they resolved to put on land those that were most feeble, and to carry the rest unto the Queen of England, which purposed at that time to send into 
It seemeth he meaneth the ● voyage intended by Stukley  Florida. Thus you see in brief that which happened unto them which Captain john Ribault had left in Florida▪ And now will I go forward with the discourse of mine own voyage.   
The end of the first voyage of john Ribault into Florida.   

¶ The second voyage unto Florida, made and written by Captain Laudonniere, which fortified and inhabited there two Summers and one whole Winter.  
AFter our arrival at deep, at our coming home, from our first voyage (which was the twentieth of july a thousand five hundred sixty and one) we 
The civil wars the cause why the Frenchmen were not supplied, which were left behind in their first voyage.  found the civil wars begun, which was in part the cause why our men were not succoured, as Captain john Ribault had promised them: whereof it followed that Captain Albert was killed by his soldiers, & the country abandoned, as heretofore we have sufficiently discoursed, & as it may more at large be understood by those men which were there in person. After the peace was made in France, my Lord Admiral de Chastillon, showed unto the king, that he heard no news at all of the men which Captain john Ribault had left in Florida, & that it were pity to suffer them to perish. In which respect the king was content he should cause three ships to be furnished, the one of six score tuns, the other of a 100 and the third of 60. to seek them out, and to secure them. My Lord Admiral therefore, being well informed of the faithful service which I had done, aswell unto his majesty as to his predecessors kings of France, advertised the king how able I was to do him service in this voyage, which was the cause that he made me chief captain over these 3▪ ships, & charged me to departed with diligence to perform his commandment, which for mine own part I would not gainsay, but rather thinking myself happy to have been choose out among such an infinite number of others, which in my judgement 
Laudonniers second voyage to Florida with 3. ships the 22. of April 1564.  were very well able to have quited themselves in this charge, I embarked myself at new haven the 22. of April 1564. & sailed so, that we fell near unto the coast of England: And then I turned towards the South, to sail directly to the fortunate islands, at this present called the Canaries, one of which called the isle Savage (because as I think it is altogether without inhabitants) was the first that 
The I'll of Teneriffe or the Pike.  our ships passed. Sailing therefore on forward, we landed the next day in the Isle of Teneriffe, otherwise called the Pike, because that in the midst thereof there is an exceeding high mountain, near as high as that of Aetna, which riseth up right like a pike, into the top whereof no man can go up but from the midst of May until the midst of August, by reason of the over great cold which is there all the rest of the year: which is a wonderful strange thing, considering that it is not past seven and twenty degrees and a half distant from the Equator. We saw it all covered over with snow, although it were then but the fift of May. The inhabitants in this Isle being heretofore pursued by the Spaniards, retired themselves into this mountain, where for a space they made war with them, and would not submit themselves unto their obedience, neither by foul nor fair means, they disdained so much the loss of their Island. For those which went thither on the Spaniards behalf, left their carcases there, so that not so much as one of them returned home to bring news. Notwithstanding in the end, the inhabitants, not able to live in that place according to their nature, or for want of such things, as were necessary for the commodity of their livelihood, did all die there. After I had furnished myself with some fresh water, very good and excellent, which sprang out of a rock at the fo●t of this mountain, I continued my course toward the West, wherein the winds favoured me so well, that fifteen days after our ships arrived safe and sound at the Antilles: and going on land at the Isle of Martinica one of the first of them, the next day we arrived 
The Isle of Martinica. Dominica an Island.  at Dominica, twelve leagues distant from the former. Dominica is one of the fairest Islands of the West, full of hills, and of very good smell. Whose singularities desiring to know as we passed by, & seeking also to refresh ourselves with fresh water I made the mariners cast anchor, after we had sailed about half a long the cost thereof. As soon as we had cast Anchor, two Indians inhabitants of that place sailed toward us in two canoa's full of a fruit of great excellency which they call Ananas. As they approached unto our 
Ananas a fruit of great excellency.  bark, there was one of them which being in some misdoubt of us, went back again on land, and fled his way with as much speed as he could possibly. Which our men perceived, and entered with diligence into the other canoe, wherein they caught the poor Indian & brought him unto me. But the poor fellow became so astonished in beholding us, that he knew not which way to behave himself, because that (as afterward I understood) he feared that he was fallen into the Spaniard hands, of whom he had been taken once before, and which, as he showed us, had cut of his stones. At length this poor Indian was assured of us, and discoursed unto us of many things, whereof we received very small pleasure, because we underderstood not his mind but by his signs. Then he desired me to give him leave to departed, & promised me that he would bring me a thousand presents, whereunto I agreed on condition that he would have patience until the next day when I purposed to go on land, where I suffered him to departed after I had given him a shirt, and certain small trifles, wherewith he departed very well content with us. The place where we went on shore was hard by a very high Rock out of which there ran a little river of sweet and excellent good water: by which river we stayed certain days to discover the things which were worthy to be seen, & traficked daily with the Indians: which above all things besought us that none of our men should come near their lodgings nor their Gardens, otherwise that we should give them great cause of jealousy, and that in so doing we should not want of their fruit which they call Ananas, whereof they offered us very liberally, receiving in recompense certain things of small value. This notwithstanding it happened on a day that certain of my men, desirous to see some new things in these strange countries, walked through the woods: and following still the little rivers side, they espied two Serpents of exceeding bigness, which went side by side overthwart the way my soldiers went before them, thinking to let them from going into the woods: but the serpents nothing at all astonished with these gestures glanced into the bushes with fearful hissings, for all which my men drew their sword and killed them, and found them afterward nine great foot long, and as big as a man's leg. During this combat, certain others more undiscreet went and gathered their Ananas in the Indians Gardens, trampling through them without any discretion: and n●t therewithal contented they went toward their dwellings, whereat the Indians were so much offended, that without regarding any thing they rushed upon them and discharged their shot so that they hit one of my men named Martin Chaveau, which remained behind. We could not know whether he were killed on the place, or whether he were taken prisoner: for those of his company had enough to do to save themselves without thinking of their companion. Whereof Monsur de Ottigni my Lieutenant being advertised, sent unto me to know whether I thought good that he should lay an ambush for the Indians which had either taken or killed our man, or whether he should go directly to their dwellings to know the truth. I sent unto him, after good delebration hereupon, that he should not attempt any thing and that for divers occasions: but contrariwise that he should embark himself with all diligence, and consequently all they that were on land: which he did with speed. But as he sailed toward our ships he perceived a long the shore a great number of Indians which began to charge them with their Arrows: he for his part discharged store of shot against them, yet was not able to hurt them, or by any means to surprise them: for which cause he quite forsook them, & came unto our ship. Where staying until the next day morning we set sail following our wont course, and keeping the same, we discovered diverse Isles conquered by the Spaniards, as the Isles of S. Christopher, & of the saints, of Monserrada, and la Rotonda: Afterward we passed between Languilla and la Negada, sailing toward New France, 
His arrival in Florida the 22 of june 1564.  where we arrived fifteen days afterward, to wit on a Thursday the two and twentieth of june about three or four of the clock in the morning, and landed near unto a little River which is thirty degrees distant from the Equator, and ten leagues above Cape 
Cape François being between the river of Dolphins and the river of May maketh the distance thirty leagues about, which is but ten leagues over land.  François drawing toward the South, and about thirty leagues above the River of May. After we had strooken sail and cast Anchor athwart the River, I determined to go on shore to discover the same. Therefore beiug accompanied with Monsur de Ottigny, with Monsur de Arlac mine Ensign, & a certain number of Gentlemen and soldiers I embarked myself about three or four of the clock in the evening. And being arrived at the mouth of the River I caused the Channel to be sounded, which was found to be very shallow, although that farther within the same the water was there found reasonable deep, which separateth itself into two great arms, whereof one runneth toward the South and the other toward the North. Having thus searched the River I went on land to speak with the Indians which waited for us upon the shore which at our coming on land, came before us, crying with a loud voice in their Indian language, Antipola, Bonassou, which is as much to say, as, brother, friend, or some such like thing. After they had made very much of us, they showed us their Paracoussy, that is to say, their king and governor, to whom I presented certain toys wherewith he was well pleased. And for mine own part I praise God continually, for the great love which I have found in 
The great love & courtesy of the Floridians.  these Savages, which were sorry for nothing, but that the night approached, and made us retire unto our ships. For though they endeavoured by all means to make us tarry with them, and that they showed by signs the desire they had to present us with some rare things, yet nevertheless for many just and reasonable occasions I would not stay on shore all night: but excusing myself for all their offers, I embarked myself again and returned toward my ships, Howbeit, before my departure, I named this river, the river of 
The river of Dolphins, called Seloy by the Savages▪ june 23.  Dolphins, because that at mine arrival, I saw there a great number of dolphins which were playing in the mouth thereof. The next day the three and twentieth of this month (because that toward the South I had not found any commodious place for us to inhabit, and to build a fort) I gave commandment to weigh anchor, 
Their arrival at the river of May, the 22▪ of june.  and to hoist our sails to sail toward the river of may, where we arrived two days after, and cast anchor, afterward going on land, with some number of Gentlemen and Soldiers to know for a certainty the singularities of this place, we espied the Paracoussy of the country, which came towards us (this was the very same that we saw in the voyage of Captain johu Ribault) which having espied us, cried very far of, Antipola, Antipola, and being so joyful that he could not contain himself, he came to meet us accompanied then with two of his sons, as fair & mighty persons as might be found in all the world, which had nothing in their mouths but this word, Amy, Amy: that is to say, friend, friend: yea and knowing those which were there in the first voyage, they went principally to them to use this speech unto them. There was in their train a great number of men and women, which still made very much of us, and by evident signs made us to understand how glad they were of our arrival. This good entertainment past, the Paracoussy prayed me to go to see the pillar which we had erected in the voyage of john Ribault (as we have declared heretofore) as a thing which they made great account of. Having yielded unto him and being come to the place where it was set up we found the same crowned with crowns of Bay, & at the foot thereof many 
The pillar set up before by Ribault crowned with garlands of Laurel and environed with small paniers full of corn worshipped by the savages. Paracoussy Satouriova.  little baskets full of Mill which they call in their language Tapaga Tapola. Then when they came thither they kissed the same with great reverence & besought us to do the like, which we would not deny them, to the end we might draw them to be more in friendship with us. This done the Paracoussy took me by the hand, as if he had desire to make me understand some great secret, and by signs showed me very well up within the river the limits of his dominion, & said that he was called Paracussy Satoriova, which is as much as king Satouriova. His children have the self same title of Paracoussy▪ The eldest is named Athore, a man, I dare say, perfect in beauty, wisdom, and honest sobriety, showing by his modest gravity that he deserveth the name which he beareth besides that he is gentle and tractable. After we we had sojourned a certain space with them, the Paracoussy prayed one of his sons to present unto me a wedge of 
A Wedge of silver.  silver, which he did and that with a good will: in recompense whereof I gave him a cutting hook & some other better present: wherewith he seemed to be very well pleased. Afterward we took our leave of them, because the night approached, and then returned to lodge in our ships. Being alured with this good entertainment I failed not the next day to embark myself again with my lieutenant Ottigni and a number of soldiers to return toward the Paracoussy of the River of May, which of purpose waited for us in the same place, where the day before we conferred with him. We found him under the shadow of an Arbour accompanied with fourscore Indians at the least, and appareled at that time after the Indian fashion, to wit, with a great Hearts skin dressed like Chamoys and painted with devices of strange and divers colours, but of so lively a portraiture and representing antiquity with rules so justly compassed, that there is no painter so exquisite that could find fault therewith: the natural disposition of this strange people is so perfect and well guided, that without any aid and favour of arts, they are able by the help of nature only to content the eye of artisans, yea even of those which by their industry are able to aspire unto things most absolute. Then I advertised Paracoussy Satouriova, that my desire was to discover farther up into the river, but that this should be with such diligence that I would come again unto him very speedily: wherewith he was content, promising to stay for me in the place where he was: and for an earnest of his promise, he offered me his goodly skin, which I refused then, and promised to receive it of him at my return. For my part I gave him certain small trifles, to the intent, to retain him in our friendship. Departing from thence, I had not sailed three leagues up the river, still being followed by the Indians, which coasted me along the river, crying still, Amy, Amy, that is to say, friend, friend: but I discovered an hill of mean height, near which I went on land, hard by the fields that were sowed with mil, at one corner whereof there was an house built for their lodging, which keep and guard the mill: for there are such numbers of Cornishe 
Grosle●.  thoughts in this country, which continually devour and spoil the mill, that the Indians are constrained to keep & watch it, otherwise they should be deceived of their harvest. I rested myself in this place for certain hours, & commanded Monsur De▪ Otignie and 
Monsur de Ottigni.  my sergeant to enter into the woods to search out the dwellings of the Indians: where, after they had gone a while, they came unto a Marish of Reeds, where finding their way to be stopped, they rested under the shadow of a migtie bay tree to refresh themselves a little, and to resolve which way to take. Then they discovered, as it were on the sudden, five Indians half hidden in the woods, which seemed somewhat to distrust our men, until they said unto them in the Indian language Antipola Bonassou, to the end that understanding their speech, they might come unto us more boldly, which they did incontinently, But because they saw, that the four that went last bore up the train of the skin wherewith he that went foremost was appareled, our men imagined that the foremost must needs be some man of greater quality than the rest, seeing that withal they called him Paracoussy, Paracoussy, wherefore some of our company went towards him, and using him courteously showed him Monsur De Ottigny their lieutenant, for whom they had made an arbour with Bay and Palm boughs after the Indian fashion, to the end that by such signs the savages might think that the Frenchmen had companied 
The courtesy of the Floridians to the French.  with such as they at other times. The Indian Paracoussy drew near to the French, & begun to make him a long oration, which tended to no other end, but that he besought the Frenchmen very earnestly to come & see his dwelling & his parents, which they granted him, & strait for pledge of better amity, he gave unto lieutenant Ottigni, the very skin, that he was clad withal. Then he took him by the hand, leading him right toward the marshes, over which the Paracoussy, Monsieur Ottigni, and certain other of our men were borne upon the Indians shoulders: and the rest which could not pass because of the mire and reeds, went through the woods, and followed still a narrow path which led them forth until they came unto the paracoussy's dwelling: out of which there came about fifty Indians to receive our men gallantly, and to feast them after their manner. After which they brought at their entrance a great vessel of earth, made after a strange fashion full of fountain water clear and very excellent. This vessel was borne by an Indian, and there was another younger which bore of this water in another little vessel of wood, and presented thereof to every one to drink, observing in doing the same, a certain order and reverence, which he made to each of them, to whom he gave drink. Our thirst well quenched by this mean, and our men being sufficiently refreshed, the Paracoussy brought them to his father's lodging, one of the oldest men that lived on the earth. Our men regarding his age, began to make much of him, using this speech, Amy, Amy, that is to say, friend, friend, whereat the old fire showed himself very glad. afterward they questioned with him concerning the course of his age, whereunto he made answer, showing that he was the first living original, from whence 5. generations were descended, as he showed unto them by another old man that sat directly over against him, which far exceeded him in age. And this man was his father, which seemed to be rather a dead carcase then a living body. For he had his sinews, his veins his arteries, his bones, and other parts, appearing so clearly thorough his skin, that a man might easily tell them, & discern them one from another. Also his age was so great, that the good man had lost his sight, & could not speak one only word but which exceeding great pain. Monsieur de Ottigni having seen so strange a thing, turned to the younger of these 2. old men, praying him to vouchsafe to answer him to that which he demanded touching his age. Then the old man called a company of Indians, and striking twice upon his thigh, and laying his hand upon two of them, he showed him by signs, that these two were his sons: again smiting upon their thighs, he showed him of others not so old, which were that children of the 2. first, which he continued in the same manner until the fift generation. But though this old man had his father alive more old than himself, and that both of them did wear their hair very long and as white as was possible: yet it was told them, that they might yet live thirty or forty years more by the course of nature: although the younger of them both was not less than two hundred and fifty years old. After 
Savages in Florida of 250. years old. Eagles in Florida.  he had ended his communication, he commanded two young Eagles to be given to our men, which he had bred up for his pleasure, in his house. He caused also little Paniers made of Palm leaves full of gourds red and blue to be delivered unto them. For recompense of which presents he was satisfied with French toys. The two old men caused our men to be guided back again to the place from whence they came, by the young Parracoussy which had brought them thither. And having taken leave of the Paracoussy they came and sought me out in the place where I stayed, and rehearsed unto me all that they had seen, praying me also that I would reward their guide, which so frankly and hearty had received them into his house, which I would not fail to do by any means. Now was I determined to search out the qualities of the Hill. Therefore I went right to the top thereof, where we found nothing 
Ceders, Palms, bays exceeding sweet.  else but Cedars, Palm, and Baytrees of so sovereign odour, the Balm smelleth nothing like in comparison. The trees were environed round about with Vines bearing Grapes in such quantity that the number would suffice to make the place habitable. Besides this fertility of the soil for vines, a man may see Esquine wreathed about the shrubs in great quantity. Touching the pleasure of 
Esquine drug excellent against the pocket.  the place, the Sea may be seen plain and open from it, and more than six great leagues of, near the river bell a man may behold the meadows, divided asunder into Isles and Islets interlacing one another: briefly the place is so pleasant, that those which are melancholic would be enforced to change their humour. After I had stayed there a while, I embarked again my people to sail towards the mouth of the River, where we found the Paracoussy which according to his promise waited for us. Wherefore to content him we went on shore and did him that reverence that on our part was requisite: Then he gave me the skin so richly painted, & I recompensed him with somewhat of our merchandise. I forgot not to demand of him the place whence the wedge of silver came which he had given me before: whereunto he made me a very sudden answer, which notwithstanding I understood not, which he well perceived. And then he showed me by evident signs that 
Silver certain days journey up within the river of May.  all of it came from a place more within the river by certain days journeys from this place, and declared unto us that all the which they had thereof they got it by force of arms of the inhabitants of this place named by them Thimogova, their most ancient and natural 
Thimogoua mortal enemies to Satouriova.  enemies, as he largely declared. Whereupon when I saw with what affection he spoke, when he pronounced Thimogova, I understood what he would say. And to bring myself more into his favour I promised him to accompany him with all my force, if he would fight against them: which thing pleased him in such sort that from thence forth, he promised himself the victory of them, and assured me that he would make a voyage thither within a short space, would cause store of Mill to be prepared, and would command his men to make ready their bows, and furnish themselves with such store of arrows, that nothing should be wanting to give battle to Thimogova. In fine he prayed me very earnestly not to fail of my promise, and in so doing, he hoped to procure me gold and silver in such good quantity that my affairs should take effect according to mine own and his desire. The matter thus fully resolved upon, I took my leave of him to return unto my ships, where after we had rested ourselves all the night following we hoist sails the next day very early in the morning, and sailed toward the River of Seine, distant from the River of 
The river of Seine. The river of Some.  May about four leagues: and there continuing our course toward the North, we arrived at the mouth of Some, which is not past six leagues distant from the River of Seine: where we cast Anchor, and went on shore to discover that place, as we had done the rest. There 
The courtesy of the Paracoussi of the river of Some.  we were graciously and courteously received of the Paracoussy of the country, which is one of the tallest men and best proportioned that may be found. His wife sat by him, which besides her Indian beauty, wherewith she was greatly endued, had so virtuous a countenance & modest gravity, that there was not one amongst us but did greatly commend her, she had in her train five of her daughters of so good grace and so well brought up, that I easily persuaded myself that their mother was their Mistress, and had taught them well and straightly to preserve their honesty. After that the Paracoussy had received us, as I have said, he commanded his wife to present me with a certain number of bullets of silver, 
Bullets of silver.  for his own part he presented me with his Bow and his Arrows, as he had done unto Captain john Ribault in our first voyage, which is a sign of perpetual amity and alliance with those which they honour with such a kind of present. In our discoursing with one another we entered into speech as touching the exercise of arms. Then the Paracoussy caused a Corselet to be set on end, and prayed me to make a proof of our Harkubusies and their bows: but this proof pleased him very little, for assoon as he knew that our Harkubuses did easily pierce that which all the force of their bows could not hurt, he seemed to be sorry, musing with himself how this thing might be done. Nevertheless going about to dissemble in his mind, that which his countenance could not do by any means, he began to fall into another matter, and prayed us very earnestly to stay with him that night in his house or lodging, affirming that no greater happiness could come unto him than our long abode, which he desired to recompense with a thousand presents. Nevertheless we could not grant him this point, but took our leave of him, to return to our ships: Where 
Laudonieres consultation with his company where it might be best for them to plant.  soon after I caused all my company to be assembled with the masters and Pilots of my ships to consult together of the place whereof we should make choice to plant our habitation. First I let them understand, how none of them were ignorant, that the part which was toward the Cape of Florida, was altogether a marish Country, and therefore unprofitable for our inhabitation: A thing which could yield neither profit to the king nor any contentment or pleasure to us, if peradventure we would inhabit there. On the other side if we passed farther toward the North to seek out Port Royal, it would be neither very profitable nor convenient: at the least if we would give credit to the report of them which remained there a long time, although the Haven were one of the fairest of the West Indies: but that in this case the question was not so much of the beauty of the place, as of things necessary to sustain life. And that at our first inhabiting it was much more needful for us to plant in places plentiful of victual, then in goodly Havens, fair deep and pleasant to the view, In consideration whereof that I was of opinion, if it seemed good unto them to seat ourselves about the river of May: seeing also that in our first voyage we found the same only among all the rest to abound in Maiz and corn, besides the gold and silver that was found there: a thing that put 
Gold and silver found at the river of May.  me in hope of some happy discovery in time to come. After that I had proposed these things every one gave his opinion thereof: and in five all resolved, namely those which had been with me in the first voyage, that it was expedient to seat themselves rather on the river of May, then on any other, until they might hear news out of France. This point thus being agreed upon we sailed toward the river, and used such diligence, that with the favour of the winds we arrived there the morrow after about the break of day, which was on a Thursday the 29. of the month of 
june the 29.  june. Having cast Anchor, I embarked all my stuff and the soldiers of my company, to sail right toward the opening of the river: wherein we entered a good way up, and found a creak of a reasonable vignesse, which invited us to refresh ourselves a little, while we reposed ourselves there. Afterward we went on shore to seek out a place plain without trees, which we perceived from the creak. But because we found it not very commodious for us to inhabit there: we determined to return unto the place which we had discovered before, when we had sailed up the River. This place is joining to a mountain, and it seemed unto us more fit and commodious to build a fortress, then that where we were last. Therefore we took our way towards the forests being guided therein by the young Paracoussy which had led us before unto his father's lodging. Afterward we found a large plain covered with high pinetrees distant a little one from the other: under which we perceived an infinite number of Stags which brayed amidst the plain, a thwart the which we passed: then we discovered a little hill adjoining unto a great vale very green and in form flat: wherein were the fairest meadows of the world and grass to feed cattle. Moreover it is environed with an infinite number of brooks 
The vale of Laudonniere.  of fresh water, and high woods, which make the vale more delectable to the eye. After I had taken the view thereof at mine ease▪ I named it at the request of our soldiers the val●●of Laudonniere. 
An Hermaphrodite.  Thus we went forward. Anon having gone a little forward, we met an Indian woman of tall stature, which also was an Hermaphrodite who came before us with a great vessel full of clear fountain water, wherewith she greatly refreshed us. For we were exceeding faint by reason of the ardent heat which molested us as we passed through those high woods. And I believe that without the succour of that Indian Hermaphrodite, or rather if it had not been for the great desire which we had to make us resolute of ourselves we had taken up our lodging all night in the wood. Being therefore refreshed by this mean, we gathered our spirits together, & marching with a cheerful courage, we came to the place which we had chosen to make our habitation in: whereon at that instant near the rivers brink we strewed a number of boughs & leaves to take our rest on them the night following, which we found exceeding sweet, because of the pain which the day before we had taken in our travel. On the morrow about the break of day I commanded a trumpet to be sounded, that being assembled we 
They began their planting with prayer to God.  might give God thanks for our favourable and happy arrival. There we sang a Psalm of thanksgiving unto God, beseeching him that it would please him of his grace to continue his accustomed goodness toward us his poor servants, and aid us in all our enterprises, that all might turn to his glory, & the advancement of our king. The prayers ended every man began to take courage. Afterward having measured out a piece of ground in form of a triangle we endeavoured ourselves of all sides, some to bring earth some to cut Faggots, and others to raise and make the rampire, for there was not a man that had not either a shovel, or cutting hook, or hatchet aswell to make the ground plain by cutting down the trees, as for the building of the Fort, which we did hasten with such cheerfulness that within few days the effect of our diligence was apparent: In which mean space the Paracoussy Satouriova our nearest neighbour, and on whose ground we built our fort, came usually accompanied with his two sons and a great number of Indians to offer to do us all courtesy. And I likewise for my part bestowed divers of our trifles frankly on him to th'end he might know the goodwill which we bore him, & thereby make him more desirous of our friendship, in such sort y● as the days increased so our amity & friendship increased also: After that our fort was brought into form, I begun 
In Florida they cover their house with palm leaves.  to build a grange to retire my munition, & things necessary for the defence of y● for't: praying the Paracoussy that it would please him to command his subjects, to make us a covering of palm leaves, & this to th'end that when that was done I might unfreight my ships, & put under coverture those things that were in them. Suddenly the Parracoussy commanded in my presence all the Indians▪ of his company to dress the next day morning so good a number of Palm leaves, that the grange was covered in less than two days: so that business was finished. For in the space of those two days, the Indians never ceased from working, some in fetching Palm leaves, others in interlacing of them: in such sort that their king's commandment was executed as he desired. Our fort was built in 
The form of the Fort Caroline The West side.  form of a triangle▪ The side toward the West, which was toward the land, was enclosed with a little trench and raised with turfs made in form of a Battlement of nine foot high: the other side which▪ was toward the River was enclosed with a palisado of planks of timber after the manner that Gabions are made. On the south side there was a kind of bastion within which I caused an 
The South side.  house for the munition to be built: it was all builded with Faggots and sand, saving about two or three foot high with turfs whereof the battlements were made. In the midst I caused a great court to be made of eighteen paces long and broad, in the midst whereof on the one side drawing toward the South I builded a Corpses de guard, and an house on the other side toward the North, which I caused to be raised somewhat to high: for within a shore 
High building is not good for this country.  while after the wind beat it downr: and experience taught me, that we may not build with high stages in this country, by reason of the winds whereunto it is subject. One of the sides that enclosed my court, which I made very fair and large, reached unto the grange of my munitions: and on the otherside towards the River was mine own lodging, round about the which were galleries all covered. The principal door of my lodging was in the midst of the great place, and the other was towards the River. A good distance from the Fort I built an Oven, to avoid the danger of fire, because the houses are of Palm leaves, which will soon be 
Nota.  burnt, after the fire catcheth hold of them, so that with much ado a man shall have leisure to quench them. Lo here in brief the description of our Fortress, which I named Caroline in the honour 
Caroline.  of our Prince king Charles. After we were furnished with that which was most necessary, I would not lose a minute of an hour, without employing of the same in some virtuous exercise: therefore I charged Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieutenant, a man in truth worthy all honour for his honesty and virtue, to search up within the river what this Thimogova might be, whereof the Paracoussy Satouriova had spoken to us so often at our coming on shore. For execution hereof the Paratoussy gave him two Indians for his guides, which taking upon them to lead him in this voyage seemed to go unto a wedding, so desirous they were to fight with their enemies. Being embarked they hoist sail and having sailed about 
The first voyage twenty leagues  twenty leagues, the Indians which still looked on this side and that side to espy some of their enemies, discovered three Canoes. And immediately they began to cry Thimogoua, Thimogoua, and spoke of nothing else but to hasten forward to go to fight which them: which the Captain seemed to be willing to do, to content them. When they came to board them, one of the Indians got hold of an Halberd, another of a Cutlass in such a rage that he would have leapt into the water to have fought with them alone. Nevertheless Ottigny would not let them do it, for while he differed to aboard them he gave the others respite to turn the prooes of their Canoes toward the shore and so to escape into the woods. Again the meaning of Ottigny was not to make war upon them of Thimogova▪ but rather to make them friends; and to make them thenceforth to live in peace one with another if it were possible, hoping by this mean to discover daily some new thing, & especially the certain course of the River. For this purpose he caused the bark to retire wherein were the two Indians his guides, & went with his toward the Canoes which were on the rivers side. Being come unto them, he put certain trifles into them, and then retired a goodway from them, which thing caused the Indians which were fled away to rerurne to their Boats, and to understand by this sign, that those of our bark were none of their enemies, but rather come only to traffic with them. Wherefore being thus assured of us they called to our men to come near unto them: which they did incontinently and set foot on land, and spoke freely with them, with diverse ceremonies over long to recount. In the end Ottigni demanded of them by signs if they had gold or silver among them. But they told him they had none as then: and that if he would send one of his men with them, they would bring him without danger into a place where they might have some. Ottigni seeing them so willing, delivered them one of his men which seemed very resolute to undertake this voyage: this fellow stayed with them until ten of the clock the next day morning, so that Captain Ottigny somewhat offended with his long stay, sailed ten great 
Ten leagues farther.  leagues farther up the river: although he knew not what way he should go, yet he went so far up that he espied the boat wherein his soldier was: which reported unto him that the Indians would have carried him three great days journey farther, & told him that a king named Mayrra rich in gold and silver dwelled in those quarters, 
Mayrra a king rich in gold & silver.  and that for small quantity of merchandise enough might be had of him: yet that he would not hazard himself without his leave, and that he brought but a very little gold. This being done our men returned toward our fort Caroline after they had left the soldier with the Indians to inform himself more and more of such things as he might discover more at leisure. Fifteen days after this voyage to Thimogova, I dispatched Captain Vasseur and my sergeant 
The second voyage.  also, to return again into this country and to seek out the soldier which remained there in the former voyage. Being therefore embarked they sailed two whole days: and before they came to the dwelling of the Indians, they found two of them on the rivers side, which were expressly sent unto that place to descry whether any of their enemies were come to that part, with intention to surprise them, as they did usually. When they perceived Captain Valseur they knew incontinently that he was none of their enemies, & therefore made no difficulty to come near unto the bark, and showed him by signs that the soldier which they sought was not in that place, but was at that present in the house of king Mollova 
King mollova.  which was vassal unto another great king named by them Olata Ouae Vtina: and that if the Captain would sail thitherward, 
Olata Ouae Vtina a great king.  he should come thither very quickly, wherewith he was content, & caused his men to row to that part which the Indians showed him: whereat they were so glad that they ran quickly before by land to declare his arrival, which was at the lodging of king Mollova, after that he had rowed not passed half a league. While king Mollova had ended entertaining Captain Vasseur and his men, the soldier came in with f●ue or six pounds' weight of silver which he had trucked and traffiked with the Indians. This king caused bread to be made, and fish to be dressed after the Indian fashion 
Five or six pound weight of silver.  to feast our men: to whom, while they were at meat, he made a discourse of divers other kings his friends and allies reckoning up to the number of nine of them by name, to wit Cadecha, Chilili, Eclavou, Enacappe, Calany, Anacharaqua, Omittaqua, Aequera, Moquoso: all which with him unto the number of more than forty, he assured us to be the vassals of the most renowned 
Forty kings vassals to Vtina.  Olata Ouae Vtina. This done, he went about likewise to discover the enemies of Ouae Vtina, in which number he placed as the first the Paracoussy Satouriova monarch of the confines of the river of May, which hath under his obeysace thirty other Paracoussies, whereof there were ten which were all his brethren, and that therefore he was greatly esteemed in those parties: then he named three others no less puissant than Satouriova, whereof the first dwelled two days journey from his Lord Olate Our Vtina, and ordinarily made war upon him, whose name was Potanou, a man 
King Potanou.  cruel in war, but pitiful in the execution of his fury. For he took the prisoners to mercy, being content to mark them on the left arm, with a great mark like unto a seal, and so imprinted as if it had been touched with an hot iron, than he let them go without doing them any other hurt. The two others were named Onatheaqua, 
An exceeding rich place.  and Houstaqua, being great Lords, and abounding in riches, and principally Onatheaqua, which dwelled near unto the high mountains, wherein there was abundance of many rare things, and infinite quantity of a kind of slate stone, wherewith they made wedges to cleave their wood. The occasion which (as he said) moved Potanou to wage war against Olata Ouaé Vtina, was the fear that he had, lest he and his companions should get of that hard stone in his country, wherewith they headed their arrows, and could not get it in any nearer place. Besides all this, Molloua recited to Captain Vasseur, that the kings allies the vassals of great Olata, armed their breasts, arms, thighs, legs, and 
Large plaits of gold and silver.  foreheads with large plates of gold and silver: and that by this means the arrows that were discharged upon them could do them no manner of hurt at all, but rather were broken against them. Hereupon Captain Vasseur inquired whether the kings Onatheaqua and Honstaqua were like unto us. For by the description that they made of them, he began t● doubt whether they 
Some paint their faces with black, & some withered.  were Spaniards or no: but Mollova told him that they were not, but that they were Indians like the rest, saving that they painted their faces with black, and that the rest as Molova painted it with red. Then my lieutenant Vasseur, and my sergeant promised him that one day I should march with my foroes into those countries, and that joining myself with his Lord Olata, I would subdue the inhabitants of the highest of those mountains. He was very glad of this speech, and answered that the least of these kings which he had named, should present unto the general of these succours the height of two foot of gold & silver, which by force of arms they had already gotten of those two kings, Onatheaqua, and Houstaqua. The good cheer being done, and the discourses ended, my men embarked themselves again with intention to bring me those good news unto the fort Caroline. But after they had sailed a very long while down the river, and were come within three leagues of us, the tide was so strong against them, that they were constrained to go on land, and to retire themselves because of the night unto the dwelling of a certain Paracoussy named Molona, which showed 
King Molona.  himself very glad of their arrival: for he desired to know some news of Thimogova, and thought that the French men went thither for none other occasion but for to invade them. Which captain Vasseur perceiving dissembled so well, that he made him believe that he went to Thimogova, with none other intention, but to subdue them, & to destroy them with the edge of the sword without mercy, but that their purpose had not such success as they desired, because that the people of Thimogova being advertised of this enterprise, retired into the woods, & saved themselves by flight: the nevertheless they had taken some as they were flying away which carried no news thereof unto their fellows. The Paracoussy was so glad of this relation, that he enterrupted him, and asked Vasseur of the beginning & manner of his execution, & prayed him that he would show him by signs how all things passed. Immediately Francis la Caille the sergeant of my band took his sword in his hand, saying that with the point thereof he had thrust through two Indians which ran into the woods, & that his companions had done no less for their parts. And that if fortune had so favoured them, that they had not been discovered by the men of Thimogova, they had had a victory most glorious & worthy of eternal memory. Hereupon the Paracoussy showed himself so well satisfied, that he could not devise how to gratify our men, which he caused t● come into his house to feast them more honourably: & having made captain Vasseur to sit next him, and in his own chair (which the Indians esteem for the chiefest honour) & then underneath him two of his sons, goodly and mighty fellows, he commanded all the rest to place themselves as they thought good. This done, the Indians came according to their good custom, to present their drink Cassine to the Paracoussy, & then to certain of his chiefest friends, & the Frenchmen. Then he which brought it set the cup aside, & drew out a little dagger which hung stuck up in the roof of the house, & like a mad man he lift his head aloft, & ran apace, & went and smote an Indian which sat alone in one of the corners of the hall, crying with a loud voice, Hyou, the poor Indian stirring not at all for the blow, which he seemed to eudure patiently. He which held the dagger went quickly to put the same in his former place, & begun again to give us drink, as he did before: but he had not long continued, & had scarcely given 3. or 4. thereof, but he left his bowl again, took the dagger in his hand, & quickly returned unto him which he had strooken before, to whom he gave a very sore blow on the side, crying Hyou, as he had done before: then he went to put the dagger in his place, and set himself down among the rest. A little while after, he that had been strooken fell down backwards, stretching out his arms and legs as if he had been ready to yield up the latter gasp. And then the younger son of the Paracoussy appareled in a long white skin, fell down at the feet of him that was fallen backward, weeping bitterly half a quarter of an hour: after two other of his brethren clad in like apparel, came about him that was so stricken, & began to sigh pitifully. Their mother bearing a little infant in her arms came from another part, and going to the place where her sons were, at the first she used infinite numbers of outcries, than one while lifting up her eyes to heaven, an other while falling down unto the ground, she cried so dolefully, that her lamentable mournings would have moved the most hard & stony heart in the world with pity. Yet this sufficed not, for there came in a company of young girls which did never lyn weeping for a long while in the place where the Indian was fallen down, whom afterward they took, & with the saddest gestures they could devise, carried him away into another house a little way of from the great hall of the Paracoussy, & continued their weepings & mournings by the space of two long hours: in which mean while the Indians ceased not to drink Cassine, but which such silence that one word was not heard in the parlour. Vasseur being grieved that he understood not these ceremonies, demanded of the Paracoussy what these things meant: which answered him slowly, Thimogova, Thimogoua, with out saying any more. Being more displeased than he was before with so slight an answer, he turned unto another Indian the paracoussy's brother, who was a Paracoussy as well as his brother, called Malica, which made him a like answer as he did at the first, 
King Malica.  praying him to ask no more of these matters, and to have patience for that time. The subtle old Paracoussy prayed him within a while after to show him his sword, which he would not deny him, thinking that he would have beheld the fashion of his weapons: but he soon perceived that it was to another end: for the old man holding it in his hand, beheld it a long while on every place to see if he could find any blood upon it which might show that any of their enemies had been killed: (for the Indians are wont to bring their weapons wherewith their enemies have been defeated with some blood upon them, for a token of their victories.) But seeing no sign thereof upon it, he was upon the point to say unto him, that he had killed none of the men of Thimogova, when as Vasseur preventing that which he might object, declared & showed to him by signs the manner of his enterprise, adding that by reason of the 2. Indians which he had stain, his sw●r● was so bloody, that he was enforced to wash & make it clean a long while in the river: which the old man believed to be like to be true, and made no manner of reply thereunto. Vasseur, la Caille, and their other companions went out of the hall to go into the room whither 
Tapestry made of small reeds.  they had carried the Indian: there they found the Paracoussy sitting upon tapestries made of small reeds, which was at meat after the Indian fashion, & the Indian that was smitten hard by him, lying upon the self-same tapestry, about whom stood the wife of the Paracoussy, with all the young damsels which before bewailed him in the hall: which did nothing else but warm a great deal of moss in steed of 
They lap moss about their wounds and use it instead of napkins. A ceremony to call to mind the death of their ancestors slain by their enemies.  napkins to rub the Indians side. Hereupon our men asked the Paracoussy again, for what occasion the Indian was so persecuted in his presence: he answered, that this was nothing else but a kind of ceremony whereby they would call to mind the death & persecutions of the Paracoussies' their ancestors executed by their enemy Thimogova: alleging moreover, that as often as he himself, or any of his friends & allies returned from the country, without they brought the heads of their enemies, or without bringing home some prisoner, he used for a perpetual memory of all his predecessors, to beat the best beloved of all his children, with the self-same weapons, wherewith they had been killed in times past: to the end that by renewing of the wound their death should be lamented afresh. Now when they were thus informed of those ceremonies they thanked the Paracoussy for their good entertainment which they had received, and so setting sail came to me unto the fort: where they declared all unto me as I have recited it heretofore. The eight and tweentieth of julie 
The return of their ships toward France the 28. of july  our ships departed to return into France. And with in a while, about two months after our arrival in Florida, the Paracoussy Satourioüa sent certain Indians unto me to know whether I would stand to my promise which I had made him at my first arrival in that country, which was that I would show myself friend to his friends and enemy unto his enemies, and also to accompany him with a good number of Hargabushes, when he should see it expedient, and should find a fit occasion to go to war: now seeing he rested upon this promise, he prayed me not to defer the same: seeing also that making account thereof he had taken such good order for the execution of his enterprise, that he was ready, and was furnished with all things that were necessary for the voyage. I made him answer that for his amity I would not purchase the enmity of the other, and that albeit I would, yet notwithstanding I wanted means to do it. For it behoved me at that present to make provision of victuals and munition for the defence of my fort. On the otherside that my Barks were nothing ready, and that this enterprise would require time: moreover that the Paracoussy Satouriova might hold himself ready to departed within two months, and that then I would think of fulfilling my promise to him. The Indians carried this answer to their Paracoussy, which was little pleased withit, because he could not defer his execution or expedition, aswell because all his victuals were ready, as also because ten other Paracoussies were assembled with him for the performance of this enterprise. The ceremony which this 
The ceremony which they use before they go to war.  savage used before he embarked his army deserveth not to be forgotten. For when he was set down by the rivers side, being compassed about with ten other Paracoussies he commanded water to be brought him speedily. This done, looking up into heaven he fell to discourse of diverse things with gestures that showed him to be in exceeding great choler, which made him one while shake his head hither and thither, and by and by with I wot not what fury to turn his face toward the country of his enemies, and to threaten to kill them. He often times looked upon the son praying him to grant him a glorious victory of his enemies: Which when he had done by the space of half an hour, he sprinkled with his hand a little of the water which he held in a vessel upon the heads of the Paracoussies, and cast the rest as it were in a rage and despite into a fire which was there prepared for the purpose. This done he cried out thrice, He Thimogoüa, and was followed with five hundred Indians 
Satouriova followed with five hundred Indians.  at the least, which were there assembled, which cried all with one voice, He Thimogoüa. This ceremony, as a certain Indian told me familiarly, signified nothing else, but that Satourioüa besought the son to grant unto him so happy a victory that he might shed his enemy's blood, as he had shed that water at his pleasure: moreover that the Paracoussies which were sprinkled with a part of that water, might return with the heads of their enemies, which is the only and chief triumph of their victories. The Paracoussy Satourioüa had no sooner ended his ceremonies and had taken a view of all his company, but he embarked himself, and used such diligence with his Almadies or boats, that the next day two hours before the sons set, he arrived on the territories of his enemies about eight or ten leagues from their villages: Afterward causing them all to go on land he assembled his counsel, wherein it was agreed that five of the Paracoussies should sail up the river with half of the 
Consultation before they assault their enemies.  troops and by the break of day should approach unto the dwelling of their enemy: for his own part that he would take his journey through the woods and forests as secretly as he could: that when they were come thither, as well they that went by water as he which went by land should not fail by the break of the day to enter into the village, & cut them all in pieces except the women and little children. These things which were thus agreed upon were executed with as great fury as was possible: which 
How they use their enemies which they take in war.  when they had done they took the heads of their enemies which they had slain and cut of their heir round about with a piece of their skulls: they took also four and twenty prisoners, which they led away, and retired themselves immediately unto their boats which waited for them: being come thither they began to sing praises unto the sun to whom they attributed their victory. And afterwards put the skins of their heads on the end of their javelins, and went altogether toward the territories of Paracoussy Omoloa, one of them which was in the company: 
King Omoloa  being come thither they divided their prisoners equally to each of the Paracoussies, & left thirteen of them to Satourioüa, which straightway dispatched an Indian his subject, to carry news before of the victory to them which stayed at home to guard their houses, which immediately began to weep: But assoon as night was come they never left dancing and playing a thousand gambols in honour of the feast. The next day the Paracoussy Satourioüa came home, who before he entered into his lodging caused all the heirie skulls of his enemies to be set up before 
The manner of triumph.  his door and crowned them with branches of Laurel, showing by this glorious spectacle the triumph of the victory which he had obtained. Straightway began lamentation and mournings, which assoon as the night began were turned into pleasures and dances. After that I was advertised of these things, I sent a soldier unto Satourioüa praying him to send me two of his prisoners: which he denied me, saying that he was nothing beholding unto me, and that I had broken my promise, against the oath which I had sworn unto him at my arrival. Which when I understood by my soldier, which was come back with speed, I devised how I might be revenged of this savage, and to make him know how dearly this bold bravado of his should cost him: therefore I commanded my sergeant to provide me twenty soldiers to go with me to the house of Satourioüa: Where after I was come and entered into the hall without any manner of salutation, I went and sat me down by him and stayed a long while without speaking any word unto him, nor showing him any sign of friendship, which thing put him deépely in his domps: besides that certain soldiers remained at the gate, to whom I had given express commandment to suffer no Indian to go forth: having stood still about half an hour with this countenance, at length I demanded where the prisoners were, which he had taken at Thomogova, and commanded them presently to be brought unto me. Whereunto the Paracoussy angry at the heart and astonied wonderfully stood a long while without making any answer, notwithstanding at last he answered me very stoutly that being afraid to see us coming thither in such warlike manner they fled into the woods, and that not knowing which way they were gone they were not able by any means to bring them again, Then I seemed to make as though I understood not what he said, and asked for his prisoners again, and for some of his principal allies. Then Satourioüa commanded his son Athore to seek out the prisoners, and to cause them to be brought 
Athore.  into that place, which thing he did within an hour after. After they were come to the lodging of the Paracoussy, they humbly saluted me, & lifting up their hands before me, they would have fallen down prostrate as it were at my feét: but I would not suffer them, and soon after led them away with me unto my own force. The Paracoussy, being wonderfully offended with this bravado, bethought himself by all means how he might be revenged of us. But to give us no suspicion thereof, and the better to cover his intention, he sent his messengers oftentimes unto us bringing always with them some kind of presents. Among others one day he sent three Indians, which brought us 
Excellent Pompions.  two baskets full of great Pompions, much more excellent than those which we have in France, and promised me in their kings behalf that during mine abode in that country I should never want victuals: I thanked them for their kings good will, and signified unto them the great desire which I had, aswell for the benefit of Satourioüa, as for the quiet of his subjects, to make a peace between him and those of Thimogoüa: which thing could not choose but turn to their great benefit, seeing that being allied with the kings of those parts, he had an open passage against Onatheaqua his ancient enemy, which otherwise he could not set upon: Moreover that Olata Oaüe Vtina was so mighty a Paracoussy, that Satourioüa was not able to withstand his forces: but being agreed together they might easily overthrow all their enemies, and might pass the confines of the farthest rivers that were towards the South. The messengers prayed me to have patience until the morrow, at what time they would come again unto me to certify me of their lords inclination: which they failed not to do, advertising me that Paracoussy Satouriova was the gladdest man in the world to treat of this accord (although in deed he was quite contrary) and that he besought me to be diligent therein, promising to observe & perform whatsoever I should agree upon with those of Thimogoüa: which things the messengers also rehearsed unto the prisoners which I had led away. After they were departed I resolved within two days to send back again the prisoners to Olata Ouae Vtina, whose subjects they were: but before I embarked them, I gave them certain small trifles, which were little knives or tablets of glass, wherein the image of King Charles the ninth was drawn very lively, for which they gave me very great thanks, as also for the honest entertainment which was given them at the fort Caroline: after this they embarked themselves, with captain Vasseur, & with monsur De Arlac mine ensign which I had sent of purpose to remain a certain time with Ouae Vtina, hoping that the favour of this great Paracoussy would serve my turn greatly to make my discoveries in time to come. I sent with him also one of my sergeants, and six gallant soldiers. Thus things passed on this manner, and the hatred of Paracoussy Satouriova against me did still continue, until that on the 29. of August a lightning from heaven 
A wonderful lightning the 29. of August.  fell within half a league of our fort, more worthy I believe, to be wondered at, & to be put in writing, than all the strange signs which have been seen in times past, and whereof the histories have never written. For although the meadows were at that season all green, and half covered over with water, nevertheless the lightning in one instant consumed above five hundred acres therewith, and burned with the ardent heat thereof all the fowls which took their pastime in the meadows, which thing continued for three days space, which caused us not a little to muse, not able to judge whereof this fire proceeded: for one while we thought that the Indians had burnt their houses, and abandoned their places for fear of us: another while we thought that they had discovered some ships in the sea, and that according to their custom they had kindled many fires here and there to signify that their country was inhabited: nevertheless being not assured, I determined to send to Paracoussy Serranay 
King Sarranay.  to know the truth thereof. But even as I was upon the point to send one by boat to discover the matter, six Indians 
King Allimacany.  came unto mee from Paracoussy Allimacany, which at their first entry made unto mee a long discourse, and a very large and ample oration (after they had presented me with certain basketes full of Maiz, of Pompions and of Grapes,) of the loving amity which Allimacany desired to continue with mee, and that he looked from day to day when it would please mee to employ him in my service. Therefore considering the serviceable affection that he bore unto me, he found it very strange, that I thus discharged mine ordinance against his dwelling, 
The savages think the lightning to be discharging of the Christians ordinance.  which had burnt up an infinite sight of green meadows, and consumed even down unto the bottom of the water, and came so near unto his mansion that he thought he saw the fire in his house: wherefore he besought mee most humbly to command my men that they would not shoot any more towards his lodging, otherwise that hereafter he should be constrained to abandon his country, and to retire himself into some place more farther of from us. Having understood the foolish opinion of this man, which notwithstanding could not choose but be very profitable for us, I dissembled what I thought thereof for that time, and answered the Indians with a cheérefull countenance, that the relation, which they made unto mee of the obedience of their Paracoussy, did please mee right well, because that before he had not behaved himself in such sort towards mee, especially when I summoned him to send mee the prisoners of great Olata Ouae Vtina which he detained, whereof notwithstanding he made no great account, which was the principal cause wherefore I had discharged mine ordinance against him: not that I meant to reach unto his house, as I might have done easily, if it 
Laudonnlere used the present occasion to his profit.  had pleased mee, but that I was content to shoot the half way to make him know my force: assuring him furthermore, that on condition that he would continue in his good affection, no more ordinance should be discharged against him hereafter: and besides that I would become his faithful protector against his greatest enemies. The Indians contented with mine answer returned to assure their Paracoussy, which notwithstanding the assurance withdrew himself from his dwelling tweéntie or five and twenty leagues off, and that for the space of more than two months. After that three days were expired the fire was quite extinguished. But for two days after there followed such an excessive 
A wonderful heat.  heat in the air, that the river near unto which we planted our habitation, became so hot, that I think it was almost ready to seéth. For there died so great abundance of fish, and that of so many diverse sorts, that in the mouth of the river only there were found dead enough to have loaden fifty Cartes, 
Fifty cart load of fish dead in the river with this heat.  whereof there issued a putrefaction in the air which bred many dangerous diseases amongst us, in so much that most of my men fell sick, and almost ready to end their days. Yet notwithstanding it pleased our merciful God so to provide by his providence that all our men recovered their health without the loss of any one of them. Monsieur De Arlac, Captain Vasseur, 
The third voyage the tenth of September.  and one of my sergeants being embarked with their ten soldiers about the tenth of September, to carry back the prisoners unto Vtina, sailed so far up the river, that they discovered a 
Mayarqua a place eighty leagues up the river of May.  place called Mayarqua distant from our fort about fourscore leagues, where the Indians gave them good entertainment, and in many other Villages which they found. From this place they rowed to the dwelling of Paracoussy Vtina, which after he had feasted them according to his ability and power, prayed monsieur De Arlac and all his soldiers to stay a while with him, to aid and assist him in battle against one of his enemies called 
King Patanou  Potanou, whereunto monsieur de De Arlac consented willingly. And because he knew not how long he might have occasion to stay in these parts, he sent me Captain Vasseur and the bark back again, which brought home only five soldiers with him. Now because the custom of the Indians is always 
The Indians manner of war.  to wage war by surprise, Vtina resolved to take his enemy Potanou in the morning by the break of the day: to bring this to pass he made his men to travail all the night, which might 
Two hundred Indians.  be in number two hundred persons, so well advised, that they prayed our french shoot to be in the fore front, to th'end (as they said) that the noise of their pieces might astonish their enemies: notwithstanding they could not march so secretly, but that those of the village of Potanou, distant from the dwelling of Vtina about five and twenty leagues, were ware of them: which suddenly employed and bestowed all their endeavour to defend their village enclosed all with treés, 
A village enclosed with trees.  and issued out in great companies: but finding themselves charged with shot, (a thing wherewith they never had been acquainted) also beholding the captain of their band fall down dead in the beginning of their skirmish with a shot of an Hargubuse which struck him in the forehead, discharged by the hand of monsur De Arlac, they left the place: and the Indians of Vtina gate into the village, taking men, women, and children prisoners. Thus Paracoussy Vtina obtained the victory by the aid of our 
Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the help of the french.  men, which slew many of his enemies, and lost in this conflict one of their companions, wherewith Vtina was very much greéued. Eight or ten days after I sent Captain Vasseur back again with a bark to fetch home monsur De Arlac and his soldiers, which at their return brought me certain presents from Vtina, as some silver, a small quantity of gold, painted skins, 
Silver, & gold, and painted skins.  and other things, with a thousand thanks, which the Paracoussy gave me, which promised that if in any enterprise of importance I should have need of his men, he would furnish mee with three hundred & above. While I thus travailed to purchase friends and to practise one while with one here, an otherwhile with an other there, certain soldiers of my company were suborned under hand by one named lafoy Roquette of the country of 
La Roquettes conspiracy.  Perigorte, which put in their heads that he was a great magition, and that by the secrets of art magic he had discovered a Mine of gold and silver far up within the river, whereby, upon the loss of his life, every soldier should receive in ready buillion the valour of ten thousand crowns, beside and above fifteen hundred thousand which should be reserved for the kings Majesty: Wherefore they allied themselves with La Roquette and another of his confederates, whose name was Le Geure, in 
Mounsur de Geure.  whom not withstanding I had great affiance. This Geure excaeding desirous to enrich himself in those parts, and seeking to be revenged, because I would not give him the carriage of the Paquet into France, secretly informed the soldiers that were already suborned by La Roquette, that I would deprive them of this great gain, in that I did set them daily on work, not sending them on every side to discover the Countries: therefore that it were a good deed, after they had made me understand so much, to seek means to dispatch me out of the way, and to choose another Captain in my place, if I would not give them 
Gieures message to Laudoniere in the soldiers name.  victuals according to their disordinate appetite. He also brought me word hereof himself, making a large discourse unto me of the good affection of the soldiers, which all besought me that I would conduct them to the countries where the Mine was: I 
His answer.  made him answer that all could not go thither, and that it was necessary before their departure to settle our fortress in such estate, that those which were to stay at home behind should remain in security against the Indians which might surprise them. Furthermore that their manner of proceeding seemed strange unto me, for that they imagined, that the kings Majesty was at the charges of our voyage for none other end but to enrich them at their first arrival, in as much as they showed themselves much more given unto covetousness the● unto the service of their Prince: But seeing mine answer tended unto none other end but to make our fortress strong and defensible, they determined to travel in the work, and made an ensign of old linen, which ordinarily they bore upon the rampart when they went to work, always wearing their weapons, which I thought they had done to encourage themselves to work the better: But as I perceived afterwards, and that by the confession 
A dangerous practice against the captain and his lieutenant.  of Gieure scent me in letters which he writ to me of that matter, these gentle soldiers did the same for none other end, but to have killed me, and my lieutenant also, if by chance I had given them any hard speéches. About the twentieth of September as I came home from the woods and Coppises to finish the building of my fort: and that according to my manner, I marched first to give encouragement unto my soldiers, I chased myself in such sort that I fell into a sickness, whereof I 
Laudounieres sickness.  thought I should die. During the which I called Le Gieure often unto me, as one that I trusted above all others, and of whose conspiracies I doubted not any whit at all. In this mean while assembling his complices, sometime in his chamber and sometime in the woods to consult with them, he spoke unto them to choose another Captain besides me, to the intent to put me to death: but being not able by open force to execute his mischienous intention, he gate him unto mine Apothecary, praying him instantly to mingle in my medicine, which I was to receive one 
Laudonniers Apothecary.  or two days after, some drug that should make me pitch over the perch, or at the least that he would give him a little arse●ike or quick silver which he himself would put into my drink. But the apothecary denied him, as did in ●●ke manner master 
The master of the fire works.  S. which was master of the fire works. Thus wholly disappointed of both his means, he with certain others resolved to hide a little barrel of gunpowder underneath my bed, and by a train to set it on fire. Upon these practices a gentleman which I had dispatched to return into France, being about to take his leave of me, advertised me that Gieure had given him a book full of all kind of lewd invectives and slanders against me, against Monsieur De Ottigny, and against the principal of my company: upon which occasion I assembled all my soldiers together, and captain Bourdet 
Captain Bourdet arrived in Florida the fourth of September.  with all his, which on the fourth of September arrived in the road, and were come into our river. In their presence I caused the contents of the book to be read aloud, that they might ●eare record of the untruths that were written against me. Gieure, which had gotten him into the woods for fear of being taken, where he lived for a while after with the savages by my permission, writ unto me often, and in many of his letters confessed unto me that he had deserved death, condemning himself, so far forth that he referred all to my mercy and pity. The seventh or eighth of November, after I had 
The fourth voyage the seventh of November.  caused sufficient provision of such victuals as were needful to be made, I sent two of my men, to wit, La Roche Ferriere, and an other toward king Vtina, to discover every day more and more of the country: where he was the space of five or six months, during which he discovered many villages, and among others one named Hostaqua, the king whereof 
Hostaqua a village.  desiring my friendship sent me a quiver made of a Luserns skin full of arrows, a couple of bows, four or five skins painted after their manner, and a chain of silver 
A chain of silver.  weighing about a pound weight. In recompense of which presents I sent him two whole suits of apparel with certain cutting hooks or hatchettes. After these things therefore in this sort passed, about the tenth of this month captain Bourdet determined to leave me to return into France. Then I requested him, yea rather was exceeding importunate with him, to carry home with him some six or seven soldiers whom I could not trust by any means: which he did for my sake, and would not charge himself with Gieure, which offered him a great sum of money, if it would please him to carry him into France: he transported him only to the other side of the river. Three days after his departure thirteen mariners which I had brought out of France, suborned by certain other mariners which captain Bourdet had left me, stole away my barks in manner following. These mariners of captain Bourdet put mine in the head, that if they had 
One of his Barks stolen away by his mariners.  such barks as mine were, they might gain very much in the Isles of the Antilles, and make an exceéding profitable voyage. hereupon they began to devise how they might steal away my barks, and consulted that when I should command them to go unto the village of Saravahi distant above 
The village of Sarravahi.  a league and an half from our sort, and situated upon an arm of the river (whither according to my manner I sent them daily to seek clay, to make brick and mortar for our houses) they would return no more, but would furnish themselves with victuals as well as they might possibly: and then would embark themselves all in one vessel and would go 
Another of his barks stolen away by two carpenters.  their way: as in deed they did. And that which was worse, two Flemmishe carpenters, which the said Bourdet had left me, stole away the other bark, and before their departure cut the cables of the bark and of the ship Boat, that it might go away with the tide, that I might not pursue them: so that I remained without either bark or boat, which fell out as unluckily for me as was possible. For I was ready to embark myself with all speed, to discover as far up our river, as I might by any means. Now my mariners, as I understood afterwards, took a bark that was a passenger of the Spaniards near the Isle of Cuba, wherein they found a certain quantity of gold and silver, which they seized upon: And having this booty they lay a while at sea, until their victuals began to sail them: which was the cause that oppressed with famine they came unto Havana the principal town of the isle 
One of these mariners named Francis jean betrayed his own country men to the Spaniards and brought them into Florida.  of Cuba: whereupon proceeded that mischief which hereafter I will declare more at large. When I saw my Barks returned not at their wont hour, and suspecting that which fell out in deed, I commanded my Carpenters with all diligence to make a little boat with a flat bottom, to search those rivers for some news of these Mariners. The boat dispatched within a day and a night, by reason that my Carpenters found planks and timber ready sawed to their hands, as commonly I caused 
A saw mill necessary hear  my sawyer's to provide it, I sent men to seek some news of my thieves: but all was in vain. Therefore I determined to cause two great Barks to be built, each of which might be thirty five or thirty six foot long in the keel. And now the work was very well forward which I set my workmen about, when ambition & avarice, the mother of all mischief, took root in the hearts of four or five soldiers which could not away with the work and pains taking: and which from hence forward, namely one Foveneaux, and one La Croix, and another called 
The third sedition.  Steven le Genevois, the three principal authors of the sedition, began to practise with the best of my troop, showing them that it was a vile thing for men of honest parentage, as they were, to moil themselves thus which abject and base work, seeing they had the best occasion of the world offered them to make themselves all rich: which was to arm the two Barks which were in building and to furnish them with good men: and then to sail unto Peru, and the other Isles of the Antilles, where every 
By Peru the French mean the cost of Carthagena and Nombre de Dios.  soldier might easily enrich himself with ten thousand crowns. And if their enterprise should be misliked with all in France, they should be always able, by reason of the great wealth that they should gain, to return themselves into Italy, until the heat were over passed, and that in the mean season some war would fall out which would cause all this to be quite forgotten. This word of riches sounded so well in the ears of my soldiers, that in fine, after they had oftentimes consulted of their affairs, they grew to the number of three score and fix: which to colour their great desire which they had to go on stealing, they caused a request to be presented unto me by Francis la Caille sergeant of my company, containing in sum a declaration of the small store of victuals that was left to maintain us, until the time that ships might return from France: for remedy whereof they thought it necessary to send to New spain, to Peru, and all the Isles adjoining, which they besought mee to be content to grant. But I made them answer▪ that when the barks were finished, I would take such good order in general, that by means of the kings Merchandise, without sparing mine own apparel, weé would get victuals of the inhabitants of the country: seeing also that we had enough to serve us for four months to come. For I feared greatly, that under pretence of searching victuals they would enterprise somewhat against the kings of Spain's subjects, which in time to come might justly be laid to my charge, considering that at our departure 
The captains charge at his setting forth.  out of France, the Queen had charged me very expressly, to do no kind of wrong to the king of Spain's subjects, nor any thing whereof he might contain any jealousy. They made as though they were content with this answer. But eight days after, as I continued in working upon our fort, & on my barks, I fell sick. Then my seditious companions forgetting all honour and duty, supposing that they had found good occasion to execute their rebellious enterprise, began to practise afresh their former designs, handling their business so well, during my sickness, that they openly vowed that they would seize of the corpse de guard, and of the ●ort, yea and to force me also, if I would not consent unto their wicked desire. My lieutenant being hereof advertised, came and told me that he suspected some evil practice: and the next day in the morning I was saluted at my gate with men in complete harness, what time my soldiers were about to play me a shrewd trick: then I sent to seek a couple of gentlemen, whom I most trusted, which brought me word that the soldiers were determined to come to me to make a request unto me: But I told them that this was not the fashion to present a request unto a captain in this manner, & therefore they should send some few unto me to signify unto me what they would have. Hereupon the five these authors of the sedition armed with corselets, their Pistols in their hands already bend, priest into my Chamber, saying unto me, that they would go to New Spain to seek their adventure. Then I warned them to be well advised what they meant to do: but they forth with replied, that they were fully advised already▪ and that I must grant them this request: seeing (then quoth I) that I am enforced to do it, I will send Captain Vasseur and my sergeant, which will make answer and give mee an account of every thing that shall be done in this voyage: and to content you I think it good that you take one man out of every chamber, that they may accompany Captain Vasseur and my sergeant: whereupon, blaspheming the name of God▪ they answered that they must go thither: that there lacked nothing, but that I should deliver them the armour which I had in my custody, for fear lest I might use them to their disadvantage (beéing so villainously abused by them:) wherein notwithstanding I would not yield unto them: But they took all by force, and carried it out of my house, yea and after they had hurt a gentleman in my Chamber, which spoke against their doings, they laid hands on me, and carried me very sick as I was prisoner into a ship which road at anchor in the midst of the river, wherein 
Lan●o●niere kept 15. days prisoners by his own soldiers.  I was the space of fifteen days attended upon with one man only without permission for any of my servants to come to visit me: from every one of whom as also from the rest that took my part they took away their armour. And they sent me a pass port to sign, telling me plainly after I had denied them, that if I made any difficulty, they would all come and cut my throat in the ship: Thus was I constrained to sign their pass port, and forth with to grant them certain mariners, 
Thenchant a skilful pilot.  with Trenchant an honest and skilful Pilot. When the barks were finished they armed them with the kings munition, with powder, with bullets, and artillery as much as they needed, and chose one of my sergeautes for their Captain, named Bertrand Conferrent, for their ensign one named La Croix. They compelled Captain Vasseur to deliver them the flag of his ship. Then having determined to sail unto a place of the Antilles 
Leauguave over of the Antiles.  called Leauguave, belonging unto the king of Spain, & there to go on land on Christmas night, with intention to enter into the Church while the Mass was said after midnight, and to murder all those that they found there, they set sail the eight of December. But because the greatest part of them by this 
December 8.  time repented them of their enterprise, and that now they began to fall into mutinies among themselves, when they came forth of the mouth of the river the two barks divided themselves, the one kept a long the coast unto Cuba, to double the Cape more easily, and the other went right forth to pass athwart the Isles of Lucaya: by reason whereof they met not until six weékes after their departure: during which time the bark that took her way a long the coast, wherein one of the chief conspirators named De Orange was captain, and Trenchant was pilot, near unto a place called Archaha took a Brigantine laden with a certain quantity of Cassava, 
Cassava bread made of roots  which is a kind of bread made of roots, and yet nevertheless is very white and good to eat, and some little Wine, which was not without some loss of their men. For in one assault that the inhabitants of Archaha made upon them, two of their men were taken, to wit Steven Gondeau, and one named Grand Pré, besides two more that were slain in the place, namely Nicolas Master & Doublet: yet nevertheless they took the brigantine, wherein they put all their stuff that was in their own bark, because it was of greater burden and better of sail then their own: afterward they sailed right unto the Cape of Santa Maria near to Leauguave, where they went on land to calk and bray their ship which had a great leak. In this mean while they resolved to sail to Baracou, which is a 
Baracou a village in the Isle of jamaica.  village of the Isle of jamaica: where at there arrival they found a Caravele of fifty or threéscore tons burden, which they took without any body in it, And, after they had made good cheer in the village the space of five or six days, they embarked themselves in it, leaving their second ship: then they returned to the Cape of Tiburon, where they met with a patach, which they took 
The cape of Tiburon.  by force after a long conflict. In this Patache the governor of jamaica was taken with great store of riches aswell of gold and silver, as of merchandise and wine and many other things: 
The governor of jamaica taken.  wherewith our seditious companions not content determined to seek more in their caravel, and their governor of jamaica also. After they were come to jamaica, they miss of another caravel which did save itself in the Haven. The governor being fine and subtle, seeing himself brought unto the place which he desired and where he commanded, obtained so much by his fair words that they which had taken him let him put two little boys which were taken with him into a little cock boat and send them to his wife into the village to advertise her that she should make provision of victuals to send unto him. But in steed of writing unto his wife, he spoke unto the boys secretly that with all diligence she should send the vessels that were in the havens near that place to suecour and rescue him. Which she did so cunningly, that on a morning about the break of the day as our seditious companions were at the havens mouth (which reacheth above two leagues up within the land) there came out of the haven a Malgualire which maketh 
Malgualire a kind of vessel that will sail forward & backward.  sail both forward and backward, and then two great ships, which might be each of them of fourscore or an hundred tons a piece with good store of ordinance and well furnished with men: at whose coming our mutinous fellows were surprised, being not able to see them when they came, aswell because of the darkness of the weather, as also by reason of the length of the haven, considering also they mistrusted nothing. True it is that five or six and twéentie that were in the Brigantine discovered these ships when they were near them, which, seeing themselves pressed for want of leisure to weigh their ancer, cut their cable, and the trumpeter which was in it advertised the rest: whereupon the Spaniards, seeing themselves descried, discharged a volley of Canon shot against the Frenchmen, which they followed by the space of three leagues and recovered their own ships: the brigantine 
The Cape of S. Antony in Cuba.  which escaped away passed in the sight of the Cape des Aigrettes, and the Cape of S. Anthony situate in the Isle of Cuba, & from thence passed within the sight of Havana. But Trenchant 
Havana.  their Pilot, and the trumpeter, and certain other mariners of this brigantine which were led away by force in this voyage (as else where we have declared) desired nothing more than to return to me: wherefore the so men agreed together, (if peradventure the ●i●● served them well) to pass the channel of Bahama, 
The Channel of Bahama.  while their seditious companions were a sleep: which they did accomplish with such good success, that in the morning toward the break of the day about the five and twentieth of March they arrived upon the cost of Florida: where knowing the fault which they had committed, in a kind of mockery they counterfeited the judges: But they played not this prank until they had tippled well of the wine which remained yet in their prize. One counterfeited the judge, an other presented my person: one other, after he had heard the matter pleaded, coucluded thus: make you your causes as good as it pleaseth you, but if when you come to the fort Caroline the Captain cause you not to be hanged, I will never take him for an honest man: others thought that my choler being passed I would easily forget this matter. Their sail was no sooner descried upon our coast, but the king of 
King Patica.  the place named Patica, dwelling eight leagues distant from our fort, and being one of our good friends, sent an Indian to advertise me that he had descried a ship upon the coast, and that he thought it was one of our Nation. hereupon the Brigantine oppressed with famine came to an ancre at the mouth of the river of May: when at the first blush we thought they had been ships come from France: which gave us occasion of great joy. But after I had caused her to be better viewed, I was advertised 
The return of part of Laudonieres seditious soldiers.  that they were our seditious companious that were returned. Therefore I sent them word by Captain Vasseur and my Sergeant, that they should bring up their Brigantine before the fortress, which they promised to do. Now there was not above two leagues distance from the mouth of the river where they cast ancre unto the fortress. The next day I sent the same Captain and Sergeant with thirty soldiers, because I saw they much delayed their coming. Then they brought them, and because certain of them had sworn at their departure, that they would never come again within the fort, I was well pleased they should keep their oath. For this purpose I waited for them at the rivers mouth, where I made my barks to be built, and commanded my Sergeant to bring the four chief authors of the mutiny on shore. Whom I caused unmediately to be put in fetters: for my meaning was not to punish the rest, considering that they were suborned, and because my counsel, expressly assembled for this purpose, had concluded that these four only should die, 
Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous soldiers.  to serve for an example to the rest. In the same place I made an Oration unto them in this manner. My friends, you know the cause why our king sent unto this country: you know that he is our natural Prince, whom we are bound to obey according to the commandment of God, in such sort that we ought neither to spare our goods nor lives to do those things, that concern his service: ye know, or at least you can not be ignorant, that besides this general and natural obligation, you have this also joined thereunto, that in receiving of him reasonable pay and wages, you are bound to follow those, whom he hath established over you, to be your governors, and to command you in his name, having for this purpose given him an oath of fidelity, which you cannot by any means revoke for any fair appearance which you have to do the contrary: for this is reason that seeing you live upon his charges on this condition, (this is reason I say,) that you should be faithful unto him. Notwithstanding you have had more regard unto your unbridled affections, then unto virtue, which invited you to the observance of your oath, in such sort that being become contemners of all honesty, you have passed your bonds, and thought that all things were lawful for you. Whereupon it is fallen out, that while you thought to escape the justice of men you could not avoid the judgement of God: which as a thing by no means to be avoided hath led you, and in spite of you hath made you to arrive in this place, to make you to confess, how true his judgements are, and that he never suffereth so foul a fault to escape unpunished. After that I had used unto them these or the like speeches, following that which we had agreed upon in counsel, in respect of the crimes which they had committed, aswell against the kings Majesty, as against me which was their Captain, I commanded that they should be hanged. Seeing therefore 
The sentence of death.  that there was no starting hole nor means at all to save themselves from this arrest, they took themselves unto their prayers. Yet one of the four thinking to raise a mutiny among my soldiers, said thus unto them: What, brethren & companions, will you suffer us to die so shamefully? And taking the word out of his mouth, I said unto him, that they were not companions of authors of sedition & rebels unto the king's service. Hereupon the soldiers besought me not to hang them, but rather let them be shot through▪ and then afterward if I thought good, their bodies might be 
Execution.  hanged upon certain gibbets along the Havens mouth: which I caused presently to be put in execution. Lo here what was the and of my mutinous soldiers, without which I had always lived peaceably and enjoyed the good desire which I had to make an happy and quiet voyage. But because I have spoken of nothing but their accidents and adventures which happened unto them after their departure, without making any mention of our fort, 
The continuation of the history.  I will return to the matters from which I digressed: to declare that which fell out after their departure. First I began to consider, to the end I might confirm and make myself more constant in mine affliction, that these murmurours could not ground their sedition upon want of victuals. For from the time of our arrival, every soldier daily unto this day and besides until the eight and twentieth of February had a loaf of bread weighing two and twenty ounces. Again I recounted with myself that all new conquests by sea or by land are ordinarily troubled 
New conquests subject to rebellions and mutinies.  with rebellions, which are easy to be raised aswell in respect of the distance of place, as in respect of the hope that the soldiers have to make their profit, as we may be well informed both by ancient histories, & also by the troubles which lately happened unto Christopher Columbus, after his first discovery, to Francis Pizarro, & Diego de Almagro in Peru, and to Fernand Cortes. An hundred thousand other things came unto my mind, to encourage and confirm me. My lieutenant Ottigny and my Sergeaurunt of my band came to seek me in the ship, where I was prisoner, and carried me from thence in a bark, assoon as our rebels were departed. After I was come unto the fort, I 
Laudonniere setteth things in order after his return out of prison to the fort.  caused all my company that remained to be assembled in the midst of the place before the corpse de guard, and declared unto them the faults which they which had forsaken us had committed, praying them to bear them in memory, to bear witness thereof when need should require. Forthwith I ordained new Captains to command the troops, and prescribed them an order, according whereunto they were to govern themselves from thence forward, and to enter into their watch, for the greatest part of the soldiers of whom I had the best opinion, were gone away with them. My declaration ended, they promised me all with one accord to obey me most humbly, and to do whatsoever I should command them, though it were to die at my feet for the kings service: wherein assuredly they never after failed: So that I dare say after the departure of my mutinous companions I was as well obeyed as ever was Captain in place where he commanded. The next day after my return unto the fort, I assembled my men together again, to declare unto them that our fort was not yet finished, and that it was needful that all of us should put thereto our helping hands, to assure ourselves against the Indians. Wherein having willingly agreed unto me, 
Reperation of the west side of the fort. Carpenters.  they raised it all with turfs from the gate unto the river, which is on the west side. This done I set my Carpenters on work to make another bark of the same bigness that the others were of: I commanded the sawiers that they should prepare planks, 
Sawiers. Smiths. Coleyers.  the Smiths to prepare iron and Nails, and certain others to make coals: so that the bark was finished in eighteen days. afterward I made an other lesser than the first the better to discover up the river. In this mean space the Indians visited me and brought me daily certain presents, as fish, dear, Turkicockes, Leopards, little Bears, and other things according to the place of their habitation. I recompensed them with certain hatchets, knives, beads of glass, combs, and looking-glasses. Two Indians came unto me one day to salute me on the 
King Marracou.  behalf of their king whose name was Marracou, dwelling from the place of our fort some forty leagues toward the South, and told me that there was one in the house of King Onathaqua which was called Barbu or the bearded man, and in the house of 
King Onathaqua. King Mathiaca.  king Mathiaca another man whose name they knew not, which was not of their nation: whereupon I conceived that these might be some Christians. Wherefore I sent to all the kings my neighbours to pray them, that if there were any Christian dwelling in their countries, they would find means that he might be brought unto me, and that I would make them double recompense. They, which love rewards, took somuch pain, that the two men, whereof we have spoken, were brought unto the fort unto me. They were naked, wearing their heirs long unto their hams as the savages use to do: and were 
Two Spaniards brought unto Laudonniere by the savages.  Spaniards borne, yet so well accustomed to the fashion of the country, that at the first sight they found our manner of apparel strange. After that I had questioned of certain matters with them, I caused them to be appareled and to cut their heir, which they would not lose, but lapped it up in a linen cloth, saying that they would carry it into their country to be a testimony of the misery that they had endured in the Indies. In the heir of one of them was found a little gold hidden, to the value of five and twenty Crowns, which he gave unto me. And examining them of the places, where they had been, and how they came thither, they answered me that fifteen years past, three ships, in one of which they were, were cast away over against 
Calos a place The flats called the Martyrs near the Cape of Florida.  a place named Calos upon the Flates which are called The Martyrs, and that the king of Calos recovered the greatest part of the riches which were in the said ships, traveling in such sort that the greatest part of the people was saved and many women, among which number there were three or four women married, remaining there yet, and their children also, with this king of Calos. I desired to learn what this king was: 
The King of Calos.  they answered me, that he was the goodliest and the tallest Indian of the country, a mighty man, a warrior, and having many subjects under his obedience. They told me moreover, that he had great store of gold and silver, so far forth that in a 
Great quantity of gold & silver.  certain village he had a pit full thereof, which was at the least as high as a man, and as large as a tun, all which wealth the Spaniards fully persuaded themselves that they could cause me to recover, if I were able to march thither with an hundred shot, besides that which I might get of the common people of the country, which had also great store thereof. They further also advertised me, that the women going to dance did we are 
Plates of gold as broad as a saucer.  about their girdles plates of gold as broad as a saucer, and in such number that the weight did hinder them to dance at their ease, and that the men ware the like also. The greatest part of these riches was had, as they said, out of the Spanish ●●ppes which commonly were cast away in this strait, and the rest, by the traffic which this king of Calos had with the other kings of the country, finally that he had in great reverence of his subjects, and that he made them believe, that his sorceries and charms were the causes that made the earth bring forth her fruit, and that he might the easier persuade them that it was so, he retired himself once or twice a year to a certain house, accompanied with two or three of his most familiar friends, where he used certain enchantments, and if any man intruded himself to go to see what they did in this place, the king immediately caused him to be put to death. Moreover they 
One of these Spaniards names was Martin Gomes.  told me, that every year in the time of harvest this savage king sacrificed one man, which was kept expressly for this purpose, and taken out of the number of the Spaniards, which by tempest were cast away upon that cost. One of these two declared unto me that he had served him a long time for a messenger: and that oftentimes by his commandment he had visited a king named Oathcaqua, distant from Calos four 
King Oathcaqua or Hovathcha.  or five days journey, which always remained his faithful friend: but that in the midway there was an Island situate in a great lake of freshwater, named Sarrope, about five leagues in 
Sarrope an Island. Abundance of Dates. A root of great price to make bread of  bigness, abounding with many sorts of fruits, specially in Dates which grow on the palm trees, whereof they make a wonderful traffic, yet not so great as a kind of root, whereof they make a kind of meal so good to make bread of, that it is unpossible to eat better: and that, for fifteen leagues about, all the country is fed therewith. Which is the cause that the inhabitants of the Isle gain of their neighbours great wealth and profit: for they will not departed with this root without they he well paid for it: besides that they are taken for the most warlike men of all that country, as they made good proof when the king of Calos, having made alliance with Oathcaqua, was deprived of oathcaqua's daughter which he had promised to him in marriage. He told me the whole matter in this sort. As Oathcaqua well accompanied with his people carried one of his daughters, exceeding beautiful, according to the colour of the country, unto king Calos, to give her unto him for his wife, the inhabitants of his Isle advertised of the matter, laid an ambush for him in a place where he should pass, and so behaved themselves, that Oathcaqua was discomfited, the betrothed young spouse taken, and all the damsels that accompanied her, which they carried unto their 
The greatest victory among the Floridians.  Isle, which thing in all the Indians country they esteem to be the greatest victory: for afterward they marry these virgins, and love them above all measure. The spaniard that made this relation, told me that after this defeite he went to dwell with Oathcaqua, and had been with him full eight years, even until the time that he was sent unto me. The place of 
The situation of Calos.  Calos is situate upon a river which is beyond the Cape of Florida forty or fifty leagues towards the south-west: and the dwelling of Oathcaqua is on this side the Cape toward the North in a place which we call in the Cart Caignaveral, which 
Caiguaveral in 28. degrees.  is in eight and twenty degrees. About the five and twentieth of januarie Paracoussy Satourioüa my neighbour sent me certain presents by two of his subjects, to persuade me to join with him, and to make war upon Ouae Vtina which was my friend: and farther besought me to retire certain of my men which were with Vtina, for whom if it had not been he had oftentimes set upon him and defeated him, he besought me herein by divers other kings his allies, which for three weeks or a months space sent messengers unto me to this end and purpose. But I would not grant unto them that they should make war upon him, yea rather contrariwise I endeavoured to make them friends: wherein they condescended unto me, so far forth that they were content to allow of any thing that I would set down: whereupon the two Spaniards which of long time knew well the nature of the Indians, warned me that in any case I should not trust unto them: because that when they 
The Floridians great traitors and disemblers.  showed good countenance and the best cheer unto men, than was the time that they would surprise and betray them: and that of their nature they were the greatest traitors and most deep dissemblers of the world. Besides I never trusted them but upon good ground, as one that had discovered a thousand of their crafts and subtleties, aswell by experience as by reading of the histories of late years. Our two barks were not so soon finished, but I sent Captain Vasseur to discover a long the cost lying toward the north, and commanded him to sail unto a river the king whereof was called Audusta, which was lord of that place, where those of the year 1562. inhabits. I sent him two suits of apparel, with certain hachats, knives, and other small trifles, the better to insinuate myself into his friendship. And the better to win him I sent in the bark with captain Vasseur a soldier called Aimon, which was one of them which returned home in the first voyage, hoping that king Audusta might remember him. But before they were embarked I commanded them to make inquiry what was become of another called Rouffi, which remained alone in those parts, when Nicolas 
Nicalas Masson.  Masson and those of the first voyage embarked themselves to return into France. They understood at their arrival there, that a bark passing that way had carried away the same soldier: And afterward I knew for a certainty, that they were Spaniards which had carried him to Havana. The king Audusta sent me back my bark full of mill, with a certain quantity of 
King Audustas great humanity. pearls burned  beans, two stages, some skins painted after their manner, and certain pearls of small value, because they were burnt: and sent me word that if I would dwell in his quarters, he would give me a great country: and that after he had gathered his mil, he would spare me as much as I would have. In the mean while there came unto our fort a flock of stock voves in so 
Peter Martyr writes cap. 1. decad. 7. that the like flocks of Pigeons are in the Isles of the Lucayes.  great number, and that for the space of seven weeks together, that every day we killed with hargubuse shot two hundred in the woods about our fort. After that captain Vasseur was returned I caused the two barks to be furnished again with soldiers and mariners, and sent them to carry a present from me unto the widow of king Hioacaia, whose dwelling was distant 
The widow of King Hioacaia, or Hihouhacara.  from our fort about twelve leagues northward. She courteously received our men, sent me back my barks full of mil and acorns with certain baskets full of the leaves of Cassine, where with they make their drink. And the place where this widow dwelleth is the most plentiful of mil that is in all the coast and the 
This queens name was Nia-Cubacani.  most pleasant. It is thought that the queen is the most beautiful of all the Indians, and of whom they make most account: yea and her subjects honour her so much, that almost continually they bear her on their shoulders and will not suffer her to go on foot. With in a few days after the return of my barks, she sent to visit me by her Hiatiqui, which is as much to say as her interpreter. Now while I thought I was furnished with victuals until the time that our ships might come out of France, (for fear of 
The fift voyage up the river of May.  keeping my people idle) I sent my two barks to discover along the river and up toward the head thereof, which went so far up that they were thirty leagues good beyond a place named Mathiaqua, 
Mathiaqua. The discovery of a mighty lake on the one sid whereof no land can be seen.  and there they discovered the entrance of a lake upon the oneside whereof no land can be seen, according to the report of the Indians, which had oftentimes climbed on the highest trees in the country to see land, and notwithstanding could not discern any: which was the cause that my men went no further, but returned back, and in coming home went to see the Island of 
The Isle of Edelano.  Edelano situated in the midst of the river, as fair a place as any that may be seen through the world. For in the space of some three leagues, that it may contain in length and breadth, a man may see an exceeding rich country and marueilou fly peopled. At the coming out of the village of Edelano to go unto the rivers side a man must pass through an ally about three hundred paces long and fifty paces broad: on both sides whereof great trees are planted, the boughs whereof are tied together like an 
An excellent work of nature.  arch, and meet together so artificially that a man would think it were an arbour made of purpose, as fair I say, as any in all christendom, although it be altogether natural. Our 
Eneguape, Chilily, Patica, Coya.  men departing from this place rowed to Eneguape, then to Chilily, from thence to Patica, & lastly they came unto Coya: where leving their barks in a little creak of the river with men to guard them, they went to visit Vtina, which received them very courteously: and when they departed from his house, he entreated them so earnestly, that six of my men remained with him, of which number there was one gentleman named Groutauld, which after he had abode there about two months and taken great pains to discover the country, with another which I had left a great while there to that intent, came unto me to the fort, and 
The king of Hostaqua or Oustaca able to bring three or four thousand savages, to the field.  told me that he never saw a fairer country. Among other things he reported unto me that he had seen a place named Hostaqua, & that the king thereof was so mighty, that he was able to bring three or four thousand savages to the field: with whom if I would join & enter in to league, we might be able to reduce all the rest of the inhabitants unto our obedience: Besides that 
The mountain of Apalassy.  this king knew the passages unto the mountain of Apalassi, which the French men desired so greatly to attain unto, and where the enemy of Hostaqua made his abode, which was easy to be subdued, if so be we would enter into league together. This king sent me a plate of a mineral that came out of this mountain, out of the foot whereof there runneth a stream of gold or copper, as the savages think, out of which they dig 
There is a Mine of gold or rich copper in the mountain of Apalassi.  up the sand with an hollow and dry cane of a reéde until the cane be full, afterward they shake it, and find that there are many small grains of copper and silver among this sand: which giveth them to understand that some rich mine must needs be in the Mountain. And because the mountain was not passed five or six days journey from our fort lying toward the northwest, I 
Note.  determined, assoon as our supply should come out of France, to remove our habitation unto some rivers more toward the north, that I might be nearer thereunto. One of my soldiers whose name 
Peter Gamby slain. The village of Edelano. Gold and silver.  was Peter Gamby, which had remained a long space before in this country to learn the languages and traffic with the Indians, at the last came to the village of Edelano, where having gotten together a certain quantity of gold and silver, & purposing to return unto me, he prayed the king of the village to lend him a canoe (which is a vessel made of one whole piece of wood which the Indians use to fish with all and to row upon the rivers) which this lord of Edelano granted him. But being greedy of the riches which he had, he commanded two Indians, which he had charged to conduct him in the canoe, to murder him & bring him the merchandise & the gold which he had. Which the two traitors villainously executed: for they knocked him in the head with an hatchet, as he was blowing of the fire in the canoe to seéth fish. The Paracoussy Vtina sent certain days afterward, to pray 
Vtinasendeth to I audonniere for his help.  me to lend him a dozen or fifteen of my shot, to invade his enemy Potanou, & sent me word that this enemy once vanquished, he would make me passage, yea and would conduct me unto the mountains, in such sort that no man should be able to hinder me. Then I assembled my men to demand their advice, as I was wont to do in all mine enterprises. The greater part was of 
A good note.  opinion, that I should do well to send succour unto this Paracoussy, because it would be hard for me to discover any farther up into the country without his help: and that the Spaniards 
A special note  when they were employed in their conquests, did always enter into alliance with some one king to ruin another. Notwithstanding, because I did always mistrust the Indians, and that the more after the last advertisement that the Spaniards had given me, I doubted lest the small number which Vtina demanded might incur some danger: wherefore I sent him thirty shot under the charge of Lieutenant Ottigny: which stayed not above two days with Vtina, while he prepared victuals for his voyage, which ordinarily and according to the custom of the country are carried by women and young boys, and by Hermaphrodites. Vtina setting forward with three hundred of his subjects, 
Three hundred Indians.  having each of them their bow and quiver full of arrows, caused our thirty shot to be placed in the forward, and made them march all the day until that the night approaching, and having not gone past half the way, they were enforced to lie all-night in the woods, near a great sake, and there to encamp themselves: they separated themselves by six and six, making each of them a fire about the place where their king lay, for whose guard they ordained a certain number of those archars, in whom he put most confidence. As soon as day was come, the camp of the Indians marched within three leagues of Potanou: There king Vtina requested my Lieutenant to grant him four or five of his men to go and discover the country: which departed immediately, and had not gone far but they perceived 
A lake three leagues distant from the village of Potanou.  upon a lake, distant about three leagues from the village of Potanou, three Indians which fished in a canoe. Now the custom is that when they fish in this lake, they have always a company of Watchmen, armed with Bows and Arrows to guard the fishers. Our men being hereof advertised by those of the company, durst not pass any further, for fear of falling into some ambush. Wherefore they returned towards Vtina, which suddenly sent them back with a greater company to surprise the fishers, before they might retire and advertise their king Potanou of the coming of his enemies. Which they could not execute so politicly but that two of them escaped: the third also did the best he could to save himself by swimming, in which mean while he was stayed with shot of arrows, and they drew him stark dead unto the banks side, where our Indians flayed of the skin of his head, cut of both his arms in the high way, reserving his hair for the triumph which their king hoped to make for the defeat of his enemy. Vtina fearing lest Potanou advertised by the Fishers which were escaped, should put himself in arms to withstand him valiantly, asked counsel 
Iáwa, signifieth their Priest or magician.  of his jawa, which is as much to say in their language as his Magician, whether it were best to go any farther. Then this Magician made certain signs hideous and fearful to behold, and used certain words, which being ended, he said unto his king, 
Potanou accompanied with two thousand Indians.  that it was not best to pass any farther, & that Potanou accompanied with two thousand Indians at the least stayed in such and such a place for him, to bid him battle: and besides this, that all the said Indians were furnished with chords to bind the prisoners which they made full account to take. This relation caused Vtina to be unwilling to pass any farther: Whereupon my Lieutenant being as angry as ever he might be, because he had taken so great pains without doing any thing of account, said unto him, that he would never think well of him nor of his people, if he would not hazard himself: and that if he would not do it, at the least that he would give him a guide to conduct him and his small company to the place where the enemies were encamped. Hereupon Vtina was ashamed, and seeing the good affection 
The prediction of the magician found true.  on of Mountieur de Ottigny determined to go forward. And he failed not to find his enemies in the very place which the Magician had named: where the skirmish began, which lasted three long hours: wherein without doubt Vtina had been defeated, unless our arquebusiers had not borne the burden & brunt of all the battle, and slain a great number of the soldiers of Potanou, upon which occasion they were put to flight. Wherewithal Vtina being content for the present, caused his people to retire & return homeward to the great discontentment of Mounsieur de Ottigny, which desired nothing more, then to pursue his victory. After he was come home to his house he sent messengers to 
Vtina hath eighteen or twenty kings to his Vassals.  eighteen or twenty villages of other kings his vassals, and summoned them to be present at the feasts and dances which he purposed to celebrate because of his victory. In the mean while Mounsieur de Ottigny refreshed himself for two days: and then taking his leave of the Paracoussi, and leaving him twelve of his men, to see that Potanou, bethinking himself of his late loss, should not come to burn the houses of Vtina, he set forward on his way to come unto me unto our fort, where he up and told me how every thing had passed: and withal that he had promised the twelve soldiers that he would come back again to fetch them. Then the kings my neighbours all enemies to Vtina, being advertised of the return of my lieutenant, came to visit me with presents and to inquire how things had passed, praying me all to receive them into my favour, and to become enemy to Vtina, which notwithstanding I would not grant them for many reasons that moved me.  
The Indians are wont to leave their houses and to retire 
A custom of the Indians to leave their houses for three or four months and to live in the woods.  themselves into the woods, the space of three months, to wit january, February, & March: during which time by no means a man can see one Indian. For when they go on hunting, they make little cottages in the woods, whereunto they retire themselves, living upon that which they take in hunting. This was the cause that during this time, we could get no victuals by their means: and had it not been that I had made good provision 
They look for secure out of France by the end of April at the uttermost.  thereof, while my men had store, until the end of April (which was the time, when at the uttermost, we hoped to have had succour out of France) I should have been greatly amazed. This hope was the cause that the soldiers took no great care to look well unto their victuals, although I divided equally among them that which I could get abroad in the country, without reserving unto myself any more than the least soldier of all the company. The month of May approaching and no manner of succour comen out of France, we fell into extreme want of victuals, constrained to eat the roots of the earth and certain sorrel which we found in the fields. For although the savages were returned by this time unto their villages, yet they succoured us with nothing but certain fish, without which assuredly we had perished with famine. Besides they had given us before the greatest part of their maiz and of their beans for our merchandise. This 
Extreme famine for six weeks' space●  famine held us from the beginning of May, until the midst of june. During which time the poor soldiers and handycraftesmen become as feeble as might be, and being not able to work, did nothing but go one after another in centinel unto the cleft of an hill, situate very near unto the fort, to see if they might discover any French ship. In fine being frustrated of their hope, they assembled altogether, and came to beseech me to take some order that they might return into France, considering that if we let pass the season to embark ourselves, we were never like to see our country, where it could not be chosen but that some troubles were fallen out, seeing they had broken their promise 
Promise broken.  made unto us, and that no succour was come from thence. Thereupon it was consulted and resolved by all the company that the bark Breton should be trimmed up, whereof Captain Vasseur had charge. But because the ship was not big enough to receive us all, some thought good to build the Brigantine two decks higher, which our mutinous soldiers had brought back, and that 25. men should hazard themselves to pass therein into France. The rest being better advised said that it should be far better to build a fair ship upon the keel of the galiote which I had caused to be made, promising to labour courageously there upon. Then I inquired of my shipwrights to know in what space they could make this ship ready. They assured the whole company that being furnished with all things necessary, they would make it ready by the eighth of August. Immediately I disposed of the time to werke upon it, I gave charge to Mounsieur de Ottigny my Lieutenant to cause timber necessary for the finishing of both the vessels to be brought, and to Mounsieur de Arlac my standard bearer to go with a bark a league of from the fort to cut down trees fit to make planks, and to cause the sawiers which he carried with him to saw them: and to my Sergeant of the company to cause fifteen or sixteen men to labour in making coals: and to Master Hance keeper of the artillery, and to the gunner to gather store of rosin to bray the vessels: wherein he used such diligence, that in less than three 
Two hogsheads of rosin  weeks he gathered two hogsheads of the same together. There remained now but the principal, which was to recover victuals to sustain us while our work endured: which I undertook to do with the rest of my company and the Mariners of the ship. To this end I embarked myself making up the thirtieth in my great bark to make a voyage of forty or fifty leagues, having with us no provision at all of victuals: whereby it may easily be gathered how simply those of our fort were provided. True it is that certain soldiers being better husbands than the rest, and having made some provision of mast, sold a little measure thereof for fifteen and twenty sous unto their companions. During our voyage we lived of nothing else but raspices, of a certain round grain, little and black, and of the roots of palmites which we gate by the river sides, wherein after we had sailed a long time in vain, I was constrained to return to the fort: where the soldiers beginning to be weary of working because of the extreme famine which did consume them, assembled themselves, & declared unto me, that seeing we could get no victuals of the Indians, it was expedient for the saving of their lives, to seize upon the person of one of the kings of the country: assuring themselves that being taken, the subjects would not suffer our men to want victuals. I made them answer that this enterprise was not rashly to be attempted. But that we ought to have good regard unto the consequence that might ensue thereof. Hereupon they replied unto me, that seeing the time was passed of our succour from France, and that we were resolved to abandon the country, that there was no danger to constrain the savages to furnish us with victuals: which for the present I would not grant unto them but promised them assuredly that I would send to advertise the Indians that they should bring me victuals for exchange of merchandise and apparel: which they also did for the space of certain days, during which they brought of their mast and of their fish, 
The vile nature of the Indians.  which these Indians being traitorous, & mischievous of nature, & knowing our exceeding strange famine, sold us at so dear a price that for less than nothing they had gotten from us all the rest of our merchandise which remained. And which was worse, fearing to be forced by us & seeing that they had gotten all from us, they came no nearer to our fort then the shot of an harquebus. Thither they brought their fish in their little boats, to which our poor soldiers were constrained to go, & oftentimes (as I have seen) to give away the very shirts from their backs to get one fish. If at any time they showed unto the savages the excessive price which they took, 
A cruel answer of the savages.  these villains would answer them rughly & churlishly: if thou make so great account of thy merchandise, eat it, & we will eat our fish: then fell they out a laughing and mocked us with open throat. Whereupon our soldiers utterly impatient, were oftentimes ready to cut them in pieces, and to make them pay the price of their foolish arrogancy. Notwithstanding considering the importance hereof, I took pains to appease the impatient soldier: for I would not by any means enter into question with the savages, and it sufficed me to delay the time. Wherefore I devised to send unto Vtina to pray him to deal so far forth with his subjects, as to secure me with mast and maiz: which he did very sparingly, sending me twelve or fifteen baskets of mast, and 
Pinocke a certain kind of fruit as big as cherries.  two of pinockes, which are a kind of little green fruits which grow among the weédes in the river, and are as big as cherries: yea & this was not but by giving of them in exchange twice as much merchandise and apparel as they were worth. For the subjects of Vtina perceived evidently the necessity wherein we were, and began to use the like speech unto us as the others did: as it is commonly seen that need altereth men's affections. While these things were in doing a certain breathing space presented itself: for Vtina gave me to understand that there was a king his subject whose name was Astina, which he determined 
Astina a king.  to take prisoner, and to chastise him for his disobedience: that for this cause, if I would give him aid with a certain number of my soldiers, he would bring them to the village of Astina, where there was means to recover mast and maiz. In the mean season he excused himself unto me because he had sent me no more maiz, and sent me word that the little store that he had left, was scarcely sufficient for his seede-corne. Now being somewhat relieved, as I thought, by the hope which I had of this offer, I would not fail to send him the men which he desired of me, which never the less were very evil entreated: for he deceived them, and in stead of leading them against Astina, he caused them to march against his other enemies. My Lieutenant which had the charge of this enterprise with Captain Vasseur and my Sergeant was determined to be revenged of Vtina and to cut him in pieces and his people: and had it not been that they feared to do any thing against my will, without all doubt they would have put their enterprise in execution. Therefore they would not pass any farther without advertising me thereof. Wherefore being come back again unto the fort, angry and pricked deépely to the quick for being so mocked, they made their complaints unto me, declaring unto me that they were almost dead for hunger. They told the whole matter to the rest of the soldiers, which were very glad that they had entered into that action, and resolved, assembling themselves again together, to let me understand that they did persist in their first deliberation, which was, to punish the boldness and maliciousues of the savages, which they could no longer endure, and were determined to take one of their king's prisoner: which thing I was enforced to grant unto them, to the end to avoid a greater mischief, & the sedition which I foresaw would ensue, if I had made refusal thereof. For, said they, what occasion have you to deny us, considering the necessity wherein we are, & the small account that they make of us. Shall it not be lawful for us to punish them for the wrongs which they do unto us, besides that we know apparently how little they respect us? Is not this sufficient although there were no necessity at all, since they thus delude us, and have broken promise with us? After I had therefore resolved with them to seize on the person of Vtina, which besides that he had given us occasion hereof, was also most able to help us to recover victuals, I departed with fifty of my best soldiers all embarked in two Barks and we▪ arrived in the dominions of Vtina, distant from our fort about forty or fifty leagues: then going on shore we drew towards his village 
Vtina taken prisoner in his village by Laudoniere and 50. of his soldiers.  situated six great leagues from the river, where we took him prisoner, how be it not without great cries and alarms, and led him away in our barks, having first signified unto his Father-in law and his chief subjects, that in that I had taken him, it was not for any desire that I had to do him any harm, but only to relieve my necesiitie and want of victuals which oppressed me, and that in case they would help me to some, I would find means to set him again at liberty: that in the mean space I would retire myself into my Barks (for I feared lest they would there assemble themselves together, and that some mischief might thereof ensue) where I would stay for him two days, to receive his answer: notwithstanding that my meaning was not to have any thing without exchange of merchandise. This they promised they would do. And in very deed the very same evening, his wife accompanied withal the women of the village came unto the Rivers brink, and cried unto mee to enter into the bark, to see her husband and her son, which I held both prisoners. I discovered the 
Five or six hundred Indians.  next day five or six hundred indians Archers, which drew near unto the Rivers side, and came to mee to signify unto mee how that during the absence of their king, their enemy Potanou beéing thereof advertised, was entered into their village, 
The deep dissembling of the Indians.  and had set all on fire. They prayed mee that I would secure them: nevertheless in the mean while they had one part of their troop in ambush, with intent to set upon mee if I had come on land, which was easy for mee to discern. For seeing that I refused so to do, they greatly doubted that they were discovered, and sought by all means, to remove out of my mind that evil opinion which I had conceived of them. They brought mee therefore fish in their little boats and of their meal of Mast, they made also of their drink which they call cassine, which they sent to Vtina and mee. Now albeit I had gotten this point of them, that I held their king prisoner, yet nevertheless I could not get any great quantity of victuals for the present: the reason was, because they thought, that after I had drawn victuals from them, I would put their King to death. For they measured my will according to their custom, 
The Indians kill all the men prisoners that they take in war.  whereby they put to death all the men prisoners that they take in War. And thus beéing out of all hope of his liberty, they assembled themselves in the great house, and having called all the people together they proposed the election of a new King, at which time the Father in law of Vtina set one of the Kings 
The election of a new king.  young Sons upon the royal throne: and took such pains that every man did him homage by the Mayor part of the voices. This election had like to have been the cause of great troubles among them. For there was a kinsman of a King near adjoining which pretended a title to the Kingdom, and in deed he had gotten one part of the Subjects: notwithstanding this enterprise could not take effect, for as much as by a common consent of the chief, it was consulted and concluded, that the Son was more meet to succeed the Father then any other. Now all this while I kept Vtina with mee, to whom I had given some of mine apparel to clothe him, as I had likewise done unto his Son. But his Subjects which before had an opinion that I would have killed him, being advertised of the good entertainment which I used towards him, sent two men which walked along the river, and came to visit him, and brought us some victuals. These two men at their coming were received by me with all courtesy, and entertained according to the victuals which I had. While these things thus passed there arrived from all quarters many savages of the countries 
The hatred among the savage kings of Florida.  adjoining, which came to see Vtina, and sought by all means to persuade me to put him to death, offering that if I would do so, they would take order that I should want no victuals. There was also a king my neighbour whose name was Saturioüa, a subtle and crafty man, and one that showed by proof that he 
Note.  was greatly practised in affairs. This king sent ordinarily messengers unto me, to pray me to deliver Vtina unto him: and to win me the more easily, he sent twice seven or eight baskets of Maze or of mast, thinking by this way to allure me, and to make me come to composition with him: In the end notwithstanding when he saw he lost his time he ceased to visit me with ambassages and victuals: and in the mean while I was not able with the small store of victuals which I had so well to proportion out the travail upon the ships which we built to return into France, but that in the end we were constrained to endure extreme famine, which continued among us all the month of may: for in this latter season, neither Maiz nor Beans, 
Note.  nor Mast was to be found in the villages, because they had employed all for to sow their fields, insomuch that we were constrained to eat roots, which the most part of our men punned in 
Roots.  the mortars which I had brought with mee to beat gunnepowder in, and the grain which came to us from other places: some took the wood of Esquine, beat it, and made meal thereof, 
Esquine.  which they boiled with water, and eat it: others went with their harquebuses to seek to kill some Fowl. Yea this misery was so great, that one was found that gathered up among the filth of my house, all the Fish bones that he could find, which he dried and beat into powder to make bread thereof. The effects of this hideous famine appeared incontinently among us, for our bones eftsoons began to clean so near unto the skin, that the most part of the soldiers had their skins pierced thorough with them in many parts of their bodies: in such sort that my greatest fear was, lest the indians would rise up against us, considering that it would have been very hard for us to have defended ourselves in such extreme decay of all our forces, besides the scarcity of all victuals, which failed us all at once. For the very river had not such plenty of fish as it was wont, and it seemed that the land and water did fight against us. Now as we were thus upon terms of despair, about the end of the month of may, and the beginning 
New corn by the end of May in Florida.  of june, I was advertised by certain indians that were my neighbours, that in the high country up above the river, there was new maiz, and that that country was most forward of all. This caused me to take upon me to go thither with a certain number of my men, and I went up the river to a place called Enecaque: where I met the sister of Vtina in a village 
The village of Enecaque.  where she made us very good cheer and sent us fish. We found that which was told us to be true: for the maiz was now ripe: but by this good luck one shrewd turn happened unto me. For the most part of my soldiers fell sick with eating more of it then their weakened stomachs could digest. We had also been the space of four days, since we departed from our fort, without eating any thing saving little pinockes, and a 
A little green fruit that groweth in the rivers as big as cherries. The Isle of Edelano.  little fish, which we gate of the fishers, which we met sometimes along the ryner. And yet this was so little that certain soldiers eat privylye little whelps which were newly whelped. The next day I purpdsed to go into the Isle of Edelano to take the king which had caused one of my men to be slain, as I have mentioned before: but being advertised of my departing out of my Fort, and of the way which I took up the river, he feared that I went forth with a purpose to be revenged of the evil turn which he had played: so that when I came thither, I found the houses empty: for he was retired a little before withal his people: and I could not by any means keep my soldiers, being angry because they had lost one of their companions, from setting the village on fire. At my departure from thence I passed back again by Enecaque, where I gathered as much maiz as I could possibly: which with great diligence I conveyed to our fort, to secure my poor men, which I had left in great necessity. They therefore seeing me a far off coming ran to that side of the river where they thought I would come on land: for hunger so pinched them to the heart, that they could not stay until the victuals were brought them to the fort. And that they well showed, assoon as I was come, and that I had distributed that little maiz among them, which I had given to each man, before I came out of the bark: for they eat it before they had taken it out of the husk. But seeing myself in this extreme need, I took pains day by day to seek some villages, where there was some food. And as I travailed 
Two Carpenters killed for gathering the Indians maiz.  this way and that way, it happened that two of my Carpenters were killed by the two sons of king Emola, and by one whose name was Casti, as they went on walking to the village called Athore. The cause of this murder was, because they 
The village Athore.  could not refrain themselves as they walked through the fields from gathering a little maiz, which as they were doing they were taken in the manner: whereof I was presently advertised by an Indian which a little before had brought me a present from 
Nia-Cubacany a queen.  Nia-Cubacani Queen of a village, and neighbour to our fort. Upon receipt of this advertisement, I sent my sergeant with a number of soldiers, which found nothing else but the two dead corpses, which they buried, & returned without doing any other exploit, because the inhabitants were fled away fearing they should be punished for such a foul fact. As these things thus passed, & that by this time we had almost driven out the month of May, two subjects of king Vtina came unto me with an Hermaphrodite, which showed me that by this time the maiz was ripe in the greatest part of their quarters. Whereupon Vtina signified unto me that in case I would carry him home to his house, he would take such good order that I should have plenty of maiz and beans: and withal, that the field which he had caused to be sowed for me, should be reserved to my use. I consulted with my men concerning this matter, and found by the advice of all my company, that it was best to grant him his request, saying, that he had means to secure us with food sufficient to serve our turns for our embarkement, and that therefore I might do well to carry him home. Wherefore I caused the two barks forthwith to be made ready, wherein I sailed to Patica, 
Patica a village.  a place distant from his village eight or nine leagues, where I found no body: for they were gotten into the woods, and would not show themselves, albeit Vtina showed himself unto them, for as much as they imagined that I should be constrained to let him go. But seeing no body to show themselves I was constrained to hazard one of my men, which had been acquainted with the state of the country, to whom I delivered the young son of Vtina, and commanded him to go with diligence to the village of Vtina, unto his father in law and his wife, to advertise them that if they would have their king again, they should bring me victuals unto the side of the little river whither I was gone. At my man's coming every one made much of the little child, neither was there a man that thought not himself well appaide to touch him. His father in law & his wife hearing of these news came presently towards our barks, and brought bread which they gave unto my soldiers, they held me there three days, & in the mean while did all that they could to take me: which presently I discovered, & therefore stood diligently upon my guard. Wherefore perceiving they could not have their purpose, & that they were already discovered, they sent to advertise me y● as yet they could not help me to victuals, & that the corn was not yet ripe. Thus I was constrained to return & to carry back Vtina home, where I had much a do to save him from the rage of my soldiers: which perceiving the maliciousness of the Indians, went about to have murdered him. Moreover it seemed they were content that they had gotten the son, & that they cared notgreatly for the father. Now my hope failing me on this side, I devised to send my men to the villages, where I thought the maiz was by this time ripe: I went to divers places, & continued so doing fifteen days after, when as Vtina besought me again to send him unto his village, assuring himself that his subjects would not stick to give me victuals: & that in case they refused so to do, he was content that I should do what I thought good with him. I undertook this voyage the second time with the two barks furnished as before. At my coming unto the little river, we found his subjects there, which failed not to come thither, with some quantity of bread, beans, and fish, to give my soldiers. Nevertheless returning again to 
Desire of revenge rooted in the savages  their former practice they sought all meanes to entrap me, hoping to cry quittance for the imprisonment of their king, if they might have gotten the victory of me. But after that they saw the small means, which they had to annoy me, they returned to entreaties & offered that if I would give them their king with certain of my soldiers, they would conduct them unto the village, & that the subjects seeing him, would be more willing to give us victuals. Which thing notwithstanding I would not grant unto them (mistrusting their subtlety, which was not so covert, but that one might espy day at a little hole) until they had first given me two men in pledge with charge that by the next day they should bring me victuals. Which thing they granted, & gave me two men, which I put in chains, for fear they should escape away, as I knew well they were instructed to do. Four days were spent in these conferences, at the end whereof they declared unto me, that they could not fully and wholly perform their promise: & that the uttermost that they could do for the present was to cause each subject to bring his burden of mill. To conclude they were content to do so on condition that I would send them their two pledges within ten days. As my lieutenant was ready to departed, I warned 
A necessary admonition.  him above all things, to take heed he fell not into the Indians hands: because I knew them to be very subtle and crafty to enterprise & execute any thing to our disadvantage. He departed therefore with his troop, & came to the small river whereinto we were accustomed to enter to approach as near as we could unto the village of Vtina, being six french leagues distant from thence. There he went on shore, put his men in good array, and drew straight towards the great house that was the kings, where the chief men of the country were assembled, which caused very great store of victuals to be brought now one & then another, in doing whereof they spent notwithstanding three or four days: in which mean while they gathered men together to set upon us in our retreat. They used therefore many means to hold us still in breath. 
The Floridians subtleties.  For one while they demanded their pledges, another while (seeing my lieutenant would not yield to them, until such time as they had brought the victuals unto the boats, according to the agreement passed between us) they signified unto him that the women and young children were afraid out of all measure to see fire in their matches so near their harquebuses: and that therefore they most earnestly besought them to put them out, that they might more easily get people enough to carry the victuals, and that they for their parts would leave their bows, and arrows, and would be contented that their servants should carry them. This second request was as flatly denied them as the former: For it was an easy matter to smell out their intention. But while these things were thus in handling, Vtina by no means was to be seen, but hid and kept himself secret in a little house a part, where certain chosen men of mine went to see him, showing themselves aggrieved with him, for the long delays of his subjects: whereunto he answered, that his subjects were so much incensed against us, that by no means possible he was able to keep them in such obedience, as he willingly would have done, and that he could not hold them from waging of war against Monsieur De Ottigny. That he also called to mind, that even while he was prisoner, at what time our men led him into his country to obtain some victuals, he saw along the high ways arrows stuck up, at the ends whereof 
A certain sign of war  long hairs were fastened, which was a certain sign of open war proclaimed, which arrows the captain also carried with him to the fort. He said further that in respect of the good will he bore the Captain, he forewarned his Lieutenant that his subjects were determined to cut down the trees, and cause them to fall a thwhart the little river, where the boats were, to keep them from departing thence, that they might fight with them at their ease, and that if it thus fell out, he assured him for his part he would not be there to meddle in the matter. And that which much more augmented the suspicion of war was, that as my messengers departed from Vtina, they heard the voice of one of my men, which during the voyage had always been among the Indians, and whom as yet they would never render, until they had gotten their pledges home. This poor fellow cried out a main, because two Indians would have carried him into the woods to have cut his throat: whereupon he was succoured and delivered. These admonitions being well understood, and after ripe deliberation thereof Mounsieur, de Ottigny resolved to retire himself the seven and twentieth of july. Wherefore he set his soldiers in order, and delivered to each of them a sack full of mill: and afterward he marched toward his barks, thinking to prevent the enterprise of the savages. There is at the 
An alley of three or four hundred paces long.  coming forth of the village a great alley about three or four hundred paces long, which is covered on both sides with great trees. My lieutenant disposed his men in this alley and set them in such order as they desired to march: for he was well assured that if there were any ambush, it would be at the coming out of the treés. Therefore he caused Mounsieur De Arlac mine ensign to march somewhat before with eight arquebusiers to discover whether there were any danger: besides he commanded one of my sergeants and corporals to march on the out side of the alley with four arquebusiers while he himself conducted the rest of his company through it. Now as he suspected, so it fell out: for Mounsieur de Arlac met with two or three hundred Indians at the end of the alley, which saluted him with an infinite 
A skirmish tween the Savages & the French.  number of their arrows, and with such fury that it was easy to see with what desire they sought to charge us. Howbeit they were so well sustained in the first assault which mine ensign gave them, that they which fell down dead, did somewhat abate the choler of those which remained alive. This done my lieutenant hasted to gain ground in such sort as I have already said. 
A second fresh charge of Savages.  After he had marched about four hundred paces, he was charged afresh with a new troop of savages which were in number about three hundred, which assailed him before, while the rest of the former set upon him behind. This second assault was so valiantly sustained, that I may justly say that Monsieur De Ottigny so well discharged his duty, as was possible for a good Captain to do. And so it stood them upon: for he had to deal with such kind of men, as knew well how to fight & to obey their head which conducted them, and which knew so well to behave themselves in this conflict, as if Ottigny had not prevented their practice, he had been in danger to have been defeated. 
The Floridians manner of fight.  Their manner in their fight was, that when two hundred had shot, they retired themselves and gave place to the rest that were behind, and all the while had their eye and foot so quick and ready, that assoon as ever they saw the harquebusie laid to the cheek, so soon were they on the ground, and eftsoon up to answer with their bows, and to fly their way, if by chance they perceived we went about to take them: for there is nothing that they fear so much, because of our sword and daggers. This 
The Floridians chief fear.  conflict continued and lasted from nine of the clock in the morning, until the night departed them. And if Ottigny had not bethought himself to cause his men to break the arrows which they found in the way, and so to deprive the savages of the means to begin again, without all doubt he should have had very much to do: for by this mean they lacked arrows, and so were constrained to retire themselves. During the time of the conflict they cried and made signs that they were the captains and lieutenants friends: and that they fought for none other cause but to be revenged on the soldiers, which were their mortal enemies. My lieutenant being come unto his boats took a review of his company, and found two men wanting which were 
Two slain.  killed, of whom the one was called james Sale, and the others name was Mesureur. He found moreover two and twenty of 
Two & twenty wounded.  them wounded, which with much ado he caused to be brought unto the boats. All the mill that he found among his company came but to two men's burdens, which he divided equally among them. For assoon as the conflict began, every man was constrained to leave his sack to put his hand unto his weapon. In this mean while I remained at the fort, and caused every man diligently to travel, hoping that my Lieutenant would bring us victuals. But seeing the time consume away, I began to suspect the truth of that which fell out, whereof I was assured immediately after at their return. Seeing therefore mine 
Prayer and thanks unto God for their deliverance.  hope frustrate on that side, I made my prayer unto GOD, and thanked him of his grace which he had showed unto my poor soldiers which were escaped: Afterward I thought upon new means to obtain victuals, aswell for our return into France, as to drive out the time until our embarking. I was advertised by certain of our company, which usually went on hunting into the woods and through the villages, that in the village 
The village Sarauhi.  Saravahi situated on the other side of the river and two leagues distant from the fort, and in the village Emoloa there were 
The village Emoloa.  fields wherein the mil was very forward, and that there was thereof in those parts in great abundance. Wherefore I caused my boats to be made ready, and sent my Sergeant thither with certain soldiers, which used such diligence, that we had good store of mill. I sent also to the river which the Savages call 
The river of jaracana called by Ribault the river of some.  Iracana named by captain Ribault the river of some, where Captain Vasseur and my sergeant arrived with two boats and their ordinary furniture, and found there a great assembly of the Lords of the country, among whom was Athore the son of Satouriova, Appolou, and Tacadocorou, which were there assembled to make merry: because that in this place are the fairest maids & women of all the country. Captain Vasseur in my 
Courtesy and liberality the best means to deal with the savages.  name gave certain small trifles to all the Lords, to the Queen, to the maids and women of the villages. Whereupon the boats were forth with laden with mill, after they had made our men as good cheére as they could devise. The Queen sent me two small Mats so artificially wrought as it was unpossible to 
Most artificial mats.  make better. Now finding ourselves by this mean sufficiently furnished with victuals, we began each of us in his place, to travail & use such diligence, as the desire to see our native country might move us. But because two of our Carpenters were slain by the Indians (as heretofore I mentioned) john the Hais, Master carpenter, a man very worthy of his vocation, repaired unto me, and told me that by reason of want of men he was not able to make me up the ship against the time that he had promised me: which speech caused such a mutiny among the soldiers that very hardly he escaped killing: howbeit I appeased them aswell as I could, and determined to work no more from thence forth upon the ship, but to content ourselves to repair the Brigantine which I had. So we began to beat down all 
The beating down of the houses without the fort, & the palisade.  the houses that were without the fort, and caused coals to be made of the timber thereof: likewise the soldiers beat down the palisade which was toward the water's side, neither was I ever able to keep them from doing it. I had also determined to beat down the fort before my departure and to set it on fire, for fear lest some newecome guest should have enjoyed and possessed it. In the mean while there was none of us to whom it was not an extreéme grief to leave a country, wherein we had endured so great travails and necessities, to discover that which we must forsake through our own countrymen's default. For if we had been succoured in time and place, and according 
The cause why the French lost Florida.  to the promise that was made unto us, the war which was between us and Vtina, had not fallen out, neither should we have had occasion to offend the Indians, which with all pains in the world I entertained in good amity, aswell with merchandise and apparel, as with promise of greater matters, and with whom I so behaved myself, that although sometimes I was constrained to take victuals in some few villages, yet I lost 
Eight kings Laudonniers friends and allies. The principal scope of planters in strange countries.  not the alliance of eight kings and Lords my neighbours, which continually succoured and aided me with whatsoever they were able to afford. Yea this was the principal scope of all my purposes, to win and entertain them, knowing how greatly their amity might advance our enterprise, and principally while I discovered the commodities of the country, and sought to strengthen myself therein. I leave it to your cogitation to think how near it went to our hearts, to leave a place abounding 
Florida a rich country.  in riches (as we were thoroughly informed thereof) in coming whereunto, and doing service unto our Prince, we left our own country, wives, children, parents, and friends, and passed the perils of the sea, and were therein arrived, as in a plentiful treasure of all our hearts desire. As each of us were much tormented in mind with these or such like cogitations, the 
Aug. 3. 1565.  third of August I descried four sails in the sea, as I walked upon a little hill, whereof I was exceeding well appaide: I sent immediately one of them which were with me to advertise those of the fort thereof, which were so glad of those news, that one would have thought them to be out of their wits to see them laugh and leap for joy. After these ships had cast ancre, we descried that they sent one of their ship boats to land: whereupon I caused one of mine to be armed with diligence, to send to meet them, and to know who they were. In the mean while fearing lest they were Spaniards, I set my soldiers in order & in readiness, attending the return of Captain Vasseur and my lieutenant, which were gone to meet them, which brought me word that they were Englishmen: & in truth they had in their company one whose name was Martin Atinas of deep, which at that time was in their service, which on the behalf of Master 
Master john Hawkins the English general.  john Hawkins their general came to request mee that I would suffer them to take fresh water, whereof they stood in great need, signifying unto me that they had been above fifteen days on the coast to get some. He brought unto me from the general two flacons of wine, and bread made of wheat: whichich greatly refreshed me, forasmuch as for seven months space I never tasted a drop of wine: nevertheless it was all divided among the greatest part of my soldiers. This Martin Atinas had guided the Englishmen unto our coast, wherewith he was acquainted: for in the year 1562. he came thither with me, and therefore the general sent him to me. Therefore after I had granted his request, he signified the same unto the general, which the next day following caused one of his small ships to enter into the river, and came to see me in a great shipboate, accompanied with gentlemen honourably appareled, yet unarmed. He sent for great store of bread and wine, to distribute thereof to every one: On my part I made him the best cheére I could possibly, and caused certain 
Sheep and Poultry carried into Florida.  sheep and poultry to be killed, which until this present I had carefully preserved hoping to store the country withal. For, notwithstanding all the necessities and sickness that happened unto me, I would not suffer so much as one chicking to be killed: by which means in a short time I had gathered together above an hundred Pullet's. Now three days passed, while the English general remained with me, during which time the indians came in from all parts to see him, and asked me whether he were my 
An advantage wisely taken.  brother: I told them he was so, and signified unto them, that he was come to see me and aid me with so great store of victuals, that from thence forward I should have no need to take any thing of them. The bruit hereof incontinently was spread over all the country, in such sort as Ambassadors came unto me from all parts, which on the behalf of the kings their masters desired to make alliance with me: and even they, which before sought to make war against me, came to offer their friendship and service unto me: Whereupon I received them and gratified them with certain presents. The general immediately understood the desire & urgent occasion which I had to return into France: Whereupon he offered to transport me and all my company home: whereunto notwithstanding I would not agree, being in doubt upon what occasion he made so large an offer. For I knew not how the case stood between the French and the English: and although he promised me on his faith to put me on land in France, before he would touch in England, yet I stood in doubt lest he 
The French mistrusted that the Englishmen would plant in Florida.  would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistress. Wherefore I flatly refused his offer: whereupon there rose a great mutiny among my Soldiers, which said that I sought to destroy them all, and that the Brigantine, whereof I spoke before, was not sufficient to transport them, considering the season of the year wherein we were. The bruit and mutiny increased more and more: for after that the General was returned to his ships, he told certain gentlemen and soldiers which went to see him, partly to make good cheére with him, he declared, I say, unto them, that he greatly doubted that hardly we should be able to pass safely in those vessels which we had: & that in case we should enterprise the same, we should no doubt be in great jeopardy: notwithstanding if I were so contented, he would transport part of my men in his ships, and that he would leave me a small ship to transport the rest. The Soldiers were no sooner come home, but they signified the offer unto their companions, which incontinently consented together that in case I would not accept the same they would embark themselves with him and forsake me, so that he would receive them according to his promise. They therefore assembled themselves altogether and came to seek me in my Chamber, and signified unto me their intention, whereunto I promised to answer within one hour after. In which mean space I gathered together the principal members of my company, which after I had broken the matter with them, answered me all with one voice, that I ought not to refuse this offer, nor contemn the occasion which presented itself, and that they could not think evil of it in France, if being forsaken, as we were, we aided ourselves with such means as God had sent us. After sundry debatings of this matter, in conclusion I gave mine advise, that we ought to deliver him the price of the ship which he was to leave us, & that for my part I was content 
Silver found in Florida.  to give him the best of my stuff, and the silver which I had gathered in the Country. Whereupon notwithstanding it was determined that I should keep the silver, for fear, lest the Queen of England seeing the same▪ should the rather be encouraged 
Note.  to set footing there, as before she had desired: that it was far better to carry it into France, to give encouragement unto 
The great importance of this enterprise.  our Princes not to leave of an enterprise of so great importance for our common wealth, and that, seeing we were resolved to departed, it was far better to give him our artillery, which otherwise we should be constrained to leave behind us, or to hide it in the ground, by reason of the weakness of our men, being not able to embark the same. This point being thus concluded and resolved on, I went myself unto the English General, accompanied with my Lieutenant, and Captain Vasseur, Captain Verdier, and Trenchant the Pilot, and my Sergeant, all men of experience in such affairs and knowing sufficiently how to drive such a bargain. We therefore took a view of the ship which the General would sell, whom we drew to such reason, that he was content to stand unto mine own men's judgement, who esteemed it to be worth seven hundred crowns, whereof we agreed very friendly. Wherefore I delivered him in earnest of the sum, two bastards, two minions, one thousand of iron, and one thousand of powder. This bargain thus made▪ he considered the necessity wherein we were, having for all our sustenance but mill & water: whereupon 
The great humanity and bounty of Master john Hawkins to the French.  being moved withpitie, he offered to relieve me with twenty barrels of meal, six pipes of beans, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred of wax to make candles. Moreover forasmuch as he saw my Soldiers go barefoot, he offered me besides fifty pairs of shoes, which I accepted and agreed of a price with him, and gave him a bill of mine hand for the same, for which until this present I am indebted to him. He did more than this: for particularly he bestowed upon myself a great iare of oil, a iare of Uynagre, a barill of olives, and a great quantity of Rice, and a barill of white Biscuit. Besides he gave diverse presents to the principal Officers of my company according to their qualities: so that I may say that we received as many courtesies of the General, as it was possible to receive of any man living. Wherein doubtless he hath won the reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving to be esteemed as much of us all as if he had saved all our lives. Incontinent after his 
The departure of the English General  departure I spared no pain to hasten my men to make biscuits of the meal which he had left me, and to hoop my Cask to take in water needful for the voyage. A man may well think what diligence we used, in respect of the great desire we had to departed, wherein me continued so well, that the fiiftéenth day of August the biscuit, the greatest part of our water, and all the 
August. 15.  Soldiers stuff was brought aboard: so that from that day forward we did nothing but stay for good winds to drive us into France: which had freed us from an infinite number of mischiefs which afterward we suffered, if they had come as we desired: but it was not God's good pleasure, as shall appear hereafter. Being thus in a readiness to set Sail, we bethought ourselves that it would do well to bring certain men and women of the country into France, to the end, that if this voyage should be taken in hand again, they might declare unto their Kings, the greatness of our King, the excellency of our Princes, the goodness of our Country, and the manner of living of the Frenchmen: and that they might also learn our language to serve our turns thereby in time to come. Wherein I took so good order, that I had found means to bring away with me the goodliest persons of all the Country, if our intentions had succeeded, ad I hoped they would have done. In the mean season the Kings my neighbours came often to see and visit me: which, after that they understood that I would return into France, demanded of me whether I meant to return again or no, and whether it should be in short tyme. I signified unto them that within ten Moons (so they call their Months) I would visit them again with 
The Floridians measure their months by the revolutions of the Moon.  such force, that I would be able to make them conquerors over all their enemies. They prayed me that I would leave them my house, that I would forbid my Soldiers to beat down the fort and their lodgings, and that I would leave them a boat to aid them withal in their war against their enemies. Which I made as though I would grant unto them, to the end I might always remain their friend until my last departure.  
The end of the second voyage.   

THE THIRD VOYAGE of the French men made by Captain JOHN RIBAULT unto FLORIDA.  
AS I was thus occupied in these conferences, the 
The arrival of Captain john Ribault at the fort the 28. of August. 1565.  wind and the tide served well to set soil, which was the eight and twentieth of August, at which instant Captain Vasseur, which commanded in one of my ships, and Captain Verdier, which was chief in the other, now ready to go forth, began to descry certain sails at sea, whereof they advertised me with diligence: whereupon I appointed to arm forth a beat in good order to go to descry and know what they were. I sent also to the sentinels, which I caused to be kept on a little knap, to cause certain men to climb up to the top of the highest trees 
Note.  the better to discover them. They descried the great beat of the ships, which as yet they could not perfectly discern, which, as far as they could judge, seemed to chase my boat, which by this time was passed the bar of the river: so that we could not possibly judge whether they were enemies which would have carried her away with them: for it was to great a ken to judge the truth thereof. Upon this doubt I put my men in order & in such array as though they had been enemies: & in deed I had great occasion to mistrust the same: for my boat came unto their ship about two of the clock in the afternoon, and sent me no news all that day long to put me out of doubt who they should be. The next day in the morning about eight or nine of the clock I saw seven boats (among which mine own was one) full of soldiers enter into the river, having every man his harquebus and morion on his head, which marched all in battle along the cliffs where my sentinels were, to whom they would make no kind of answer, notwithstanding all the demands that were made unto them, in so much as one of my soldiers was constrained to bestow a shot at them without doing hurt nevertheless to any of them, by reason of the distance between him and the boats. The report hereof being made unto me, I placed each of my men in his quarter, with full deliberation to defend ourselves, if they had been enemies, as in truth we thought them to have been: likewise I caused the two small field pieces which I had left me to be trimmed in such sort, as if in approaching to the fort they had not cried, that it was Captain Ribault, I had not failed to have discharged the same upon them. Afterward I understood that the cause why they entered in this manner, proceeded of the false reports 
False reports of Laudonniere to the Admiral of France.  which had been made unto my Lord Admiral by those which were returned into France in the first ships. For they had put in his head, that I played the Lord and the King, and that I would hardly suffer that any other save myself should enter in thither to govern there. Thus we see how the good name of the most honest is oftentimes assailed by such, as having no means to win themselves credit by virtuous and laudable endeavours, think by debasing of other men's virtues to augment the feeble force of their faint courage, which nevertheless is one of the most notable dangers which may happen in a commonwealth, and 
The danger of backbiting.  chiefly among men of war which are placed in government. For it is very hard, yea utterly unpossible, that in governing of a company of men gathered out of divers places and sundry Nations, and namely such as we know them to be in our wars, it is, I say, unpossible, but there will be always some of evil conditions & hard to be ruled, which easily conceive an hatred against him, which by admonitions and light corrections endeavoureth to reduce them to the discipline of war. For they seek nothing else, but for a small occasion founded upon a light pretext to found into the ears of great Lords that which mischievously they have contrived against those, whose execution of justice is odious unto them. And albeit I will not place myself in the rank of great and renowned Captains, such as lived in times passed, yet we may judge by their examples, how hurtful backbiters have been unto commonwealths. I will only take Alcibiades 
Alcibiades banished by backbiters.  for witness in the commonwealth of the Athenians, which by this mean was cast into banishment, whereupon his Citizens felt the smart of an infinite number of mischiefs: insomuch as in the end they were constrained to call him home again, and acknowledge at length the fault they had committed in forgetting his good services, & rather believing a false report, then having had regard unto so many notable exploits which in former time he had achieved. But that I lose not myself in digressing so far in this my justification, I will return again to my first course. Being therefore advertised that it was Captain Ribault, I went 
Laudonnieres receiving of Captain Ribault.  forth of the fort to go to meet him, & to do him all the honour I could by any means, I caused him to be welcomed with the artillery, and a gentle volley of my shot, whereunto he answered with his. Afterward being come on shore and received honourably and with joy, I brought him to my lodging, rejoicing not a little because that in this company I knew a good number of my friends, which I entreated in the best sort that I was able, with such victuals as I could get in the country, & the small store which I had left me, with that which I had of the English General. Howbeit I marveled not a little when as all of them with one voice began to utter unto me these or the like speeches. My Captain, we praise God that we have found you alive, & chief because we know, that the reports which have been made of you, are false. These speeches moved me in such sort, that I would needs out of hand know more, mistrusting some evil. Wherefore having accosted Captain john Ribault, & going both of us aside together out of y● for't, he signified unto me the charge which he had, praying me not to return into France, but to stay with him myself & my company, & assured me that he would make it well thought of at home. Whereupon I replied that out of this place I would do him all service: that for the present I could not nor ought not accept this offer, since he was come for no other intent then to occupy the place which I before possessed: that I could have no credit to be there commanded: that my friends would never like of it, and that he would hardly give me that counsel, if in good earnest I should demand his advise therein. He made me answer, that he would not command me, that we should be companions, and that he would build another fortress, & that he would leave mine own unto me. This notwithstanding I fully advertised him, that I could not receive a greater comfort than the news which he brought me to return into France: & farther that though I should stay there, yet it must needs be y● one of us both was to command with title of the king's Lieutenant, that this could not well agree together: that I had rather have it cast in my tooth to be the poorest beggar in the world, then to be commanded in that place, where I had endured so much to inhabit & plant there, if it were not by some great Lord or Knight of the order: and that in these respects I prayed him very heartily to deliver me the Letters which my Lord Admiral had written unto me, which he performed.  
The contents of those letters was this.  
Captain Laudonniere, because some of them which are returned from Florida speak indifferently of the Country, 
Letters of the Lord Admiral unto Laudonniere.  the King desireth your presence, to the end, that according to your trial, he may resolve to bestow great cost thereon, or wholly to leave it: and therefore I send Captain john Ribault to be Governor there, to whom you shall deliver whatsoever you have in charge, & inform him of all things you have discovered. And in a postscript of the letter was thus written. Think not, that whereas I send for you, it is for any evil opinion or mistrust that I have of you, but that it is for your good and for your credit, and assure yourself that during my life you shall find me your good Master.  
Chastillon.  
Now after I had long discoursed with Captain Ribault, Captain la Grange accosted me, and told me of an infinite sight of false reports which had been made of me to my great hindrance: and among other things he informed me, that my Lord 
1. Accusations against him. 2. 3. 4. 5.  admiral took it very evil that I had carried a woman with me: likewise that some body had told him that I went about to counterfeit the King, and to play the Tyrant: that I was to cruel unto the men that went with me: that I sought to be advanced by other means then by my Lord Admiral, & that I had written to many Lords of the Court, which I ought not to have done. Whereunto I answered, that the woman was a poor Chambermaid, which I had taken up in an Inn, to overseé 
1. Laudonnieres answer thereunto.  my household business, to look to an infinite sort of diverse beasts, as sheep and Poultry which I carried over with me to store the country withal: that it was not meet to put a man to attend this business: likewise, considering the length of the time that I was to abide there, me thought it should not offend any body, to take a woman with mee, aswell to help my soldiers in their sicknesses, as in mine own, whereinto I fell afterward. And how necessary her service was for us, each one at that time might easily perceive: That all my men thought so well of her, that at one instant there were six or seven which did demand her of me in marriage (as in very deed one of them had her after our return.) Touching that which was said that I played the king, 
2.  these reports were made, because I would not bear with any thing which was against the duty of my charge and the king's service. Moreover, that in such enterprises it is necessary for a governor to make himself known and obeyed, for fear lest every body would become a master, perceiving themselves far from greater forces. And that if the tale tellers called this rigour, 
3.  it rather proceeded of their disobedience, then of my nature less subject to cruelty than they were to rebellion. For the 
4.  last point, that I had not written to any of the Lords of the Court but by the advice and commandment of my Lord Admiral, which willed me at my departure to send part of such things as I should find in the country unto the Lords of the Counsel: to th'end that being moved by this mean they might deal with the Queen mother for the continuance of this enterprise: that having been so small time in the country, continually hindered with building of fortresses, and unlading of my ships, I was not able to come by any new or rare things to send them, whereupon I thought it best to content them in the mean while with letters, until such time as I might have longer space to search out the Country, and might recover something to send them: the distribution of which letters I meant not otherwise but to refer to my Lord Admiral's good pleasure: that if the bearer had forgot himself so far, as that he had broken the covering of the letters, and presented them himself for hope of gain, it was not my commandment. And that I never honoured noble 
5.  man so much, nor did to any more willing & faithful service then to my Lord Admiral, nor ever sought advancement but by his means. You see how things passed for this day. The next day the Indians came in from all parts, to know what people these were, to whom I signified that this was he which in the year a thousand five hundred sixty and two arrived in this country, and erected the pillar which stood at the entry of the river. Some of them knew him: for in truth he was easy to be known by reason of the great beard which he ware. He received many presents of them which were of the villages near adjoining, among whom there were some that he had not yet forgotten. The kings Homoloa, Saravahi, Alimacani, Malica, and Casti, 
Five Indian kings.  came to visit him and welcome him with diverse gifts according to their manner. I advertised them that he was sent thither by the king of France, to remain there in my room, and that I was sent for. Then they demanded and prayed him, if it might stand with his good pleasure, to cause the merchandise that he had brought with him to be delivered them, and that in few days they would bring him to the mountains of Apalassy, 
The mountains of Apalassy wherein are mines of perfect gold. Sieroa Pira red metell.  whither they had promised to conduct me, and that in case they performed not their promise, that they were content to be cut in pieces. In those mountains, as they said, is found red copper, which they call in their language Sieroa Pira, which is as much to say, as red metal, whereof I had a piece, which at the very instant I showed to Captain Ribault, which caused his gold-finer to make an assay thereof, which reported unto him that it was perfect gold. About the time of these conferences, 
Perfect gold.  comings and doings of the kings of the country, being weakened with my former travail, & fallen into a melancholy upon the false reports that had been made of me, I fell into a great continual fever, which held me eight or nine days, during which time Captain Ribault caused his victuals to be brought on shore, and bestowed the most part thereof in the house which my Lieutenant had built about two hundred paces without the fort: which he did to th'end they might be the better defended from the weather, and likewise to the intent that the meal might be nearer to the bakehouse, which I had built of purpose in that 
Good means to avoid the danger of fire.  place, the better to avoid the danger of the fire, as I said before. But lo how oftentimes misfortune doth search & pursue us, even then when we think to be at rest! lo see what happened after that captain Ribault had brought up three of his small ships into the river, which was the fourth of September! Six great Spanish 
September. 4.  ships arrived in the road, where four of our greatest ships remained, which cast anchor, assuring our men of good amity. They 
The Spaniards undermining and surprising of the French.  asked how the chief captains of the enterprise did, & called them all by their names and surnames. I report me to you if it could be otherwise but these men before they went out of Spain must needs be informed of the enterprise and of those that were to execute the same. About the break of day they began to make toward our men: but our men which trusted them never a deal, had hoist their sails by night, being ready to cut the strings that tied them. Wherefore perceiving that this making toward our men of the Spaniards was not to do them any pleasure, and knowing well that their furniture was to small to make head against them, because that the most part of their men were on shore, they cut their Cables, left their anchors, and set sail. The Spaniards seeing themselves discovered lent them certain volleys of their great ordinance, made sail after them, & chased them all day long: but our men got way of them still toward the sea. And the Spaniards seeing they could not reach them, by reason that the french ships were better of sail then theirs, and also because they would not leave the coast, turned back and went on shore in the river Seloy, which we call 
The river Seloy or the river of Dolphins but eight or ten leagues over land from the fort: but it is thirty doubling the cape by sea fol. 19  the river of Dolphins eight or ten leagues distant from the place where we were. Our men therefore finding themselves better of sail than they, followed them to descry what they did, which after they had done, they returned unto the river of May, where captain Ribault having descried them embarked himself in a great boat to know what news they had. Being at the entry of the river he met with the boat of Captain Cousets' ship, wherein there was a good number of men which made relation unto him of all the Spaniards doings: and how the great ship named the Trinity had kept the sea, and that she was not returned with them. They told him moreover that they had seen three Spanish ships enter into the river of Dolphins, & the other three remained in the road, farther, that they had put their soldiers, their victuals & munition on land. After he understood these news he returned to the fortress, & came to my chamber where I was sick, & there in the presence of the captains, La Grange, S. Marry, Ottigny, Visty, Yonuille, & other gentlemen, he propounded, that it was necessary for the kings service, to embark himself with all his forces, & with y● three ships that were in the road to seek the Spanish fleéte, whereupon he asked our advise. I first replied, and showed unto him the consequence of such an enterprise, advertising him among other things of 
Dangerous flaws of wind on the cost of Florida in september.  the perilous flaws of winds that rise on this coast, and that if it chanced that he were driven from the shore, it would be very hard for him to recover it again, that in the mean while they which should stay in the fort should be in fear and danger. The Captains, Saint Marie, and La Grange declared unto him farther, that they thought it not good to put any such enterprise in execution, that it was far better to keep the land, and do their best endeavour to fortify themselves: And that after that the Trinity (which was the principal ship) were returned, there would be much more likelihood to enterprise this voyage. This notwithstanding he resolved to undertake it, and that which more is, after he understood by king Emola, one of our neighbours 
King Emola.  which arrived upon the handling of these matters, that the Spaniards in great numbers were gone on shore, which had taken possession of the houses of Seloy, in the most part whereof they 
A village and a river both of that name.  had placed their Negroes, which they had brought to labour, and also lodged themselves and had cast divers trenches about them. Thus for the considerations which he had, and doubting (as he might well do) that the Spaniards would encamp themselves there to molest us, and in the end to chase us out of the country, he resolved and persisted in his embarkment, caused a Proclamation to be made, that all soldiers that were under his charge should presently with their weapons embark them, and that his two ensigns should march: which was put in execution. He came into my chamber, and prayed me to lend him my Lieutenant, mine ensign, and my sergeant, and to let all my good soldiers, which I had, go with him, which I denied him, because, myself being sick, there was no man to stay in the fort. Thereupon he answered me that I needed not to doubt at all, & that he would return the morrow after, that in the mean space Monsieur De Lys should stay behind to look to all things. Then I showed unto him that he was chief in this country, and that I for my part had no farther authority: that therefore he would take good advisement what he did, for fear lest some inconvenience might ensue. Then he told me that he could do no less, then to continue this enterprise, and that in the letter which he had received from my Lord Admiral, there was a 
An advertisement of my Lord Admiral to Captain Ribault.  postscript, which he showed me written in these words: Captain john Ribault, as I was enclosing up this letter, I received a certain advice, that Don Pedro Melendes departeth from Spain to go to the coast of New France: see you that you suffer him not to encroach upon you, no more than he would that you should encroach upon him. You see, (quoth he) the charge that I have, and I leave it unto yourself to judge if you could do any less in this case, considering the certain advertisement that we have, that they are already on land, and will invade us. This stopped my mouth. Thus therefore confirmed or rather obstinate in this enterprise, and having regard rather unto his particular opinion then unto the advertisements which I had given him, & the inconveniences of the time whereof I had forewarned him, he embarked himself the eighth of 
Captain Ribaults embarkment Sept. 8.  September, and took mine ensign and eight and thirty of my men away with him. I report me to those that know what wars mean, if when an ensign marcheth any soldier that hath any courage in him will stay behind, to forsake his ensign: Thus no man of commandment stayed behind with mee, for each one followed him as chief, in whose name, strait after his arrival, all cries and proclamations were made. Captain Grange, which liked not very well of this enterprise, was unto the tenth 
The tenth of September.  of the month with me, and would not have gone aboard, if it had not been for the instant requests that Captain Ribault made unto him, which stayed two days in the road attending until La Grange was come unto him: Who being come aboard they set sail altogether, and from that time forward I never 
A mighty tempest the tenth of Sept.  saw them more. The very day that he departed, which was the tenth of September, there rose so great a tempest accompanied with such storms, that the Indians themselves assured me that it was the worst weather that ever was seen on that coast: where upon two or three days after, fearing lest our ships might be in some distress, I sent for Monsieur Du Lys unto me, to take order to assemble the rest of our people to declare unto them what need we had to fortify our selves: which was done accordingly: and then I gave them to understand the necessity and inconveniences whereinto we were like to fall, aswell by the absence of our ships, as by the neérenes of the Spaniards, at whose hands we could look for no less than an open and sufficient proclaimed war, seeing they had taken land and forcified themselves so near unto us. And if any misfortune were fallen unto our men which were at sea, we ought to make a full account with ourselves that we were to endure many great miseries, being in so small number, and so many ways afflicted as we were. Thus every one promised me to take pains: and therefore considering that their proportion of victuals was small, and that so continuing, they would not be able to do any great work, I augmented their allowance: although that after the arrival of captain Ribault my portion of vituacls was allotted unto me as 
Laudonniere hardly used by Ribault  unto a common soldier, neither was I able to give so much as part of a bottle of wine to any man which deserved it: for I was so far from having means to do so, that the Captain himself took two of my boats, wherein the rest of the meal was which was left me of the biscuits which I caused to be made to return into France: so that if I should say that I received more favour at the hands of the Englishmen being strangers 
Laudonniere & his company begin to fortify themselves.  unto me, I should say but a truth. We began therefore to fortify ourselves and to repair that which was broken down, principally toward the waterside, where I caused threéscore foot of treés to be planted, to repair the Palissado with the planks which I caused to be taken of the ship which I had builded. Nevertheless not withstanding all our diligence and travail, we were never able fully to repair it by reason of the storms, which commonly did us so great annoy, that we could not finish our enclosure. Perceatting myself in such extremity I took a muster of the men, which captain Ribault had left me, 
A muster of the men left in the fort by Ribault.  to see if there were any that wanted weapon: I found nine or ten of them whereof not past two or three had ever drawn sword out of a scabbard, as I think. Let them which have been bold to say that I had men enough left me, so that I had means to defend myself, give ear a little now unto me, and if they have eyes in their heads, let them see what men I had. Of the nine there were four but young striplings, which served Captain Ribault and kept his dogs, the fift was a cook: among those that were without the fort, and which were of the aforesaid company of Captain Ribault, there was a Carpenter of threéscore years old, one a beérebrewer, one old Crossbow maker, two shoemakers, and four or five men that had their wives, a player on the Virginals, two servants of Monsieur Du Lys, one of Monsieur De Beauhaire, one of Monsieur De la Grange, and about fourscore and five or six in all, counting aswell Lackeys 
Fourscore & five left in the fort with Laudonniere.  as women and children. Behold the goodly troop so sufficient to defend themselves and so courageous as they have esteemed them to be: and for my part I leave it to others consideration to imagine whether Captain Ribault would have left them with me to have borrowed my men, if they had been such. Those which were left me of mine own company were about sixteéne or seventeéne that could bear arms, and all of them poor and lean: the rest were sick and maimed in the conflict which my Lieutenant had against Vtina. This view beéing thus taken, we set our watches, whereof we made two sentinels, that the soldiers might have one night free. Then we bethought ourselves of those which might be most sufficient, among whom we chose two, one of whom was named Monsieur Saint Cler, and the other Monsieur De la Vigne, to whom we delivered candles and Lanterns to go round about the fort to view the watch because of the foul and foggy weather. I delivered them also a sandglasse or clock that the sentinels might not be troubled more one then the other. In the mean while I ceased not, for all the fowl weather nor my sickness which I had, to overseé the corpse de guard. The night between the nineteenth and twentieth of September La Vigne kept watch with his company, wherein he used all endeavour although it rained without ceasing. When the day was therefore come, and that he saw that it rained still worse than it did before, he pitied the centinelles so too moiled and wet: and thinking the Spaniards would not have come in such a strange time, he let them departed, and, to say the truth, he went himself unto his lodging. In the mean while one which had something to do without the fort, and my trumpet which went up unto the 
The Spaniards descried the 20. of September.  rampart perceived a troop of Spaniards which came down from a little knap. Where incontinently they began to cry alarm, and the trumpeter also: Which assoon as ever I understood, forthwith I issued out, with my Target and sword in my hand, and got me into the midst of the Court, where I began to cry upon my soldiers. Some of them which we of the forward sort went toward the breach, which was on the southside, and where the munitions of the artillery lay, where they were repulsed and slain. By the self-same place 
The Spaniards enter the fort.  two ensigns entered, which immediately were planted on the walls. Two other ensigns also entered on the other side toward the West, where there was another breach: and those which were lodged in this quarter, and which showed themselves, were likewise defeated. As I went to secure them which were defending the breach on the south-west side, I encountered by chance a great company of Spaniards, which had already repulsed our men 
Francis jean a traitor to his nation.  and were now entered, which drove me back unto the court of the fort: being there I espied with them one called Francis jean, which was one of the mariners which stole away my barks, & had guided & conducted the Spaniards thither. assoon as he saw me, he began to say, This is the Captain. This troop was led by 
Don Pedro Melendes captain of the Spaniards.  a captain whose name, as I think, was Don Pedro Melendes: these made certain bushes at me with their pikes which lighted on my target. But perceiving that I was not able to withstand so great a company, & that the court was already won, & their ensigns planted on the ramparts, and that I had never a man about me, saving one only whose name was Bartholomew, I entered into the yard of my lodging, into which they followed me, and had it not been for a tent that was set up, I had been taken: but the Spaniards which followed me were occupied in cutting of the cords of the tent, and in the mean while I saved myself by the breach which was on the west side near unto my lieutenants 
Laudonniers escape.  lodging, and gate away into the woods: where I found certain of my men which were escaped, of which number there were three or four which were sore hurt. Then spoke I thus unto them: Sirs, since it hath pleased GOD that this mischance is happened unto us, we must needs take the pains to get over the Marshes unto the ships which are at the mouth of the River. Some would needs go to a little village which was in the woods, the rest followed me through the reédes in the water, where being able to go no farther by reason of my sickness which I had, I sent two of my men which were with me, which could swim well, unto the ships, to advertise them of that which had happened, and to send them word to come and help me. They were not able that day to get unto the ships to certify them thereof: so I was constrained to stand in the water up to the shoulders all that night long, with one of my men which would never forsake me. The next day morning, being scarcely able to draw my breath any more, I betook me to my prayers with the soldier which was with me, whose name was john du Chemin: 
john du Chemin a faithful servant.  for I felt myself so feéble, that I was afraid I should die suddenly: and in truth if he had not embraced me in both his arms, and so held me up, it had not been possible to save me. After we had made an end of our prayers, I heard a voice, which in my judgement was one of theirs which I had sent, which were over against the ships and called for the ship boat, which was so in deed: and because those of the ships had understanding of the taking of the fort by one called john de Hais, master Carpenter, which fled unto them in a shallop, they had set sail to run along the coast to see if they might save any: wherein doubtless they did very well 
The diligence of the Mariners to save them that escaped out of the fort.  their endeavour. They went strait to the place where the two men were which I had sent, and which called them. assoon as they had received them in and understood where I was, they came and found me in a pitiful case. Five or six of them took me and carried me into the shallop: for I was not able by any means to go one foot. After I was brought into the shalloppe some of the Mariners took their clothes from their backs to lend them me, and would have carried me presently to their ships to give me a little Aqua vitae. Howbeit I would not go thither, until I had first gone with the boat along the reéds, to seek out the poor souls which were scattered abroad, where we gathered up eighteen or 
Among those was jaques Morgues painter yet living in the Blackfriars in London.  twenty of them. The last that I took in was the Nephew of the Treasurer le Beau. After we were all come to the ships, I comforted them aswell as I could, and sent back the boat again with speed to see if they could find yet any more. Upon her return, the Mariners told me how that Captain james Ribault 
Francis jean cause of this enterprise.  which was in his ship about two muskets shot distant from the fort, had parled with the Spaniards, and that Francis jean came unto his ship, where he stayed a long space, whereat they greatly marveled, considering that he was the cause of this enterprise, how he would let him escape. After I was come into the ship called the greyhound, Captain james Ribault & Captain Valuot came to see me: and there we concluded to return into France. Now forasmuch as I found the ship unfurnished of Captain, Pilot, Master, and Masters-mate, I gave advise to choose out one of the most able men among all the Mariners, and that by their own voices. I took also six men out of another small ship, which we had sunk because it wanted ballast and could not be saved. Thus I increased the furniture of the ship wherein I was myself embarked, and made one, which had been Masters-mate in the foresaid small ship, Master of mine. And because I lacked a Pilot, I prayed james Ribault that he would grant me one of the four men that he had in his ship, which I should name unto him, to serve me for a Pilot: he promised to give me them, which nevertheless he did not at the instant 
The bad dealing of james Ribault.  when we were ready to departed, notwithstanding all the speech I used to him, in declaring that it was for the kings service. I was constrained to leave the ship behind me which I had bought of the English Captain, because I wanted men to bring her away. For Captain james Ribault had taken away her furniture: I took away her ordinance only, which was all dismounted, whereof I gave nine pieces to james Ribault to carry into France, the other five I put into my ship. The five and twentieth of September we set sails to return into France, and 
Our return into France the 25. of September 1565.  Captain john Ribault and I kept company all that day and the next until three or four a clock in the after noon: but because his ship was better at bowling then ours, he kept him to the wind and left us the same day. Thus we continued our voyage, wherein we had marvelous flaws of wind. And about the eight and twentieth of October in the morning at the break of 
October. 28.  day we descried the Isle of Flores, one of the Assores, where immediately upon our approaching to the land we had a mighty gust of wind which came from the North-east, which caused us to bear against it four days: afterward the wind came South & Southeast, & was always variable. In all the time of our passage we had none other food saving Biscuit and water. About the tenth or eleventh of November, after we had sailed a long 
novemb. 10.  time, and supposing we were not far from land, I caused my men to sound, where they found threéscore & fifteen fathoms water, whereat we all rejoiced, & praised God because we had sailed so prosperously. Immediately after I caused them to set sail again & so we continued our way: but for as much as we had borne to much toward the North-east we entered into Saint George's 
The channel of Saint George.  channel, a place much feared of all Sailors, and where as many ships are cast away: But it was a fair gift of God that we entered into it when the weather was clear. We sailed all the night, supposing we had been shot into the narrow Sea between England and France, & by the next day to reach deep, but we were deceived of our longing: for about two or three of the clock after midnight as I walked upon the hatches, I descried land round about me, whereat we were astonished. Immediately I caused them to strike sail and sound: we found we had not under us past eight fathoms of water, whereupon I commanded them to stay till break of day: which being come, and seeing my Mariners told me that they knew not this land, I commanded them to approach unto it. Being near thereunto I made them cast anchor, and sent the boat on shore to understand in what country we were. Word was brought me that we were in Wales a province of England. I went incontinently on land, where after I had taken the air, a sickness took me whereof I thought I should have died. In the mean while I caused the ship to be brought into the bay of a small town called Swansey, where I found Merchants 
Laudonnieres arrival in Swansey Bay in Glamorgan sheer in South wales.  of saint Malo, which lent me money, wherewith I made certain apparel for myself and part of my company that was with me: and because there were no victuals in the ship I bought two Oxen, and salted them, and a ton of Beer, which I delivered into his hands which had charge of the ship, praying him to carry it into France, which he promised me to do: for mine own part I purposed with my men to pass by land, & after I had taken leave of my Mariners, I departed from Swansey, and came that night with my company to a place called Morgan, where the 
The courtesy of one Masts Morgan,  Lord of the place, understanding what I was, stayd me with him for the space of six or seven days, and at my departure moved with pity to see me go on foot, especially being so weak as I was, gave me a little Hackenye. Thus I passed on my journey first to Bristo, & then to London, where I went to do my duty to 
Bristol. London. Monsieur de Foix Ambassador for the French king in England.  Monsieur de Foix, which for the present was the king's Ambassador, & holp me with money in my necessity. From thence I passed to Calis, afterward to Paris, where I was informed that the king was gone to Moulins to sotourne there: incontinently, & with all the hast I could possibly make, I gate me thither with part of my company. Thus briefly you see the discourse of all that happened 
The conclusion.  in new France since the time it pleased the king's Majesty to send his subjects thither to discover those parts. The indifferent & unpassionate readers may easily weigh the truth of my doings, & be upright judges of the endeavour which I there used. For mine own part I will not accuse nor excuse any: it sufficeth me to have followed the truth of the history, whereof many are able to bear witness, which were there present. I will plainly say one thing, That 
The causes why the French lost Florida.  the long delay that Captain john Ribault used in his embarking, & the fifteen days that he spent in roving along the coast of Florida before he came to our fort Caroline, were the cause of the loss that we sustained. For he discovered the coast the fourteénth of August, & spent the time in going from river to river, which had been sufficient for him to have discharged his ships in, & for me to have embarked myself to return into France. I wot well that all that he did was upon a good intent: yet in mine opinion he should have had more regard unto his charge, then to the devices of his own brain, which sometimes he printed in his head so deépely that it was very hard to put them out: which also turned to his utter undoing: for he was no sooner departed from us, but a tempest took him, which in fine wracked him upon the 
The French fleet cast away on the coast of Florida.  coast, where all his ships were cast away, & he with much ado escaped drowning, to fall into their hands, which cruelly massacred him and all his company.  
The end of the history written by Laudonniere.   

THE FOURTH VOYAGE of the French men into Florida, under the conduct of Captain GOURGVES, in the year, 1567.  
Captain Gourgues a Gentleman borne in the country near unto Bourdeaux incited with a desire of revenge, to repair the honour of his nation, borrowed of his friends and sold part of his own goods to set forth & furnish three ships of indifferent burden with all things necessary, having in them an hundred and fifty Soldiers, and fourscore chosen Mariners under Captain Cazenoue his Lieutenant, & Francis Bourdelois Master over the Mariners. He set forth the two and twentieth of August 1567. And having endured contrary winds and storms for a season at length he arrived and went on shore in the Isle of Cuba. From thence he passed to the Cape of Saint Antony at the end of the Isle of Cuba, about two hundred leagues distant from Florida, where the Captain disclosed unto them his intention which hitherto he had concealed from them, praying and exhorting them not to leave him being so near the enemy, so well furnished, & in such a cause: which they all swore unto him, and that with such courage that they would not stay the full Moon to pass the channel of Bahama, but 
The channel of Bahama between Florida & the Isles of Lucayes.  speédily discovered Florida, where the Spaniards saluted them with two Canons shot from their fort, supposing that they had been of their Nation, and Gourgues saluted them again to entertain them in this error, that he might surprise them at more advantage, yet sailing by them, and making as though he went to some other place until he had sailed out of sight of the place so that about evening, he landed fifteéns leagues from the fort, at the mouth of the river Tacata courou, which the Frenchmen called 
The French men's landing at the River Tacata courou  Seine, because they thought it to be like Seine in France. Afterward perceiving the shore to be covered with Savages with their bows and arrows, (besides the sign of peace and amity which he made them from his ships) he sent his trumpeter, to assure them, that they were come thither for none other end but to renew the amity and ancient league of the French with them. The Trompettour did his message so well (by reason he had been there before under Laudonniere) that he brought back from king Satouriova, the greatest of all the other kings, a kid and other meat to refresh us, besides the offer of his friendship and amity. Afterward they retired dancing in sign of joy, to advertise all the kings satouriova's kinsmen to repair thither the next day to make a league of amity with the French men. Whereupon in the mean space our general went about to sound the channel of the River to bring in his ships, and the better to traffic and deal with the savages, of whom the chief the next day in the morning presented themselves, namely the great king Satouriova, Tacatacourou, Halmacanir, Athore, Ha●paha, 
Eight savage kings.  Helmacapé, Helicopilé, Mollova & others his kinsmen & allies, with their accustomed weapons. Then sent they to entreat the French General to come on shore, which he caused his men to do with their swords & harquebuses, which he made them leave behind them, in token of mutual assurance leaving his men but their sword only, after that the savages complaining thereof had left and likewise sent away their weapons at the request of Gourgues. This done Satouriova going to meet him, caused him to sit on his right hand in a seat of wood of lentisque covered 
The king's seat  with moss made of purpose like unto his own. Then two of the eldest of the company pulled up the brambles and other weédes which were before them, and after they had made the place very clean, they all sat round about them on the ground. afterward Gourgues being about to speak, Satouriova prevented him, declaring at large unto him the incredible 
Complaints of the savages against the Spaniards.  wrongs, and continual outrages that all the savages, their wives and children had received of the Spaniards since their coming into the country and massacring of the Frenchmen, with their continual desire if we would assist them thoroughly to revenge so shameful a treason, aswell as their own particular griefs, for the firm good will they always had borne unto the Frenchmen. Whereupon Gourgues giving them his faith, and making a league between them and him with an oath gave them certain presents of daggers, knives, looking glasses, hatchets, rings, bells, and such other things trifles unto us, but precious unto these kings, which moreover, seeing his great liberality, demanded each one a shirt of him to wear only on their festival days, and to be buried in at their death. Which things after that they had received, and Satouriova had given in recompense to Captain Gourgues two chains of silver 
Two chains of silver given to Gourgues.  grains which hung about his neck, and each of the kings certain dears skins dressed after their manner, they retired themselves dancing and very jocund, with promise to keep all things secret, and to bring unto the same place good companies of their subjects all well armed to be avenged thoroughly on the Spaniards. In the mean space Gourgues having narrowly examined Peter de Bré borne in Newhaven, which being but 
Peter de Bré had lived above two years with Satouriova.  a young stripling escaped out of the fort into the woods while the Spaniards murdered the rest of the French, and was afterward brought up with Satouriova, which at that time bestowed him on our General, whose advise stood him in great stead: Whereupon he sent to discover the fort and the estate of the eminies by certain of his men, being guided by Olotacara satouriova's Nephew which he had given him for this purpose and for assurance of Estam●es a gentleman of Cominges, and others which he sent to descry the state of the enemies. Moreover he gave him a son 
Three pledges delivered to Gourgues by Satouriova.  of his stark naked as all of them are, & his wife which he loved best of all the rest of eighteen years old appareled with the moss of treés, which for three days space were in the ships, until our men returned from descrying the state of the enemy, and the kings had furnished their preparation at the rendezvous. Their marching being concluded, and the savages rendezvous being appointed them beyond the river Salinacani, of our men called 
The River of Salinacani, called some by the French.  some, they all drank with great solemnity their drink called Cassine, made of the juice of certain herbs (as they are wont to do, when they go to any place of danger,) which hath such force, that it taketh from them hunger & thirst for four & twenty hours, & Gourgues was fain to make as though he drank thereof for company. afterward they lift up their hands & swore all that they would never forsake him. Olotocara followed him with pike in hand. Being all met at the river of Saravahi, not without 
The River of Saravahi.  great trouble, by reason of the rain and places full of water which they must needs pass, which hindered their passage, they were distressed with famine finding nothing by the way to eat, their Bark of provision being not arrived, which was to come unto him from the ships, the oversight and charge whereof he had left unto Burdelois with the rest of the Mariners. Now he had learned that the Spaniards were four hundred strong, divided 
The estate of the Spaniards in Florida.  into three forts builded and flanked, and well fortified upon the river of May, the great fort especially begun by the French, and afterward repaired by them: upon the most dangerous and principal landing place whereof, two leagues lower and nearer toward the Rivers mouth, they had made two smaller Forts, which were defended, the river passing between them, with six score soldiers, good store of artillery and other munition, which they had in the same. From Saracary unto these small forts was 
The river of Saracary, or Saravahi.  two leagues space, which he found very painful because of the had ways and continual rains. Afterward he departed from the river Catacouru with ten shot, to view the first fort, and to assault it the next day in the morning by the break of day, which he could not do, because of the fowl weather and darkness of the night. King Helicopile seeing him out of quiet in that he had failed of his purpose there, assured him to guide him a more easy way, though it were farther about. In so much as leading him through the woods, he brought him within sight of the fort, where he discerned one quarter which was but begun to be entrenched. Thus after he had sounded the small river that falleth down thereby he stayed until ten of the clock in the morning for an ebb water that his men might pass ●uer there, unto a place where he had seen a little grove between the river and the fort (that he might not be seen to pass and set his soldiers in array) causing them to fasten their flasks to their Morions, and to hold up their swords and kalivers in their hands, for fear least the water, which reached up to their girdles, should not wet them, where they found such abundance of great oysters▪ & shells which were so sharp, that many had their legs cut with them, and many others lost their shoes. Notwithstanding assoon as they were passed over with a French courage they prepared themselves to the assault on the sunday eve next after Easter day in April 1568. In so much that Gourgues to employ the ardent heat of this good affection, gave twenty shot to his Lieutenant Cazenoue, and ten Mariners laden with pots and balls of wild fire to burn the gate: and then he assaulted the Fort on an 
The assault & taking of the first Fort.  other side, after he had made a short speech unto his men of the strange treasons which the Spaniards had played their companions. But being descried as they came holding down their heads within two hundred paces from the fort, the Gunner being upon the terrace of the fort, after he had cried, Arm, Arm, these be French men, discharged twice upon them a culverin whereon the Arms of France were graven, which had been taken from Laudonniere. But as he went about to charge it the third time, Olotocara, which had not learned to keep his rank, 
The valour of Olotocara.  or rather moved with rage, leapt on the plat form, and thrust him through the body with his pike and slew him. Whereupon Gourgues advanced forward, and after he had heard Cazenoue cry, that the Spaniards which issued out armed at the cr● of the alarm, were fled, he drew to that part, and so hemmed them in between him and his Lieutenant, that of threéscore there escaped not a man, saving only fifteéns reserved unto the same death which they had put the French unto. The Spaniards of the other Fort in the mean while ceased not to play with their ordinance which much annoyed the assailants: although to answer them they had by this placed and oftentimes pointed the four pieces found in the first fort. Whereupon Gourgues being accompanied with 
The assault & taking of the second Fort.  fourscore shot went aboard the bark, which met him there to good purpose to pass into the wood neér unto the fort, out of which he supposed the Spaniards would issue to save themselves through the benefit of the woods in the great fort, which was not passed one league distant from the same. afterward the Savages 
The savages great swimmers.  not staying for the return of the bark, leapt all into the water holding up their bows and arrows in one hand and swimming with the other, so that the Spaniards seeing both the shores covered with so great a number of men, thought to flee towards the woods: but being charged by the French, and afterward repulsed by the savages, toward whom they would have retired, they were sooner than they would bereft of their lives. To conclude they all 
The Spaniards of the second Fort all slain.  there ended their days saving fifteen of those which were reserved to be executed for example of others. Whereupon Captain Courgues having caused all that he found in the second fort to be transported unto the first, where he meant to strengthen himself to take resolution against the great fort, the state whereof he did not understand: in fine a Sergeant of a band one of the prisoners assured him that they might be there very near three hundred well furnished under a brave Governor, which had fortified there attending farther succours. Thus having obtained of him, the platform, the height, the fortifications and passages unto it, and having prepared eight good lathers, and raised all 
Note.  the country against the spaniard, that he neither might have news, nor succours, nor retraicte on any side, he determined to march forward. In the mean while the Governor sent a Spaniard 
A notable Spanish subtlety.  disguised like a Savage to spy out the state of the French. And though he were discovered by Olotocara, yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to persuade them that he was one of the second fort, out of which having escaped, & seeing none but savages on every side, he hoped more, as he said, in the Frenchmens then in their mercy, unto whom he came to yield himself disguised like a savage, for fear least, if he should have been known, he should have been massacred by those Barbarians: But the spy being brought face to face with the Sergeant of the band, and convicted to be one of the great fort, was reserved until an other time: after that he had assured Gourgues that the bruit was that he had two thousand Frenchmen with him, for fear of whom the two hundred and threéscore Spaniards which remained in the great fort, were greatly astonished. Whereupon Gourgues being resolved to set upon them while they were thus amazed, and leaving his standerd-bearer and a Captain with fifteen shot to keep the fort and the entry of the river, he caused the savages to departed by night to lie in ambush within the woods on both sides of the river, than he departed in the morning, leading the Sergeant and the spy fast bound along with him to show him that in deed, which they had only made him understand before in painting. As they marched Olotocara a resolute savage which never left the Captain, said unto him, that he had served him faithfully and done whatsoever he had commanded him, that he was assured to die in the conflict at the great fort, wherein nevertheless he would not fail though it were to save his life: but he prayed him to give that unto his wife, if he escaped not, which he 
The cause why the Floridians bury their goods with them.  had meant to bestow on him, that she might bury the same with him, that thereby he might be better welcome unto the village of the souls or spirits departed. To whom Captain Gourgues answered, after he had commended his faithful valour, the love toward his wife, and his noble care of immortal honour, that he desired rather to honour him alive then dead, and that by God's help he would bring him home again with victory. After the discovery of the fort the Spaniards were no niggards of their Canon shot, nor of two double culverins, which being mounted upon a bulwark commanded all along the river, which made captain Gourgues to get to the hill covered with wood, at the foot whereof the Fort beginneth, and the forest or wood continueth and stretcheth forth beyond it: so that he had sufficient 
Note.  coverture to approach thereunto without offence. He purposed also to remain there until the morning wherein he was resolved to assault the Spaniards by scaling their walls on the side toward the hill where the Trench seemed not sufficiently flanked for the defence of the curtains, and from whence part of his men might draw them that were besieged, which should show themselves to defend the rampart while the rest were coming up. But the Governor hastened his unhappy destiny, causing threéscore shot to sally forth, which passing through the Trenches advanced forward to descry the number and valour of the French, whereof twenty under the conduct of Cazenoue, getting between the Fort and them which now were issued forth, cut of their repassage, while Gourgues commanded the rest to charge them in the front, but not to discharge but near at hand, and so that they might be sure to hit them, that afterward with more ease they might cut them in pieces with their swords. So that turning their backs assoon as they were charged, and compassed in by his Lieutenant, they remained all slain upon the 
The slaughter of the Spaniards of the third Fort.  place. Whereat the rest that were besieged were so astonished that they knew none other mean to save their lives, but by fleéing into the Woods adjoining, where nevertheless beéing encountered again by the Arrows of the Savages which lay in weight there for them (whereof one ran through the target and body of a spaniard, which therewithal fell down stark dead) some were constrained to turn back, choosing rather to die by the hand of the French, which pursued them: assuring themselves that none of them could find any favour neither with the one nor the other Nation, whom they had alike and so out of measure cruelly entreated, saving those which were reserved to be an example for the time to come. The fort when it was taken was found well provided of all necessaries: namely of five 
The taking of the third Fort.  double culverins, and four minions, with divers other small pieces of all sorts, and eighteen gross cakes of gunnepowder, all sorts of weapons, which Gourgues caused with speed to be embarked, saving the powder & other movables, by reason it was all consumed with fire through the negligence of a savage, which in seéthing of his fish, set fire on a train of powder which was made and hidden by the Spaniards to have feasted the French at the first assault, thus blowing up the store house and the other houses built of pine treés. The rest of the Spaniards being led away prisoners with the others, after that the General had showed them the wrong which they had done without occasion to all the French Nation, were all hanged on the boughs of the same treés whereon the French hung: of which number five were hanged by one spaniard, which perceiving himself in the like miserable estate confessed his fault, and the just judgement which God had brought upon him. But in steed of the writing which Pedro Melendes had hanged over them, emporting these words in Spanish, I do not this as unto French men, but as unto Lutherans, Gourgues caused to be imprinted with a searing 
The writings hanged over the French & Spaniards slain in Florida.  iron in a table of Firrewoode, I do not this as unto Spaniards, nor as unto Mariners, but as unto Traiters, Robbers, and Murderers. Afterward considering he had not men enough to keep his Forts which he had won, much less to store them, fearing also lest the spaniard which hath dominions near adjoining should renew his forces, or the Savages should prevail against the French men, unless his Majesty would send thither, he resolved to raze them. And in deed, after he had assembled, and in the end persuaded, all the savage kings so to do, they caused their subjects to run thither with such affection, that they overthrew all the three Forts flat even with the ground in one day. 
The three Forts razed.  This done by Gonrgues, that he might return to his ships which were left in the river of Seyne called Tacatacourou, fifteéne leagues distant from thence, he sent Cazenoue and the artillery by water, afterward with fourestore arquebusiers, armed with corselets, & matches light, followed with forty Mariners bearing pikes, by reason of the small confidence he was to have in so many savages, he marched by land always in battle ray, finding the 
Great honour done by the Savages to Gourgues.  ways covered with savages, which came to honour him with presents & praises, as the deliveret of all the countries round about adjoining. An old woman among the rest said unto him, that now she cared not any more to die, since she had seen the Frenchmen once again in Florida, & the Spaniards chased out. Briefly being arrived, and finding his ships set in order, and every thing ready to set sail, he counseled the kings to continue in the amity and ancient league, which they had made with the king of France, which would defend them against all Nations: which they all promised, shedding tears because of his departure, Olocotara especially: for appeasing of whom he promised them to return within twelve Moons (so they count the years) and that his king would send them an army, and store of knives for 
Knives in great estimation.  presents, and all other things necessary. So that after he had taken his leave of them, and assembled his men, he thanked God of all his success since his setting forth, and prayed to him for an happy return. The third of May 1568. all things were made 
The third of May.  ready, the rendezvous appointed, and the Ankers weighed to set sail, so prosperously, that in seventeen days they ran eleven▪ hundred leagues, continuing which course they arrived 
The arrival of Gourgues at Rochel, the sixth of june.  at Rochel the sixth of june, the four and thirtieth day after their departure from the river of May, having lost but a small Pinnace and eight men in it, with a few gentlemen and others which were slain in the assaulting of the Forts. After the cheer and good entertainment which he received of those of Rochel, he sailed to Bourdeaux to inform Monsieur Monluc of the things above mentioned, albeit he was advertised of eighteen pinnaces, and a great ship of two hundred Tons full of Spaniards, which being assured of the defeat in Florida, and that he was at Rochel, came as far as Che-de Bay, the same 
Che-de Bay.  day that he departed thence, and followed him as far as Blay (but he was gotten already to Bourdeaux) to make him yield another account of his voyage, then that where with he made many Frenchmen right glad. The Catholic king being afterward informed that Gourgues could not easily be taken, offered a great sum of money to him that could bring him his head, praying moreover king Charles to do justice on him as of the author of so bloody an art contrary to their alliance and good league of friendship. In so much as coming to Paris to present himself unto the king, to signify unto him the success of his voyage, and the means which he had to subdue this whole country unto his obedience, (wherein he offered to employ his life, and all his goods,) he found his entertainment and answer so contrary to his expectation, that in fine he was constrained to hide himself a long space in the Court of Rouen, about the year 1570. And without the assistance of Precedent Marigny, in whose house he remained certain days, and of the receiver of Vacquieulx, which always was his faithful friend, he had been in great danger. Which grieved not a little Dominicke de Gourgues, considering the services which he had done aswell unto him as to his predecessors kings of France. He 
The birth, life and death of Captain Gourgues.  was borne in Mount Marsan in Guyenne, and employed for the service of the most Christian kings in all the armies made since these twenty five or thirty years: at last he had the charge and honour of a Captain, which in a place near unto Siene, with thirty Soldiers sustained the brunt of a part of the Spanish Army, by which being taken in the assault, and having all his men cut in pieces, he was put into a galcy in token of the good war and singular favour which the spaniard is wont to show us. But as the galley was going toward Sicillie being taken by the Turks, led away to Rhodes, and thence to Constantinople, it was shortly afterward recovered by Romeguas, commander over the army of Malta. By this mean returning home, he made a voyage on the coast of Africa, whence he took his course to Bresil, and to the south Sea. At length being desirous to repair the honour of France he set upon Florida with such success as you have heard. So that being become by his continual warlike actions both by land and Sea, no less valiant Captain then skilful Mariner, he hath made himself feared of the Spaniard, and acceptable unto the Queen of England for the desert of his virtues. To conclude, he died in the year 1582. to the great grief of such as knew him.   
FINIS.  

A Table of the principal things that are contained in this history, after the order of the Alphabet. The letter B. always signifieth the second page.  

A  
Accusations against Laudonniere. 55. b  
Advantage wisely taken. 50  
Ael●us Pertinax descending from base parentage became Emperor of Rome. 9 b  
Aequara a king. ●6  
Agathocles a potter's son became king of Sicily. 10  
Albert left Captain of Charles-fort: Ribaults speech unto him. 10. b He is slain by his own soldiers: the causes why. 15. b  
Alcibiades banished by backbiters. 52. b  
An ally of fourehundred paces long. 48  
Allimacani a king. 30. b and 53. b  
America unknown to all antiquity. 1. the three general parts thereof. ibidem.  
Americus Vespucius of whom America took the name. ibidem.  
Anacharaqua a king. 26  
Ananas a fruit of Great excellency. 18. b  
Appalassy Mountains rich in mines of gold. 2. b. 40. b. and 54. b  
Assemblies of the Floridians. 3  
Astina a king rebelleth against Vtina. 43. b  
Athore the son of satouriova. 29. b  
A village of that name. 46  
Audusta a king. 11. b. his great humaitie. 39 b  
Aygles in Florida. 22   

B  
Backbiting dangerous. 52. b  
Bahama channel. 35. b  
Baracou a village in the Isle of jamaica. 35  
Base a river fifteen leagues Northward of port Royal. 11  
bay trees of sovereign odour. 22  
Beans very good. 3. b  
Bristol. 59 b  
Bullets of silver. 23  
Bur●all of kings with the manner and strange ceremonies thereof. 3. b  
Burial of Priests. ibidem.  
Burying of goods with the dead and the cause why the Floridians do so. 63   

C  
Cadecha a king. 26  
Caignaveral in 28. degrees. 39  
Calany a king. 26.  
Calos a village and a king. 38. his great riches, ibidem▪ the situation of that village. 39  
Cape Fransois. 4. b  
Cape ●userne and why so called. 7  
Cape Tiburon. 35  
Cape saint Anthony. 60  
Charles-Fort built in port Royal by R●bault. 10. b. set on fire by casualty. 14. re-edified in twelve hours. 14. b. abandoned. 16  
Caroline the French fort built by Laudonniere in form of a triangle in the river of May. 24. b. beaten down by the French. 49. repaired by the French. 56. b surprised and taken by the spaniardes. 57 b  
Cassau● a root whereof bread is made. 35  
Cassine a drink made of leaves: the excellency thereof: none may drink of it but such as have made proof of their valour in war. 3. b  
Casti a king killed two Frenchmen. 46. and 53. b  
Causes why the French lost Florida. 49. b and 59 b  
Cedars. 22  
Ceremonies used by the Floridians before they go to war. 28. b  
Ceremonies to call to mind the death of their ancestors slain by their enemies. 27. b  
Chamoys skins. 7. and 12  
Childy a king. 26. a place. 40  
Chiquola or Chicora a king of great stature. 8. b  
Chiquola a fair and rich City Northward of port Royal. 8. b  
Christopher Cholon or Columb. 1  
Complaints of the savages against the spamardes. 60. b  
Consultations of the Floridians. 3. & 28. b  
Consultation of the French where it were best to plant. 23  
Cordage for tackle found in Florida. 16  
Corn ripe in three months. 3. b  
corn equally divided according to each man's quality. 4  
Covexis a great king. 13  
Coya a village. 40  
Crystal, and the place where it groweth in great quantity. 15  
Crocodiles exceeding those of Nilus. 14. b  
Courtesy of the Floridians. 21  
Cypresses of great height 14. b   

D  
Desire of revenge rooted in the savages. 47  
Diligence of the Mariners to save the French that escaped out of the Fort. 58  
Diseases & the manner of curing thereof. 4  
Dominica an Island and the commendation thereof. 18. b  
Dominicke Gourgues and his commendation. 64  
Dressing of fish and flesh over the smoke called Boucaning. 4   

E  
Eclavou a king. 26  
Edeland a rich and goodly Island. 40. & 45. b  
Election of a new king. 44. b  
Emoloa a village. 49. Emoloa or Homoloa a king 53. b. & 55 b  
Enacappe a king. 26.  
Enecaque a village. 4●. b  
Enegaupe a village. 4●  
English men secure the French in extreme famine. 16. b  
Enemies taken in war how used by the Floridians. 26. b. & 44. b  
Epitaphs set up over the French and Spaniards hanged in Florida. 63. b  
Esquine a drug excellent against the French pocks. 22. and 45  
Execution of four mutinous souldters. 37   

F  
False reports of Loudonniere. 52. b  
Famine in great extrenutie. 16. and 42  
Fire very dangerous in Florida. 24. b  
Fight and the manner thereof among the Floridians. 48  
Fish parcks made of reeds in the form of a labarinth. 5  
Fish in great abundance. 6. b  
Fish to fifty cart load killed in the mouth of the river of May with extreme heat. 31  
Florida and the description thereof. 1. b the trees, beasts, fowl, gold, silver, dies, colours, and other commodities of Florida. 2. b their manners, wearing of their hair, exercises, running for games, shooting, playing at bal, hunting, fishing, form of war, triumphs, worship of sun and Moon. 2. b their treasons. 39 their deep dissembling. 44. b their subtleties. 47. their chiete fear. 48. b their league with the French. 61  
Fort beaten down by the Frenchmen themselves before their departure. 49  
Francis jean a Traitor to his own countrymen. 33. b and 57 b. and ●8.  
Frenchmen mistrusted that the English would plant in Florida. 50. b they hid the silver which they found in Florida from the English, lest the Queen of England should be encouraged to inhabit there after their departure. ●1   

G  
Gieure and his message to Laudonniere in the soldiers name. 32. b  
Gold and silver found in the river of May. 23. b  
Gold in the mountains of Apallassy, and the manner how the savages resine it. 40. b  
Gourgues his voyage. 60. his confederacy with the savages. 61. his taking of the two small spanish forts. 62. his taking of the third fort. 63. b his return to Rochel. 64. his death and commendation. 64. b  
Governor of jamaica taken by the French. 35. his escape. 36  
Groles or Cornish choughs great devourers of the corn in Florida. 22   

H  
Halmacanir a king. 60. b  
Harpaha a king. 60. b  
Havana a town in Cuba. 35. b  
Heed to be taken of the Floridians. 47  
Helicopile a king. 60 b  
Helmacape a king. 60. b  
Herinaphrodites common in Florida. 3 their travail and pains in carrying of burdens. ibidem. their 〈◊〉 of ●●●ture. 23. b  
Hiatiqui an interpreter. 40  
High buildings not good in Florida. 24. b  
Houstaqua a great king. 26. ●●le ●●●●ing three or four thousand to the 〈◊〉. 40  
Houstaqua or Hostaqua a village. ●●. b  
Hoya a king. 12   

I  
james Ribault. 58. his bad dealing with Laudonniere. 58. b  
jawa the Priest or Magician among the Floridians. 3. b. and 41. his counsel as●ed before they go to battle. ibid. his answers are found true. ibid.  
Indians two taken with consent of their king. 7. b. their doleful songs ●. they eat not before the sun let. ibidein. their escape 9  
Indians of Florida use to trim themselves with rich feathers. 12. b  
Instruments to till the ground like broad mattocks. 3. b  
Invocations of the jawas or Priests unto Toya. 13  
john Hawkins the English Generalis arrival in Florida. 50. his great humanity and liberality to the starved Frenchmen. 51. his departure. 51. b  
john Ribaults first voyage to florida. 4. b his pithy oration to his company. 9 his building of a fort in port Royal. 10. b. his return and arrival in France. 11. b. his second voyage to Florida. 52. how he was received by Laudonniere. 53. an advertisement unto him to beware of the spaniardes. 56. his embarkement to follow the spaniardes. 56. his shipwreck and death. 59 b  
Iracana a River called by the French the River of some. 49  
Isle of Cedars. 7. b   

K  
Kings of Florida at hatred one with another. 45  
The king of Edelano caused Peter Gamby to be murdered for his riches. 40. b   

L  
La Cheer a French soldier eaten of his companions for hunger. 16 b  
A Lake discovered in Florida from the one side whereof the land cannot be seen to the other. 40  
A Lake three leagues distant from the village of Potanou. 41  
Letters of Admiral Chastillon to john Ribault. 56  
Letters of Admiral Chastillon to Laudonniere. 53. b  
Laudonniere was in the first voyage of Ribault unto Florida. 4 b. he putteth down in writing the words and phrases of the Floridians speech. 8.  
Laudonnieres second voyage to Florida. 18. his arrival there. 19 conspiracy against him in his sickness. 32. his danger of being empoisoned. 32. b. his fifteen days unprisonment by his own company. 34. b. his oration to his mutinous sovidiers. 36. his intention to remove his seat more Northward to be nearer the rich mountains of Apalassy. 40 b. he is hardly used by john Ribault. 56. b. he had but ●5. men left in his fort when the spaniardes surprised it. 57 his escape out of their hands. 57 b his arrival in swansey Bay in Glamorganshiere in south Wales. 59 his courteous entertainment by one M. Morgan. ibidem. his passing by Bristol to London. 59 b. his visiting of Monsieur de Foix the French Ambassador there, his passing over into France to the Court at Moulins. ibidem.  
Liberality and courtesy are the best means to deal with savages. 49  
Lightinng exceeding strange. 30. it is thought by the savages to be the discharging of the Christians ordinance. 30. b  
Love and courtesy of the Floridians. 20   

M  
Maccou a king. 13. b  
Malica a king 27. b. and 53. b  
Malgualire a kind of vessel that can sail forward and backward. 3●. b  
Marriages & the slate thereof in Florida. 3  
Maracou a southern king. 37. b  
Martinica an Island. 18. b  
Martyrs certain dangerous flats near the Cape of Florida. 38  
Mathiaca a king. 37. b. a village of the same name. 40  
Mats very artificial. 49  
Mayarqua a place fourscore leagues up the river of May. 3  
Mayou a king. 12  
Mayrta a rich king. 25. b  
Meddlers excellent good. 2  
Mollova a king. 25. b  
Molona a king. 26. b  
Months reckoned by Moons in Florida. 51. b. and 64  
Moquoso a king. 26  
Moss used by the french to calk ships. 16  
Moss used in s●eede of napkins. 27. b. and in steed of apparel. 61  
Mulbury trees. 2  
Mulburies' white and red. 5  
Mutiny against Captain Albert, and the causes thereof. 15   

N  
New Conquests subject to rebellion and mutinies. 37  
New Corn ripe by the end of may in Florida. 45. b  
Nicolas Bar chosen in Captain Albert's room. his good government. 15. b   

O  
Oathcaqua a king. 38. b  
Olata O●ae Vtina a great king. 25. b. forty other Kings his vassals. 26  
Olocotara a King. 62. his valour. ibidem.  
Omittaqua a King. 26  
Omoloa a King. 29  
Onathaqua a King. 37. b  
Onatheaqua a great King and his rich dwelling. 26  
Ottigni Laudonnieres Lieutenant. 21. commendation of his valour. 48  
Ouade a King. 13. his rich tapestry made of feathers, and coverlets finely wrote with red fringe. 13. b. his great liberality. ibidem.  
Oil, and the use thereof in Florida. 4   

P  
Palms. 22. their leaves serve to thatch houses in Florida. 24  
Paracoussy signifieth a King and Governor. 20  
Partridges grey and red. 6  
Passage by the River of port Royal into the south sea. 6. b  
Patica a King. 36. a village also of that name. 40. and 46. b  
Painting of faces with black and red. 26  
Pedro Melendes Captain of the spaniards in Florida. 57 b  
Pearls 7. pearls exceeding fair. 15. pearls burnt. 39 b  
Physicians and chirurgeons in Florida. 3 they are called jawas. 12 b  
Pigeons in strange flocks in Florida. 39 b  
Pillar with the Arms of France thereon set up. 4. b. and 7. b. it was worshipped by the savages. 20. b  
Pinocks a certain kind of fruit as big as cherries. 43. b. and 45. b  
Planting in strange countries, and the benesite thereof. 9  
Planters in strange countries, and their principal scope. 49. b  
Plates of gold and silver. 26. and 38  
Plumes of Egrepthes feathers died in red. 5  
Pompions very fair. 3. b and 29. b  
Potanou a great King and his dwelling. 26. he is enemy to Vtina. 31 he was accompanied to the war with two thousand Indians. 41. b  
Prayer and thanks given to God by the French for their safe arrival in Florida. 4. b. and 24  
Provision of corn for six months only among the floridians. 4   

Q  
Queen Nia-cubacani a woman of singular beauty. 39 b she is wonderfully honoured of her subjects. ibidem. she sendeth presents to Laudonniere. 46   

R  
Rivers of May, seine, somme, Loire, Charente, Garonue, Gironde, bell, Grande, bell a veoir, port Royal, Liborne. 6  
Roots of great price to make bread of. 38. b  
Roquettes conspiracy. 31. b  
Rosen to bray ships. 16. and 42. b  
Rusten Bassa of an herdsman's son became the great Turk's son in law. 10   

S  
Saint George's channel. 5●  
Sal●nacani called by the French the River of some. 61  
Salutations of Kings. 3  
Saravahi a village. 33. and 48. b. a King 54. b  
Sarrope a rich Island. 30. b  
Satouriova Monarch of the confines of the River of May, having thirty Kings under him. 26. followed with 500 Indians. 28. b. his subtlety. 45  
Savage Isle. 18  
Savages in Florida two hundred and fifty years old. 22. their vile nature. 43 their cruel answers. ibidem.  
Sedition against Laudonaiere the third time. 3. b  
Seloy a River called by the French the River of Dolphins. 20. and 55. and a village of that name. 55. b  
Sheep & Poultry carried into florida. 50  
Serranay a King. 30  
Siertoa phira red metal or gold. 54. b  
Simples of rare virtue. 6. b  
Skirmish between the French and the savages. 48  
Sowing of Corn twice in six months. 3. b  
Spaniards brought to Laudonniere by ●e savages. 38  
Spaniards in their Conquests enter into alliance with one King to ruin another 41 they undermine the French. 55. they are descried. 17. they surprise the French fort. 57 b spamards slain. 63  
Spanish subtlety. 62. b  
Stalame a King 12. his country distant fifteen leagues from Charles-fort. ibid.  
Supply not sent in due tune unto florida by reason of the civil wars of france. 18 and 42. and 42. b  
Swansey Bay in South-Wales. 59  
Silk worms in exceeding great number. 5. b  
Silver found in florida. 50. b. silver chains. 32. b and 61   

T  
Tacatacourou a River. 60. a king of that name. 60. b  
Tapestry made of feathers of diverse colours. 13. b  
Tapestry made of small reeds. 27. b  
Tempest and mighty flaws of wind in september on the coast of florida. 56  
Teneriffe an Island. 18  
Thimogova signifieth an enemy, and not a place or country. 22. b  
Touppa a king. 12  
Toya a spirit worshipped of the Floridians 8. b. a large description thereof. 12  
Trenchant an honest and skilful Pilot. ●4 b.  
Triumphs and the manner thereof among the floridiane. 29  
Turkicocks in abundance. 6   

V  
Vale of Laudonniere. 23. b  
Villages enclosed with trees. 31. b  
Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the help of the french. 31. b. he sendeth silver and gold and painted skins to the french. ibidem. he sendeth to Laudonniere again for help. 40. b. he is taken prisoner. 44  
Urine drunk for want of freshwater. ●6   

W  
Warlike marching and the order thereof. 3. and 31  
Warlike provision. 3  
War and the certain sign thereof. 47 b  
Wedgeof silver presented to the french. 20. b  
Winter and how the savages pass the same in cottage● in the woods for three or four months. 4. their living of acorns and roots in the winter. 13. & 42  
Women of florida are painful. 3. excellent in swimming and climbing. 4  
Winning of Virgins & young women in florida is ●●●●ted the greatest victory. 39   
FINIS.